mvp-comment-101-1
ἔτι μέγας οὐρανῷ
1
ἐν
2
mvp-comment-102-1
τὸν ὑπεραλγῆ
3
mvp-comment-102-2
νέμουσα
4
mvp-comment-103-1
μήτε ὑπεράχθεο
5
οἷς
6
mvp-comment-104-1
εὐμαρὴς θεός
7
θεός
8
mvp-comment-105-1
οὔτε γὰρ
9
mvp-comment-105-2
Κρῖσαν
10
mvp-comment-105-3
Crisa stood about two miles W.S.W. of Delphi, on a spur of Parnassus, at the lower outlet of the gorge through which the river Pleistus issues into the plain. The
Iliad mentions ‘sacred Crisa’ (
ζαθέην
, 2. 520). But the Homeric Hymn to the Pythian Apollo is the best witness to its ancient power. There, just as here, the name
Κρῖσα
includes the land which stretches southward from the town to its harbour on the ‘wide gulf’ (vv. 253— 261). We need not, then, read
Κρίσᾳ
or
Κρίσας
. Crisa was the earliest seat of trade on the western sea; Delphi, when first founded, was merely a sanctuary in its territory. Pindar recalls the old prominence of its name when he describes a Pythian victory as won
Κρισαίαις ἐνὶ πτυχαῖς
(
P. 6. 18).
mvp-comment-105-4
Cirrha, a town of much later date, was the port of Crisa on the gulf. About 585 B.C., the Delphians, aided by Cleisthenes of Sicyon and his allies, succeeded, after a long struggle, in humbling Crisa and destroying Cirrha. The Crisaean plain was then devoted to Apollo, whose domain was thus extended from his temple to the coast. When Sophocles wrote, that ground was still a
βούνομος ἀκτή
, inviolable by plough or spade. It was not till the middle of the next century that the alleged encroachments of Amphissa on the
ἱερὰ χώρα
gave a pretext for war to the Amphictyons (355 B.C.).
mvp-comment-105-5
Ulrichs (
Reisen in Griechenland) was the first to place the relations of Crisa and Cirrha in a clear light. Strabo correctly describes the site of Cirrha, but erroneously places Crisa to the east of it (9. p. 418).
mvp-comment-106-1
βούνομον
11
βουνόμον
12
mvp-comment-106-2
βούνομον ἀκτὰν
13
Κρῖσαν
14
mvp-comment-107-1
ἀπερίτροπος
15
mvp-comment-108-1
παρὰ τὸν Ἀχέροντα
16
ἀνάσσων
17
θεὸς
18
mvp-comment-109-1
μὲν
19
mvp-comment-109-2
ὁ πολὺς … βίοτος
20
mvp-comment-109-3
ἀνέλπιστος
21
mvp-comment-109-4
187 *
τεκέων
. I am now satisfied that this is a true correction of
τοκέων
22
ἅτις
23
τοκέων
24
mvp-comment-110-1
ἁπερεί
25
mvp-comment-110-2
ἔποικος
26
mvp-comment-111-1
οἰκονομῶ θαλάμους
27
mvp-comment-112-1
ἀεικεῖ σὺν στολᾷ
28
mvp-comment-113-1
κεναῖς δ’ ἀμφίσταμαι τραπέζαις
29
ἀμφίσταμαι
30
mvp-comment-113-2
Hartung, reading
κενὰ δ’ ἀμφίσταμαι τραπέζαις
, takes the sense to be that she stands ‘hungry’ by the tables at which the others feast. But
κενή
as=
νῆστις
would be neither usual nor elegant.
mvp-comment-114-1
Hitherto the Chorus have offered consolation or counsel. At v. 213 they return to that strain. But here, moved by Electra's misery, they join with her in bewailing its cause.
mvp-comment-114-2
οἰκτρὰ μὲν … πλαγά
31
κοίταις
32
οἰκτρὰ … αὐδὰ
33
mvp-comment-114-3
Sophocles, who follows the Homeric story as to the banquet, could not but remember the
οἰκτροτάτην ὄπα
of the dying Cassandra. And this might naturally suggest to him that other
οἰκτρὰ αὐδή
which she had uttered at an earlier moment, immediately after Agamemnon's return,—her presage of his fate, and her own:
Aesch.
Ag. 1072
—1314.
mvp-comment-114-4
The sense then is:—‘There was a voice of lamentation at the return from Troy’; alluding especially to Cassandra's laments, but also, perhaps, to forebodings in the mouth of the people at Mycenae. ‘And there was a voice of lamentation
ἐν κοίταις πατρῴαις
, when thy father lay on the couch at the fatal banquet.’ The ‘voice’ at the banquet is, first, that of the dying Agamemnon; but Sophocles may have thought also of Cassandra's death-cry, which was sounding in the king's ears as he fell.—For other interpretations, see Appendix.
mvp-comment-114-5
νόστοις
34
ἐν
35
mvp-comment-114-6
κοίταις
36
mvp-comment-114-7
ὅτε οἱ
37
σοι
38
ἀνταία
39
mvp-comment-114-8
γενύων
40
mvp-comment-115-1
δόλος … ἔρος
41
mvp-comment-116-1
δεινὰν δεινῶς
42
δεινὰν … μορφάν
43
mvp-comment-116-2
εἴτ’ οὖν … εἴτε
44
βροτῶν
45
mvp-comment-117-1
πλέον … ἐχθίστα
46
mvp-comment-117-2
δὴ
47
mvp-comment-118-1
νὺξ
48
mvp-comment-118-2
δείπνων
49
mvp-comment-119-1
ἄχθη
50
τοῖς
51
θανάτους
52
mvp-comment-119-2
διδύμαιν χειροῖν
53
διδύμοιν
54
mvp-comment-120-1
εἷλον … πρόδοτον
55
mvp-comment-121-1
οἷς
56
mvp-comment-121-2
Ὀλύμπιος
57
mvp-comment-122-1
ποίνιμα
58
mvp-comment-123-1
ἀγλαΐας
59
mvp-comment-123-2
ἀποναίατο
60
mvp-comment-124-1
πόρσω
61
mvp-comment-125-1
γνώμαν ἴσχεις
62
mvp-comment-125-2
ἐξ οἵων
63
mvp-comment-125-3
τὰ παρόντ’
64
mvp-comment-125-4
οἰκείας
65
mvp-comment-126-1
πολύ … τι κακῶν
66
mvp-comment-126-2
ὑπερεκτήσω
67
mvp-comment-127-1
τὰ δὲ
68
οὐκ ἐριστὰ τοῖς δυνατοῖς
69
πλάθειν
70
mvp-comment-127-2
ἐριστά
71
mvp-comment-127-3
πλάθειν
72
mvp-comment-128-1
δεινοῖς ἠναγκάσθην
73
mvp-comment-129-1
ὀργά
74
ἔξοιδ’
75
mvp-comment-130-1
ἀλλὰ … γὰρ
76
mvp-comment-130-2
ἐν … δεινοῖς
77
mvp-comment-130-3
σχήσω
78
mvp-comment-130-4
ταύτας ἄτας
79
mvp-comment-131-1
ὄφρα
80
mvp-comment-131-2
βίος ἔχῃ με
81
σχήσω
82
mvp-comment-132-1
τίνι γάρ … τίνι φρονοῦντι καίρια
83
ἀκούσαιμ’ ἂν πρόσφορον ἔπος
84
τίνι
85
πρόσφορον
86
mvp-comment-132-2
Other explanations are:—(1) Taking the dative with
πρόσφορον
:—‘To what person who feels aright would that word be suitable which I should hear (=which would be said of me)?’ That is: Should I not deserve to incur a censure from which every right-minded person would shrink? Should I not deserve to be called
δυσσεβής
? This seems forced; and it does not well suit
ἔπος
. (2) Taking the dative with
ἀκούσαιμι
:—‘At whose mouth (=
from whom), that thinks aright, could I hear a suitable word of comfort?’ But such a dative seems impossible. In
Il. 16. 515
δύνασαι δὲ σὺ πάντοσ’ ἀκούειν
|
ἀνέρι κηδομένῳ
, the dat. is one of interest, denoting the person whose prayer is heard (‘
for him’); cp.
Il. 5. 115
κλῦθί μοι
: 24. 335
ἔκλυες ᾧ κ’ ἐθέλῃσθα
.
mvp-comment-133-1
ἄνετε
87
mvp-comment-133-2
ἄλυτα
88
mvp-comment-133-3
κεκλήσεται
89
mvp-comment-133-4
231 f. For
ἐκ
90
mvp-comment-133-5
ἀνάριθμος
91
θρήνων
92
mvp-comment-134-1
ἀλλ’ οὖν
93
γε
94
εὐνοίᾳ
95
mvp-comment-135-1
μάτηρ ὡσεί τις
96
mvp-comment-136-1
μὴ τίκτειν
97
mvp-comment-136-2
ἄταν ἄταις
98
mvp-comment-137-1
καὶ τί μέτρον
99
κακότατος
100
mvp-comment-137-2
φέρε
101
mvp-comment-137-3
ἐπὶ τοῖς φθ.
102
mvp-comment-138-1
ἔβλαστ’
103
mvp-comment-139-1
τούτοις
104
mvp-comment-140-1
εἴ τῳ πρόσκειμαι χρηστῷ
105
mvp-comment-141-1
ξυνναίοιμ’
106
mvp-comment-141-2
εὔκηλος
107
mvp-comment-141-3
γονέων
108
ἐκτίμους
109
mvp-comment-141-4
ἐκτίμους ἵσχουσα
110
mvp-comment-141-5
πτέρυγας … γόων
111
mvp-comment-141-6
ὀξυτόνων
112
mvp-comment-142-1
εἰ γὰρ
113
mvp-comment-142-2
γᾶ
114
mvp-comment-142-3
οὐδὲν
115
ὢν
116
εἰ
117
mvp-comment-142-4
Electra is contrasting her father, whose earthly life has been cut short, with his murderers, who survive. But she believes that his spirit lives in the world below, and will be active in aiding the vengeance (453 ff.).
mvp-comment-142-5
πάλιν
118
mvp-comment-142-6
ἀντιφόνους δίκας
119
mvp-comment-143-1
ἔρροι τ’
120
mvp-comment-143-2
αἰδὼς
121
εὐσέβεια
122
mvp-comment-144-1
ἐγὼ μὲν
123
mvp-comment-144-2
καὶ
124
τὸ σὸν … καὶ τοὐμὸν
125
mvp-comment-145-1
νίκα
126
mvp-comment-145-2
ἅμα
127
mvp-comment-146-1
πολλοῖσι θρήνοις
128
mvp-comment-147-1
ἀλλὰ … γὰρ
129
mvp-comment-148-1
ἥτις εὐγενὴς γυνή
130
mvp-comment-149-1
πατρῷα … πήματα
131
mvp-comment-150-1
κατ’ εὐφρόνην
132
mvp-comment-150-2
θάλλοντα
133
mvp-comment-151-1
ᾗ
134
mvp-comment-151-2
πρῶτα μὲν … εἶτα … ἔπειτα
135
ᾗ
136
mvp-comment-151-3
τὰ μητρὸς
137
mvp-comment-151-4
ἔχθιστα συμβέβηκεν
138
mvp-comment-152-1
κἀκ τῶνδ’ ἄρχομαι
139
mvp-comment-153-1
λαβεῖν … τὸ τητᾶσθαι
140
mvp-comment-154-1
ποίας
141
δοκεῖς
142
mvp-comment-155-1
ἴδω
143
εἰσίδω δ’
144
ἴδω δὲ
145
mvp-comment-155-2
μὲν
146
mvp-comment-156-1
ἐσθήματα
147
mvp-comment-156-2
ἐκείνῳ
148
mvp-comment-156-3
παρεστίους … λοιβάς
149
ἔνθ’ ἐκεῖνον ὤλεσεν
150
mvp-comment-156-4
Acc. to
Homer. Hymn. 29. 4 ff., feasts began and ended with libations to Hestia:
οὐ γὰρ ἄτερ σοῦ
|
εἰλαπίναι θνητοῖσιν, ἵν’ οὐ πρώτῃ πυμάτῃ τε
|
Ἱστίῃ ἀρχόμενος σπένδει μελιηδέα οἶνον
. Soph. fr. 658
<*> πρῷρα λοιβῆς Ἑστία
. Other divinities, including Zeus
σωτήρ
, were similarly honoured; then the paean was sung, and the
πότος
began ( Plat.
Symp.p. 176 A).
mvp-comment-157-1
τούτων
151
mvp-comment-158-1
αὐτοέντην
152
mvp-comment-158-2
Brunck first adopted
αὐτοέντην
153
αὐτοφόντην
154
mvp-comment-158-3
ἡμὶν
155
mvp-comment-159-1
ταλαίνῃ
156
mvp-comment-160-1
ταύτην … τῷδε
157
mvp-comment-161-1
μιάστορι
158
Ἐρινὺν
159
mvp-comment-162-1
ἐγγελῶσα τοῖς ποιουμένοις
160
mvp-comment-163-1
εὑροῦς’
161
τότε
162
mvp-comment-163-2
The conjecture
φρουροῦς’
163
τηροῦς’
164
mvp-comment-164-1
χοροὺς ἵστησι
165
mvp-comment-164-2
μηλοσφαγεῖ … ἱερὰ
166
mvp-comment-164-3
ἔμμην’ ἱερά
167
mvp-comment-164-4
τοῖς σωτηρίοις
168
mvp-comment-164-5
Argive tradition placed Agamemnon's death on the 13th of Gamelion (about the end of January). So said ‘the Argive historians’ (
οἱ Ἀργολικοὶ συγγραφεῖς
),— according to an Argive writer named Deinias, who lived about 225 B.C. (Schol. here: Müller,
Frag. Hist. vol. III. p. 25.) Possibly, then, the idea of Clytaemnestra's hideous festival may have been suggested to the poet by some actual commemoration of the event in Argolis. There was a cult of Agamemnon in various places,—notably in Laconia. (Cp. Roscher's
Lexicon, p. 96.)
mvp-comment-165-1
ἡ δύσμορος
169
κατὰ στέγας
170
mvp-comment-166-1
τέτηκα
171
mvp-comment-166-2
πατρὸς
172
mvp-comment-166-3
The
δαίς
is the feast which, in Homeric fashion (
Il. 1. 467
), would follow the sacrifice (281). Acc. to Eustathius p. 1507. 61 (on
Hom.
Od. 4. 524
ff.),
Ἀγαμεμνόνειος δαὶς
(or
τράπεζα
) was a proverb
ἐπὶ τῶν ἐπ’ ὀλέθρῳ εὐωχουμένων
. The poet may mean that Clytaemnestra called the festival
Ἀγαμεμνόνειος δαίς
, in direct allusion to
δεῖπνα ἄρρητα
(203): and this would give a special point to
ἐγγελῶσα
(277). Cp.
Eur.
Or. 1008
τά τ’ ἐπώνυμα δεῖπνα Θυέστου
. But the words do not necessarily imply more than that she called it
Ἀγαμεμνόνεια
.
mvp-comment-167-1
αὐτὴ πρὸς αὑτήν
173
αὑτήν
174
mvp-comment-167-2
κλαῦσαι
175
mvp-comment-167-3
ἡδονὴν φέρει
176
mvp-comment-168-1
ἡ λόγοισι γενναία
177
mvp-comment-169-1
φωνοῦσα
178
mvp-comment-170-1
δύσθεον
179
mvp-comment-170-2
μίσημα
180
mvp-comment-170-3
σοὶ μόνῃ
181
mvp-comment-170-4
τέθνηκεν
182
mvp-comment-170-5
ἐν πένθει
183
mvp-comment-171-1
ἐκ γόων
184
mvp-comment-171-2
οἱ κάτω θεοί
185
mvp-comment-172-1
τάδ’
186
mvp-comment-172-2
ἥξοντ’ Ὀρέστην
187
mvp-comment-173-1
παραστᾶς’
188
mvp-comment-174-1
ἥτις
189
mvp-comment-174-2
ὑπεξέθου
190
mvp-comment-175-1
ἀλλ’ ἴσθι τοι τείσουσά γ’
191
mvp-comment-176-1
ὑλακτεῖ
192
mvp-comment-176-2
σὺν
193
mvp-comment-176-3
πέλας
194
παρών
195
mvp-comment-176-4
301 The adv.
πάντα
196
mvp-comment-176-5
ἄναλκις
197
mvp-comment-176-6
ἡ πᾶσα βλάβη
198
mvp-comment-177-1
σὺν γυναιξὶ
199
mvp-comment-177-2
τὰς μάχας
200
mvp-comment-178-1
ἐφήξειν
201
mvp-comment-179-1
μέλλων … δρᾶν τι
202
mvp-comment-179-2
τὰς οὔσας τε … καὶ τὰς ἀπούσας
203
mvp-comment-179-3
μου
204
μοι
205
mvp-comment-179-4
διέφθορεν
206
mvp-comment-180-1
σωφρονεῖν
207
εὐσεβεῖν
208
mvp-comment-180-2
ἔν τοι κακοῖς
209
mvp-comment-180-3
πολλή )στ’ ἀνάγκη
210
κἀπιτηδεύειν κακά
211
mvp-comment-180-4
I place only a comma, not a colon, after
πάρεστιν
212
mvp-comment-181-1
ὄντος … βεβῶτος
213
mvp-comment-182-1
ἦ κάρτα
214
mvp-comment-182-2
θυραῖον
215
mvp-comment-182-3
οἰχνεῖν
216
mvp-comment-182-4
ἀγροῖσι
217
mvp-comment-182-5
τυγχάνει
218
mvp-comment-183-1
ἦ κἂν … ἱκοίμην
219
ἦ τ<*>ν
220
ἦ δἂν
221
mvp-comment-183-2
ἐς λόγους τοὺς σοὺς ἱκοίμην
222
mvp-comment-184-1
ὡς νῦν
223
ὥς νυν
224
mvp-comment-184-2
ἱστόρει· τί σοι φίλον
225
τό
226
τά
227
mvp-comment-184-3
With the other punctuation,
ἱστόρει τί σοι φίλον
228
mvp-comment-185-1
καὶ δὴ
229
mvp-comment-185-2
τοῦ κασιγνήτου τί φής
230
mvp-comment-185-3
ἥξοντος
231
ἢ μέλλοντος
232
mvp-comment-186-1
φησίν γε
233
mvp-comment-186-2
ποεῖ
234
mvp-comment-187-1
καὶ μὴν ἔγωγ’
235
γε
236
mvp-comment-187-2
οὐκ ὄκνῳ
237
mvp-comment-188-1
ἀρκεῖν
238
mvp-comment-189-1
ἐπεί
239
mvp-comment-189-2
μακρὰν
240
mvp-comment-189-3
324 Here, as in 316,
νῦν
241
νυν
242
mvp-comment-189-4
δόμων
243
φέρουσαν
244
mvp-comment-190-1
ὅμαιμον
245
mvp-comment-190-2
φύσιν
246
mvp-comment-191-1
Χρυσόθεμιν
247
mvp-comment-192-1
οἷα
248
νομίζεται
249
mvp-comment-193-1
πρὸς θυρῶνος ἐξόδοις
250
φωνεῖς
251
ἐλθοῦσα
252
αὖ
253
mvp-comment-193-2
330 For the absence of caesura, cp.
Ph. 101
n.
mvp-comment-194-1
θυμῷ … χαρίζεσθαι
254
mvp-comment-195-1
καίτοι τοσοῦτόν γ’ οἶδα
255
mvp-comment-195-2
κἀμαυτήν, ὅτι
256
mvp-comment-195-3
333 f. For the repeated
ἄν
257
mvp-comment-195-4
οἶ) αὐτοῖς φρονῶ
258
mvp-comment-196-1
ὑφειμένῃ
259
πλεῖν
260
mvp-comment-196-2
For the image, cp.
Eur.
Med. 524
ἄκροισι λαίφους κρασπέδοις
(with close-reefed sails)
ὑπεκφυγεῖν
|
τὴν σὴν στόμαργον, ὦ γύναι, γλωσσαλγίαν
:
Ar.
Ran. 997
ἀλλ’ ὅπως, ὦ γεννάδα
, |
μὴ πρὸς ὀργὴν ἀντιλέξεις
, |
ἀλλὰ συστείλας, ἄκροισι
|
χρώμενος τοῖς ἱστίοις κ.τ.λ.
: and conversely
Soph.
Ant. 715
ναὸς ὅστις ἐγκρατῆ πόδα
|
τείνας ὑπείκει μηδέν
.
Ovid
Epist. 1. 8. 71
moderatius opta, | Et voti, quaeso, contrahe vela tui.
Shakesp.
Henry VI., pt. iii, act 3 sc. 3. 5
‘Now Margaret | Must strike her sail, and learn awhile to serve | Where kings command.’
mvp-comment-197-1
καὶ μὴ δοκεῖν
261
mvp-comment-198-1
τοιαῦτα δ’ ἄλλα
262
ἀλλὰ
263
ἄλλα
264
mvp-comment-199-1
καίτοι τὸ μὲν δίκαιον
265
mvp-comment-199-2
κρίνεις
266
mvp-comment-199-3
εἰ … με δεῖ
267
mvp-comment-199-4
ἐλευθέραν
268
mvp-comment-199-5
ζῆν
269
mvp-comment-199-6
πάντ’
270
mvp-comment-199-7
ἀκουστέα
271
mvp-comment-200-1
δεινόν γε
272
mvp-comment-201-1
τῆς … τικτούσης
273
mvp-comment-201-2
μέλειν
274
mvp-comment-202-1
τἀμὰ νουθετήματα
275
mvp-comment-202-2
κείνης διδακτά
276
mvp-comment-202-3
ἐκ σαυτῆς
277
mvp-comment-203-1
The text, which has been suspected (cr. n.), is sound; but the train of thought is somewhat obscured by compression.
mvp-comment-203-2
‘You forget your father, and care only for your mother. All your counsels to me come from her. Then (
ἔπειτα
),—that being so,—give up the attempt at a compromise. Make a
choice (
ἑλοῦ γε
). You can be imprudent (
φρονεῖν κακῶς
),—as you say that I am,—and loyal to your dead father. Or you can be prudent (
φρονοῦσα
), and forgetful of him,—as you actually are; you who (
ἥτις
) say, indeed, that you would show your hatred of the murderers if you could; and yet, when I
do resist them, you try to turn me from my purpose. You merely add the shame of cowardice to our woes.’
mvp-comment-203-3
ἔπειθ’
278
mvp-comment-203-4
ἑλοῦ γε
279
mvp-comment-203-5
φρονεῖν κακῶς
280
mvp-comment-203-6
Other explanations are:—(1) ‘Choose to be thought either
lost to right feeling, or, if you have such feeling, then at least
forgetful of your duty.’ (2) ‘Choose to seem either
unintelligent (if you are merely the blind instrument of our rulers); or, if you act with clear understanding (
φρονοῦσα
),—thinking to benefit me,—at least forgetful of your father.’ Both these views assume that the question is merely between two interpretations which might be placed on the present conduct of Chrysothemis. But Electra is putting the dilemma between imprudent loyalty and prudent disloyalty.
mvp-comment-204-1
τῶν φίλων
281
mvp-comment-205-1
ἥτις
282
φρονοῦσα
283
μῖσος
284
mvp-comment-206-1
πάντα
285
mvp-comment-206-2
τιμωρουμένης
286
mvp-comment-207-1
οὔτε … τε
287
mvp-comment-207-2
τήν τε δρῶσαν
288
mvp-comment-208-1
πρὸς κακοῖσι
289
mvp-comment-208-2
δειλίαν ἔχει
290
mvp-comment-209-1
ἐπεὶ
291
mvp-comment-209-2
ἢ μάθ’ ἐξ ἐμοῦ
292
mvp-comment-210-1
ἐπαρκούντως
293
mvp-comment-211-1
προσάπτειν
294
mvp-comment-211-2
εἴ τις ἔστ’ ἐκεῖ χάρις
295
mvp-comment-212-1
ἡμὶν
296
ξύνει
297
mvp-comment-213-1
τὰ σὰ … δῶῤ
298
mvp-comment-213-2
ἐφ’ οἶσι
299
mvp-comment-213-3
χλιδᾷς
300
mvp-comment-214-1
ὑπεικάθοιμι
301
mvp-comment-214-2
πλουσία
302
mvp-comment-214-3
περιρρείτω
303
mvp-comment-215-1
τοὐμὲ μὴ λυπεῖν
304
mvp-comment-215-2
Remark the resemblance to the passage where Antigone—summing up her position—compares the
moral pain of neglecting her duty with those penalties which she contemns:—
κείνοις ἂν ἤλγουν· τοῖσδε δ’ οὐκ ἀλγύνομαι
(
Ant. 468
). There, too, we have a Sophoclean triad of clauses, the third echoing the first,—as
τῆς σῆς δ’ οὐκ ἐρῶ τιμῆς τυχεῖν
here reiterates the sense of
σοὶ δὲ πλουσία... βίος
(n. on
Ant. 465
ff.).
mvp-comment-215-3
One of the scholia recognises the traditional reading, and explains it correctly: —
τοῦτο μόνον ἐμὲ βοσκέτω, τὸ μὴ λυπεῖν ἐμὲ αὐτήν, εἰ
(‘as I should do, if’)
τοῖς φονεῦσι τοῦ πατρὸς πείθεσθαι ἀναγκασθήσομαι
.—The conjectures have been numerous: see Appendix.
mvp-comment-216-1
οὐδ’ ἂν σὺ
305
mvp-comment-217-1
παῖδα
306
mvp-comment-217-2
κεκλῆσθαι
307
mvp-comment-218-1
πλείστοις
308
mvp-comment-219-1
μηδὲν
309
πρὸς ὀργὴν
310
mvp-comment-220-1
ἀμφοῖν
311
τοῖς λόγοις
312
mvp-comment-221-1
τῆσδε … αὕτη
313
πάλιν
314
mvp-comment-222-1
ἐγὼ μὲν
315
mvp-comment-222-2
πως
316
mvp-comment-222-3
μύθων
317
mvp-comment-223-1
οὐδ’
318
κοὐδ’
319
ποτέ
320
mvp-comment-224-1
ἰὸν
321
mvp-comment-224-2
σχήσει
322
mvp-comment-225-1
τὸ δεινὸν
323
mvp-comment-225-2
εἰ γὰρ τῶνδέ μοι
324
εἰ
325
mvp-comment-226-1
γὰρ
326
mvp-comment-226-2
γόων
327
λόγων
328
mvp-comment-227-1
ἐνταῦθα
329
mvp-comment-227-2
ἔνθα μή ποτε … προσόψει
330
mvp-comment-227-3
ζῶσα
331
mvp-comment-227-4
κατηρεφεῖ
332
mvp-comment-227-5
χθονὸς τῆσδ’ ἐκτὸς
333
mvp-comment-227-6
ὑμνήσεις
334
mvp-comment-228-1
πρὸς ταῦτα
335
mvp-comment-228-2
Nauck reads
κοὔ
336
καί
337
mvp-comment-228-3
ἐν καλῷ, εὔκαιρον
schol.:
H. 4. 3. 5
νομίσαντες οὐκ ἐν καλῷ εἶναι πρὸς τοὺς ὁπλίτας ἱππομαχεῖν
: so, too,
Eur.
Heracl. 971
, etc. Cp.
καλόν
(
ἐστι
)=
καίριον
in
Soph.
Ph. 1155
; and
εἰς καλόν
=
καιρίως
in
O.T. 78.
mvp-comment-229-1
ἦ ταῦτα δὴ
338
ἦ … δὴ
339
ἦ … γὰρ
340
mvp-comment-229-2
καὶ βεβούλευνται
341
mvp-comment-230-1
ἀλλ’ ἐξίκοιτο
342
mvp-comment-230-2
τοῦδέ γ’ οὕνεκ’
343
mvp-comment-231-1
τίνα … τόνδ’
344
mvp-comment-231-2
τάλαινα
345
mvp-comment-232-1
εἴ τι τῶνδε
346
mvp-comment-233-1
ποῦ ποτ’ εἶ φρενῶν
347
mvp-comment-234-1
ὅπως
348
ὑμῶν
349
mvp-comment-234-2
προσώτατ’
350
προσωτάτω φύγω
351
mvp-comment-235-1
βίου … τοῦ παρόντος
352
mvp-comment-236-1
καλὸς γὰρ
353
mvp-comment-236-2
θαυμάσαι
354
mvp-comment-237-1
τοῖς φίλοις
355
mvp-comment-238-1
εἰκαθεῖν
356
mvp-comment-239-1
ταῦτα
357
οὐκ ἐμοὺς
358
mvp-comment-240-1
γε
359
μέντοι
360
mvp-comment-240-2
μὴ )ξ
361
mvp-comment-240-3
πεσεῖν
362
mvp-comment-240-4
399 A woman, speaking of herself in the plur., uses the masc.:
Ant. 926
παθόντες ἂν ξυγγνοῖμεν ἡμαρτηκότες
.
mvp-comment-241-1
συγγνώμην
363
mvp-comment-242-1
τἄπη
364
mvp-comment-242-2
πρὸς κακῶν
365
mvp-comment-243-1
μή πω
366
mvp-comment-244-1
οἷπερ … ὁδοῦ
367
mvp-comment-245-1
τῷ φέρεις
368
mvp-comment-245-2
ἔμπυρα
369
mvp-comment-246-1
τυμβεῦσαι χοάς
370
mvp-comment-247-1
βροτῶν
371
mvp-comment-248-1
ὃν ἔκταν’ αὐτή
372
ὅν γ’
373
mvp-comment-249-1
τῷ τοῦτ’ ἤρεσεν
374
mvp-comment-250-1
δείματος
375
mvp-comment-250-2
δοκεῖν ἐμοί
376
mvp-comment-251-1
θεοὶ πατρῷοι
377
mvp-comment-251-2
συγγένεσθέ γ’
378
mvp-comment-251-3
ἀλλὰ νῦν
379
mvp-comment-252-1
εἴποιμ’ ἂν τότε
380
mvp-comment-253-1
ἐπὶ σμικρὸν
381
ἐπὶ σμικρῶν
382
mvp-comment-253-2
φράσαι
383
mvp-comment-254-1
σμικροὶ λόγοι
384
mvp-comment-255-1
πατρὸς … δευτέραν ὁμιλίαν
385
mvp-comment-255-2
ἐφέστιον πῆξαι
386
mvp-comment-255-3
This sceptre is described in the
Iliad (2. 101 f.) as the work of Hephaestus, who gave it Zeus; Hermes transmitted it to Pelops, from whom it passed to Atreus and Agamemnon. The Homeric sceptre is often called
χρύσεον
(
Il. 2. 268
, etc.), prob. as being ornamented with gold foil, or studded with gold nails (
Il. 1. 246
χρυσείοις ἥλοισι πεπαρμένον
). Among the objects found at Mycenae are some supposed remains of such sceptres (Schliem.,
Myc. 201, etc.).
mvp-comment-255-4
οὑφόρει ποτέ
387
mvp-comment-256-1
ἔκ τε
388
ἐκ δὲ
389
mvp-comment-256-2
βρύοντα
390
mvp-comment-256-3
ᾧ … γενέσθαι
391
mvp-comment-256-4
The vision resembles that of Astyages, who dreamed that a vine sprang from his daughter Mandanè, the wife of Cambyses,
τὴν δὲ ἄμπελον ἐπισχεῖν τὴν Ἀσίην πᾶσαν
. The
ὀνειροπόλοι
explained this to mean that her son (Cyrus) should reign in his grandfather's stead. (
Her. 1. 108.
) The spreading branches figure also in the dream of Xerxes (7. 19):
ἐδόκεε...ἐστεφανῶσθαι ἐλαίης θαλλῷ, ἀπὸ δὲ τῆς ἐλαίης τοὺς κλάδους γῆν πᾶσαν ἐπισχεῖν
.
mvp-comment-256-5
In choosing the
sceptre of Agamemnon as the stock from which the wondrous growth is put forth, Sophocles may have had in mind the words of Achilles (
Il. 1. 234
ff.);
ναὶ μὰ τόδε σκῆπτρον· τὸ μὲν οὔποτε φύλλα καὶ ὄζους
|
φύσει, ἐπεὶ δὴ πρῶτα τομὴν ἐν ὄρεσσι λέλοιπεν
, |
οὐδ’ ἀναθηλήσει
.
mvp-comment-257-1
του παρόντος
392
τοῦ
393
παρόντος
394
του
395
mvp-comment-257-2
Ἡλίῳ δείκνυσι τοὖναρ
396
mvp-comment-258-1
οὐ κάτοιδα, πλὴν
397
mvp-comment-258-2
πέμπει με κείνη
398
mvp-comment-259-1
These three verses, which the MSS. give to Electra, and which several recent critics reject (cr. n.), clearly belong to Chrysothemis, and are genuine. Electra's exclamation of joy (411) caused Chrysothemis to ask if her sister had any ground for hope (412). Electra replied that, when she had heard the dream, she would say. This showed her sister that Electra relied merely on the fact that Clytaemnestra had seen
some fearful vision. Now, therefore, instead of asking for Electra's interpretation, she merely repeats her counsel (383 f.) before proceeding on her errand. The words
πρός
νυν θεῶν κ.τ.λ.
(428 ff.) show the train of her thought. To Chrysothemis, the alarm of Clytaemnestra (427) is more important than the apparition of Agamemnon. The dream is only a new reason why Electra should be cautious,—not why she should hope.
mvp-comment-259-2
The current ascription of the verses to Electra was doubtless prompted by verse 413. It was supposed that the recital of Chrysothemis must be immediately followed by the comments of Electra. But, as Hermann observed, the phrase
ἀβουλίᾳ πεσεῖν
would alone suffice to show that the verses belong to Chrysothemis (
cp. 398
). Nor could the warning,
σὺν κακῷ μέτει πάλιν
, be fitly uttered by Electra.
mvp-comment-259-3
τῶν ἐγγενῶν
399
mvp-comment-260-1
ἀβουλίᾳ
400
mvp-comment-260-2
σὺν κακῷ
401
mvp-comment-260-3
μέτει
402
mvp-comment-261-1
ἀλλ’
403
mvp-comment-261-2
ὦ φίλη
404
τούτων μὲν
405
mvp-comment-262-1
οὐ … θέμις
406
οὐδ’ ὅσιον
407
mvp-comment-262-2
ἐχθρᾶς ἀπὸ γυναικὸς
408
mvp-comment-262-3
κτερίσματ’
409
mvp-comment-262-4
λουτρὰ
410
mvp-comment-263-1
ἀλλ’ ἢ πνοαῖσιν
411
ῥοαῖσιν
412
mvp-comment-263-2
κρύψον
413
mvp-comment-263-3
νιν
414
mvp-comment-263-4
ἔνθα μή ποτ’
415
ἔνθεν
416
mvp-comment-263-5
εὐνὴν
417
mvp-comment-264-1
ἀλλ’ ὅταν θάῃν
418
mvp-comment-264-2
The conjecture
ἔστ’ ἂν
419
ὅταν
420
σῳζέσθω
421
mvp-comment-264-3
κειμήλἰ
422
mvp-comment-265-1
ἀρχὴν
423
τλημονεστάτη
424
mvp-comment-266-1
ἔβλαστε
425
mvp-comment-267-1
ὅν γ’ … τῷδ’
426
mvp-comment-267-2
ἐπέστεφε
427
mvp-comment-267-3
442 f. The position of
αὐτῇ
428
mvp-comment-267-4
δέξεσθαι
429
mvp-comment-267-5
It seems, then, a reasonable inference that here, where the reference is to future time, he would have written
δέξεσθαι
430
δέξασθαι
431
mvp-comment-267-6
444 ff. Join
θανὼν ἄτιμος
432
mvp-comment-267-7
ἐμασχαλίσθη
433
mvp-comment-267-8
Two different motives are assigned by the Greek commentators; viz.:—(1) the desire to render the dead incapable of wreaking vengeance (
ὥσπερ τὴν δύναμιν ἐκείνων ἀφαιρούμενοι
): (2) the desire to make an atonement (
ἐξιλάσασθαι τὴν δολοφονίαν—ἀφοσιοῦσθαι τὸν φόνον
). There can be little doubt that the first of these motives was the primitive origin of the custom. If the second was afterwards blended with it, the idea may have been that of offering the severed portions to the gods below,—as a victim was devoted to death by cutting off a lock of hair (
Eur.
Alc. 75
). Apollonius Rhodius seems to present the practice in this light (4. 477): Jason, having slain a foe,
ἐξάργματα τάμνε θανόντος
. Cp.
Etym. Magn.:
ἀπάργματα λέγεται τὰ ὑπὸ τῶν τραγῳδῶν λεγόμενα μασχαλίσματα
.
mvp-comment-267-9
κἀπὶ λουτροῖσιν
434
mvp-comment-267-10
ἐξέμαξ ν
435
mvp-comment-267-11
ἆρα μὴ
436
mvp-comment-268-1
οὐκ ἔστιν
437
mvp-comment-268-2
ταῦτα μὲν μέθες· σὺ δὲ
438
mvp-comment-269-1
βοστρύχων ἄκρας φόβας
439
mvp-comment-269-2
κἀμοῦ ταλαίνης
440
mvp-comment-270-1
†ἀλιπαρῆ
441
λιπαρῆ
442
mvp-comment-270-2
We come, therefore, to a dilemma. (1) The words
τήνδ’ ἀλιπαρῆ τρίχα
may conceal some corruption:
τήνδ’
ought possibly to be
τήνδε τ’
443
ἀλίπαρον
444
mvp-comment-270-3
(2) Or else, if the text be sound,
ἀλιπαρῆ
may mean
οὐ λιπαράν
. There is no doubt that
λιπ
, ‘fat,’ is the root both of
λι^παρός
, ‘shining,’ and of
λι—παρής
, ‘sticking’; cp.
Plat.
Crat. 427 B
τὸ λιπαρὸν καὶ τὸ κολλῶδες
(
Curt.
Etym. § 340
). Similarly
γλίσχρος
, ‘sticky,’ came to mean ‘importunate.’ It is barely possible that, in coining a new negative compound, the poet may have transferred the sense of
λιπαρός
to
λιπαρής
: but it seems improbable.
mvp-comment-271-1
ζῶμα
445
mvp-comment-271-2
χλιδαῖς
446
mvp-comment-272-1
προσπίτνουσα
447
αὐτὸν
448
mvp-comment-273-1
ἐξ ὑπερτέρας χερός
449
mvp-comment-273-2
ζῶντ’
450
mvp-comment-274-1
ἀφνεωτέραις
451
mvp-comment-274-2
στέφωμεν
452
mvp-comment-274-3
δωρούμεθα
453
mvp-comment-275-1
οἶμαι μὲν οὖν
454
mvp-comment-275-2
If
μέλον
455
μέλειν
456
μέλον
457
mvp-comment-276-1
σοί
458
mvp-comment-277-1
βροτῶν
459
mvp-comment-278-1
πρὸς εὐσέβειαν
460
mvp-comment-279-1
δράσω
461
mvp-comment-279-2
τὸ γὰρ δίκαιον
462
mvp-comment-279-3
(1)
τὸ δίκαιον
is an acc. of general reference, and
οὐκ ἔχει λόγον
is impersonal. ‘With regard to what is (clearly) right, it is unreasonable for two persons to dispute; rather both should hasten on the doing (of it).’ With
ἀλλ’ ἐπισπεύδειν
we supply the notion
δεῖ
from the negative
οὐκ ἔχει λόγον
(as from
οὐκ ἔξεστι
in
O. C. 1402
ff.; cp.
O. T. 817
ff.). For the form of the sentence, cp.
H. 7. 3. 7
τοὺς περὶ Ἀρχίαν...οὐ ψῆφον ἀνεμείνατε, ἀλλὰ ὁπότε πρῶτον ἐδυνάσθητε ἐτιμωρήσασθε
. So here the acc.
τὸ δίκαιον
, which represents the object of
δρᾶν
, is separated from it by the parenthesis
οὐκ
ἔχει λόγον δυοῖν ἐρίζειν
. (The first scholium gives substantially this view:
οὐκ ἔχει λόγον φιλονεικεῖν περὶ τοῦ δικαίου, ὥστε περὶ αὐτοῦ δύο ὄντας ἐρίζειν
.)
mvp-comment-279-4
(2) Or
τὸ δίκαιον
might be nom.: ‘that which is clearly right does not
afford any ground (
οὐκ ἔχει λόγον
) for two persons to dispute,’ etc. So the second schol.:
ἢ τὸ οὐκ ἔχει λόγον ἀντὶ τοῦ οὐ παρέχει πρόφασιν
. So far as the verb
ἔχει
is concerned, this sense is quite admissible: cp.
Thuc. 2. 41
οὔτε τῷ πολεμίῳ ἐπελθόντι ἀγανάκτησιν ἔχει
(
ἡ πόλις
). The objection is that the phrases
ἔχειν λόγον, οὐκ ἔχειν λόγον
, which are very common, regularly mean, ‘to be reasonable,’ ‘to be unreasonable.’ This is so both in the personal and in the impersonal constr.; as Plat.
Phaedop. 62 D
τὸ γὰρ μὴ ἀγανακτεῖν...οὐκ ἔχει λόγον
:
Dem. or. 36 § 54
πῶς ἔχει λόγον σὲ...δίκην ἀξιοῦν λαμβάνειν
; The supposed sense, ‘not to
afford a reason,’ is unexampled.
mvp-comment-279-5
δυοῖν
463
mvp-comment-280-1
παρ’ ὑμῶν
464
mvp-comment-281-1
πικρὰν
465
δοκῶ με … τολμήσειν
466
ἔτι
467
mvp-comment-282-1
εἰ μὴ )γὼ
468
mvp-comment-282-2
γνώμας λειπομένα
469
mvp-comment-283-1
ἁ πρόμαντις Δίκα
470
mvp-comment-283-2
δίκαια φερομένα χεροῖν κράτη
471
mvp-comment-284-1
μέτεισιν
472
mvp-comment-284-2
οὐ μακροῦ χρόνου
473
mvp-comment-285-1
ὕπεστί μοι θράσος
474
κλύουσαν
475
mvp-comment-285-2
ἁδυπνόων … ὀνειράτων
476
mvp-comment-286-1
ἀμναστεῖ γ’ ὁ φύσας ς’
477
mvp-comment-287-1
χαλκόπλακτος
478
mvp-comment-287-2
γένυς
479
mvp-comment-287-3
The very axe (
φόνιος πέλεκυς
, 99) with which the blow was dealt is imagined as nourishing a grudge against the murderers who had set it such a task. Such a personification recalls that practice of Athenian law by which inanimate objects which had caused death were brought to a formal trial in the court called
τὸ ἐπὶ Πρυτανείῳ
, and, after sentence, cast beyond the boundaries, in the presence of the Archon Basileus and the sacrificial officers of the tribes (
φυλο‐
βασιλεῖς
). Aeschin. or. 3 § 244
τὰ μὲν ξύλα καὶ τοὺς λίθους καὶ τὸν σίδηρον, τὰ ἄφωνα καὶ ἀγνώμονα, ἐάν τῳ ἐμπεσόντα ἀποκτείνῃ, ὑπερορίζομεν
. (Cp.
Dem. or. 23 § 76
.) A like conception was implied in the English law (repealed in 1846) of ‘deodands’ (Deo danda),
i.e., personal chattels (whether animals or things) which, having caused the death of a human being, were forfeited to the Crown for pious uses.
mvp-comment-288-1
ἐν αἰκίαις
480
mvp-comment-289-1
καὶ πολύπους καὶ πολύχειρ
481
mvp-comment-290-1
λόχοις
482
mvp-comment-290-2
χαλκόπους
483
mvp-comment-291-1
ἄλεκτρ’ ἄνυμφα
484
mvp-comment-291-2
γάμων ἁμιλλήμαθ’
485
mvp-comment-291-3
ἐπέβα
486
mvp-comment-292-1
πρὸ τῶνδέ τοι … συνδρῶσιν
487
mvp-comment-292-2
Verses 495—497 (
πρὸ τῶνδέ τοι...τέρας
) answer metrically to vv. 479—481
ὕπεστί μοι...ὀνειράτων
, where the text is certain, save for the doubt whether
θράσος
or
θάρσος
should stand in 479. Here we must first decide two points.
mvp-comment-292-3
(1) Are the words
πρὸ τῶνδε
488
mvp-comment-292-4
(2) Could
ἔχει με, μήποτε τέρας πελᾶν
(etc.) mean, ‘
the belief possesses me, that’ etc.? Surely not. No real parallel for so strange a phrase has been produced. It is irrelevant to quote those impersonal verbs which directly express the
occurrence of a thought to the mind; as
Xen.
An. 6. 1. 17
εἰσῄει αὐτοὺς ὅπως ἂν καὶ ἔχοντές τι οἴκαδε ἀφίκοιντο
(‘the thought came to them, how they might,’ etc.):
Thuc. 6. 78.
§ 1
εἰ δέ τῳ ἄρα παρέστηκε, τὸν μὲν Συρακόσιον...πολέμιον εἶναι κ.τ.λ.
Either, then, the subject to
ἔχει
has dropped out, or the words
μ’ ἔχει
conceal a corruption.
mvp-comment-292-5
The following remedies are possible: I incline to the first, as involving least change. (1) Reading in 479
ὕπεστί μοι θράσος
, we may read here
πρὸ τῶνδέ τοί μ’ ἔχει
|
<θάρσος τι>, μήποθ’ ἡμῖν
etc. (It may be remarked that
τι
is in harmony with the tone of
ὕπεστί μοι
in 479.) Another available word is
ξύννοια
(cp.
Ant. 279
). (2) Or, reading in 479
ὕπεστί μοι θάρσος
, we could read here
πρὸ τῶνδέ τοι θάρσος ἴσχει με
. On either view, the
υ
of
ἁδυπνόων
in 480 is long (as several critics have assumed). It should be noted that (1) involves a different constitution of the verses: see p. lxxxii.
mvp-comment-292-6
In those MSS. which have
μή ποτε μή ποθ’ ἡμῖν
489
mvp-comment-293-1
ἀψεγές
490
ἀψεφές
491
mvp-comment-293-2
πελᾶν
492
mvp-comment-294-1
τοῖς δρῶσι
493
τοῖς συνδρῶσιν
494
mvp-comment-295-1
μαντεῖαι βροτῶν
495
mvp-comment-296-1
εὖ κατασχήσει
496
mvp-comment-297-1
ἱππεία
497
mvp-comment-297-2
Oenomaüs, king of Pisa in Elis, had promised the hand of his daughter Hippodameia to the suitor who should defeat him in a chariot-race; the penalty of failure being death. The young Pelops, son of Tantalus, offered himself as a competitor. Myrtilus, the charioteer of Oenomaüs, was persuaded (either by Hippodameia or by Pelops) to betray his master. He did so by leaving out one or both of the linch-pins by which the naves of the chariot-wheels were secured to the axles.
Tzetzes on Lycophron 156
ταῖς χοινίκισι
(=
πλήμναις
, the naves)
τῶν τροχῶν οὐκ ἐμβαλὼν τοὺς ἥλους
. According to another story, he substituted a linch-pin of wax for a real one (
schol. Apoll. Rh. 752
ἐμβαλόντα κήρινον ἔμβολον ἐπὶ τοῦ ἀκραξονίου
). So Pelops won the race, and the bride. But Oenomaüs was soon avenged on the traitor; for Myrtilus insulted Hippodameia, and was thrown into the sea by Pelops; upon whose house he invoked a curse, as he sank.
mvp-comment-297-3
Euripides, too, (
Or. 990
ff.,
Helen. 386 f.) refers to this chariot-race as the event with which the troubles of the Pelopidae began. Apollonius Rhodius briefly describes the critical moment of the race as one of the subjects embroidered on the cloak of Jason (1. 752 ff.); there Oenomaüs was seen, ‘falling sideways, as the axle broke at the naves of the wheels,’—
ἄξονος ἐν πλήμνῃσι παρακλιδὸν ἀγνυμένοιο
|
πίπτεν
.
mvp-comment-297-4
The eastern pediment of the temple of Zeus at Olympia (
circ. 450 B.C.) was adorned with sculptures by Paeonius, representing the preparation for this contest (
Paus. 5. 10. 6
). The fragments found on the site have sufficed for a reconstruction of the group. Zeus occupied the centre; to the right of him were Pelops and Hippodameia; to the left, Oenomaüs and his wife Steropè. On each side was a chariot drawn by four horses. Myrtilus was sitting in front of his team, with his face turned away from his master.
mvp-comment-297-5
In the older and nobler form of the myth, Pelops won, not by a fraud, but by the grace of Poseidon, who gave him winged horses (Pindar
O. 1. 87
ἔδωκεν δίφρον τε χούσεον πτεροῖσίν τ’ ἀκάμαντας ἵππους
). On the chest (
λάρναξ
) of Cypselus, seen by Pausanias in the Heraeum at Olympia (
Paus. 5. 17. 5
), Pelops was driving two winged horses.
mvp-comment-298-1
αἰανὴς
498
mvp-comment-298-2
The form
αἰανὴς
has the best authority, and some critics hold that
αἰανὸς
(Hesych.) was a Byzantine invention. But in
Aesch.
Eum. 416
,
ἡμεῖς γάρ ἐσμεν νυκτὸς αἰανῆς τέκνα
(so L, schol., and Tzetzes on Lycophron 406),
αἰανῆ
is far less suitable.
mvp-comment-299-1
εὖτε
499
mvp-comment-299-2
ὁ ποντισθεὶς Μυρτίλος
500
mvp-comment-299-3
A vase found at Capua shows Pelops and Hippodameia in a ship, from which Myrtilus is falling backwards into the water. A winged Erinys hovers in the air above, brandishing a sword over the head of Pelops (Baumeister,
Denkmäler p. 1204, referring to
Mon. Inst. x. 25).
mvp-comment-299-4
ἐκοιμάθη
501
mvp-comment-300-1
παγχρυσέων δίφρων
502
mvp-comment-301-1
πρόρριζος
503
mvp-comment-301-2
ἐκριφθείς
504
mvp-comment-302-1
ἔλειπεν
505
ἔλιπεν
506
οἴκου
507
οἴκους
508
πω
509
mvp-comment-303-1
πολύπονος
510
αἰκία
511
mvp-comment-304-1
ἀνειμένη
512
μέν
513
mvp-comment-304-2
ὡς ἔοικας
514
mvp-comment-304-3
στρέφει
515
mvp-comment-304-4
Clytaemnestra begins in the same strain as Chrysothemis, who likewise emphasised her reproof by the word
αὖ
516
mvp-comment-305-1
μή τοι θυραίαν γ’
517
mvp-comment-305-2
αἰσχύνειν φίλους
518
mvp-comment-306-1
καίτοι
519
mvp-comment-306-2
δὴ
520
πολλούς
521
mvp-comment-306-3
ἐξεῖπάς με … ὡς
522
mvp-comment-306-4
θρασεῖα
523
τραχεῖα
524
mvp-comment-306-5
ἄρχω
525
mvp-comment-307-1
ὕβριν … οὐκ ἔχω
526
κακῶς κλύουσα
527
mvp-comment-308-1
πατὴρ γάρ
528
mvp-comment-308-2
πρόσχημα
529
mvp-comment-309-1
ἡ γὰρ Δίκη
530
mvp-comment-310-1
ᾗ χρῆν σ’ ἀρήγειν
531
mvp-comment-311-1
The order of words in the MSS.,
ἐπεὶ πατὴρ οὗτος σός
, is probably right; the words would then fall from her with a certain deliberate bitterness.
Cp. 542
:
Ant. 44
ἦ γὰρ νοεῖς θάπτειν σθ’
(n.):
Ph. 101
λέγω σ’ ἐγὼ δόλῳ Φιλοκτήτην λαβεῖν
.
mvp-comment-312-1
μοῦνος
532
Ἑλλήνων
533
mvp-comment-312-2
Nauck requires
τὴν αὐτὸς αὑτοῦ
instead of
τὴν σὴν ὅμαιμον
, because Agamemnon's unique crime was the slaughter of his own child: as if the text did not convey this. Clytaemnestra means, ‘while mourning a father, you forget a sister.’
mvp-comment-312-3
532 f. The regular mode of expression would be,
οὐκ ἴσον λύπης καμὼν ἐμοί, ὁ σπείρας τῇ τικτούσῃ
. But, having written
ὅτ’ ἔσπειρε
, the poet explains
ἐμοί
by repeating the comparison in a new form,
ὥσπερ ἡ τίκτουσ’ ἐγώ
. (For
ὡς
or
ὥσπερ
after
ἴσος
, cp.
Lys. or. 19 § 36
ἡγοῦντο... τὰ ἐκεῖ...εἶναι ἴσα ὥσπερ τὰ ἐνθάδε
.) Those who reject v. 533 omit to notice that, without it, the words
οὐκ ἴσον καμὼν ἐμοί
would be unintelligible. Cp.
Aesch.
Ag. 1417
ἔθυσεν αὑτοῦ παῖδα, φιλτάτην ἐμοὶ
|
ὠδῖν’
.
mvp-comment-312-4
This assertion of the mother's superior claim is a counterpart to the doctrine of Athena in
Aesch.
Eum. 658
f.,
οὐκ ἔστι μήτηρ ἡ κεκλημένου τέκνου
|
τοκεύς, τροφὸς δὲ κύματος νεοσπόρου
. Cp. above,
Aesch. Eum. 366
n.
mvp-comment-313-1
τοῦ χάριν, τίνων
534
mvp-comment-313-2
The alternative, which most editors have preferred, is to take
τίνων
as the participle. But there is an insuperable objection to this, which seems to have escaped notice. The words,
τοῦ χάριν τίνων
; could mean only, ‘paying a debt of gratitude
for what?’ They could not mean, ‘paying a debt of gratitude
to whom?’ The latter would be
τῷ χάριν τίνων
; See (
e.g.)
Aesch.
P. V. 985
καὶ μὴν ὀφείλων ἂν τίνοιμ’ αὐτῷ χάριν
:
Aesch.
Ag. 821
τούτων θεοῖσι χρὴ πολύμνηστον χάριν
|
τίνειν
. Hence the question,
τοῦ χάριν τίνων
; could not possibly be answered by
Ἀργείων
. For, evidently, the latter word could not mean, (‘for a benefit conferred by) the Greeks.’ A scholiast in the Baroccian MS. (cr. n. on 545), who explains
τοῦ χάριν τίνων
by
τίνος χάριν ἀποδιδούς
, plainly meant, ‘showing gratitude for what?’—and his paraphrase was correct; only he overlooked the context.
mvp-comment-314-1
ἀλλ’ οὐ μετῆν
535
mvp-comment-315-1
ἀλλ’ ἀντ’ ἀδελφοῦ δῆτα
536
κτανὼν
537
mvp-comment-315-2
ἀντὶ ἀδελφοῦ
538
mvp-comment-315-3
τἄμ’
539
mvp-comment-316-1
παῖδες … διπλοῖ
540
mvp-comment-316-2
540 f. Nauck would prefer a single verse in place of these two, viz.
οὓς Ἰφιγενείας εἰκὸς ἦν θνῄσκειν πάρος
.
mvp-comment-317-1
ἢ
541
mvp-comment-317-2
ἢ τῶν ἐμῶν Ἅιδης
542
mvp-comment-318-1
δαίσασθαι
543
mvp-comment-318-2
The conj.
λῄσασθαι
544
mvp-comment-319-1
πανώλει
545
mvp-comment-319-2
παρεῖτο
546
mvp-comment-319-3
The sense does not absolutely require us to take
Μενέλεω δ’
547
mvp-comment-320-1
ἀβούλου
548
mvp-comment-320-2
κακοῦ γνώμην
549
mvp-comment-321-1
δοκῶ μέν
550
mvp-comment-321-2
εἰ καὶ
551
mvp-comment-322-1
εἰ φωνὴν λάβοι
552
mvp-comment-323-1
τοῖς πεπραγμένοις
553
mvp-comment-324-1
γνώμην δικαίαν σχοῦσα
554
mvp-comment-325-1
ἐρεῖς μὲν οὐχὶ
555
ἐρεῖς
556
ἐρεῖς … μ’ ὡς
557
mvp-comment-325-2
ἄρξασά τι λυπηρὸν
558
mvp-comment-325-3
τάδ’ ἐξήκους’
559
mvp-comment-326-1
τοῦ τεθνηκότος θ’ ὕπερ
560
mvp-comment-327-1
καὶ μὴν
561
mvp-comment-327-2
λόγους ἐξῆρχές με
562
mvp-comment-328-1
Clytaemnestra has argued that she was justified in slaying Agamemnon, because he had slain Iphigeneia. The topics of Electra's reply are as follows.
mvp-comment-328-2
(1) 558—562. The wife who slew her husband would be a criminal, even if the motive had been just retribution; but the real motive was her love for Aegisthus. (2) 563—576. Agamemnon was not a free agent in slaying Iphigeneia; the act was forced upon him by Artemis. (3) 577—583. Suppose, however, that he was a free agent, and wished to please his brother; still she was not justified in taking his life. (4) 584—594. And in any case her plea does not excuse her for living with the man who helped to slay her husband.—The speech then closes in a strain of reproach and defiance (595 —609).
mvp-comment-328-3
καὶ δὴ λέγω σοι
563
πατέρα
564
φὴς
565
mvp-comment-329-1
εἴτ’ οὖν … εἴτε
566
mvp-comment-329-2
λέξω
567
δείξω
568
mvp-comment-330-1
ὡς οὐ δίκῃ γ’
569
ἔσπασεν
570
πειθὼ
571
mvp-comment-331-1
κυναγὸν
572
mvp-comment-331-2
ποινὰς
573
mvp-comment-331-3
τὰ πολλὰ πνεύματ’ ἔσχ’
574
τὰ πολλὰ
575
ἔσχε
576
mvp-comment-331-4
Acc. to Aesch. (
Aesch.
Ag. 149
f.,
Aesch. Ag. 192
), the Greeks were detained by
adverse winds, blowing from the N.E. : and this seems to have been the account given in the
Cypria (
c. 776 B.C.), Proclus
Chrest. p. 455:
ἐπέσχεν αὐτοὺς τοῦ πλοῦ χειμῶνας ἐπιπέμπουσα
. But other authorities speak of a
calm. Thus
I. A. 9 ff.
οὔκουν φθόγγος γ’ οὔτ’ ὀρνίθων
|
οὔτε θαλάσσης· σιγαὶ δ’ ἀνέμων
|
τόνδε κατ’ Εὔριπον ἔχουσιν
. Schol.
Eur.
Or. 647
ἐπειράθη τῆς θεοῦ ὀργιζομένης καὶ κατεχούσης τοὺς ἀνέμους
. Tzetzes on Lycophron 183
χολωθεῖσα δ’ ἐπὶ τούτῳ ἡ θεὸς τοὺς ἀνέμους κατέσχεν
. Ovid (
Met. 13. 183
) combines both versions:
exspectata diu, nulla aut contraria classi | Flamina sunt.
mvp-comment-331-5
It has been objected that vessels provided with oars need not have been detained by a calm. But the ships of the Greek fleet were not light craft. Each carried from 50 to 120 armed men, besides
σκεύη πολεμικά
: and the warriors were also the rowers (cp.
Thuc. 1. 10
). It is intelligible, then, that they should await the aid of wind before attempting the passage of the Aegaean. We must remember, too, the strong and shifting currents in the Euripus (
στονόεντα πορθμόν
,
Soph.
Ant. 1145
:
παλιρρόχθοις ἐν Αὐλίδος τόποις
,
Aesch.
Ag. 191
).
mvp-comment-331-6
We cannot well render:—(1)‘He
suffered those tedious winds,’—supplying
ὁ πατήρ
from v. 558. Nor: (2) ‘She
directed those tedious winds at Aulis,’—a version which would at least require
ἐπ’ Αὐλίδι
. Cp.
Ph. 1119
ἔχε
|
δύσποτμον ἀρὰν ἐπ’ ἄλλοις
.
mvp-comment-331-7
The conjecture
πλοῖα
577
mvp-comment-331-8
Αὐλίδι
578
mvp-comment-332-1
ἢ )γὼ φράσω
579
κείνης
580
mvp-comment-333-1
ὡς ἐγὼ κλύω
581
mvp-comment-333-2
θεᾶς … κατ’ ἄλσος
582
mvp-comment-333-3
παίζων
583
mvp-comment-333-4
ποδοῖν
584
mvp-comment-334-1
ἔλαφον
585
mvp-comment-334-2
στικτὸν
586
mvp-comment-334-3
κεράστην
587
mvp-comment-334-4
οὗ κατὰ σφαγὰς
588
mvp-comment-335-1
ἐκκομπάσας ἔπος τι τυγχάνει
589
βαλών
590
mvp-comment-335-2
This is the reason against taking
τυγχάνει
with
βαλών
, as=‘he shoots and hits’; cp.
Il. 15. 581
θηρητὴρ ἐτύχησε βαλών
:
Her. 3. 35
εἰ...τοῦ παιδὸς...βαλὼν τύχοιμι
. The vaunt must then
precede the hit.
mvp-comment-335-3
Others take
βαλὼν
591
ἔπος
592
mvp-comment-335-4
Monk, with Musgrave, took
σφαγὰς
593
mvp-comment-336-1
ἐκ τοῦδε
594
mvp-comment-336-2
μηνίσασα
595
mvp-comment-336-3
Λητῴα κόρη
596
mvp-comment-337-1
ὡς
597
ἀντίσταθμον
598
mvp-comment-337-2
ἐκθύσειε
599
mvp-comment-338-1
ὧδ’ ἦν
600
mvp-comment-338-2
τὰ … θύματ’
601
mvp-comment-338-3
λύσις
602
mvp-comment-338-4
πρὸς οἶκον
603
mvp-comment-339-1
πολλὰ
604
mvp-comment-339-2
ἀντιβὰς
605
mvp-comment-339-3
μόλις
606
mvp-comment-340-1
εἰ δ’ οὖν
607
mvp-comment-340-2
ἐρῶ γὰρ καὶ τὸ σόν
608
mvp-comment-341-1
τούτου … οὕνεκ’
609
mvp-comment-341-2
νόμῳ
610
mvp-comment-342-1
ὅρα
611
μὴ … τιθῇς
612
τίθης
613
mvp-comment-342-2
Here, either
τίθης
or
τιθῇς
would be suitable. (1) With
τίθης
:—‘See that, in making this rule, you
are not making woe for yourself.’ This means that to make the rule (as she is doing) is at once (logically) to make the woe. (2) With
τιθῇς
: —‘See
lest, in making this rule, you
make woe for yourself’:
i.e., the rule may have the woe as a consequence. The woe is a future contingency (583
εἰ δίκης γε τυγχάνοις
), against which Electra warns her. On the whole, I now prefer
τιθῇς
.
Cp. 1003
ὅρα κακῶς πράσσοντε μὴ μείζω κακὰ
|
κτησώμεθ’
: fr. 82
ἀλλ’ ὅρα μὴ κρεῖσσον ᾖ
.
mvp-comment-342-3
τιθεῖσα … νόμον
614
mvp-comment-343-1
εἰ γὰρ κτενοῦμεν
615
mvp-comment-343-2
πρώτη
616
mvp-comment-344-1
εἰσόρα
617
mvp-comment-344-2
οὐκ οὖσαν
618
mvp-comment-344-3
τίθης
619
mvp-comment-344-4
εἰ … θέλεις
620
mvp-comment-345-1
τῷ παλαμναίῳ
621
mvp-comment-345-2
πρόσθεν ἐξαπώλεσας
622
mvp-comment-346-1
παιδοποιεῖς
623
mvp-comment-346-2
Erigonè, daughter of Aegisthus and Clytaemnestra (Tzetzes on
Lyc. 1374
), was mentioned by the early cyclic poet Cinaethon (
Paus. 2. 18. 6
), and was the theme of Sophocles in his
Ἠριγόνη
. Hyginus (
Hyg.
Fab. 122
) notices a son of Aegisthus named Aletes, who gives his name to a play by Sophocles, but does not record the mother: see p. xliii note 4.
mvp-comment-346-3
εὐσεβεῖς
624
mvp-comment-346-4
κἀξ εὐσεβῶν
625
mvp-comment-346-5
By
τοὺς...πρόσθεν εὐσεβεῖς
Electra means Orestes and herself. Both are ‘cast out’ of their just rights. Cp.
O.T. 611
φίλον ...ἐσθλὸν ἐκβαλεῖν
.
Eur.
El. 62
τεκοῦσα δ’ ἄλλους παῖδας Αἰγίσθῳ πάρα
|
πάρεργ’ Ὀρέστην κἀμὲ ποιεῖται δόμων.
mvp-comment-346-6
βλαστόντας
626
mvp-comment-346-7
ἐκβαλοῦσ’ ἔχεις
627
mvp-comment-347-1
πῶς ταῦτ’ ἐπαινέσαιμ’ ἄν
628
mvp-comment-347-2
ἢ
629
ἦ
630
καὶ τοῦτ’
631
ἄποινα
632
mvp-comment-348-1
αἰσχρῶς δ’
633
δ’
634
mvp-comment-348-2
ἐάν περ καὶ λέγῃς
635
mvp-comment-348-3
ἐχθροῖς γαμεῖσθαι
636
mvp-comment-348-4
These two verses, though not indispensable, seem genuine. Were they omitted, the transition from 592 to 595 would be somewhat abrupt.
mvp-comment-349-1
ἀλλ’ οὐ γὰρ
637
mvp-comment-349-2
πᾶσαν ἵης γλῶσσαν
638
mvp-comment-350-1
κακοστομοῦμεν
639
mvp-comment-350-2
καί σ’ ἔγωγε δεσπότιν
640
mvp-comment-350-3
εἰς ἡμᾶς
641
ἣ
642
mvp-comment-351-1
βίον μοχθηρόν
643
mvp-comment-351-2
ἔκ τε σοῦ
644
κακοῖς … ξυνοῦσα
645
mvp-comment-351-3
συννόμου
646
mvp-comment-352-1
ὁ δ’ ἄλλος
647
mvp-comment-352-2
χεῖρα σὴν
648
mvp-comment-352-3
τρίβει βίον
649
mvp-comment-352-4
603 The reason for writing
δή με σοὶ
650
δή μέ σοι
651
mvp-comment-352-5
μιάστορα
652
mvp-comment-353-1
τοῦδέ γ’ οὕνεκα
653
mvp-comment-354-1
εἰς ἅπαντας
654
mvp-comment-354-2
χρῇς
655
mvp-comment-354-3
στόμαργον
656
mvp-comment-355-1
τῶνδε τῶν ἔ|ργων ἴδρις
657
mvp-comment-355-2
σχεδόν τι
658
mvp-comment-355-3
οὐ καταισχύνω
659