mvp-comment-223-1
οὐδ’
1
κοὐδ’
2
ποτέ
3
mvp-comment-224-1
ἰὸν
4
mvp-comment-224-2
σχήσει
5
mvp-comment-225-1
τὸ δεινὸν
6
mvp-comment-225-2
εἰ γὰρ τῶνδέ μοι
7
εἰ
8
mvp-comment-226-1
γὰρ
9
mvp-comment-226-2
γόων
10
λόγων
11
mvp-comment-227-1
ἐνταῦθα
12
mvp-comment-227-2
ἔνθα μή ποτε … προσόψει
13
mvp-comment-227-3
ζῶσα
14
mvp-comment-227-4
κατηρεφεῖ
15
mvp-comment-227-5
χθονὸς τῆσδ’ ἐκτὸς
16
mvp-comment-227-6
ὑμνήσεις
17
mvp-comment-228-1
πρὸς ταῦτα
18
mvp-comment-228-2
Nauck reads
κοὔ
19
καί
20
mvp-comment-228-3
ἐν καλῷ, εὔκαιρον
schol.:
H. 4. 3. 5
νομίσαντες οὐκ ἐν καλῷ εἶναι πρὸς τοὺς ὁπλίτας ἱππομαχεῖν
: so, too,
Eur.
Heracl. 971
, etc. Cp.
καλόν
(
ἐστι
)=
καίριον
in
Soph.
Ph. 1155
; and
εἰς καλόν
=
καιρίως
in
O.T. 78.
mvp-comment-229-1
ἦ ταῦτα δὴ
21
ἦ … δὴ
22
ἦ … γὰρ
23
mvp-comment-229-2
καὶ βεβούλευνται
24
mvp-comment-230-1
ἀλλ’ ἐξίκοιτο
25
mvp-comment-230-2
τοῦδέ γ’ οὕνεκ’
26
mvp-comment-231-1
τίνα … τόνδ’
27
mvp-comment-231-2
τάλαινα
28
mvp-comment-232-1
εἴ τι τῶνδε
29
mvp-comment-233-1
ποῦ ποτ’ εἶ φρενῶν
30
mvp-comment-234-1
ὅπως
31
ὑμῶν
32
mvp-comment-234-2
προσώτατ’
33
προσωτάτω φύγω
34
mvp-comment-235-1
βίου … τοῦ παρόντος
35
mvp-comment-236-1
καλὸς γὰρ
36
mvp-comment-236-2
θαυμάσαι
37
mvp-comment-237-1
τοῖς φίλοις
38
mvp-comment-238-1
εἰκαθεῖν
39
mvp-comment-239-1
ταῦτα
40
οὐκ ἐμοὺς
41
mvp-comment-240-1
γε
42
μέντοι
43
mvp-comment-240-2
μὴ )ξ
44
mvp-comment-240-3
πεσεῖν
45
mvp-comment-240-4
399 A woman, speaking of herself in the plur., uses the masc.:
Ant. 926
παθόντες ἂν ξυγγνοῖμεν ἡμαρτηκότες
.
mvp-comment-241-1
συγγνώμην
46
mvp-comment-242-1
τἄπη
47
mvp-comment-242-2
πρὸς κακῶν
48
mvp-comment-243-1
μή πω
49
mvp-comment-244-1
οἷπερ … ὁδοῦ
50
mvp-comment-245-1
τῷ φέρεις
51
mvp-comment-245-2
ἔμπυρα
52
mvp-comment-246-1
τυμβεῦσαι χοάς
53
mvp-comment-247-1
βροτῶν
54
mvp-comment-248-1
ὃν ἔκταν’ αὐτή
55
ὅν γ’
56
mvp-comment-249-1
τῷ τοῦτ’ ἤρεσεν
57
mvp-comment-250-1
δείματος
58
mvp-comment-250-2
δοκεῖν ἐμοί
59
mvp-comment-251-1
θεοὶ πατρῷοι
60
mvp-comment-251-2
συγγένεσθέ γ’
61
mvp-comment-251-3
ἀλλὰ νῦν
62
mvp-comment-252-1
εἴποιμ’ ἂν τότε
63
mvp-comment-253-1
ἐπὶ σμικρὸν
64
ἐπὶ σμικρῶν
65
mvp-comment-253-2
φράσαι
66
mvp-comment-254-1
σμικροὶ λόγοι
67
mvp-comment-255-1
πατρὸς … δευτέραν ὁμιλίαν
68
mvp-comment-255-2
ἐφέστιον πῆξαι
69
mvp-comment-255-3
This sceptre is described in the
Iliad (2. 101 f.) as the work of Hephaestus, who gave it Zeus; Hermes transmitted it to Pelops, from whom it passed to Atreus and Agamemnon. The Homeric sceptre is often called
χρύσεον
(
Il. 2. 268
, etc.), prob. as being ornamented with gold foil, or studded with gold nails (
Il. 1. 246
χρυσείοις ἥλοισι πεπαρμένον
). Among the objects found at Mycenae are some supposed remains of such sceptres (Schliem.,
Myc. 201, etc.).
mvp-comment-255-4
οὑφόρει ποτέ
70
mvp-comment-256-1
ἔκ τε
71
ἐκ δὲ
72
mvp-comment-256-2
βρύοντα
73
mvp-comment-256-3
ᾧ … γενέσθαι
74
mvp-comment-256-4
The vision resembles that of Astyages, who dreamed that a vine sprang from his daughter Mandanè, the wife of Cambyses,
τὴν δὲ ἄμπελον ἐπισχεῖν τὴν Ἀσίην πᾶσαν
. The
ὀνειροπόλοι
explained this to mean that her son (Cyrus) should reign in his grandfather's stead. (
Her. 1. 108.
) The spreading branches figure also in the dream of Xerxes (7. 19):
ἐδόκεε...ἐστεφανῶσθαι ἐλαίης θαλλῷ, ἀπὸ δὲ τῆς ἐλαίης τοὺς κλάδους γῆν πᾶσαν ἐπισχεῖν
.
mvp-comment-256-5
In choosing the
sceptre of Agamemnon as the stock from which the wondrous growth is put forth, Sophocles may have had in mind the words of Achilles (
Il. 1. 234
ff.);
ναὶ μὰ τόδε σκῆπτρον· τὸ μὲν οὔποτε φύλλα καὶ ὄζους
|
φύσει, ἐπεὶ δὴ πρῶτα τομὴν ἐν ὄρεσσι λέλοιπεν
, |
οὐδ’ ἀναθηλήσει
.
mvp-comment-257-1
του παρόντος
75
τοῦ
76
παρόντος
77
του
78
mvp-comment-257-2
Ἡλίῳ δείκνυσι τοὖναρ
79
mvp-comment-258-1
οὐ κάτοιδα, πλὴν
80
mvp-comment-258-2
πέμπει με κείνη
81
mvp-comment-259-1
These three verses, which the MSS. give to Electra, and which several recent critics reject (cr. n.), clearly belong to Chrysothemis, and are genuine. Electra's exclamation of joy (411) caused Chrysothemis to ask if her sister had any ground for hope (412). Electra replied that, when she had heard the dream, she would say. This showed her sister that Electra relied merely on the fact that Clytaemnestra had seen
some fearful vision. Now, therefore, instead of asking for Electra's interpretation, she merely repeats her counsel (383 f.) before proceeding on her errand. The words
πρός
νυν θεῶν κ.τ.λ.
(428 ff.) show the train of her thought. To Chrysothemis, the alarm of Clytaemnestra (427) is more important than the apparition of Agamemnon. The dream is only a new reason why Electra should be cautious,—not why she should hope.
mvp-comment-259-2
The current ascription of the verses to Electra was doubtless prompted by verse 413. It was supposed that the recital of Chrysothemis must be immediately followed by the comments of Electra. But, as Hermann observed, the phrase
ἀβουλίᾳ πεσεῖν
would alone suffice to show that the verses belong to Chrysothemis (
cp. 398
). Nor could the warning,
σὺν κακῷ μέτει πάλιν
, be fitly uttered by Electra.
mvp-comment-259-3
τῶν ἐγγενῶν
82
mvp-comment-260-1
ἀβουλίᾳ
83
mvp-comment-260-2
σὺν κακῷ
84
mvp-comment-260-3
μέτει
85
mvp-comment-261-1
ἀλλ’
86
mvp-comment-261-2
ὦ φίλη
87
τούτων μὲν
88
mvp-comment-262-1
οὐ … θέμις
89
οὐδ’ ὅσιον
90
mvp-comment-262-2
ἐχθρᾶς ἀπὸ γυναικὸς
91
mvp-comment-262-3
κτερίσματ’
92
mvp-comment-262-4
λουτρὰ
93
mvp-comment-263-1
ἀλλ’ ἢ πνοαῖσιν
94
ῥοαῖσιν
95
mvp-comment-263-2
κρύψον
96
mvp-comment-263-3
νιν
97
mvp-comment-263-4
ἔνθα μή ποτ’
98
ἔνθεν
99
mvp-comment-263-5
εὐνὴν
100
mvp-comment-264-1
ἀλλ’ ὅταν θάῃν
101
mvp-comment-264-2
The conjecture
ἔστ’ ἂν
102
ὅταν
103
σῳζέσθω
104
mvp-comment-264-3
κειμήλἰ
105
mvp-comment-265-1
ἀρχὴν
106
τλημονεστάτη
107
mvp-comment-266-1
ἔβλαστε
108
mvp-comment-267-1
ὅν γ’ … τῷδ’
109
mvp-comment-267-2
ἐπέστεφε
110
mvp-comment-267-3
442 f. The position of
αὐτῇ
111
mvp-comment-267-4
δέξεσθαι
112
mvp-comment-267-5
It seems, then, a reasonable inference that here, where the reference is to future time, he would have written
δέξεσθαι
113
δέξασθαι
114
mvp-comment-267-6
444 ff. Join
θανὼν ἄτιμος
115
mvp-comment-267-7
ἐμασχαλίσθη
116
mvp-comment-267-8
Two different motives are assigned by the Greek commentators; viz.:—(1) the desire to render the dead incapable of wreaking vengeance (
ὥσπερ τὴν δύναμιν ἐκείνων ἀφαιρούμενοι
): (2) the desire to make an atonement (
ἐξιλάσασθαι τὴν δολοφονίαν—ἀφοσιοῦσθαι τὸν φόνον
). There can be little doubt that the first of these motives was the primitive origin of the custom. If the second was afterwards blended with it, the idea may have been that of offering the severed portions to the gods below,—as a victim was devoted to death by cutting off a lock of hair (
Eur.
Alc. 75
). Apollonius Rhodius seems to present the practice in this light (4. 477): Jason, having slain a foe,
ἐξάργματα τάμνε θανόντος
. Cp.
Etym. Magn.:
ἀπάργματα λέγεται τὰ ὑπὸ τῶν τραγῳδῶν λεγόμενα μασχαλίσματα
.
mvp-comment-267-9
κἀπὶ λουτροῖσιν
117
mvp-comment-267-10
ἐξέμαξ ν
118
mvp-comment-267-11
ἆρα μὴ
119
mvp-comment-268-1
οὐκ ἔστιν
120
mvp-comment-268-2
ταῦτα μὲν μέθες· σὺ δὲ
121
mvp-comment-269-1
βοστρύχων ἄκρας φόβας
122
mvp-comment-269-2
κἀμοῦ ταλαίνης
123
mvp-comment-270-1
†ἀλιπαρῆ
124
λιπαρῆ
125
mvp-comment-270-2
We come, therefore, to a dilemma. (1) The words
τήνδ’ ἀλιπαρῆ τρίχα
may conceal some corruption:
τήνδ’
ought possibly to be
τήνδε τ’
126
ἀλίπαρον
127
mvp-comment-270-3
(2) Or else, if the text be sound,
ἀλιπαρῆ
may mean
οὐ λιπαράν
. There is no doubt that
λιπ
, ‘fat,’ is the root both of
λι^παρός
, ‘shining,’ and of
λι—παρής
, ‘sticking’; cp.
Plat.
Crat. 427 B
τὸ λιπαρὸν καὶ τὸ κολλῶδες
(
Curt.
Etym. § 340
). Similarly
γλίσχρος
, ‘sticky,’ came to mean ‘importunate.’ It is barely possible that, in coining a new negative compound, the poet may have transferred the sense of
λιπαρός
to
λιπαρής
: but it seems improbable.
mvp-comment-271-1
ζῶμα
128
mvp-comment-271-2
χλιδαῖς
129
mvp-comment-272-1
προσπίτνουσα
130
αὐτὸν
131
mvp-comment-273-1
ἐξ ὑπερτέρας χερός
132
mvp-comment-273-2
ζῶντ’
133
mvp-comment-274-1
ἀφνεωτέραις
134
mvp-comment-274-2
στέφωμεν
135
mvp-comment-274-3
δωρούμεθα
136
mvp-comment-275-1
οἶμαι μὲν οὖν
137
mvp-comment-275-2
If
μέλον
138
μέλειν
139
μέλον
140
mvp-comment-276-1
σοί
141
mvp-comment-277-1
βροτῶν
142
mvp-comment-278-1
πρὸς εὐσέβειαν
143
mvp-comment-279-1
δράσω
144
mvp-comment-279-2
τὸ γὰρ δίκαιον
145
mvp-comment-279-3
(1)
τὸ δίκαιον
is an acc. of general reference, and
οὐκ ἔχει λόγον
is impersonal. ‘With regard to what is (clearly) right, it is unreasonable for two persons to dispute; rather both should hasten on the doing (of it).’ With
ἀλλ’ ἐπισπεύδειν
we supply the notion
δεῖ
from the negative
οὐκ ἔχει λόγον
(as from
οὐκ ἔξεστι
in
O. C. 1402
ff.; cp.
O. T. 817
ff.). For the form of the sentence, cp.
H. 7. 3. 7
τοὺς περὶ Ἀρχίαν...οὐ ψῆφον ἀνεμείνατε, ἀλλὰ ὁπότε πρῶτον ἐδυνάσθητε ἐτιμωρήσασθε
. So here the acc.
τὸ δίκαιον
, which represents the object of
δρᾶν
, is separated from it by the parenthesis
οὐκ
ἔχει λόγον δυοῖν ἐρίζειν
. (The first scholium gives substantially this view:
οὐκ ἔχει λόγον φιλονεικεῖν περὶ τοῦ δικαίου, ὥστε περὶ αὐτοῦ δύο ὄντας ἐρίζειν
.)
mvp-comment-279-4
(2) Or
τὸ δίκαιον
might be nom.: ‘that which is clearly right does not
afford any ground (
οὐκ ἔχει λόγον
) for two persons to dispute,’ etc. So the second schol.:
ἢ τὸ οὐκ ἔχει λόγον ἀντὶ τοῦ οὐ παρέχει πρόφασιν
. So far as the verb
ἔχει
is concerned, this sense is quite admissible: cp.
Thuc. 2. 41
οὔτε τῷ πολεμίῳ ἐπελθόντι ἀγανάκτησιν ἔχει
(
ἡ πόλις
). The objection is that the phrases
ἔχειν λόγον, οὐκ ἔχειν λόγον
, which are very common, regularly mean, ‘to be reasonable,’ ‘to be unreasonable.’ This is so both in the personal and in the impersonal constr.; as Plat.
Phaedop. 62 D
τὸ γὰρ μὴ ἀγανακτεῖν...οὐκ ἔχει λόγον
:
Dem. or. 36 § 54
πῶς ἔχει λόγον σὲ...δίκην ἀξιοῦν λαμβάνειν
; The supposed sense, ‘not to
afford a reason,’ is unexampled.
mvp-comment-279-5
δυοῖν
146
mvp-comment-280-1
παρ’ ὑμῶν
147
mvp-comment-281-1
πικρὰν
148
δοκῶ με … τολμήσειν
149
ἔτι
150
mvp-comment-282-1
εἰ μὴ )γὼ
151
mvp-comment-282-2
γνώμας λειπομένα
152
mvp-comment-283-1
ἁ πρόμαντις Δίκα
153
mvp-comment-283-2
δίκαια φερομένα χεροῖν κράτη
154
mvp-comment-284-1
μέτεισιν
155
mvp-comment-284-2
οὐ μακροῦ χρόνου
156
mvp-comment-285-1
ὕπεστί μοι θράσος
157
κλύουσαν
158
mvp-comment-285-2
ἁδυπνόων … ὀνειράτων
159
mvp-comment-286-1
ἀμναστεῖ γ’ ὁ φύσας ς’
160
mvp-comment-287-1
χαλκόπλακτος
161
mvp-comment-287-2
γένυς
162
mvp-comment-287-3
The very axe (
φόνιος πέλεκυς
, 99) with which the blow was dealt is imagined as nourishing a grudge against the murderers who had set it such a task. Such a personification recalls that practice of Athenian law by which inanimate objects which had caused death were brought to a formal trial in the court called
τὸ ἐπὶ Πρυτανείῳ
, and, after sentence, cast beyond the boundaries, in the presence of the Archon Basileus and the sacrificial officers of the tribes (
φυλο‐
βασιλεῖς
). Aeschin. or. 3 § 244
τὰ μὲν ξύλα καὶ τοὺς λίθους καὶ τὸν σίδηρον, τὰ ἄφωνα καὶ ἀγνώμονα, ἐάν τῳ ἐμπεσόντα ἀποκτείνῃ, ὑπερορίζομεν
. (Cp.
Dem. or. 23 § 76
.) A like conception was implied in the English law (repealed in 1846) of ‘deodands’ (Deo danda),
i.e., personal chattels (whether animals or things) which, having caused the death of a human being, were forfeited to the Crown for pious uses.
mvp-comment-288-1
ἐν αἰκίαις
163
mvp-comment-289-1
καὶ πολύπους καὶ πολύχειρ
164
mvp-comment-290-1
λόχοις
165
mvp-comment-290-2
χαλκόπους
166
mvp-comment-291-1
ἄλεκτρ’ ἄνυμφα
167
mvp-comment-291-2
γάμων ἁμιλλήμαθ’
168
mvp-comment-291-3
ἐπέβα
169
mvp-comment-292-1
πρὸ τῶνδέ τοι … συνδρῶσιν
170
mvp-comment-292-2
Verses 495—497 (
πρὸ τῶνδέ τοι...τέρας
) answer metrically to vv. 479—481
ὕπεστί μοι...ὀνειράτων
, where the text is certain, save for the doubt whether
θράσος
or
θάρσος
should stand in 479. Here we must first decide two points.
mvp-comment-292-3
(1) Are the words
πρὸ τῶνδε
171
mvp-comment-292-4
(2) Could
ἔχει με, μήποτε τέρας πελᾶν
(etc.) mean, ‘
the belief possesses me, that’ etc.? Surely not. No real parallel for so strange a phrase has been produced. It is irrelevant to quote those impersonal verbs which directly express the
occurrence of a thought to the mind; as
Xen.
An. 6. 1. 17
εἰσῄει αὐτοὺς ὅπως ἂν καὶ ἔχοντές τι οἴκαδε ἀφίκοιντο
(‘the thought came to them, how they might,’ etc.):
Thuc. 6. 78.
§ 1
εἰ δέ τῳ ἄρα παρέστηκε, τὸν μὲν Συρακόσιον...πολέμιον εἶναι κ.τ.λ.
Either, then, the subject to
ἔχει
has dropped out, or the words
μ’ ἔχει
conceal a corruption.
mvp-comment-292-5
The following remedies are possible: I incline to the first, as involving least change. (1) Reading in 479
ὕπεστί μοι θράσος
, we may read here
πρὸ τῶνδέ τοί μ’ ἔχει
|
<θάρσος τι>, μήποθ’ ἡμῖν
etc. (It may be remarked that
τι
is in harmony with the tone of
ὕπεστί μοι
in 479.) Another available word is
ξύννοια
(cp.
Ant. 279
). (2) Or, reading in 479
ὕπεστί μοι θάρσος
, we could read here
πρὸ τῶνδέ τοι θάρσος ἴσχει με
. On either view, the
υ
of
ἁδυπνόων
in 480 is long (as several critics have assumed). It should be noted that (1) involves a different constitution of the verses: see p. lxxxii.
mvp-comment-292-6
In those MSS. which have
μή ποτε μή ποθ’ ἡμῖν
172
mvp-comment-293-1
ἀψεγές
173
ἀψεφές
174
mvp-comment-293-2
πελᾶν
175
mvp-comment-294-1
τοῖς δρῶσι
176
τοῖς συνδρῶσιν
177
mvp-comment-295-1
μαντεῖαι βροτῶν
178
mvp-comment-296-1
εὖ κατασχήσει
179
mvp-comment-297-1
ἱππεία
180
mvp-comment-297-2
Oenomaüs, king of Pisa in Elis, had promised the hand of his daughter Hippodameia to the suitor who should defeat him in a chariot-race; the penalty of failure being death. The young Pelops, son of Tantalus, offered himself as a competitor. Myrtilus, the charioteer of Oenomaüs, was persuaded (either by Hippodameia or by Pelops) to betray his master. He did so by leaving out one or both of the linch-pins by which the naves of the chariot-wheels were secured to the axles.
Tzetzes on Lycophron 156
ταῖς χοινίκισι
(=
πλήμναις
, the naves)
τῶν τροχῶν οὐκ ἐμβαλὼν τοὺς ἥλους
. According to another story, he substituted a linch-pin of wax for a real one (
schol. Apoll. Rh. 752
ἐμβαλόντα κήρινον ἔμβολον ἐπὶ τοῦ ἀκραξονίου
). So Pelops won the race, and the bride. But Oenomaüs was soon avenged on the traitor; for Myrtilus insulted Hippodameia, and was thrown into the sea by Pelops; upon whose house he invoked a curse, as he sank.
mvp-comment-297-3
Euripides, too, (
Or. 990
ff.,
Helen. 386 f.) refers to this chariot-race as the event with which the troubles of the Pelopidae began. Apollonius Rhodius briefly describes the critical moment of the race as one of the subjects embroidered on the cloak of Jason (1. 752 ff.); there Oenomaüs was seen, ‘falling sideways, as the axle broke at the naves of the wheels,’—
ἄξονος ἐν πλήμνῃσι παρακλιδὸν ἀγνυμένοιο
|
πίπτεν
.
mvp-comment-297-4
The eastern pediment of the temple of Zeus at Olympia (
circ. 450 B.C.) was adorned with sculptures by Paeonius, representing the preparation for this contest (
Paus. 5. 10. 6
). The fragments found on the site have sufficed for a reconstruction of the group. Zeus occupied the centre; to the right of him were Pelops and Hippodameia; to the left, Oenomaüs and his wife Steropè. On each side was a chariot drawn by four horses. Myrtilus was sitting in front of his team, with his face turned away from his master.
mvp-comment-297-5
In the older and nobler form of the myth, Pelops won, not by a fraud, but by the grace of Poseidon, who gave him winged horses (Pindar
O. 1. 87
ἔδωκεν δίφρον τε χούσεον πτεροῖσίν τ’ ἀκάμαντας ἵππους
). On the chest (
λάρναξ
) of Cypselus, seen by Pausanias in the Heraeum at Olympia (
Paus. 5. 17. 5
), Pelops was driving two winged horses.
mvp-comment-298-1
αἰανὴς
181
mvp-comment-298-2
The form
αἰανὴς
has the best authority, and some critics hold that
αἰανὸς
(Hesych.) was a Byzantine invention. But in
Aesch.
Eum. 416
,
ἡμεῖς γάρ ἐσμεν νυκτὸς αἰανῆς τέκνα
(so L, schol., and Tzetzes on Lycophron 406),
αἰανῆ
is far less suitable.
mvp-comment-299-1
εὖτε
182
mvp-comment-299-2
ὁ ποντισθεὶς Μυρτίλος
183
mvp-comment-299-3
A vase found at Capua shows Pelops and Hippodameia in a ship, from which Myrtilus is falling backwards into the water. A winged Erinys hovers in the air above, brandishing a sword over the head of Pelops (Baumeister,
Denkmäler p. 1204, referring to
Mon. Inst. x. 25).
mvp-comment-299-4
ἐκοιμάθη
184
mvp-comment-300-1
παγχρυσέων δίφρων
185
mvp-comment-301-1
πρόρριζος
186
mvp-comment-301-2
ἐκριφθείς
187
mvp-comment-302-1
ἔλειπεν
188
ἔλιπεν
189
οἴκου
190
οἴκους
191
πω
192
mvp-comment-303-1
πολύπονος
193
αἰκία
194
mvp-comment-304-1
ἀνειμένη
195
μέν
196
mvp-comment-304-2
ὡς ἔοικας
197
mvp-comment-304-3
στρέφει
198
mvp-comment-304-4
Clytaemnestra begins in the same strain as Chrysothemis, who likewise emphasised her reproof by the word
αὖ
199
mvp-comment-305-1
μή τοι θυραίαν γ’
200
mvp-comment-305-2
αἰσχύνειν φίλους
201
mvp-comment-306-1
καίτοι
202
mvp-comment-306-2
δὴ
203
πολλούς
204
mvp-comment-306-3
ἐξεῖπάς με … ὡς
205
mvp-comment-306-4
θρασεῖα
206
τραχεῖα
207
mvp-comment-306-5
ἄρχω
208
mvp-comment-307-1
ὕβριν … οὐκ ἔχω
209
κακῶς κλύουσα
210
mvp-comment-308-1
πατὴρ γάρ
211
mvp-comment-308-2
πρόσχημα
212
mvp-comment-309-1
ἡ γὰρ Δίκη
213
mvp-comment-310-1
ᾗ χρῆν σ’ ἀρήγειν
214
mvp-comment-311-1
The order of words in the MSS.,
ἐπεὶ πατὴρ οὗτος σός
, is probably right; the words would then fall from her with a certain deliberate bitterness.
Cp. 542
:
Ant. 44
ἦ γὰρ νοεῖς θάπτειν σθ’
(n.):
Ph. 101
λέγω σ’ ἐγὼ δόλῳ Φιλοκτήτην λαβεῖν
.
mvp-comment-312-1
μοῦνος
215
Ἑλλήνων
216
mvp-comment-312-2
Nauck requires
τὴν αὐτὸς αὑτοῦ
instead of
τὴν σὴν ὅμαιμον
, because Agamemnon's unique crime was the slaughter of his own child: as if the text did not convey this. Clytaemnestra means, ‘while mourning a father, you forget a sister.’
mvp-comment-312-3
532 f. The regular mode of expression would be,
οὐκ ἴσον λύπης καμὼν ἐμοί, ὁ σπείρας τῇ τικτούσῃ
. But, having written
ὅτ’ ἔσπειρε
, the poet explains
ἐμοί
by repeating the comparison in a new form,
ὥσπερ ἡ τίκτουσ’ ἐγώ
. (For
ὡς
or
ὥσπερ
after
ἴσος
, cp.
Lys. or. 19 § 36
ἡγοῦντο... τὰ ἐκεῖ...εἶναι ἴσα ὥσπερ τὰ ἐνθάδε
.) Those who reject v. 533 omit to notice that, without it, the words
οὐκ ἴσον καμὼν ἐμοί
would be unintelligible. Cp.
Aesch.
Ag. 1417
ἔθυσεν αὑτοῦ παῖδα, φιλτάτην ἐμοὶ
|
ὠδῖν’
.
mvp-comment-312-4
This assertion of the mother's superior claim is a counterpart to the doctrine of Athena in
Aesch.
Eum. 658
f.,
οὐκ ἔστι μήτηρ ἡ κεκλημένου τέκνου
|
τοκεύς, τροφὸς δὲ κύματος νεοσπόρου
. Cp. above,
Aesch. Eum. 366
n.
mvp-comment-313-1
τοῦ χάριν, τίνων
217
mvp-comment-313-2
The alternative, which most editors have preferred, is to take
τίνων
as the participle. But there is an insuperable objection to this, which seems to have escaped notice. The words,
τοῦ χάριν τίνων
; could mean only, ‘paying a debt of gratitude
for what?’ They could not mean, ‘paying a debt of gratitude
to whom?’ The latter would be
τῷ χάριν τίνων
; See (
e.g.)
Aesch.
P. V. 985
καὶ μὴν ὀφείλων ἂν τίνοιμ’ αὐτῷ χάριν
:
Aesch.
Ag. 821
τούτων θεοῖσι χρὴ πολύμνηστον χάριν
|
τίνειν
. Hence the question,
τοῦ χάριν τίνων
; could not possibly be answered by
Ἀργείων
. For, evidently, the latter word could not mean, (‘for a benefit conferred by) the Greeks.’ A scholiast in the Baroccian MS. (cr. n. on 545), who explains
τοῦ χάριν τίνων
by
τίνος χάριν ἀποδιδούς
, plainly meant, ‘showing gratitude for what?’—and his paraphrase was correct; only he overlooked the context.
mvp-comment-314-1
ἀλλ’ οὐ μετῆν
218
mvp-comment-315-1
ἀλλ’ ἀντ’ ἀδελφοῦ δῆτα
219
κτανὼν
220
mvp-comment-315-2
ἀντὶ ἀδελφοῦ
221
mvp-comment-315-3
τἄμ’
222
mvp-comment-316-1
παῖδες … διπλοῖ
223
mvp-comment-316-2
540 f. Nauck would prefer a single verse in place of these two, viz.
οὓς Ἰφιγενείας εἰκὸς ἦν θνῄσκειν πάρος
.
mvp-comment-317-1
ἢ
224
mvp-comment-317-2
ἢ τῶν ἐμῶν Ἅιδης
225
mvp-comment-318-1
δαίσασθαι
226
mvp-comment-318-2
The conj.
λῄσασθαι
227
mvp-comment-319-1
πανώλει
228
mvp-comment-319-2
παρεῖτο
229
mvp-comment-319-3
The sense does not absolutely require us to take
Μενέλεω δ’
230
mvp-comment-320-1
ἀβούλου
231
mvp-comment-320-2
κακοῦ γνώμην
232
mvp-comment-321-1
δοκῶ μέν
233
mvp-comment-321-2
εἰ καὶ
234
mvp-comment-322-1
εἰ φωνὴν λάβοι
235
mvp-comment-323-1
τοῖς πεπραγμένοις
236
mvp-comment-324-1
γνώμην δικαίαν σχοῦσα
237
mvp-comment-325-1
ἐρεῖς μὲν οὐχὶ
238
ἐρεῖς
239
ἐρεῖς … μ’ ὡς
240
mvp-comment-325-2
ἄρξασά τι λυπηρὸν
241
mvp-comment-325-3
τάδ’ ἐξήκους’
242
mvp-comment-326-1
τοῦ τεθνηκότος θ’ ὕπερ
243
mvp-comment-327-1
καὶ μὴν
244
mvp-comment-327-2
λόγους ἐξῆρχές με
245
mvp-comment-328-1
Clytaemnestra has argued that she was justified in slaying Agamemnon, because he had slain Iphigeneia. The topics of Electra's reply are as follows.
mvp-comment-328-2
(1) 558—562. The wife who slew her husband would be a criminal, even if the motive had been just retribution; but the real motive was her love for Aegisthus. (2) 563—576. Agamemnon was not a free agent in slaying Iphigeneia; the act was forced upon him by Artemis. (3) 577—583. Suppose, however, that he was a free agent, and wished to please his brother; still she was not justified in taking his life. (4) 584—594. And in any case her plea does not excuse her for living with the man who helped to slay her husband.—The speech then closes in a strain of reproach and defiance (595 —609).
mvp-comment-328-3
καὶ δὴ λέγω σοι
246
πατέρα
247
φὴς
248
mvp-comment-329-1
εἴτ’ οὖν … εἴτε
249
mvp-comment-329-2
λέξω
250
δείξω
251
mvp-comment-330-1
ὡς οὐ δίκῃ γ’
252
ἔσπασεν
253
πειθὼ
254
mvp-comment-331-1
κυναγὸν
255
mvp-comment-331-2
ποινὰς
256
mvp-comment-331-3
τὰ πολλὰ πνεύματ’ ἔσχ’
257
τὰ πολλὰ
258
ἔσχε
259
mvp-comment-331-4
Acc. to Aesch. (
Aesch.
Ag. 149
f.,
Aesch. Ag. 192
), the Greeks were detained by
adverse winds, blowing from the N.E. : and this seems to have been the account given in the
Cypria (
c. 776 B.C.), Proclus
Chrest. p. 455:
ἐπέσχεν αὐτοὺς τοῦ πλοῦ χειμῶνας ἐπιπέμπουσα
. But other authorities speak of a
calm. Thus
I. A. 9 ff.
οὔκουν φθόγγος γ’ οὔτ’ ὀρνίθων
|
οὔτε θαλάσσης· σιγαὶ δ’ ἀνέμων
|
τόνδε κατ’ Εὔριπον ἔχουσιν
. Schol.
Eur.
Or. 647
ἐπειράθη τῆς θεοῦ ὀργιζομένης καὶ κατεχούσης τοὺς ἀνέμους
. Tzetzes on Lycophron 183
χολωθεῖσα δ’ ἐπὶ τούτῳ ἡ θεὸς τοὺς ἀνέμους κατέσχεν
. Ovid (
Met. 13. 183
) combines both versions:
exspectata diu, nulla aut contraria classi | Flamina sunt.
mvp-comment-331-5
It has been objected that vessels provided with oars need not have been detained by a calm. But the ships of the Greek fleet were not light craft. Each carried from 50 to 120 armed men, besides
σκεύη πολεμικά
: and the warriors were also the rowers (cp.
Thuc. 1. 10
). It is intelligible, then, that they should await the aid of wind before attempting the passage of the Aegaean. We must remember, too, the strong and shifting currents in the Euripus (
στονόεντα πορθμόν
,
Soph.
Ant. 1145
:
παλιρρόχθοις ἐν Αὐλίδος τόποις
,
Aesch.
Ag. 191
).
mvp-comment-331-6
We cannot well render:—(1)‘He
suffered those tedious winds,’—supplying
ὁ πατήρ
from v. 558. Nor: (2) ‘She
directed those tedious winds at Aulis,’—a version which would at least require
ἐπ’ Αὐλίδι
. Cp.
Ph. 1119
ἔχε
|
δύσποτμον ἀρὰν ἐπ’ ἄλλοις
.
mvp-comment-331-7
The conjecture
πλοῖα
260
mvp-comment-331-8
Αὐλίδι
261