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Theodorus notarius imperium affectat, et apud Valentem Antiochiae accusatus maiestatis, convictusque cum plurimis criminis consciis interficitur.

[1] Exacta hieme rex Persarum gentium¹ Sapor, pugnarum fiducia pristinarum immaniter arrogans, suppleto numero suorum abundeque firmato, erupturos in nostra cataphractos et sagittarios et conductam miserat² plebem.

[2] Contra has copias, Traianus comes et Vadomarius ex rege Alamannorum cum agminibus perrexere pervalidis, hoc observare principis iussu appositi, ut arcerent potius quam lacesserent Persas.

[3] Qui cum venissent Vagabanta, legionibus habilem locum, rapidos turmarum procursus hostilium in se ruentium acriter exceperunt inviti, operaque consulta retrocedentes, ne ferro violarent adversorum quemquam primi, et iudicarentur discissi foederis rei, ultima trudente necessitate, congressi sunt, confossisque multis, discessere victores.

[4] Inter moras tamen utrimque secus temptatis aliquotiens levibus proeliis, varioque finitis eventu, pactis indutiis ex consensu, aestateque consumpta, partium discessere ductores, etiam tum turn discordes. Et rex quidem Parthus, hiemem Ctesiphonte acturus, redit ad sedes, et Antiochiam imperator Romanus ingressus. Qui, dum ibi moratur securus interim hostium externorum, intestinis paene perierat fraudibus, ut aperiet series delata³ gestorum.

[5] Procopius quidam, inquies homo, turbarum cupiditati semper addictus, Anatolium detulerat et Spudasium palatinos, exigi quae de aerario interceperant iussos, insidiari comiti Fortunatiano, molesto illi flagitatori. Qui animi asperitate confestim ad insanum percitus modum, pro potestatis auctoritate, quam regebat, Palladium quendam obscurissime natum ut veneficum a memoratis conductum, et Heliodorum, fatorum per genituras interpretem, adigendos prodere quae scirent, praetorianae iudicio tradidit praefecturae.

[6] Cumque ad facti vel temptati quaestionem acrius veniretur, exclamabat Palladius confidenter, levia esse haec de quibus agitur, et praetereunda: alia se (si licuerit dicere) monstraturum, metuenda et potiora, quae ingenti molimine iam praestructa (nisi prospectum fuerit) universa confundent. Iussusque docere fidenter quae norat, rudentem explicavit⁴ immensum, affirmans Fidustium praesidialem, et cum Irenaeo Pergamium, nomen imperaturi post Valentem detestandis praesagiis didicisse secretim.

[7] Et correptus Fidustius ilico (namque aderat forte,) occulteque inductus, indice viso,⁵ nulla infitiatione obumbrare iam publicata conatus, rei totius calamitosum aperit textum, absolute confessus, se cum Hilario et⁶ Patricio vaticinandi peritis, quorum Hilarius militaverat in palatio, de imperio consuluisse futuro: motasque secretis artibus sortes, et nuncupationem principis optimi, et ipsis consultoribus luctuosos exitus praedixisse.

[8] Atque cunctantibus⁷ quisnam ea tempestate omnibus vigore animi antistaret, visus est aliis excellere Theodorus, secundum inter notarios adeptus iam gradum. Et erat re vera ita ut opinati sunt. Namque antiquitus claro genere in Galliis natus, et liberaliter educatus a primis pueritiae rudimentis, modestia prudentia humanitate gratia litteris ornatissimus, semper officio locoque, quem retinebat, superior videbatur, altis humilibusque iuxta acceptus. Solusque paene omnium erat, cuius linguam non infrenem, sed dispicientem quae loqueretur, nullius claudebat periculi metus.

[9] His addebat idem⁸ Fidustius, excarnificatus iam ad interitum, omnia quae praedixit, se indicante Theodorum per Euserium didicisse, virum praestabilem⁹ scientia litterarum, abundeque honoratum: Asiam quippe paulo ante rexerat pro praefectis.

[10] Quo in custodia condito, gestorumque volumine imperatori recitato de more, prodigiosa feritas in modum ardentissimae facis fusius vagabatur, elata turpi adulatione multorum, maximeque omnium praefecti praetorio tunc tune Modesti.

[11] Qui dum formidine successoris agitaretur in dies, obumbratis blanditiarum concinnitatibus, cavillando Valentem, subrusticum hominem, sibi varie commulcebat, horridula eius verba et rudia flosculos Tullianos appellans, et ad extollendam eius vanitiem, sidera quoque, si iussisset, exhiberi posse promittens.

[12] Igitur et Theodorus a Constantinopoli, quam ex negotio familiari petierat, rapi celeri iubetur effectu, et dum ille reducitur, ex praeiudiciis variis, quae diebus exercebantur et noctibus, plures a disiunctissimis regionibus trahebantur, dignitatibus et nobilitate conspicui.

[13] Cumque nec carceres publici, iam distenti, inclusorum¹⁰ catervas, nec privata domicilia sustinerent, constipatione vaporata confertas, quoniam vinculis maxima pars eorum attinebatur, et suam et proximi cuiusque vicem omnes horrebant.

[14] Advenit aliquando tamen ipse quoque Theodorus, praemortuus et atratus, quo in devia territorii parte abscondito, paratis omnibus quae indagines futurae poscebant, internarum cladum litui iam sonabant.

[15] Et quia fallere non minus videtur, qui gesta praeterit sciens, quam ille, qui numquam facta confingit,¹¹ non abnuimus (neque enim ambigitur) salutem Valentis, et antea saepius per occultas coitiones, et tune in extrema demersam, ferrumque ad iugulum eius prope adactum a militaribus, fato reflectente depulsum, quem lacrimosis in Thracia discriminibus destinarat.

[16] Namque et in nemoroso quodam inter Antiochiam et Seleuciam loco leni quiete post meridiem consopitus, a Sallustio tune scutario, et saepe alias appetenter¹² insidiantibus multis, vitae terminis a primigenio ortu adscriptis, ausa immania frenantibus evadebat.

[17] Ut sub principibus Commodo et Severo non numquam accidebat, quorum summa vi salus crebro oppugnabatur, adeo ut post intestina pericula multa et varia alter in amphitheatrali cavea cum affuturus spectaculis introiret, a Quintiano senatore illicitae cupidinis homine, ad debilitatem paene pugione vulneraretur; alter inopinabili impetu, tempore aetatis extremo, a Saturnino centurione, consilio Plautiani praefecti, in cubiculo iacens confoderetur, ni tulisset suppetias filius adulescens.

[18] Quocirca etiam Valens erat venia dignus, vitam, quam ereptum ire perfidi properabant, omni cautela defendens. Sed inexpiabile illud erat, quod regaliter turgidus, pari eodemque iure, nihil inter se distantibus meritis, nocentes innocentesque maligna insectatione volucriter perurgebat, ut¹³ dum adhuc dubitaretur de crimine, imperatore non dubitante de poena, damnatos se quidam prius discerent quam suspectos.

[19] Adulescebat autem obstinatum eius propositum, admovente stimulos avaritia, et sua et eorum qui tune in regia versabantur, novos hiatus aperientium, et, siqua humanitatis fuisset mentio rara, hanc appellantium tarditatem: qui cruentis adulationibus, institutum hominis mortem in acie linguae portantis, ad partem pessimam depravantes, omnia turbine intempestivo perflabant, eversum ire funditus domus opulentissimas festinantes.

[20] Erat enim expositus accessu insidiantium et reclusus, vitio gemino perniciose implicitus, quod intoleranter irascebatur, tune magis cum eum puderet irasci, et quae facilitate privati opertis susurris audierat, an vera essent, excutere tumore principis supersedens pro veris accipiebat et certis.

[21] Inde factum est ut clementiae specie penatibus multi protruderentur insontes, praeceps¹⁴ in exsilium acti, quorum in aerario bona coacta et ipse ad quaestus proprios redigebat, ut damnati cibo precario victitarent, angustiis formidandae paupertatis attriti, cuius metu vel in mare nos ire praecipites suadet Theognis poeta vetus et prudens.

[22] Quae etiam si recta fuisse concesserit quisquam, erat tamen ipsa nimietas odiosa. Unde animadversum est recte hoc definitum, nullam esse crudeliorem sententiam ea, quae est (cum parcere videtur) asperior.

[23] Igitur cum praefecto praetorio summatibus quaesitis in unum, quibus cognitiones commissae sunt, intenduntur eculei, expediuntur pondera plumbea, cum fidiculis et verberibus, resultabant omnia truculentae vocis horroribus, inter catenarum sonitus Tene, claude, comprime, abde¹⁵ ministris officiorum tristium clamitantibus.

[24] Et quoniam addici¹⁶ post cruciabiles poenas vidimus multos, ut in tenebrosis rebus confusione cuncta miscente, summatim quia nos penitissima gestorum memoria fugit, quae recolere possumus, expeditius absolvemus.

[25] Primo intro vocatus¹⁷ post interrogatiunculas leves, Pergamius, a Palladio (ut dictum est) proditus, quaedam imprecationibus praescisse nefariis, sicut erat impendio eloquentior, et in verba periculosa proiectus, inter ambigentes iudices, quid prius quaeri debeat quidve posterius, dicere audacter exorsus, multa hominum milia quasi consciorum sine fine¹⁸ strependo fundebat, modo non ab extremo Atlante magnorum criminum arguendos poscens aliquos exhiberi. Quo (ut consarcinante nimis ardua) morte multato, aliisque gregatim post illum ilium occisis, ad ipsius Theodori causam quasi ad¹⁹ Olympici certaminis pulverem pervenitur.

[26] Eodem die inter complura alia hoc quoque evenerat triste, quod Salia, thesaurorum paulo ante per Thracias comes, cum de vinculis educitur audiendus, et calceo inserit pedem, quasi ruina incidentis immensi terroris repente perculsus, animam inter retinentium manus efflavit.

[27] Constituto itaque iudicio, et cognitoribus praescripta ostentantibus legum, sed ex voluntate dominantis moderantibus²⁰ momenta causarum, horror pervaserat universos. Totus enim devius ab aequitate dilapsus, iamque eruditior ad laedendum, in modum harenariae ferae, si admotus quisquam fabricae diffugisset, ad ultimam rabiem saeviebat.

[28] Inducti itaque Patricius et Hilarius, ordinemque replicare iussi gestorum, cum inter exordia variarent, fodicatis lateribus, illato tripede quo utebantur, adacti ad summas angustias, aperiunt negotii fidem, ab ipsis exordiis replicatam.²¹ Et prius Hilarius:

[29] Construximus, inquit, magnifici iudices, ad cortinae similitudinem Delphicae, diris auspiciis, de laureis virgulis infaustam hanc mensulam, quam videtis, et imprecationibus carminum secretorum, choragiisque multis ac diuturnis, ritualiter consecratam, movimus tandem: movendi autem quotiens super rebus arcanis consulebatur, erat institutio talis.

[30] Collocabatur in medio domus, emaculatae odoribus Arabicis undique, lance rotunda pure²² superposita, ex diversis metallicis materiis fabrefacta. Cuius in ambitu rotunditatis extremo, elementorum viginti quattuor scriptiles formae incisae perite, diiungebantur spatiis examinate dimensis.

[31] Ac²³ linteis quidam indumentis amictus, calceatusque itidem linteis soccis, torulo capiti circumflexo, verbenas felicis arboris gestans, litato conceptis carminibus numine, praescitorum²⁴ auctore, caerimoniali scientia supersistit cortinulae sacerdos²⁵ pensilem anulum librans, aptum²⁶ ex Carphathio carpathio²⁷ filo perquam levi, mysticis disciplinis initiatum: qui per intervalla distincta, retinentibus singulis litteris, incidens saltuatim, heroos efficit versus, interrogationibus consonos, ad numeros et modos plene conclusos, quales leguntur Pythici vel ex oraculis editi Branchidarum.

[32] Ibi tum quaerentibus nobis, 'qui praesenti succedet imperio'?, quoniam omni parte expolitus fore memorabatur, et assiliens anulus, duas perstrinxerat syllabas ΘΕΟ²⁸ cum adiectione litterae posterae,²⁹ exclamavit praesentium quidam, Theodorum praescribente fatali necessitate portendi. Nec ultra super negotio est exploratum: satis enim apud nos constabat hunc esse qui poscebatur.

[33] Cumque totius rei notitiam ita signate sub oculis iudicum subiecisset, adiecit benivole id Theodorum penitus ignorare. Post haec interrogati an ex fide sortium quas agitabant, ea praescierint quae sustinerent, versus illos notissimos ediderunt clare pronuntiantes capitalem eis hanc operam scrutandi sublimiora cito futuram; nihilo minus tamen ipsi quoque cum cognitoribus principi caedis incendiaque flatantes,³⁰ furias imminere; quorum tres ponere sufficiet ultimos:

οὐ μὰν νηποινί γε σὸν ἔσσεται αἷμα καὶ αὐτοῖς

Τισιφόνη βαρύμηνις ἐφοπλίσσει³¹ κακὸν οἶτον

ἐν πεδίοισι Μίμαντος ἀγαιομένοιο³² Ἄρηος.

Quibus lectis, unguibus male mulcati, separantur exanimes.

[34] Postea ut cogitati sceleris officina pateret aperte, honoratorum bonoratorum inducitur globus, vertices ipsos continens rerum. Cumque nihil praeter se quisque cernens, ruinam suam impelleret super alium, permisso³³ quaesitorum coeptans dicere Theodorus, primo in precem venialem prostratus, dein artius respondere compulsus, ostendit se cognita per Euserium, ne ad imperatorem referret, ut conatus est aliquotiens, ab eo prohibitum, asserente, non appetitu regni occupandi illicito, sed ratione quadam indeclinabilis fati, id quod sperabatur ultro venturum.

[35] Deinde haec eadem Euserio sub cruenta quaestione confesso, confutabant Theodorum litterae suae, per ambagis obliquas ad Hilarium scriptae, quibus spe iam firma concepta ex vatibus, de re non cunctabatur, sed tempus patrandae cupidinis quaeritabat.

[36] Quibus post haec cognita sequestratis, Eutropius Asiam proconsulari tune obtinens potestate, ut factionis conscius arcessitus in crimen, abscessit innocuus, Pasiphilo eximente philosopho, qui ut eum mendacio iniusto perverteret, crudeliter tortus, de statu robustae mentis non potuit deturbari.

[37] His accessit philosophus Simonides, adulescens ille quidem, verum nostra memoria severissimus. Qui cum audisse negotium per Fidustium deferretur, et causam non ex veritate sed ex unius nutu pensari vidisset, didicisse se dixit praedicta, sed commissa pro firmitate animi tacuisse.

[38] Quis omnibus perspicaciter inquisitis, imperator cognitorum consultationi respondens, sub uno proloquio cunctos iubet occidi, et vix sine animorum horrore funestum spectaculum multitudine innumera contuente, et onerante questibus caelum (namque singulorum mala omnium esse communia credebantur), ducti universi flebiliter iugulantur praeter Simonidem, quem solum saevus ille sententiae lator, efferatus ob constantiam gravem, iusserat flammis exuri.

[39] Qui vitam ut dominam fugitans rabidam, ridens subitas momentorum ruinas, immobilis conflagravit, Peregrinum ilium imitatus (Protea cognomine) philosophum clarum, qui cum mundo digredi statuisset, Olympiae quinquennali certamine sub Graeciae conspectu totius, escenso rogo quem ipse construxit, flammis absumptus est.

[40] Et post hunc diebus secutis, omnium fere ordinum multitudo multitude, quam nominatim recensere est arduum, in plagas calumniarum coniecta, percussorum dexteras fatigavit, tormentis et plumbo et verberibus ante debilitata, sumptumque est de quibusdam sine spiramento vel mora supplicium, dum quaeritur an sumi deberet, et ut pecudum ubique trucidatio cernebatur.

[41] Deinde congesti innumeri codices, et acervi voluminum multi, sub conspectu iudicum concremati sunt, ex domibus eruti variis ut illiciti, ad leniendam caesorum invidiam, cum essent plerique liberalium disciplinarum indices variarum et iuris.

[42] Neque ita multo post Maximus ille philosophus, vir ingenti nomine doctrinarum, cuius ex uberrimis sermonibus ad scientiam copiosus Iulianus exstitit imperator, oraculi supra dicti versus audisse insimulatus, seque comperisse assensus, sed reticenda professionis consideratione non effudisse, verum ultro praedixisse consultores ipsos suppliciis poenalibus perituros, Ephesum ad genuinam patriam ductus, ibique capite truncatus,³⁴ sensit docente periculo postremo quaesitoris iniquitatem omnibus esse criminibus graviorem.

[43] Constrictus etiam Diogenes laqueis impiae falsitatis, vir nobili prosapia editus, ingenio facundia forti³⁵ suavitateque praestans, dudum Bithyniae rector, ut opimum patrimonium eius diriperetur, capitali est poena affectus.

[44] Ecce autem Alypius quoque, ex vicario Britanniarum, placiditatis homo iucundae, post otiosam et repositam vitam (quoniam huc usque iniustitia tetenderat manus) in squalore maximo volutatus, ut veneficus³⁶ reus citatus est, cum Hierocle filio, adulescente indolis bonae, urgente Diogene quodam et vili et solo,³⁷ omnique laniena excruciate, ut verba placentia principi, vel potius accersitori, loqueretur: quo cum poenis non sufficerent membra, vivo exusto, ipse quoque Alypius post multationem bonorum exsulare praeceptus, filium miserabiliter ductum ad mortem casu quodam prospero revocatum excepit.

Res Gestae. Ammianus Marcellinus. John C. Rolfe (Translator). Cambridge, MA. 1935-1940.

Sponsored by Perseus Project, Tufts University.

Funding provided by Tufts University.

Current edition Perseus

Res Gestae (Ammianus Marcellinus. Ammianus Marcellinus, with an English translation, Vols. I-III. Rolfe, John C., editor. Cambridge, MA; London: Harvard University Press; W. Heinemann, 1935-1940 (printing).)

Translations (1)

History Perseus (Ammianus Marcellinus. Ammianus Marcellinus, with an English translation, Vols. I-III. Rolfe, John C., translator. Cambridge, MA; London: Harvard University Press; W. Heinemann, 1935-1940 (printing).) — 29.1 focus

[1] At the end of the winter Sapor, king of the¹ Persian nations, made immoderately arrogant by the confidence inspired by his former battles, having filled up the number of his army and greatly strengthened it, had sent his mailed horsemen, archers, and mercenary soldiers to invade our territories.

[2] To meet these forces the general Trajanus and Vadomarius, the former king of the Alamanni, advanced with very powerful forces, appointed by the emperor’s order to observe the policy of keeping off the Persians rather than attacking them.

[3] When they had come to Vagabanta,² a favourable place for the legions, they met unwillingly the swift attacks of the enemy’s cavalry fiercely rushing upon them, and purposely retreated, in order not to be first to wound anyone of their adversaries and thus be judged guilty of violating the treaty; but at last, driven by extreme necessity, they engaged in battle, and, after slaying many of the Persians, came off victorious.

[4] But during the delay which followed, several skirmishes were tried by both sides, which ended with varying results; and an armistice having been concluded by common consent, and the summer having ended, the leaders of both sides departed in different directions, still at enmity with each other. Now the king³ of the Parthians returned home, to spend the winter in Ctesiphon; but the Roman emperor entered Antioch. And while the latter was staying there, free from anxiety from foreign foes for the time, he almost fell victim to domestic treason, as an account of the series of events will show.

[5] A certain Procopius, a turbulent man, always⁴ given over to a lust for disturbances, had charged two courtiers named Anatolias and Spudasius, about whom orders had been given that money of which they had defrauded the treasury be exacted of them, with having attempted the life of Count Fortunatianus, notorious as being a tiresome dunner. He, being hot-tempered, was immediately aroused to a mad degree of wrath, and by the authority of the office which he held,⁵ handed over a certain Palladius, a man of low birth, as one who had been hired as a poisoner by the afore-mentioned courtiers, and an interpreter of the fates by horoscope, Heliodorus by name, to the court of the praetorian prefecture, in order that they might be forced to tell what they knew about the matter.

[6] But when they came to a vigorous investigation of the deed, or the attempt, Palladius boldly cried out that those matters about which they were inquiring were trivial and negligible; that if he were allowed to speak, he would tell of other things more important and fearful, which had already been plotted with great preparations, and unless foresight were used would upset the whole state. And on being bidden to tell freely what he knew, he uncoiled an endless cable of crimes,⁶ declaring that the ex-governor Fidustius, and Pergamius, with Irenaeus, by detestable arts of divination, had secretly learned the name of the man who was to succeed Valens.

[7] Fidustius was seized on the spot—for he chanced to be near by —and was brought up secretly, and on being faced with the informer, he did not attempt to veil with any denial a matter already publicly known, but disclosed the deadly details of the whole plot; he freely admitted that he had, with Hilarius and Patricius, men skilled in divination, of whom the former had served in the household troops, sought information about the succession, and that the predictions inspired by secret arts had both foretold the naming of an excellent prince, and for the questioners themselves a sad end.

[8] And while they were in doubt who there was at the time that was superior to all in strength of character, it seemed to them that Theodorus⁷ surpassed all others; he had already gained second rank among the secretaries, and was in fact such a man as they thought him. For he was born of a clan famous in olden times in Gaul, liberally educated from earliest childhood, and so eminent for his modesty, good sense, refinement, charm, and learning that he always seemed superior to every office and rank that he was holding,⁸ and was dear alike to high and low. He was also almost the only man whose mouth was closed by no fear of danger, since he bridled his tongue and reflected on what he was going to say.

[9] Fidustius, already tortured almost to death, also added to this that Theodorus had learned all these prophecies from information which he himself had given him through Euserius, a man of remarkable learning and highly honoured; for shortly before that he had governed Asia with the rank of vice-prefect.

[10] When Euserius also was put in prison, and the record of what had been done had been read to the emperor as usual, Valens’ monstrous savagery spread everywhere like a fiercely blazing torch, and was increased by the base flattery of many men, and in particular by that of Modestus,⁹ who was then praetorian prefect.

[11] This man, being daily terrified by the thought of a successor, by tricking Valens, who was somewhat simple-minded, with veiled but clever flattery tried to wheedle over the emperor’s favour in various ways, calling his rough, crude words choice Ciceronian posies; and to increase his vanity he declared that, if Valens should order it, even the stars could be brought down and displayed for him.

[12] Accordingly, orders were given that Theodorus also should be with swift dispatch hurried there¹⁰ from Constantinople, to which he had gone on domestic business, and while he was being brought back, as the result of sundry preliminary trials, which were carried on day and night, a number of men, conspicuous for their rank and high birth, were brought from widely separated places.

[13] And, since neither the public dungeons, already full to overflowing, nor private houses could contain the throngs of prisoners, although they were crammed together in hot and stifling crowds, and since the greater number of them were in irons, they all dreaded their own fate and that of their nearest relatives.

[14] Finally Theodorus himself also arrived, half dead with fear and in mourning garb, and when he had been hidden in a remote part of the country,¹¹ and everything was ready that the coming inquiries required, the trumpets were already sounding the signal for the murder of citizens.

[15] And because that man does not seem less deceitful who knowingly passes over what has been done, than one who invents things that never happened, I do not deny—and in fact there is no doubt about it—that Valens’ life, not only often before through secret conspiracies, but also on this occasion, was plunged into extreme danger, and that a sword was almost driven into his throat by the soldiers; it was thrust away and turned aside by the hand of Fate only because she had destined him to suffer lamentable disasters in Thrace.¹²

[16] For when he was quietly sleeping after midday in a wooded spot between Antioch and Seleucia, he was attacked by Sallustius, then one of the targeteers; but although at other times many men often eagerly made plots against his life, he escaped them all, since the limits of life assigned him at his very birth curbed these monstrous attempts.

[17] The same thing sometimes happened during the reigns of Commodus and Severus, whose life was often attempted with extreme violence, until finally the one, after escaping many varied dangers within the palace, as he was entering the pit of the amphitheatre to attend the games, was dangerously wounded with a dagger by the senator Quintianus, a man of unlawful ambition, and almost disabled;¹³ the other, when far advanced in years, would have been stabbed by the centurion Saturninus (who at the instigation of the prefect Plautianus made an unexpected attack on him as he lay in bed) had not his young son borne him aid.

[18] Therefore Valens also deserved excuse for taking every precaution to protect his life, which treacherous foes were trying in haste to take from him. But it was inexcusable that, with despotic anger, he was swift to assail with malicious persecution guilty and innocent under one and the same law, making no distinction in their deserts; so that while there was still doubt about the crime, the emperor had made up his mind about the penalty, and some learned that they had been condemned to death before knowing that they were under suspicion.

[19] This persistent purpose of his increased, spurred on as it was both by his own greed and that of persons who frequented the court at that time, and opened the way to fresh desires, and if any mention of mercy was made—which rarely happened—called it slackness. These men through their bloodthirsty flatteries perverted in the worst possible direction the character of a man who carried death at the tip of his tongue,¹⁴ and blew everything down with an untimely hurricane, hastening to overturn utterly the richest houses.

[20] For he was exposed and open to the approach of plotters through his dangerous tendency to two faults: first, he was more prone to intolerable anger, when to be angry at all was shameful; secondly, in his princely pride he did not condescend to sift the truth of what, with the readiness of access of a man in private life, he had heard in secret whispers, but accepted as true and certain.

[21] The result was that many innocent persons under the appearance of mercy were thrust forth from their homes, and driven headlong into exile; and their property, which was consigned to the treasury, the emperor himself turned to his own profit,¹⁵ while the condemned, worn out by the privations of fearful poverty, were reduced to beggary—and that is a fate to avoid which the wise old poet Theognis advises us actually to hurl ourselves into the sea.¹⁶

[22] And even if anyone should admit that these things were right, yet their excess alone was hateful. Whence it was observed that the maxim is true, that no sentence is more cruel than one which conceals great severity under the guise of mercy.

[23] Accordingly, when the highest officials, to whom the investigations had been entrusted together with the praetorian prefect, had been called together, the racks were made taut, the leaden weights¹⁷ were brought out along with the cords and the scourges. The whole place echoed with the horrible cries of a savage voice, as those who did the awful work shouted amid the clanking of chains: Hold him; clamp; tighten; away with him.¹⁸

[24] And, since I have seen many condemned after horrible tortures, but everything is a jumble of confusion as in times of darkness, I shall, since the complete recollection of what was done has escaped me, give a brief and summary account of what I can recall.

[25] First, after some unimportant questions, Pergamius was called in, betrayed (as has been said)¹⁹ by Palladius of having foreknowledge of certain things through criminal incantations. Since he was very eloquent and was prone to say dangerous things, while the judges were in doubt what ought to be asked first and what last, he began to speak boldly, and shouted out in an endless flood the names of a very large number of men as accomplices, demanding that some be produced from all but the ends of the earth, to be accused of great crimes. He, as the contriver of too hard a task,²⁰ was punished with death; and after him others were executed in flocks; then finally they came to the case of Theodorus himself, as if to the dusty arena of an Olympic contest.

[26] And that same day, among very many others, this sad event also happened, that Salia, shortly before master of the treasures²¹ in Thrace, when he was brought out of prison to be heard, just as he was putting his foot into his shoe, as if under the stroke of great terror suddenly falling upon him, breathed his last in the arms of those who held him.

[27] Well then, when the court was ready to act, while the judges called attention to the provisions of the laws, but nevertheless regulated their handling of the cases according to the wish of the ruler, terror seized upon all. For Valens had entirely swerved from the high-way of justice, and had now learned better how to hurt; so he broke out into frenzied fits of rage, like a wild beast trained for the arena if it sees that anyone brought near to the barrier has made his escape.

[28] Then Patricius and Hilarius were brought in and ordered to give a connected account of what had happened. In the beginning they were at variance with each other, but when their sides had been furrowed and the tripod which they were in the habit of using was brought in, they were driven into a corner, and gave a true account of the whole business, which they unfolded from its very beginning. First Hilarius said:

[29] O most honoured judges, we constructed from laurel twigs under dire auspices this unlucky little table which you see, in the likeness of the Delphic tripod, and having duly consecrated it by secret incantations, after many long-continued rehearsals we at length made it work. Now the manner of its working, whenever it was consulted about hidden matters, was as follows.

[30] It was placed in the middle of a house purified thoroughly with Arabic perfumes; on it was placed a perfectly round plate made of various metallic substances. Around its outer rim the written forms of the twenty-four letters of the alphabet were skilfully engraved, separated from one another by carefully measured spaces.

[31] Then a man clad in linen garments, shod also in linen sandals and having a fillet wound about his head, carrying twigs from a tree of good omen, after propitiating in a set formula the divine power from whom predictions come, having full knowledge of the ceremonial, stood over the tripod as priest and set swinging a hanging ring fitted to a very fine linen²² thread and consecrated with mystic arts. This ring, passing over the designated intervals in a series of jumps, and falling upon this and that letter which detained it, made hexameters corresponding with the questions and completely finished in feet and rhythm, like the Pythian verses which we read, or those given out from the oracles of the Branchidae.²³

[32] When we then and there inquired, what man will succeed the present emperor?, since it was said that he would be perfect in every particular, and the ring leaped forward and lightly touched the two syllables θεο, adding the next letter,²⁴ then one of those present cried out that by the decision of inevitable fate Theodorus was meant. And there was no further investigation of the matter; for it was agreed among us that he was the man who was sought.

[33] And when Hilarius had laid the knowledge of the whole matter so clearly before the eyes of the judges, he kindly added that Theodorus was completely ignorant of what was done. After this, being asked whether they had, from belief in the oracles which they practised, known beforehand what they were now suffering, they uttered those familiar verses which clearly announced that this work of inquiring into the superhuman would soon be fatal to them, but that nevertheless the Furies, breathing out death and fire, threatened also the emperor himself and his judges. Of these verses it will suffice to quote the last three:

Avenged will be your blood. Against them too

Tisiphonê’s deep wrath arms evil fate,

While Ares rages on the plain of Mimas.

When these verses had been read, both were terribly torn by the hooks of the torturers and taken away senseless.

[34] Later, in order wholly to lay bare this factory of the crimes that had been meditated, a group of distinguished men was led in, comprising the very heads of the undertaking. But since each one had regard for nothing but himself, and tried to shift his ruin to another, by permission of the inquisitors Theodorus began to speak; at first lying prostrate in a humble prayer for pardon, but then, when compelled to talk more to the point, he declared that he had learned of the affair through Euserius and tried more than once to report it to the emperor, but was prevented by his informant, who assured him that no illicit attempt to usurp the throne, but some inevitable will of fate, would realize their hopes without effort on their part.

[35] Then Euserius, under bloody torture, made the same confession, but Theodorus was convicted by a letter of his own written in ambiguous and tortuous language to Hilarius, in which he did not hesitate about the matter, but only sought an opportunity to attain his desire, having already a strong confidence begotten from the soothsayers.

[36] When these had been removed after this information, Eutropius,²⁵ then governing Asia with proconsular authority, was summoned on the charge of complicity in the plot. But he escaped without harm, saved by the philosopher Pasiphilus, who, although cruelly tortured to induce him to bring about the ruin of Eutropius through a false charge, could not be turned from the firmness of a steadfast mind.

[37] There was, besides these, the philosopher Simonides, a young man, it is true, but of anyone within our memory the strictest in his principles. When he was charged with having heard of the affair through Fidustius and saw that the trial depended, not on the truth, but on the nod of one man, he said that he had learned of the predictions, but as a man of firm purpose he kept the secret which had been confided to him.

[38] After all these matters had been examined with sharp eye, the emperor, in answer to the question put by the judges, under one decree ordered the execution of all of the accused; and in the presence of a vast throng, who could hardly look upon the dreadful sight without inward shuddering and burdening the air with laments—for the woes of individuals were regarded as common to all—they were all led away and wretchedly strangled except Simonides; him alone that cruel author of the verdict, maddened by his steadfast firmness, had ordered to be burned alive.

[39] Simonides, however, ready to escape from life as from a cruel tyrant, and laughing at the sudden disasters of human destiny, stood unmoved amid the flames; imitating that celebrated philosopher Peregrinus, surnamed Proteus,²⁶ who, when he had determined to depart from life, at the quinquennial Olympic festival, in the sight of all Greece, mounted a funeral pyre which he himself had constructed and was consumed by the flames.

[40] And after him, in the days that followed, a throng of men of almost all ranks, whom it would be difficult to enumerate by name, involved in the snares of calumny, wearied the arms of the executioners after being first crippled by rack, lead, and scourge. Some were punished without breathing-space or delay, while inquiry was being made whether they deserved punishment; everywhere the scene was like a slaughtering of cattle.

[41] Then, innumerable writings and many heaps of volumes were hauled out from various houses and under the eyes of the judges were burned in heaps as being unlawful, to allay the indignation at the executions, although the greater number were treatises on the liberal arts and on jurisprudence.

[42] And not so very long afterward that famous philosopher Maximus, a man with a great reputation for learning, through whose rich discourses Julian stood out as an emperor well stored as regards knowledge,²⁷ was alleged to have heard the verses of the aforesaid oracle. And he admitted that he had learnt of them, but out of regard for his philosophical principles had not divulged secrets, although he had volunteered the prediction that the consultors of the future would themselves perish by capital punishment. Thereupon he was taken to his native city of Ephesus and there beheaded;²⁸ and taught by his final danger he came to know that the injustice of a judge was more formidable than any accusation.

[43] Diogenes also was entangled in the snares of an impious falsehood. He was a man born of noble stock, eminent for his talent, his fearless eloquence, and his charm; he was a former governor of Bithynia, but was now punished with death in order that his rich patrimony might be plundered.

[44] Lo! even Alypius also, former vice-governor of Britain,²⁹ a man amiable and gentle, after living in leisure and retirement—since even as far as this had injustice stretched her hand—was made to wallow in utmost wretchedness; he was accused with his son Hierocles, a young man of good character, as guilty of magic, on the sole evidence of a certain Diogenes, a man of low origin, who was tortured with every degree of butchery, to lead him to give testimony agreeable to the emperor, or rather to the instigator of the charge. Diogenes, when not enough of his body was left for torture, was burned alive; Alypius himself also, after confiscation of his goods, was condemned to exile, but recovered his son, who was already being led to a wretched death,³⁰ but by a lucky chance was reprieved.

Notes on the current edition

Res Gestae

1. gentium, V 1EA, restored by Pet.; gentis, G; senior, Her.; ingentior, sugg. by Clark; gentior, V2

2. miserat, Clark, c.c.; misit, V.

3. delata, V 1EA; dilata, G; declarata, Pet.; dalata, V 2.

4. explicauit, Novák, c.c.; explicuit, V.

5. indice uiso, tr. by Clark, c.c.; indicis ore, Novák; uiso indice, V.

6. et, added by Val.; V omits.

7. cunctantibus, V; scrutantibus, Pet.

8. idem, V; fidem, Clark.

9. praestabilem, Corn.; praestabili, V.

10. inclusorum iam, V, iam deleted by Pet., Novák.

11. confingit, Novák, c.c.; fingit, V.

12. adpetenter, V, restored by Pet.; appetitus, G; adpetitus latenter, Her.

13. ut, Lind.; et, V.

14. preceps, V; praecipites, Gardt.

15. abde, V; adde, Momm. (cf. Livy, xxvi. 16, 3); obde, Her. (cf. Prud., Perist. v. 95).

16. addici, G; abdi, Momm.; addi, V.

17. uocatus, W 2, C. F. W. M.; uocatur, N 2A; uocatu, VWG.

18. fine, added in G; V omits.

19. ad, W 2AG, deleted by Novák; odolympico, V.

20. moderantibus, V; ponderantibus, Pet.

21. replicatam, V; replicati, Novák.

22. pure, V; turi, Momm., del. C. F. W. M. as dittogr.

23. ac, E, C. F. W. M. ; has, G; hac, V.

24. praescitorum, N; praescitionum, G; praesagitionum, Corn.; praescitiorum, V.

25. cortinulae sacerdos, Gardt.; cortinules (lac. 8 letters), V.

26. aptum, Wagner; sartum, EA; artum, VHG.

27. carpathio, G, T.L.L. ( = carbasino, linteo); carbasio, Val.; carfathio, V.

28. ΘΕΟ Val.; et, VEAG; set, Pet.

29. posterae, Her.; postremae, E, Gardt; postrema, V.

30. flatantes, V, def. Her.; flagitantes, G.

31. ἐφοπλισσει, Gronov; ΕΦΟΠ, ΑΗΞΕΙ, V.

32. ἀγαιομένοιο Ἄρηος, Haupt; καιομένοις κάρ, G; ΑΙΑ ΕΟ ΜΕΝΟΚΑΡ hoc, V.

33. permisso, V, restored by Pet.; permissu, Val.

34. c. truncatus, V, restitui (Amm. admits this cursus; see Blomgren, Index, s.v. cursus); c. detruncatus, Fletcher, c.c.

35. forti, Pet.; forensi, G; oris, Corn.; fortis, V.

36. ueneficus, E, Clark; ueneficii, G; beneficus, V.

37. lac. after solo, Her.; no lac. in V.

Ammianus Marcellinus Res Gestae 29.1

John C. Rolfe (Translator)

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Theodorus notarius imperium affectat, et apud Valentem Antiochiae accusatus maiestatis, convictusque cum plurimis criminis consciis interficitur.

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