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Preface: Political Constitutions

I AM aware that some will be at a loss to account for my interrupting the course of my narrative for the sake of entering upon the following disquisition on the Roman constitution. But I think that I have already in many passages made it fully evident that this particular branch of my work was one of the necessities imposed on me by the nature of my original design; and I pointed this out with special clearness in the preface which explained the scope of my history. I there stated that the feature of my work which was at once the best in itself, and the most instructive to the students of it, was that it would enable them to know and fully realise in what manner, and under what kind of constitution, it came about that nearly the whole world fell under the power of Rome in somewhat less than fifty-three years,—an event certainly without precedent. This being my settled purpose, I could see no more fitting period than the present for making a pause, and examining the truth of the remarks about to be made on this constitution. In private life if you wish to satisfy yourself as to the badness or goodness of particular persons, you would not, if you wish to get a genuine test, examine their conduct at a time of uneventful repose, but in the hour of brilliant success or conspicuous reverse. For the true test of a perfect man is the power of bearing with spirit and dignity violent changes of fortune. An examination of a constitution should be conducted in the same way: and therefore being unable to find in our day a more rapid or more signal change than that which has happened to Rome , I reserved my disquistion on its constitution for this place. . . .

What is really educational and beneficial to students of history is the clear view of the causes of events, and the consequent power of choosing the better policy in a particular case. Now in every practical undertaking by a state we must regard as the most powerful agent for success or failure the form of its constitution; for from this as from a fountain-head all conceptions and plans of action not only proceed, but attain their consummation.

¹ . . .

Classification of Constitutions

Of the Greek republics, which have again and again risen to greatness and fallen into insignificance, it is not difficult to speak, whether we recount their past history or venture an opinion on their future. For to report what is already known is an easy task, nor is it hard to guess what is to come from our knowledge of what has been. But in regard to the Romans it is neither an easy matter to describe their present state, owing to the complexity of their constitution; nor to speak with confidence of their future, from our inadequate acquaintance with their peculiar institutions in the past whether affecting their public or their private life. It will require then no ordinary attention and study to get a clear and comprehensive conception of the distinctive features of this constitution.

Now, it is undoubtedly the case that most of those who² profess to give us authoritative instruction on this subject distinguish three kinds of constitutions, which they designate kingship, aristocracy, democracy. But in my opinion the question might fairly be put to them, whether they name these as being the only ones, or as the best. In either case I think they are wrong. For it is plain that we must regard as the best constitution that which partakes of all these three elements. And this is no mere assertion, but has been proved by the example of Lycurgus, who was the first to construct a constitution—that of Sparta—on this principle. Nor can we admit that these are the only forms: for we have had before now examples of absolute and tyrannical forms of government, which, while differing as widely as possible from kingship, yet appear to have some points of resemblance to it; on which account all absolute rulers falsely assume and use, as far as they can, the title of king. Again there have been many instances of oligarchical governments having in appearance some analogy to aristocracies, which are, if I may say so, as different from them as it is possible to be. The same also holds good about democracy.

The Rotation of Polities

I will illustrate the truth of what I say. We cannot ³ hold every absolute government to be a kingship, but only that which is accepted voluntarily, and is directed by an appeal to reason rather than to fear and force. Nor again is every oligarchy to be regarded as an aristocracy; the latter exists only where the power is wielded by the justest and wisest men selected on their merits. Similarly, it is not enough to constitute a democracy that the whole crowd of citizens should have the right to do whatever they wish or propose. But where reverence to the gods, succour of parents, respect to elders, obedience to laws, are traditional and habitual, in such communities, if the will of the majority prevail, we may speak of the form of government as a democracy. So then we enumerate six forms of government,—the three commonly spoken of which I have just mentioned, and three more allied forms, I mean despotism, oligarchy and mob-rule. The first of these arises without artificial aid and in the natural order of events. Next to this, and produced from it by the aid of art and adjustment, comes kingship; which degenerating into the evil form allied to it, by which I mean tyranny, both are once more destroyed and aristocracy produced. Again the latter being in the course of nature perverted to oligarchy, and the people passionately avenging the unjust acts of their rulers, democracy comes into existence; which again by its violence and contempt of law becomes sheer mob-rule.⁴ No clearer proof of the truth of what I say could be obtained than by a careful observation of the natural origin, genesis, and decadence of these several forms of government. For it is only by seeing distinctly how each of them is produced that a distinct view can also be obtained of its growth, zenith, and decadence, and the time, circumstance, and place in which each of these may be expected to recur. This method I have assumed to be especially applicable to the Roman constitution, because its origin and growth have from the first followed natural causes.

The Origin of Constitutions

Now the natural laws which regulate the merging of one form of government into another are perhaps discussed with greater accuracy by Plato and some other philosophers. But their treatment, from its intricacy and exhaustiveness, is only within the capacity of a few. I will therefore endeavour to give a summary of the subject, just so far as I suppose it to fall within the scope of a practical history and the intelligence of ordinary people. For if my exposition appear in any way inadequate, owing to the general terms in which it is expressed, the details contained in what is immediately to follow will amply atone for what is left for the present unsolved.

What is the origin then of a constitution, and whence is it⁵ produced? Suppose that from floods, pestilences, failure of crops, or some such causes the race of man is reduced almost to extinction. Such things we are told have happened, and it is reasonable to think will happen again. Suppose accordingly all knowledge of social habits and arts to have been lost. Suppose that from the survivors, as from seeds, the race of man to have again multiplied. In that case I presume they would, like the animals, herd together; for it is but reasonable to suppose that bodily weakness would induce them to seek those of their own kind to herd with. And in that case too, as with the animals, he who was superior to the rest in strength of body or courage of soul would lead and rule them. For what we see happen in the case of animals that are without the faculty of reason, such as bulls, goats, and cocks,—among whom there can be no dispute that the strongest take the lead, —that we must regard as in the truest sense the teaching of nature. Originally then it is probable that the condition of life among men was this,—herding together like animals and following the strongest and bravest as leaders. The limit of this authority would be physical strength, and the name we should give it would be despotism. But as soon as the idea of family ties and social relation has arisen amongst such agglomerations of men, then is born also the idea of kingship, and then for the first time mankind conceives the notion of goodness and justice and their reverse.

Origin of Morality and Rule

The way in which such conceptions originate and come ⁶ into existence is this. The intercourse of the sexes is an instinct of nature, and the result is the birth of children. Now, if any one of these children who have been brought up, when arrived at maturity, is ungrateful and makes no return to those by whom he was nurtured, but on the contrary presumes to injure them by word and deed, it is plain that he will probably offend and annoy such as are present, and have seen the care and trouble bestowed by the parents on the nurture and bringing up of their children. For seeing that men differ from the other animals in being the only creatures possessed of reasoning powers, it is clear that such a difference of conduct is not likely to escape their observation; but that they will remark it when it occurs, and express their displeasure on the spot: because they will have an eye to the future, and will reason on the likelihood of the same occurring to each of themselves. Again, if a man has been rescued or helped in an hour of danger, and, instead of showing gratitude to his preserver, seeks to do him harm, it is clearly probable that the rest will be displeased and offended with him, when they know it: sympathising with their neighbour and imagining themselves in his case. Hence arises a notion in every breast of the meaning and theory of duty, which is in fact the beginning and end of justice. Similarly, again, when any one man stands out as the champion of all in a time of danger, and braves with firm courage the onslaught of the most powerful wild beasts, it is probable that such a man would meet with marks of favour and pre-eminence from the common people; while he who acted in a contrary way would fall under their contempt and dislike. ⁷ From this, once more, it is reasonable to suppose that there would arise in the minds of the multitude a theory of the disgraceful and the honourable, and of the difference between them; and that one should be sought and imitated for its advantages, the other shunned. When, therefore, the leading and most powerful man among his people ever encourages such persons in accordance with the popular sentiment, and thereby assumes in the eyes of his subject the appearance of being the distributor to each man according to his deserts, they no longer obey him and support his rule from fear of violence, but rather from conviction of its utility, however old he may be, rallying round him with one heart and soul, and fighting against all who form designs against his government. In this way he becomes a king instead of a despot by imperceptible degrees, reason having ousted brute courage and bodily strength from their supremacy.

How Kingship Turns into Tyranny

This then is the natural process of formation among mankind of the notion of goodness and justice, and their opposites; and this is the origin and genesis of genuine kingship: for people do not only keep up the government of such men personally, but for their descendants also for many generations; from the conviction that those who are born from and educated by men of this kind will have principles also like theirs. But if they subsequently become displeased with their descendants, they do not any longer decide their choice of rulers and kings by their physical strength or brute courage; but by the differences of their intellectual and reasoning faculties, from practical experience of the decisive importance of such a distinction. ⁸ In old times, then, those who were once thus selected, and obtained this office, grew old in their royal functions, making magnificent strongholds and surrounding them with walls and extending their frontiers, partly for the security of their subjects, and partly to provide them with abundance of the necessaries of life; and while engaged in these works they were exempt from all vituperation or jealousy; because they did not make their distinctive dress, food, or drink, at all conspicuous, but lived very much like the rest, and joined in the everyday employments of the common people. But when their royal power became hereditary in their family, and they found every necessary for security ready to their hands, as well as more than was necessary for their personal support, then they gave the rein to their appetites; imagined that rulers must needs wear different clothes from those of subjects; have different and elaborate luxuries of the table; and must even seek sensual indulgence, however unlawful the source, without fear of denial. These things having given rise in the one case to jealousy and offence, in the other to outburst of hatred and passionate resentment, the kingship became a tyranny: the first step in disintegration was taken; and plots began to be formed against the government, which did not now proceed from the worst men but from the noblest, most high-minded, and most courageous, because these are the men who can least submit to the tyrannical acts of their rulers.

Degeneration of Constitutions

But as soon as the people got leaders, they cooperated with them against the dynasty for ⁹ the reasons I have mentioned; and then kingship and despotism were alike entirely abolished, and aristocracy once more began to revive and start afresh. For in their immediate gratitude to those who had deposed the despots, the people employed them as leaders, and entrusted their interests to them; who, looking upon this charge at first as a great privilege, made the public advantage their chief concern, and conducted all kinds of business, public or private, with diligence and caution. But when the sons of these men received the same position of authority from their fathers,—having had no experience of misfortunes, and none at all of civil equality and freedom of speech, but having been bred up from the first under the shadow of their fathers’ authority and lofty position,—some of them gave themselves up with passion to avarice and unscrupulous love of money, others to drinking and the boundless debaucheries which accompanies it, and others to the violation of women or the forcible appropriation of boys; and so they turned an aristocracy into an oligarchy.¹⁰ But it was not long before they roused in the minds of the people the same feelings as before; and their fall therefore was very like the disaster which befell the tyrants.

How Democracy Arises and Degenerates

For no sooner had the knowledge of the jealousy and ¹¹ hatred existing in the citizens against them emboldened some one to oppose the government by word or deed, than he was sure to find the whole people ready and prepared to take his side. Having then got rid of these rulers by assassination or exile, they do not venture to set up a king again, being still in terror of the injustice to which this led before; nor dare they intrust the common interests again to more than one, considering the recent example of their misconduct: and therefore, as the only sound hope left them is that which depends upon themselves, they are driven to take refuge in that; and so changed the constitution from an oligarchy to a democracy, and took upon themselves the superintendence and charge of the state. And as long as any survive who have had experience of oligarchical supremacy and domination, they regard their present constitution as a blessing, and hold equality and freedom as of the utmost value. But as soon as a new generation has arisen, and the democracy has descended to their children’s children, long association weakens their value for equality and freedom, and some seek to become more powerful than the ordinary citizens; and the most liable to this temptation are the rich. ¹² So when they begin to be fond of office, and find themselves unable to obtain it by their own unassisted efforts and their own merits, they ruin their estates, while enticing and corrupting the common people in every possible way. By which means when, in their senseless mania for reputation, they have made the populace ready and greedy to receive bribes, the virtue of democracy is destroyed, and it is transformed into a government of violence and the strong hand. For the mob, habituated to feed at the expense of others, and to have its hopes of a livelihood in the property of its neighbours, as soon as it has got a leader sufficiently ambitious and daring, being excluded by poverty from the sweets of civil honours, produces a reign of mere violence. Then come tumultuous assemblies, massacres, banishments, redivisions of land; until, after losing all trace of civilisation, it has once more found a master and a despot.

This is the regular cycle of constitutional revolutions, and the natural order in which constitutions change, are transformed, and return again to their original stage. If a man have a clear grasp of these principles he may perhaps make a mistake as to the dates at which this or that will happen to a particular constitution; but he will rarely be entirely mistaken as to the stage of growth or decay at which it has arrived, or as to the point at which it will undergo some revolutionary change. However, it is in the case of the Roman constitution that this method of inquiry will most fully teach us its formation, its growth, and zenith, as well as the changes awaiting it in the future; for this, if any constitution ever did, owed, as I said just now, its original foundation and growth to natural causes, and to natural causes will owe its decay. My subsequent narrative will be the best illustration of what I say.

Lycurgus

For the present I will make a brief reference to the ¹³ legislation of Lycurgus: for such a discussion is not at all alien to my subject. That statesman was fully aware that all those changes which I have enumerated come about by an undeviating law of nature; and reflected that every form of government that was unmixed, and rested on one species of power, was unstable; because it was swiftly perverted into that particular form of evil peculiar to it and inherent in its nature. For just as rust is the natural dissolvent of iron, wood-worms and grubs to timber, by which they are destroyed without any external injury, but by that which is engendered in themselves; so in each constitution there is naturally engendered a particular vice inseparable from it: in kingship it is absolutism; in aristocracy it is oligarchy; in democracy lawless ferocity and violence; and to these vicious states all these forms of government are, as I have lately shown, inevitably transformed. Lycurgus, I say, saw all this, and accordingly combined together all the excellences and distinctive features of the best constitutions, that no part should become unduly predominant, and be perverted into its kindred vice; and that, each power being checked by the others, no one part should turn the scale or decisively out-balance the others; but that, by being accurately adjusted and in exact equilibrium, the whole might remain long steady like a ship sailing close to the wind. The royal power was prevented from growing insolent by fear of the people, which had also assigned to it an adequate share in the constitution. The people in their turn were restrained from a bold contempt of the kings by fear of the Gerusia: the members of which, being selected on grounds of merit, were certain to throw their influence on the side of justice in every question that arose; and thus the party placed at a disadvantage by its conservative tendency was always strengthened and supported by the weight and influence of the Gerusia. The result of this combination has been that the Lacedaemonians retained their freedom for the longest period of any people with which we are acquainted.

Lycurgus however established his constitution without the discipline of adversity, because he was able to foresee by the light of reason the course which events naturally take and the source from which they come. But though the Romans have arrived at the same result in framing their commonwealth, they have not done so by means of abstract reasoning, but through many struggles and difficulties, and by continually adopting reforms from knowledge gained in disaster. The result has been a constitution like that of Lycurgus, and the best of any existing in my time. . . .

The Roman Constitution

I have given an account of the constitution of Lycurgus, I will now endeavour to describe that of Rome at the period of their disastrous defeat at Cannae .

I am fully conscious that to those who actually live under this constitution I shall appear to give an inadequate account of it by the omission of certain details. ¹⁴ Knowing accurately every portion of it from personal experience, and from having been bred up in its customs and laws from childhood, they will not be struck so much by the accuracy of the description, as annoyed by its omissions; nor will they believe that the historian has purposely omitted unimportant distinctions, but will attribute his silence upon the origin of existing institutions or other important facts to ignorance. What is told they depreciate as insignificant or beside the purpose; what is omitted they desiderate as vital to the question: their object being to appear to know more than the writers. But a good critic should not judge a writer by what he leaves unsaid, but from what he says: if he detects mis-statement in the latter, he may then feel certain that ignorance accounts for the former; but if what he says is accurate, his omissions ought to be attributed to deliberate judgment and not to ignorance. So much for those whose criticisms are prompted by personal ambition rather than by justice. . . .

Another requisite for obtaining a judicious approval for an historical disquisition, is that it should be germane to the matter in hand; if this is not observed, though its style may be excellent and its matter irreproachable, it will seem out of place, and disgust rather than please. . . .

As for the Roman constitution, it had three elements,¹⁵ each of them possessing sovereign powers: and their respective share of power in the whole state had been regulated with such a scrupulous regard to equality and equilibrium, that no one could say for certain, not even a native, whether the constitution as a whole were an aristocracy or democracy or despotism. And no wonder: for if we confine our observation to the power of the Consuls we should be inclined to regard it as despotic; if on that of the Senate, as aristocratic; and if finally one looks at the power possessed by the people it would seem a clear case of a democracy. What the exact powers of these several parts were, and still, with slight modifications, are, I will now state.

The Consuls

The Consuls, before leading out the legions, remain in Rome and are supreme masters of the administration. All other magistrates, except the Tribunes, are under them and take their orders. They introduce foreign ambassadors to the Senate; bring matters requiring deliberation before it; and see to the execution of its decrees. If, again, there are any matters of state which require the authorisation of the people, it is their business to see to them, to summon the popular meetings, to bring the proposals before them, and to carry out the decrees of the majority. In the preparations for war also, and in a word in the entire administration of a campaign, they have all but absolute power. It is competent to them to impose on the allies such levies as they think good, to appoint the Military Tribunes, to make up the roll for soldiers and select those that are suitable. Besides they have absolute power of inflicting punishment on all who are under their command while on active service: and they have authority to expend as much of the public money as they choose, being accompanied by a quaestor who is entirely at their orders. A survey of these powers would in fact justify our describing the constitution as despotic,—a clear case of royal government. Nor will it affect the truth of my description, if any of the institutions I have described are changed in our time, or in that of our posterity: and the same remarks apply to what follows.

The Senate

The Senate has first of all the control of the treasury, and regulates the receipts and disbursements alike. For the Quaestors cannot issue any public money for the various departments of the state without a decree of the Senate, except for the service of the Consuls. The Senate controls also what is by far the largest and most important expenditure, that, namely, which is made by the censors every lustrum for the repair or construction of public buildings; this money cannot be obtained by the censors except by the grant of the Senate. Similarly all crimes committed in Italy requiring a public investigation, such as treason, conspiracy, poisoning, or wilful murder, are in the hands of the Senate. Besides, if any individual or state among the Italian allies requires a controversy to be settled, a penalty to be assessed, help or protection to be afforded,—all this is the province of the Senate. Or again, outside Italy , if it is necessary to send an embassy to reconcile warring communities, or to remind them of their duty, or sometimes to impose requisitions upon them, or to receive their submission, or finally to proclaim war against them,—this too is the business of the Senate. In like manner the reception to be given to foreign ambassadors in Rome , and the answers to be returned to them, are decided by the Senate. With such business the people have nothing to do. Consequently, if one were staying at Rome when the Consuls were not in town, one would imagine the constitution to be a complete aristocracy: and this has been the idea entertained by many Greeks, and by many kings as well, from the fact that nearly all the business they had with Rome was settled by the Senate.

The People

After this one would naturally be inclined to ask what part is left for the people in the constitution, when the Senate has these various functions, especially the control of the receipts and expenditure of the exchequer; and when the Consuls, again, have absolute power over the details of military preparation, and an absolute authority in the field? There is, however, a part left the people, and it is a most important one. For the people is the sole fountain of honour and of punishment; and it is by these two things and these alone that dynasties and constitutions and, in a word, human society are held together: for where the distinction between them is not sharply drawn both in theory and practice, there no undertaking can be properly administered,—as indeed we might expect when good and bad are held in exactly the same honour. The people then are the only court to decide matters of life and death; and even in-cases where the penalty is money, if the sum to be assessed is sufficiently serious, and especially when the accused have held the higher magistracies. And in regard to this arrangement there is one point deserving especial commendation and record. Men who are on trial for their lives at Rome , while sentence is in process of being voted,—if even only one of the tribes whose votes are needed to ratify the sentence has not voted,—have the privilege at Rome of openly departing and condemning themselves to a voluntary exile. Such men are safe at Naples or Praeneste or at Tibur , and at other towns with which this arrangement has been duly ratified on oath.

Again, it is the people who bestow offices on the deserving, which are the most honourable rewards of virtue. It has also the absolute power of passing or repealing laws; and, most important of all, it is the people who deliberate on the question of peace or war. And when provisional terms are made for alliance, suspension of hostilities, or treaties, it is the people who ratify them or the reverse.

These considerations again would lead one to say that the chief power in the state was the people’s, and that the constitution was a democracy.

Division of Political Power At Rome

Such, then, is the distribution of power between the ¹⁶ several parts of the state. I must now show how each of these several parts can, when they choose, oppose or support each other.

The Consul, then, when he has started on an expedition¹⁷ with the powers I have described, is to all appearance absolute in the administration of the business in hand; still be has need of the support both of people and Senate, and, without them, is quite unable to bring the matter to a successful conclusion. For it is plain that he must have supplies sent to his legions from time to time; but without a decree of the Senate they can be supplied neither with corn, nor clothes, nor pay, so that all the plans of a commander must be futile, if the Senate is resolved either to shrink from danger or hamper his plans. And again, whether a Consul shall bring any undertaking to a conclusion or no depends entirely upon the Senate: for it has absolute authority at the end of a year to send another Consul to supersede him, or to continue the existing one in his command. Again, even to the successes of the generals the Senate has the power to add distinction and glory, and on the other hand to obscure their merits and lower their credit, For these high achievements are brought in tangible form before the eyes of the citizens by what are called triumphs. But these triumphs the commanders cannot celebrate with proper pomp, or in some cases celebrate at all, unless the Senate concurs and grants the necessary money. ¹⁸ As for the people, the Consuls are pre-eminently obliged to court their favour, however distant from home may be the field of their operations; for it is the people, as I have said before, that ratifies, or refuses to ratify, terms of peace and treaties; but most of all because when laying down their office they have to give an account¹⁹ of their administration before it. Therefore in no case is it safe for the Consuls to neglect either the Senate or the goodwill of the people.

The Senate Controlled by the People

As for the Senate, which possesses the immense power I have described, in the first place it is obliged in public affairs to take the multitude into account, and respect the wishes of the people; and it cannot put into execution the penalty for offences against the republic, which are punishable with death, unless the people first ratify its decrees. Similarly even in matters which directly affect the senators,— for instance, in the case of a law diminishing the Senate’s traditional authority, or depriving senators of certain dignities and offices, or even actually cutting down their property,— even in such cases the people have the sole power of passing or rejecting the law. But most important of all is the fact that, if the Tribunes interpose their veto, the Senate not only are unable to pass a decree, but cannot even hold a meeting at all, whether formal or informal. Now, the Tribunes are always bound to carry out the decree of the people, and above all things to have regard to their wishes: therefore, for all these reasons the Senate stands in awe of the multitude, and cannot neglect the feelings of the people.

Powers of the Senate

In like manner the people on its part is far from being independent of the Senate, and is bound to take its wishes into account both collectively and individually. For contracts, too numerous to count, are given out by the censors in all parts of Italy for the repairs or construction of public buildings; there is also the collection of revenue from many rivers, harbours, gardens, mines, and land—everything, in a word, that comes under the control of the Roman government: and in all these the people at large are engaged; so that there is scarcely a man, so to speak, who is not interested either as a contractor or as being employed in the works. ²⁰ For some. purchase the contracts from the censors for themselves; and others go partners with them; while others again go security for these contractors, or actually pledge their property to the treasury for them. Now over all these transactions the Senate has absolute control. It can grant an extension of time; and in case of unforeseen accident can relieve the contractors from a portion of their obligation, or release them from it altogether, if they are absolutely unable to fulfil it. And there are many details in which the Senate can inflict great hardships, or, on the other hand, grant great indulgences to the contractors: for in every case the appeal is to it. But the most important point of all is that the judges are taken from its members in the majority of trials, whether public or private, in which the charges are heavy.²¹ Consequently, all citizens are much at its mercy; and being alarmed at the uncertainty as to when they may need its aid, are cautious about resisting or actively opposing its will. ²² And for a similar reason men do not rashly resist the wishes of the Consuls, because one and all may become subject to their absolute authority on a campaign.

Interdependency Brings Strength

The result of this power of the several estates for mutual help or harm is a union sufficiently firm for all emergencies, and a constitution than which it is impossible to find a better. For whenever any danger from without compels them to unite and work together, the strength which is developed by the State is so extraordinary, that everything required is unfailingly carried out by the eager rivalry shown by all classes to devote their whole minds to the need of the hour, and to secure that any determination come to should not fail for want of promptitude; while each individual works, privately and publicly alike, for the accomplishment of the business in hand. Accordingly, the peculiar constitution of the State makes it irresistible, and certain of obtaining whatever it determines to attempt. Nay, even when these external alarms are past, and the people are enjoying their good fortune and the fruits of their victories, and, as usually happens, growing corrupted by flattery and idleness, show a tendency to violence and arrogance,—it is in these circumstances, more than ever, that the constitution is seen to possess within itself the power of correcting abuses. For when any one of the three classes becomes puffed up, and manifests an inclination to be contentious and unduly encroaching, the mutual interdependency of all the three, and the possibility of the pretensions of any one being checked and thwarted by the others, must plainly check this tendency: and so the proper equilibrium is maintained by the impulsiveness of the one part being checked by its fear of the other. . . .

On the Roman Army

After electing the Consuls they proceed to elect military tribunes,—fourteen from those who had five years’, and ten from those who had ten years’, service. All citizens must serve ten years in the cavalry or twenty years in the infantry before the forty-sixth year of their age, except those rated below four hundred asses. The latter are employed in the navy; but if any great public necessity arises they are obliged to serve as infantry also for twenty campaigns: and no one can hold an office in the state until he has completed ten years of military service. . . .

When the Consuls are about to enrol the army they²³ give public notice of the day on which all Roman citizens of military age must appear. This is done every year. When the day has arrived, and the citizens fit for service are come to Rome and have assembled on the Capitoline, the fourteen junior tribunes divide themselves, in the order in which they were appointed by the people or by the Imperators, into four divisions, because the primary division of the forces thus raised is into four legions. The four tribunes first appointed are assigned to the legion called the 1st; the next three to the 2d; the next four to the 3d; and the three last to the 4th. Of the ten senior tribunes, the two first are assigned to the 1st legion; the next three to the 2d; the two next to the 3d; and the three last to the 4th.

Allocation of Men to the Legions

This division and assignment of the tribunes having been settled in such a way that all four legions have an equal number of officers, the tribunes of the several legions take up a separate position and draw lots for the tribes one by one; and summon the tribe on whom it from time to time falls. From this tribe they select four young men as nearly like each other in age and physical strength as possible. These four are brought forward, and the tribunes of the first legion picks out one of them, those of the second another, those of the third another, and the fourth has to take the last. When the next four are selected the tribunes of the second legion have the first choice, and those of the first the last. With the next four the tribunes of the third legion have the first choice, those of the second the last; and so on in regular rotation: of which the result is that each legion gets men of much the same standard. But when they have selected the number prescribed,—which is four thousand two hundred infantry for each legion, or at times of special danger five thousand,—they next used to pass men for the cavalry, in old times after the four thousand two hundred infantry; but now they do it before them, the selection having been made by the censor on the basis of wealth; and they enrol three hundred for each legion.²⁴

Fourfold Division of the Legionaries

The roll having been completed in this manner, the tribunes belonging to the several legions muster their men; and selecting one of the whole body that they think most suitable for the purpose, they cause him to take an oath that he will obey his officers and do their orders to the best of his ability. And all the others come up and take the oath separately, merely affirming that they will do the same as the first man.

At the same time the Consuls send orders to the magistrates of the allied cities in Italy , from which they determine that allied troops are to serve: declaring the number required, and the day and place at which the men selected must appear. The cities then enrol their troops with much the same ceremonies as to selection and administration of the oath, and appoint a commander and a paymaster.²⁵

The Military Tribunes at Rome , after the administering²⁶ of the oath to their men, and giving out the day and place at which they are to appear without arms, for the present dismiss them. When they arrive on the appointed day, they first select the youngest and poorest to form the Velites, the next to them the Hastati, while those who are in the prime of life they select as Principes, and the oldest of all as Triarii. For in the Roman army these divisions, distinct not only as to their ages and nomenclature, but also as to the manner in which they are armed, exist in each legion. The division is made in such proportions that the senior men, called Triarii, should number six hundred, the Principes twelve hundred, the Hastati twelve hundred, and that all the rest as the youngest should be reckoned among the Velites. And if the whole number of the legion is more than four thousand, they vary the numbers of these divisions proportionally, except those of the Triarii, which is always the same.

Arms of the Youngest Roman Soldiers

The youngest soldiers or Velites are ordered to ²⁷ carry a sword, spears, and target ( parma). The target is strongly made, and large enough to protect the man; being round, with a diameter of three feet. Each man also wears a headpiece without a crest ( galea); which he sometimes covers with a piece of wolfs skin or something of that kind, for the sake both of protection and identification; that the officers of his company may be able to observe whether he shows courage or the reverse on confronting dangers. The spear of the velites has a wooden haft of about two cubits, and about a finger’s breadth in thickness; its head is a span long, hammered fine, and sharpened to such an extent that it becomes bent the first time it strikes, and cannot be used by the enemy to hurl back; otherwise the weapon would be available for both sides alike.

Arms of the Other Soldiers

The second rank, the Hastati, are ordered to have the²⁸ complete panoply. This to a Roman means, first, a large shield ( scutum), the surface of which is curved outwards, its breadth two and a half feet, its length four feet,—though there is also an extra sized shield in which these measures are increased by a palm’s breadth. It consists of two layers of wood fastened together with bull’s-hide glue; the outer surface of which is first covered with canvas, then with calf’s skin, on the upper and lower edges it is bound with iron to resist the downward strokes of the sword, and the wear of resting upon the ground. Upon it also is fixed an iron boss ( umbo), to resist the more formidable blows of stones and pikes, and of heavy missiles generally. With the shield they also carry a sword ( gladius) hanging down by their right thigh, which is called a Spanish sword.²⁹ It has an excellent point, and can deal a formidable blow with either edge, because its blade is stout and unbending. In addition to these they have two pila, a brass helmet, and greaves ( ocreae). Some of the pila are thick, some fine. Of the thicker, some are round with the diameter of a palm’s length, others are a palm square. The fine pila are like moderate sized hunting spears, and they are carried along with the former sort. The wooden haft of them all is about three cubits long; and the iron head fixed to each half is barbed, and of the same length as the haft. They take extraordinary pains to attach the head to the haft firmly; they make the fastening of the one to the other so secure for use by binding it half way up the wood, and riveting it with a series of clasps, that the iron breaks sooner than this fastening comes loose, although its thickness at the socket and where it is fastened to the wood is a finger and a half’s breadth. Besides these each man is decorated with a plume of feathers, with three purple or black feathers standing upright, about a cubit long. The effect of these being placed on the helmet, combined with the rest of the armour, is to give the man the appearance of being twice his real height, and to give him a noble aspect calculated to strike terror into the enemy. The common soldiers also receive a brass plate, a span square, which they put upon their breast and call a breastpiece ( pectorale), and so complete their panoply. Those who are rated above a hundred thousand asses, instead of these breastpieces wear, with the rest of their armour, coats of mail ( loricae). The Principes and Triarii are armed in the same way as the Hastati, except that instead of pila they carry long spears ( hastae).

Officers of Infantry and Cavalry

The Principes, Hastati, and Triarii, each elect ten ³⁰ centurions according to merit, and then a second ten each. All these sixty have the title of centurion alike, of whom the first man chosen is a member of the council of war. And they in their turn select a rear-rank officer each who is called optio. Next, in conjunction with the centurions, they divide the several orders (omitting the Velites) into ten companies each, and appoint to each company two centurions and two optiones; the Velites are divided equally among all the companies; these companies are called orders ( ordines) or maniples ( manipuli), or vexilla, and their officers are called centurions or ordinum ductores.³¹ Each maniple selects two of their strongest and best born men as standard-bearers ( vexillarii). And that each maniple should have two commanding officers is only reasonable; for it being impossible to know what a commander may be doing or what may happen to him, and necessities of war admitting of no parleying, they are anxious that the maniple may never be without a leader and commander. When the two centurions are both on the field, the first elected commands the right of the maniple, the second the left: if both are not there, the one who is commands the whole. And they wish the centurions not to be so much bold and adventurous, as men with a faculty for command, steady, and of a profound rather than a showy spirit; not prone to engage wantonly or be unnecessarily forward in giving battle; but such as in the face of superior numbers and overwhelming pressure will die in defence of their post.

Officers and Armour of the Cavalry

Similarly they divide the cavalry into ten squadrons ³² ( turmae), and from each they select three officers ( decuriones), who each select a subaltern ( optio). The decurio first elected commands the squadron, the other two have the rank of decuriones: a name indeed which applies to all alike. If the first decurio is not on the field, the second takes command of the squadron. The armour of the cavalry is very like that in Greece . In old times they did not wear the lorica, but fought in their tunics ( campestria); the result of which was that they were prompt and nimble at dismounting and mounting again with despatch, but were in great danger at close quarters from the unprotected state of their bodies. And their lances too were useless in two ways: first because they were thin, and prevented their taking a good aim; and before they could get the head fixed in the enemy, the lances were so shaken by the mere motion of the horse that they generally broke. Secondly, because, having no spike at the butt end of their lance, they only had one stroke, namely that with the spear-head; and if the lance broke, what was left in their hands was entirely useless. Again they used to have shields of bull’s hide, just like those round cakes, with a knob in the middle which are used at sacrifices, which were useless at close quarters because they were flexible rather than firm; and, when their leather shrunk and rotted from the rain, unserviceable as they were before, they then became entirely so. Wherefore, as experience showed them the uselessness of these, they lost no time in changing to the Greek fashion of arms: the advantages of which were, first, that men were able to deliver the first stroke of their lance-head with a good aim and effect, because the shaft from the nature of its construction was steady and not quivering; and, secondly, that they were able, by reversing the lance, to use the spike at the buttend for a steady and effective blow. And the same may be said about the Greek shields: for, whether used to ward off a blow or to thrust against the enemy, they neither give nor bend. When the Romans learnt these facts about the Greek arms they were not long in copying them; for no nation has ever surpassed them in readiness to adopt new fashions from other people, and to imitate what they see is better in others than themselves.

The Roman Camp

Having made this distribution of their men and ³³ given orders for their being armed, as I have described, the military tribunes dismiss them to their homes. But when the day has arrived on which they were all bound by their oath to appear at the place named by the Consuls (for each Consul generally appoints a separate place for his own legions, each having assigned to him two legions and a moiety of the allies), all whose names were placed on the roll appear without fail: no excuse being accepted in the case of those who have taken the oath, except a prohibitory omen or absolute impossibility. ³⁴ The allies muster along with the citizens, and are distributed and managed by the officers appointed by the Consuls, who have the title of Praefecti sociis and are twelve in number. These officers select for the Consuls from the whole infantry and cavalry of the allies such as are most fitted for actual service, and these are called extraordinarii (which in Greek is ἐπίλεκτοι). The whole number of the infantry of the socii generally equals that of the legions, but the cavalry is treble that of the citizens. Of these they select a third of the cavalry, and a fifth of the infantry to serve as extraordinarii. The rest they divide into two parts, one of which is called the right, the other the left wing ( alae).

These arrangements made, the military tribunes take over the citizens and allies and proceed to form a camp. Now the principle on which they construct their camps, no matter when or where, is the same; I think therefore that it will be in place here to try and make my readers understand, as far as words can do so, the Roman tactics in regard to the march ( agmen), the camp ( castrorum metatio), and the line of battle ( acies). I cannot imagine any one so indifferent to things noble and, great, as to refuse to take some little extra trouble to understand things like these; for if he has once heard them, he will be acquainted with one of those things genuinely worth observation and knowledge.

How the Camp is Constructed

Their method of laying out a camp is as follows. The ³⁵ place for the camp having been selected, the spot in it best calculated to give a view of the whole, and most convenient for issuing orders, is appropriated for the general’s tent ( Praetorium).

Having placed a standard on the spot on which they intend to put the Praetorium, they measure off a square round this standard; in such a way that each of its sides is a hundred feet from the standard, and the area of the square is four plethra.³⁶ Along one side of this square—whichever aspect appears most convenient for watering and foraging—the legions are stationed as follows. I have said that there were six Tribuni in each legion, and that each Consul had two legions,—it follows that there are twelve Tribuni in a Consular army. Well, they pitch the tents of these Tribuni all in one straight line, parallel to the side of the square selected, at a distance of fifty feet from it (there is a place too selected for the horses, beasts of burden, and other baggage of the Tribuni); these tents face the outer side of the camp and away from the square described above,—a direction which will henceforth be called the front by me. The tents of the Tribuni stand at equal distances from each other, so that they extend along the whole breadth of the space occupied by the legions.

Division by Roads and Squares

From the line described by the front of these tents ³⁷ they measure another distance of a hundred feet towards the front. At that distance another parallel straight line is drawn, and it is from this last that they begin arranging the quarters of the legions, which they do as follows:—they bisect the last mentioned straight line, and from that point draw another straight line at right angles to it; along this line, on either side of it facing each other, the cavalry of the two legions are quartered with a space of fifty feet between them, which space is exactly bisected by the line last mentioned.³⁸ The manner of encamping the infantry is similar to that of the cavalry. The whole area of each space occupied by the maniples and squadrons is a square, and faces the via;³⁹ the length facing the via is one hundred feet, and they generally try to make the depth the same, except in the case of the socii; and when they are employing legions of an extra number, they increase the length and depth of these squares proportionally.

Placement of Triarii, Principes, and Hastati

The spaces assigned to the cavalry are opposite the space between the two groups of tents belonging to the Tribuni of the two legions, at right angles to the line along which they stand, like a cross-road; and indeed the whole arrangement of the viae is like a system of cross-roads, running on either side of the blocks of tents, those of the cavalry on one side and those of the infantry on the other. The spaces assigned to the cavalry and the Triarii in each legion are back to back, with no via between them, but touching each other, looking opposite ways; and the depth of the spaces assigned to the Triarii is only half that assigned to other maniples, because their numbers are generally only half; but though the number of the men is different, the length of the space is always the same owing to the lesser depth. Next, parallel with these spaces, at a distance of fifty feet, they place the Principes facing the Triarii; and as they face the space between themselves and the Triarii, we have two more roads formed at right angles to the hundred-foot area in front of the tents of the Tribunes, and running down from it to the outer agger of the camp on the side opposite to that of the Principia, which we agreed to call the front of the camp. Behind the spaces for the Triarii and looking in the opposite direction, and touching each other, are the spaces for the Hastati. These several branches of the service ( Triarii, Principes, Hastati), being each divided into ten maniples, the cross-roads between the blocks are all the same length and terminate in the front agger of the camp; towards which they cause the last maniples in the rows to face.

Placement of the Allies

Beyond the Hastati they again leave a space of fifty feet, and there, beginning from the same base (the Principia), and going in a parallel direction, and to the same distance as the other blocks, they place the cavalry of the allies facing the Hastati. Now the number of the allies, as I have stated above, is equal to that of the legions in regard to the infantry, though it falls below that if we omit the extraordinarii; but that of the cavalry is double, when the third part is deducted for service among the extraordinarii. Therefore in marking out the camp the spaces assigned to the latter are made proportionally deeper, so that their length remains the same as those occupied by the legions. Thus five viae are formed:⁴⁰ and back to back with these cavalry are the spaces for the infantry of the allies, the depth being proportionally increased according to their numbers;⁴¹ and these maniples face the outer sides of the camp and the agger. In each maniple the first tent at either end is occupied by the centurions. ⁴² Between the fifth and sixth squadrons of cavalry, and the fifth and sixth maniple of infantry, there is a space of fifty left, so that another road is made across the camp at right angles to the others and parallel to the tents of the Tribuni, and this they call the Via Quintana, as it runs along the fifth squadrons and maniples.

The Camp Market-Place

The space behind the tents of the Tribuni is thus ⁴³ used. On one side of the square of the Praetorium is the market, on the other the office of the Quaestor and the supplies which he has charge of. Then behind the last tent of the Tribuni on either side, arranged at right angles to those tents, are the quarters of the cavalry picked out of the extraordinarii, as well as of some of those who are serving as volunteers from personal friendship to the Consuls. ⁴⁴ All these are arranged parallel to the side aggers, facing on the one side the Quaestorium, on the other the market-place. And, generally speaking, it falls to the lot of these men not only to be near the Consul in the camp, but to be wholly employed about the persons of the Consul and the Quaestor on the march and all other occasions. Back to back with these again, facing the agger, are placed the infantry who serve in the same way as these cavalry.⁴⁵

Beyond these there is another empty space or road left, one hundred feet broad, parallel to the tents of the Tribuni, skirting the market-place, Praetorium, and Quaestorium, from agger to agger. On the further side of this road the rest of the equites extraordinarii are placed facing the market-place and Quaestorium: and between the quarters of these cavalry of the two legions a passage is left of fifty feet, exactly opposite and at right angles to the square of the Praetorium, leading to the rearward agger.

Back to back with the equites extraordinarii are the infantry of the same, facing the agger at the rear of the whole camp. And the space left empty on either side of these, facing the agger on each side of the camp, is given up to foreigners and such allies as chance to come to the camp.

The result of these arrangements is that the whole camp is⁴⁶ a square, with streets and other constructions regularly planned like a town. Between the line of the tents and the agger there is an empty space of two hundred feet on every side of the square, which is turned to a great variety of uses. To begin with, it is exceedingly convenient for the marching in and out of the legions. For each division descends into this space by the via which passes its own quarters, and so avoids crowding and hustling each other, as they would if they were all collected on one road. Again, all cattle brought into the camp, as well as booty of all sorts taken from the enemy, are deposited in this space and securely guarded during the night-watches. But the most important use of this space is that, in night assaults, it secures the tents from the danger of being set on fire, and keeps the soldiers out of the range of the enemy’s missiles; or, if a few of them do carry so far, they are spent and cannot penetrate the tents.

Arrangements When There Are More Men

The number then of foot-soldiers and cavalry being ⁴⁷ given (at the rate, that is to say, of four thousand or of five thousand for each legion), and the length, depth, and number of the maniples being likewise known, as well as the breadth of the passages and roads, it becomes possible to calculate the area occupied by the camp and the length of the aggers. If on any occasion the number of allies, either those originally enrolled or those who joined subsequently, exceeds their due proportion, the difficulty is provided for in this way. To the overplus of allies who joined subsequent to the enrolment of the army are assigned the spaces on either side of the Praetorium, the market-place and Quaestorium being proportionally contracted. For the extra numbers of allies who joined originally an extra line of tents (forming thus another via) is put up parallel with the other tents of the socii, facing the agger on either side of the camp. ⁴⁸ But if all four legions and both Consuls are in the same camp, all we have to do is to imagine a second army, arranged back to back to the one already placed, in exactly the same spaces as the former, but side by side with it at the part where the picked men from the extraordinarii are stationed facing the rearward agger. In this case the shape of the camp becomes an oblong, the area double, and the length of the entire agger half as much again. This is the arrangement when both Consuls are within the same agger; but if they occupy two separate camps, the above arrangements hold good, except that the market-place is placed half way between the two camps.

Guard Duty and Other Assignments

The camp having thus been laid out, the Tribuni ⁴⁹ next administer an oath to all in it separately, whether free or slave, that they will steal nothing within the agger, and in case they find anything will bring it to the Tribuni. They next select for their several duties the maniples of the Principes and Hastati in each legion. Two are told off to guard the space in front of the quarters of the Tribuni. For in this space, which is called the Principia, most of the Romans in the camp transact all the business of the day; and are therefore very particular about its being kept well watered and properly swept. Of the other eighteen maniples, three are assigned to each of the six Tribuni, that being the respective numbers in each legion; and of these three maniples each takes its turn of duty in waiting upon the Tribune. The services they render him are such as these: they pitch his tent for him when a place is selected for encampment, and level the ground all round it; and if any extra precaution is required for the protection of his baggage, it is their duty to see to it. They also supply him with two relays of guards. A guard consists of four men, two of whom act as sentries in front of his tent, and two on the rear of it near the horses. Seeing that each Tribune has three maniples, and each maniple has a hundred men, without counting Triarii and Velites who are not liable for this service, the duty is a light one, coming round to each maniple only once in three days; while by this arrangement ample provision is made for the convenience as well as the dignity of the Tribuni. The maniples of Triarii are exempted from this personal service to the Tribuni, but they each supply a watch of four men to the squadron of cavalry nearest them. These watches have to keep a general look out; but their chief duty is to keep an eye upon the horses, to prevent their hurting themselves by getting entangled in their tethers, and so becoming unfit for use; or from getting loose, and making a confusion and disturbance in the camp by running against other horses. Finally, all the maniples take turns to mount guard for a day each at the Consul’s tent, to protect him from plots, and maintain the dignity of his office.

Daily Orders and Watchwords

As to the construction of the foss and vallum,⁵⁰ two sides fall to the lot of the socii, each division taking that side along which it is quartered; the other two are left to the Romans, one to each legion. Each side is divided into portions according to the number of maniples, and the centurions stand by and superintend the work of each maniple; while two of the Tribunes superintend the construction of the whole side and see that it is adequate. In the same way the Tribunes superintend all other operations in the camp. They divide themselves in twos, and each pair is on duty for two months out of six; they draw lots for their turns, and the pair on whom the lot falls takes the superintendence of all active operations. The prefects of the socii divide their duty in the same way. ⁵² At daybreak the officers of the cavalry and the centurions muster at the tents of the Tribunes, while the Tribunes go to that of the Consul. He gives the necessary orders to the Tribunes, they to the cavalry officers and centurions, and these last pass them on to the rank and file as occasion may demand.

To secure the passing round of the watchword for the⁵³ night the following course is followed. One man is selected from the tenth maniple, which, in the case both of cavalry and infantry, is quartered at the ends of the road between the tents; this man is relieved from guard-duty and appears each day about sunset at the tent of the Tribune on duty, takes the tessera or wooden tablet on which the watchword is inscribed, and returns to his own maniple and delivers the wooden tablet and watchword in the presence of witnesses to the chief officer of the maniple next his own; he in the same way to the officer of the next, and so on, until it arrives at the first maniple stationed next the Tribunes. These men are obliged to deliver the tablet ( tessera) to the Tribunes before dark. If they are all handed in, the Tribune knows that the watchword has been delivered to all, and has passed through all the ranks back to his hands: but if any one is missing, he at once investigates the matter; for he knows by the marks on the tablets from which division of the army the tablet has not appeared; and the man who is discovered to be responsible for its non-appearance is visited with condign punishment.

Night Watches

Next as to the keeping guard at night. The Consul’s tent is guarded by the maniple on duty: those of the Tribuni and praefects of the cavalry by the pickets formed as described above from the several maniples. And in the same way each maniple and squadron posts guards of their own men. The other pickets are posted by the Consul. Generally speaking there are three pickets at the Quaestorium, and two at the tent of each of the legati or members of council. The vallum is lined by the velites, who are on guard all along it from day to day. That is their special duty; while they also guard all the entrances to the camp, telling off ten sentinels to take their turn at each of them. Of the men told off for duty at the several stationes, the man who in each maniple is to take the first watch is brought by the rear-rank man of his company to the Tribune at eventide. The latter hands over to them severally small wooden tablets ( tesserae), one for each watch, inscribed with small marks; on receiving which they go off to the places indicated.

The duty of going the rounds is intrusted to the cavalry.⁵⁴ The first Praefect of cavalry in each legion, early in the morning, orders one of his rear-rank men to give notice before breakfast to four young men of his squadron who are to go the rounds. At evening this same man’s duty is to give notice to the Praefect of the next squadron that it is his turn to provide for going the rounds until next morning. This officer thereupon takes measures similar to the preceding one until the next day; and so on throughout the cavalry squadrons. The four men thus selected by the rear-rank men from the first squadron, after drawing lots for the watch they are to take, proceed to the tent of the Tribune on duty, and receive from him a writing stating the order⁵⁵ and the number of the watches they are to visit. The four then take up their quarters for the night alongside of the first maniple of Triarii; for it is the duty of the centurion of this maniple to see that a bugle is blown at the beginning of every watch. When the time has arrived, the man to whose lot the first watch has fallen goes his rounds, taking some of his friends as witnesses. He walks through the posts assigned, which are not only those along the vallum and gates, but also the pickets set by the several maniples and squadrons. If he find the men of the first watch awake he takes from them their tessera; but if he find any one of them asleep or absent from his post, he calls those with him to witness the fact and passes on. The same process is repeated by those who go the rounds during the other watches. The charge of seeing that the bugle is blown at the beginning of each watch, so that the right man might visit the right pickets, is as I have said, laid upon the centurions of the first maniple of Triarii, each one taking the duty for a day.

Each of these men who have gone the rounds ( tessarii) at daybreak conveys the tesserae to the Tribune on duty. If the whole number are given in they are dismissed without question; but if any of them brings a number less than that of the pickets, an investigation is made by means of the mark on the tessera, as to which picket he has omitted. Upon this being ascertained the centurion is summoned; he brings the men who were on duty, and they are confronted with the patrol. If the fault is with the men on guard, the patrol clears himself by producing the witnesses whom he took with him; for he cannot do so without. If nothing of that sort happened, the blame recoils upon the patrol.

The Tribunes’ Court

Then the Tribunes at once hold a court-martial, ⁵⁶ and the man who is found guilty is punished by the fustuarium; the nature of which is this. The Tribune takes a cudgel and merely touches the condemned man; whereupon all the soldiers fall upon him with cudgels and stones. Generally speaking men thus punished are killed on the spot; but if by any chance, after running the gauntlet, they manage to escape from the camp, they have no hope of ultimately surviving even so. They may not return to their own country, nor would any one venture to receive such an one into his house. Therefore those who have once fallen into this misfortune are utterly and finally ruined. The same fate awaits the praefect of the squadron, as well as his rear-rank man, if they fail to give the necessary order at the proper time, the latter to the patrols, and the former to the praefect of the next squadron. The result of the severity and inevitableness of this punishment is that in the Roman army the night watches are faultlessly kept. The common soldiers are amenable to the Tribunes; the Tribunes to the Consuls. The Tribune is competent to punish a soldier by inflicting a fine, distraining his goods, or ordering him to be flogged; so too the praefects in the case of the socii. The punishment of the fustuarium is assigned also to any one committing theft in the camp, or bearing false witness: as also to any one who in full manhood is detected in shameful immorality: or to any one who has been thrice punished for the same offence. All these things are punished as crimes. But such as the following are reckoned as cowardly and dishonourable in a soldier: —for a man to make a false report to the Tribunes of his valour in order to get reward; or for men who have been told off to an ambuscade to quit the place assigned them from fear; and also for a man to throw away any of his arms from fear, on the actual field of battle. Consequently it sometimes happens that men confront certain death at their stations, because, from their fear of the punishment awaiting them at home, they refuse to quit their post: while others, who have lost shield or spear or any other arm on the field, throw themselves upon the foe, in hopes of recovering what they have lost, or of escaping by death from certain disgrace and the insults of their relations.⁵⁷

Military Punishments and Rewards

But if it ever happens that a number of men are ⁵⁸ involved in these same acts: if, for instance, some entire maniples have quitted their ground in the presence of the enemy, it is deemed impossible to subject all to the fustuarium or to military execution; but a solution of the difficulty has been found at once adequate to the maintenance of discipline and calculated to strike terror. The Tribune assembles the legion, calls the defaulters to the front, and, after administering a sharp rebuke, selects five or eight or twenty out of them by lot, so that those selected should be about a tenth of those who have been guilty of the act of cowardice. These selected are punished with the fustuarium without mercy; the rest are put on rations of barley instead of wheat, and are ordered to take up their quarters outside the vallum and the protection of the camp. As all are equally in danger of having the lot fall on them, and as all alike who escape that, are made a conspicuous example of by having their rations of barley, the best possible means are thus taken to inspire fear for the future, and to correct the mischief which has actually occurred.

Military Decorations

A very excellent plan also is adopted for inducing young soldiers to brave danger. When an engagement has taken place and any of them have showed conspicuous gallantry, the Consul summons an assembly of the legion, puts forward those whom he considers to have distinguished themselves in any way, and first compliments each of them individually on his gallantry, and mentions any other distinction he may have earned in the course of his life, and then presents them with gifts: to the man who has wounded an enemy, a spear; to the man who has killed one and stripped his armour, a cup, if he be in the infantry, horse-trappings if in the cavalry: though originally the only present made was a spear. This does not take place in the event of their having wounded or stripped any of the enemy in a set engagement or the storming of a town; but in skirmishes or other occasions of that sort, in which, without there being any positive necessity for them to expose themselves singly to danger, they have done so voluntarily and deliberately. In the capture of a town those who are first to mount the walls are presented with a gold crown. ⁵⁹ So too those who have covered and saved any citizens or allies are distinguished by the Consul with certain presents; and those whom they have preserved present them voluntarily with a crown, or if not, they are compelled to do so by the Tribunes. ⁶⁰ The man thus preserved, too, reverences his preserver throughout his life as a father, and is bound to act towards him as a father in every respect. By such incentives those who stay at home are stirred up to a noble rivalry and emulation in confronting danger, no less than those who actually hear and see what takes place. For the recipients of such rewards not only enjoy great glory among their comrades in the army, and an immediate reputation at home, but after their return they are marked men in all solemn festivals; for they alone, who have been thus distinguished by the Consuls for bravery, are allowed to wear robes of honour on those occasions: and moreover they place the spoils they have taken in the most conspicuous places in their houses, as visible tokens and proofs of their valour. No wonder that a people, whose rewards and punishments are allotted with such care and received with such feelings, should be brilliantly successful in war.

The pay of the foot soldier is 5 1/3 asses a day; of the centurion 10 2/3; of the cavalry 16. The infantry receive a ration of wheat equal to about 2/3 of an Attic medimnus a month, and the cavalry 7 medimni of barley, and 2 of wheat; of the allies the infantry receive the same, the cavalry 1 1/3 medimnus of wheat, and 5 of barley. This is a free gift to the allies; but in the cases of the Romans, the Quaestor stops out of their pay the price of their corn and clothes, or any additional arms they may require at a fixed rate.

The Army On the March

The following is their manner of moving camp. At the first bugle the men all strike their tents and collect their baggage; but no soldier may strike his tent, or set it up either, till the same is done to that of the Tribuni and the Consul. At the second bugle they load the beasts of burden with their baggage: at the third the first maniples must advance and set the whole camp in motion. Generally speaking, the men appointed to make this start are the extraordinarii: next comes the right wing of the socii; and behind them their beasts of burden. These are followed by the first legion with its own baggage immediately on its rear; then comes the second legion, followed by its own beasts of burden, and the baggage of those socii who have to bring up the rear of the march, that is to say, the left wing of the socii. The cavalry sometimes ride on the rear of their respective divisions, sometimes on either side of the beasts of burden, to keep them together and secure them. If an attack is expected on the rear, the extraordinarii themselves occupy the rear instead of the van. Of the two legions and wings each takes the lead in the march on alternate days, that by this interchange of position all may have an equal share in the advantage of being first at the water and forage. The order of march, however, is different at times of unusual danger, if they have open ground enough. For in that case they advance in three parallel columns, consisting of the Hastati, Principes, and Triarii: the beasts of burden belonging to the maniples in the van are placed in front of all, those belonging to the second behind the leading maniples, and those belonging to the third behind the second maniples, thus having the baggage and the maniples in alternate lines. With this order of march, on an alarm being given, the columns face to the right or left according to the quarter on which the enemy appears, and get clear of the baggage. So that in a short space of time, and by one movement, the whole of the hoplites are in line of battle—except that sometimes it is necessary to half-wheel the Hastati also—and the baggage and the rest of the army are in their proper place for safety, namely, in the rear of the line of combatants.

Making Camp

When the army on the march is approaching the ⁶¹ place of encampment, a Tribune, and those of the centurions who have been from time to time selected for that duty, are sent forward to survey the place of encampment. Having done this they proceed first of all to fix upon the place for the Consul’s tent (as I have described above), and to determine on which side of the Praetorium to quarter the legions. Having decided these points they measure out the Praetorium, then they draw the straight line along which the tents of the Tribunes are to be pitched, and then the line parallel to this, beyond which the quarters of the legions are to begin. In the same way they draw the lines on the other sides of the Praetorium in accordance with the plan which I have already detailed at length. This does not take long, nor is the marking out of the camp a matter of difficulty, because the dimensions are all regularly laid down, and are in accordance with precedent. Then they fix one flag in the ground where the Consul’s tent is to stand, and another on the base of the square containing it, and a third on the line of the Tribunes’ tents; the two latter are scarlet, that which marks the Consul’s tent is white; the lines on the other sides of the Praetorium are marked sometimes with plain spears and sometimes by flags of other colours. After this they lay out the viae between the quarters, fixing spears at each via. Consequently when the legions in the course of their march have come near enough to get a clear view of the place of encampment, they can all make out exactly the whole plan of it, taking as their base the Consul’s flag and calculating from that. Moreover as each soldier knows precisely on which via, and at what point of it, his quarters are to be, because all occupy the same position in the camp wherever it may be, it is exactly like a legion entering its own city; when breaking off at the gates each man makes straight for his own residence without hesitation, because he knows the direction and the quarter of the town in which home lies. It is precisely the same in a Roman camp.

Roman Camps Designed for Facility and Familiarity

It is because the first object of the Romans in the matter of encampment is facility, that they seem to me to differ diametrically from Greek military men in this respect. Greeks, in choosing a place for a camp, think primarily of security from the natural strength of the position: first, because they are averse from the toil of digging a foss, and, secondly, because they think that no artificial defences are comparable to those afforded by the nature of the ground. Accordingly, they not only have to vary the whole configuration of the camp to suit the nature of the ground, but to change the arrangement of details in all kinds of irregular ways; so that neither soldier nor company has a fixed place in it. The Romans, on the other hand, prefer to undergo the fatigue of digging, and of the other labours of circumvallation, for the sake of the facility in arrangement, and to secure a plan of encampment which shall be one and the same and familiar to all.

Such are the most important facts in regard to the legions and the method of encamping them. . . .

The Roman Republic Compared with Others

Nearly all historians have recorded as constitutions ⁶² of eminent excellence those of Lacedaemonia, Crete , Mantinea , and Carthage . Some have also mentioned those of Athens and Thebes . The former I may allow to pass; but I am convinced that little need be said of the Athenian and Theban constitutions: their growth was abnormal, the period of their zenith brief, and the changes they experienced unusually violent. Their glory was a sudden and fortuitous flash, so to speak; and while they still thought themselves prosperous, and likely to remain so, they found themselves involved in circumstances completely the reverse. The Thebans got their reputation for valour among the Greeks, by taking advantage of the senseless policy of the Lacedaemonians, and the hatred of the allies towards them, owing to the valour of one, or at most two, men who were wise enough to appreciate the situation. Since fortune quickly made it evident that it was not the peculiarity of their constitution, but the valour of their leaders, which gave the Thebans their success. For the great power of Thebes notoriously took its rise, attained its zenith, and fell to the ground with the lives of Epaminondas and Pelopidas. We must therefore conclude that it was not its constitution, but its men, that caused the high fortune which it then enjoyed.

The Athenian Constitution

A somewhat similar remark applies to the Athenian ⁶³ constitution also. For though it perhaps had more frequent interludes of excellence, yet its highest perfection was attained during the brilliant career of Themistocles; and having reached that point it quickly declined, owing to its essential instability. For the Athenian demus is always in the position of a ship without a commander. In such a ship, if fear of the enemy, or the occurrence of a storm induce the crew to be of one mind and to obey the helmsman, everything goes well; but if they recover from this fear, and begin to treat their officers with contempt, and to quarrel with each other because they are no longer all of one mind,—one party wishing to continue the voyage, and the other urging the steersman to bring the ship to anchor; some letting out the sheets, and others hauling them in, and ordering the sails to be furled,—their discord and quarrels make a sorry show to lookers on; and the position of affairs is full of risk to those on board engaged on the same voyage: and the result has often been that, after escaping the dangers of the widest seas, and the most violent storms, they wreck their ship in harbour and close to shore. And this is what has often happened to the Athenian constitution. For, after repelling, on various occasions, the greatest and most formidable dangers by the valour of its people and their leaders, there have been times when, in periods of secure tranquillity, it has gratuitously and recklessly encountered disaster.⁶⁴ Therefore I need say no more about either it, or the Theban constitution: in both of which a mob manages everything on its own unfettered impulse—a mob in the one city distinguished for headlong outbursts of fiery temper, in the other trained in long habits of violence and ferocity.

The Cretan Constitution Compared to the Spartan

Passing to the Cretan polity there are two points ⁶⁵ which deserve our consideration. The first is how such writers as Ephorus, Xenophon, Callisthenes and Plato⁶⁶—who are the most learned of the ancients—could assert that it was like that of Sparta ; and secondly how they came to assert that it was at all admirable. I can agree with neither assertion; and I will explain why I say so. And first as to its dissimilarity with the Spartan constitution. The peculiar merit of the latter is said to be its land laws, by which no one possesses more than another, but all citizens have an equal share in the public land.⁶⁷ The next distinctive feature regards the possession of money: for as it is utterly discredited among them, the jealous competition which arises from inequality of wealth is entirely removed from the city. A third peculiarity of the Lacedaemonian polity is that, of the officials by whose hands and with whose advice the whole government is conducted, the kings hold an hereditary office, while the members of the Gerusia are elected for life.

Greed Among the Cretans

Among the Cretans the exact reverse of all these arrangements obtains. The laws allow them to possess as much land as they can get with no limitation whatever. Money is so highly valued among them, that its possession is not only thought to be necessary but in the highest degree creditable. And in fact greed and avarice are so native to the soil in Crete , that they are the only people in the world among whom no stigma attaches to any sort of gain whatever. Again all their offices are annual and on a democratical footing. I have therefore often felt at a loss to account for these writers speaking of the two constitutions, which are radically different, as though they were closely united and allied. But, besides overlooking these important differences, these writers have gone out of their way to comment at length on the legislation of Lycurgus: He was the only legislator, they say, who saw the important points. For there being two things on which the safety of a commonwealth depends,—courage in the face of the enemy and concord at home,—by abolishing covetousness, he with it removed all motive for civil broil and contest: whence it has been brought about that the Lacedaemonians are the best governed and most united people in Greece . Yet while giving utterance to these sentiments, and though they see that, in contrast to this, the Cretans by their ingrained avarice are engaged in countless public and private seditions, murders and civil wars, they yet regard these facts as not affecting their contention, but are bold enough to speak of the two constitutions as alike. Ephorus, indeed, putting aside names, employs expressions so precisely the same, when discoursing on the two constitutions, that, unless one noticed the proper names, there would be no means whatever of distinguishing which of the two he was describing.

What Makes a Constitution Good

In what the difference between them consists I have already stated. I will now address myself to showing that the Cretan constitution deserves neither praise nor imitation.

To my mind, then, there are two things fundamental⁶⁸ to every state, in virtue of which its powers and constitution become desirable or objectionable. These are customs and laws. Of these the desirable are those which make men’s private lives holy and pure, and the public character of the state civilised and just. The objectionable are those whose effect is the reverse. As, then, when we see good customs and good laws prevailing among certain people, we confidently assume that, in consequence of them, the men and their civil constitution will be good also, so when we see private life full of covetousness, and public policy of injustice, plainly we have reason for asserting their laws, particular customs, and general constitution to be bad. Now, with few exceptions, you could find no habits prevailing in private life more steeped in treachery than those in Crete , and no public policy more inequitable. Holding, then, the Cretan constitution to be neither like the Spartan, nor worthy of choice or imitation, I reject it from the comparison which I have instituted.

Nor again would it be fair to introduce the Republic⁶⁹ of Plato, which is also spoken of in high terms by some philosophers. For just as we refuse admission to the athletic contests to those actors or athletes who have not acquired a recognised position⁷⁰ or trained for them, so we ought not to admit this Platonic constitution to the contest for the prize of merit unless it can first point to some genuine and practical achievement. Up to this time the notion of bringing it into comparison with the constitutions of Sparta , Rome , and Carthage would be like putting up a statue to compare with living and breathing men. Even if such a statue were faultless in point of art, the comparison of the lifeless with the living would naturally leave an impression of imperfection and incongruity upon the minds of the spectators.

Institutions of Lycurgus

I shall therefore omit these, and proceed with my ⁷¹ description of the Laconian constitution. Now it seems to me that for securing unity among the citizens, for safe-guarding the Laconian territory, and preserving the liberty of Sparta inviolate, the legislation and provisions of Lycurgus were so excellent, that I am forced to regard his wisdom as something superhuman. For the equality of landed possessions, the simplicity in their food, and the practice of taking it in common, which he established, were well calculated to secure morality in private life and to prevent civil broils in the State; as also their training in the endurance of labours and dangers to make men brave and noble minded: but when both these virtues, courage and high morality, are combined in one soul or in one state, vice will not readily spring from such a soil, nor will such men easily be overcome by their enemies. By constructing his constitution therefore in this spirit, and of these elements, he secured two blessings to the Spartans,—safety for their territory, and a lasting freedom for themselves long after he was gone. He appears however to have made no one provision whatever, particular or general, for the acquisition of the territory of their neighbours; or for the assertion of their supremacy; or, in a word, for any policy of aggrandisement at all. What he had still to do was to impose such a necessity, or create such a spirit among the citizens, that, as he had succeeded in making their individual lives independent and simple, the public character of the state should also become independent and moral. But the actual fact is, that, though he made them the most disinterested and sober-minded men in the world, as far as their own ways of life and their national institutions were concerned, he left them in regard to the rest of Greece ambitious, eager for supremacy, and encroaching in the highest degree. ⁷²

The Defect in the Spartan Constitution

For in the first place is it not notorious that they ⁷³ were nearly the first Greeks to cast a covetous eye upon the territory of their neighbours, and that accordingly they waged a war of subjugation on the Messenians? In the next place is it not related in all histories that in their dogged obstinacy they bound themselves with an oath never to desist from the siege of Messene until they had taken it? And lastly it is known to all that in their efforts for supremacy in Greece they submitted to do the bidding of those whom they had once conquered in war. ⁷⁴ For when the Persians invaded Greece , they conquered them, as champions of the liberty of the Greeks; yet when the invaders had retired and fled, they betrayed the cities of Greece into their hands by the peace of Antalcidas, for the sake of getting money to secure their supremacy over the Greeks. ⁷⁵ It was then that the defect in their constitution was rendered apparent. ⁷⁶ For as long as their ambition was confined to governing their immediate neighbours, or even the Peloponnesians only, they were content with the resources and supplies provided by Laconia itself, having all material of war ready to hand, and being able without much expenditure of time to return home or convey provisions with them. But directly they took in hand to despatch naval expeditions, or to go on campaigns by land outside the Peloponnese , it was evident that neither their iron currency, nor their use of crops for payment in kind, would be able to supply them with what they lacked if they abided by the legislation of Lycurgus; for such undertakings required money universally current, and goods from foreign countries. Thus they were compelled to wait humbly at Persian doors, impose tribute on the islanders, and exact contributions from all the Greeks: knowing that, if they abided by the laws of Lycurgus, it was impossible to advance any claims upon any outside power at all, much less upon the supremacy in Greece .

Sparta Compared with Rome

My object, then, in this digression is to make it ⁷⁷ manifest by actual facts that, for guarding their own country with absolute safety, and for preserving their own freedom, the legislation of Lycurgus was entirely sufficient; and for those who are content with these objects we must concede that there neither exists, nor ever has existed, a constitution and civil order preferable to that of Sparta . But if any one is seeking aggrandisement, and believes that to be a leader and ruler and despot of numerous subjects, and to have all looking and turning to him, is a finer thing than that,—in this point of view we must acknowledge that the Spartan constitution is deficient, and that of Rome superior and better constituted for obtaining power. And this has been proved by actual facts. For when the Lacedaemonians strove to possess themselves of the supremacy in Greece , it was not long before they brought their own freedom itself into danger. Whereas the Romans, after obtaining supreme power over the Italians themselves, soon brought the whole world under their rule,—in which achievement the abundance and availability of their supplies largely contributed to their success.

Carthage Compared with Rome

Now the Carthaginian constitution seems to me ⁷⁸ originally to have been well contrived in these most distinctively important particulars. For they had kings,⁷⁹ and the Gerusia had the powers of an aristocracy, and the multitude were supreme in such things as affected them; and on the whole the adjustment of its several parts was very like that of Rome and Sparta . But about the period of its entering on the Hannibalian war the political state of Carthage was on the decline,⁸⁰ that of Rome improving. For whereas there is in every body, or polity, or business a natural stage of growth, zenith, and decay; and whereas everything in them is at its best at the zenith; we may thereby judge of the difference between these two constitutions as they existed at that period. For exactly so far as the strength and prosperity of Carthage preceded that of Rome in point of time, by so much was Carthage then past its prime, while Rome was exactly at its zenith, as far as its political constitution was concerned. In Carthage therefore the influence of the people in the policy of the state had already risen to be supreme, while at Rome the Senate was at the height of its power: and so, as in the one measures were deliberated upon by the many, in the other by the best men, the policy of the Romans in all public undertakings proved the stronger; on which account, though they met with capital disasters, by force of prudent counsels they finally conquered the Carthaginians in the war.

The Causes of Roman Superiority

If we look however at separate details, for instance ⁸¹ at the provisions for carrying on a war, we shall find that whereas for a naval expedition the Carthaginians are the better trained and prepared,—as it is only natural with a people with whom it has been hereditary for many generations to practise this craft, and to follow the seaman’s trade above all nations in the world,—yet, in regard to military service on land, the Romans train themselves to a much higher pitch than the Carthaginians. The former bestow their whole attention upon this department: whereas the Carthaginians wholly neglect their infantry, though they do take some slight interest in the cavalry. The reason of this is that they employ foreign mercenaries, the Romans native and citizen levies. It is in this point that the latter polity is preferable to the former. They have their hopes of freedom ever resting on the courage of mercenary troops: the Romans on the valour of their own citizens and the aid of their allies. The result is that even if the Romans have suffered a defeat at first, they renew the war with undiminished forces, which the Carthaginians cannot do. For, as the Romans are fighting for country and children, it is impossible for them to relax the fury of their struggle; but they persist with obstinate resolution until they have overcome their enemies. What has happened in regard to their navy is an instance in point. In skill the Romans are much behind the Carthaginians, as I have already said; yet the upshot of the whole naval war has been a decided triumph for the Romans, owing to the valour of their men. For although nautical science contributes largely to success in sea-fights, still it is the courage of the marines that turns the scale most decisively in favour of victory. The fact is that Italians as a nation are by nature superior to Phoenicians and Libyans both in physical strength and courage; but still their habits also do much to inspire the youth with enthusiasm for such exploits. One example will be sufficient of the pains taken by the Roman state to turn out men ready to endure anything to win a reputation in their country for valour.

Roman Funeral Rites

Whenever one of their illustrious men dies, in the ⁸² course of his funeral, the body with all its paraphernalia is carried into the forum to the Rostra, as a raised platform there is called, and sometimes is propped upright upon it so as to be conspicuous, or, more rarely, is laid upon it. Then with all the people standing round, his son, if he has left one of full age and he is there, or, failing him, one of his relations, mounts the Rostra and delivers a speech concerning the virtues of the deceased, and the successful exploits performed by him in his lifetime. ⁸³ By these means the people are reminded of what has been done, and made to see it with their own eyes,—not only such as were engaged in the actual transactions but those also who were not;— and their sympathies are so deeply moved, that the loss appears not to be confined to the actual mourners, but to be a public one affecting the whole people. After the burial and all the usual ceremonies have been performed, they place the likeness of the deceased in the most conspicuous spot in his house, surmounted by a wooden canopy or shrine. This likeness consists of a mask made to represent the deceased with extraordinary fidelity both in shape and colour. These likenesses they display at public sacrifices adorned with much care. And when any illustrious member of the family dies, they carry these masks to the funeral, putting them on men whom they thought as like the originals as possible in height and other personal peculiarities. And these substitutes assume clothes according to the rank of the person represented: if he was a consul or praetor, a toga with purple stripes; if a censor, whole purple⁸⁴ if he had also celebrated a triumph or performed any exploit of that kind, a toga embroidered with gold. ⁸⁵ These representatives also ride themselves in chariots, while the fasces and axes, and all the other customary insignia of the particular offices, lead the way, according to the dignity of the rank in the state enjoyed by the deceased in his lifetime; and on arriving at the Rostra they all take their seats on ivory chairs in their order. ⁸⁶ There could not easily be a more inspiring spectacle than this for a young man of noble ambitions and virtuous aspirations. For can we conceive any one to be unmoved at the sight of all the likenesses collected together of the men who have earned glory, all as it were living and breathing? Or what could be a more glorious spectacle?

The Glorious Memory of Brave Men Kept Alive

Besides the speaker over the body about to be buried, ⁸⁷ after having finished the panegyric of this particular person, starts upon the others whose representatives are present, beginning with the most ancient, and recounts the successes and achievements of each. By this means the glorious memory of brave men is continually renewed; the fame of those who have performed any noble deed is never allowed to die; and the renown of those who have done good service to their country becomes a matter of common knowledge to the multitude, and part of the heritage of posterity. But the chief benefit of the ceremony is that it inspires young men to shrink from no exertion for the general welfare, in the hope of obtaining the glory which awaits the brave. And what I say is confirmed by this fact. Many Romans have volunteered to decide a whole battle by single combat; not a few have deliberately accepted certain death, some in time of war to secure the safety of the rest, some in time of peace to preserve the safety of the commonwealth. There have also been instances of men in office putting their own sons to death, in defiance of every custom and law, because they rated the interests of their country higher than those of natural ties even with their nearest and dearest. There are many stories of this kind, related of many men in Roman history; but one will be enough for our present purpose; and I will give the name as an instance to prove the truth of my words.

Patriotism and Purity At Rome

The story goes that Horatius Cocles, while fighting ⁸⁸ with two enemies at the head of the bridge over the Tiber , which is the entrance to the city on the north, seeing a large body of men advancing to support his enemies, and fearing that they would force their way into the city, turned round, and shouted to those behind him to hasten back to the other side and break down the bridge. They obeyed him: and whilst they were breaking the bridge, he remained at his post receiving numerous wounds, and checked the progress of the enemy: his opponents being panic stricken, not so much by his strength as by the audacity with which he held his ground. When the bridge had been broken down, the attack of the enemy was stopped; and Cocles then threw himself into the river with his armour on and deliberately sacrificed his life, because he valued the safety of his country and his own future reputation more highly than his present life, and the years of existence that remained to him.⁸⁹ Such is the enthusiasm and emulation for noble deeds that are engendered among the Romans by their customs.

Religion Keeps the Roman Commonwealth Together

Again the Roman customs and principles regarding ⁹⁰ money transactions are better than those of the Carthaginians. In the view of the latter nothing is disgraceful that makes for gain; with the former nothing is more disgraceful than to receive bribes and to make profit by improper means. For they regard wealth obtained from unlawful transactions to be as much a subject of reproach, as a fair profit from the most unquestioned source is of commendation. A proof of the fact is this. The Carthaginians obtain office by open bribery, but among the Romans the penalty for it is death. ⁹¹ With such a radical difference, therefore, between the rewards offered to virtue among the two peoples, it is natural that the ways adopted for obtaining them should be different also.

But the most important difference for the better which the Roman commonwealth appears to me to display is in their religious beliefs. ⁹² For I conceive that what in other nations is looked upon as a reproach, I mean a scrupulous fear of the gods, is the very thing which keeps the Roman commonwealth together. To such an extraordinary height is this carried among them, both in private and public business, that nothing could exceed it. Many people might think this unaccountable; but in my opinion their object is to use it as a check upon the common people. If it were possible to form a state wholly of philosophers, such a custom would perhaps be unnecessary. But seeing that every multitude is fickle, and full of lawless desires, unreasoning anger, and violent passion, the only resource is to keep them in check by mysterious terrors and scenic effects of this sort. Wherefore, to my mind, the ancients were not acting without purpose or at random, when they brought in among the vulgar those opinions about the gods, and the belief in the punishments in Hades: much rather do I think that men nowadays are acting rashly and foolishly in rejecting them. This is the reason why, apart from anything else, Greek statesmen, if entrusted with a single talent, though protected by ten checking-clerks, as many seals, and twice as many witnesses, yet cannot be induced to keep faith: whereas among the Romans, in their magistracies and embassies, men have the handling of a great amount of money, and yet from pure respect to their oath keep their faith intact. And, again, in other nations it is a rare thing to find a man who keeps his hands out of the public purse, and is entirely pure in such matters: but among the Romans it is a rare thing to detect a man in the act of committing such a crime.⁹³ . . .

Conclusion: Dangers Ahead for Rome

That to all things, then, which exist there is ordained decay and change I think requires no further arguments to show: for the inexorable course of nature is sufficient to convince us of it.

But in all polities we observe two sources of decay existing from natural causes, the one external, the other internal and self-produced. The external admits of no certain or fixed definition, but the internal follows a definite order. What kind of polity, then, comes naturally first, and what second, I have already stated in such a way, that those who are capable of taking in the whole drift of my argument can henceforth draw their own conclusions as to the future of the Roman polity. For it is quite clear, in my opinion. When a commonwealth, after warding off many great dangers, has arrived at a high pitch of prosperity and undisputed power, it is evident that, by the lengthened continuance of great wealth within it, the manner of life of its citizens will become more extravagant; and that the rivalry for office, and in other spheres of activity, will become fiercer than it ought to be. And as this state of things goes on more and more, the desire of office and the shame of losing reputation, as well as the ostentation and extravagance of living, will prove the beginning of a deterioration. And of this change the people will be credited with being the authors, when they become convinced that they are being cheated by some from avarice, and are puffed up with flattery by others from love of office. For when that comes about, in their passionate resentment and acting under the dictates of anger, they will refuse to obey any longer, or to be content with having equal powers with their leaders, but will demand to have all or far the greatest themselves. And when that comes to pass the constitution will receive a new name, which sounds better than any other in the world, liberty or democracy; but, in fact, it will become that worst of all governments, mob-rule.

With this description of the formation, growth, zenith, and present state of the Roman polity, and having discussed also its difference, for better and worse, from other polities, I will now at length bring my essay on it to an end.

Even Hannibal Acknowledges the Spirit of the Romans

Resuming my history from the point at which I started on this digression I will briefly refer to one transaction, that I may give a practical illustration of the perfection and power of the Roman polity at that period, as though I were producing one of his works as a specimen of the skill of a good artist.

When Hannibal, after conquering the Romans in the battle at⁹⁴ Cannae , got possession of the eight thousand who were guarding the Roman camp, he made them all prisoners of war, and granted them permission to send messages to their relations that they might be ransomed and return home. They accordingly selected ten of their chief men, whom Hannibal allowed to depart after binding them with an oath to return. But one of them, just as he had got outside the palisade of the camp, saying that he had forgotten something, went back; and, having got what he had left behind, once more set out, under the belief that by means of this return he had kept his promise and discharged his oath. Upon the arrival of the envoys at Rome , imploring and beseeching the Senate not to grudge the captured troops their return home, but to allow them to rejoin their friends by paying three minae each for them,—for these were the terms, they said, granted by Hannibal,—and declaring that the men deserved redemption, for they had neither played the coward in the field, nor done anything unworthy of Rome , but had been left behind to guard the camp; and that, when all the rest had perished, they had yielded to absolute necessity in surrendering to Hannibal: though the Romans had been severely defeated in the battles, and though they were at the time deprived of, roughly speaking, all their allies, they neither yielded so far to misfortune as to disregard what was becoming to themselves, nor omitted to take into account any necessary consideration. They saw through Hannibal’s purpose in thus acting,—which was at once to get a large supply of money, and at the same time to take away all enthusiasm from the troops opposed to him, by showing that even the conquered had a hope of getting safe home again. Therefore the Senate, far from acceding to the request, refused all pity even to their own relations, and disregarded the services to be expected from these men in the future: and thus frustrated Hannibal’s calculations, and the hopes which he had founded on these prisoners, by refusing to ransom them; and at the same time established the rule for their own men, that they must either conquer or die on the field, as there was no other hope of safety for them if they were beaten. With this answer they dismissed the nine envoys who returned of their own accord; but the tenth who had put the cunning trick in practice for discharging himself of his oath they put in chains and delivered to the enemy. So that Hannibal was not so much rejoiced at his victory in the battle, as struck with astonishment at the unshaken firmness and lofty spirit displayed in the resolutions of these senators.⁹⁵

Histories. Polybius. Evelyn S. Shuckburgh (Translator). London. 1889.

Sponsored by Perseus Project, Tufts University.

Funding provided by Robert B. Strassler.

Current edition Perseus

The Histories (English) (Polybius. Vols. 1-2. Shuckburgh, Evelyn S., translator. London, New York, NY: Macmillan and Co., 1889.)

Editions (1)

Ἱστορίαι Perseus (Polybius. Vols. 1-4. Büttner-Wobst, Theodor, editor. Leipzig: Teubner, 1893.) — 6.1 focus

ι. εχ προοεμιο

[1] στήσαντες δʼ ἐπὶ τούτων ¹ τὴν διήγησιν τὸν ὑπὲρ τῆς Ῥωμαίων πολιτείας συστησόμεθα λόγον,

[2] ᾧ κατὰ τὸ συνεχὲς ὑποδείξομεν ὅτι μέγιστα συνεβάλετʼ αὐτοῖς ἡ τοῦ πολιτεύματος ἰδιότης πρὸς τὸ μὴ μόνον ἀνακτήσασθαι τὴν Ἰταλιωτῶν καὶ Σικελιωτῶν δυναστείαν, ἔτι δὲ τὴν Ἰβήρων προσλαβεῖν καὶ Κελτῶν ἀρχήν,

[3] ἀλλὰ τὸ τελευταῖον καὶ πρὸς τὸ κρατήσαντας τῷ πολέμῳ Καρχηδονίων ἔννοιαν σχεῖν τῆς τῶν ὅλων ἐπιβολῆς. [ πολψβ. ιιι, 2, 6].

[4] ὅταν δὲ τὰς Ἑλληνικὰς πράξεις τὰς κατὰ τὴν αὐτὴν ὀλυμπιάδα γενομένας ² διεξιόντες ἐπιστῶμεν τοῖς καιροῖς τούτοις, τότʼ ἤδη προθέμενοι ψιλῶς τὸν ὑπὲρ αὐτῆς τῆς Ῥωμαίων πολιτείας ποιησόμεθα λόγον,

[5] νομίζοντες οὐ μόνον πρὸς τὴν τῆς ἱστορίας σύνταξιν οἰκείαν εἶναι τὴν περὶ αὐτῆς ἐξήγησιν, ἀλλὰ καὶ πρὸς τὰς τῶν πολιτευμάτων διορθώσεις καὶ κατασκευὰς μεγάλα συμβάλλεσθαι τοῖς φιλομαθοῦσι καὶ πραγματικοῖς τῶν ἀνδρῶν [ ιδεμ ιιι, 118, 11].

καὶ τί δήποτʼ ἔστι τὸ αἴτιον,

[6] ἀπορήσαι τις ἄν, ὅτι κεκρατηκότες οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι τῶν ὅλων καὶ πολλαπλασίαν ἔχοντες ὑπεροχὴν νῦν ἢ πρόσθεν οὔτʼ ἂν πληρῶσαι τοσαύτας ναῦς οὔτʼ ἀναπλεῦσαι τηλικούτοις στόλοις δυνηθεῖεν;

[7] οὐ μὲν ἀλλὰ περὶ μὲν ταύτης τῆς ἀπορίας σαφῶς ἐξέσται τὰς αἰτίας κατανοεῖν, ὅταν ἐπὶ τὴν ἐξήγησιν αὐτῶν τῆς πολιτείας ἔλθωμεν. [ ιδεμ ι, 64, 1].

ὑπὲρ τούτου δὲ τοῦ μέρους

[8] ³ εἴρηται πρότερον ἡμῖν διὰ πλειόνων ἐν τοῖς περὶ τῆς πολιτείας. [ ιδεμ χ, 16, 7].

τοῦτο

[9] ⁴ δʼ ἔστι, καθάπερ ἡμῖν ἐν τοῖς περὶ τῆς πολιτείας εἴρηται, τῶν τριῶν ἓν σύστημα, διʼ ὧν συμβαίνει τὰς ἐπιφανεστάτας θυσίας ἐν τῇ Ῥώμῃ συντελεῖσθαι τοῖς θεοῖς. [ ιδεμ χχι, 1013, 11].

[1] οὐκ ἀγνοῶ μὲν οὖν διότι τινὲς διαπορήσουσι πῶς ἀφέμενοι τοῦ συνάπτειν καὶ προστιθέναι τὸ συνεχὲς τῆς διηγήσεως, εἰς τοῦτον ἀπεθέμεθα τὸν καιρὸν τὸν ὑπὲρ τῆς προειρημένης πολιτείας ἀπολογισμόν·

[2] ἐμοὶ δʼ ὅτι μὲν ἦν ἐξ ἀρχῆς ἕν τι τῶν ἀναγκαίων καὶ τοῦτο τὸ μέρος τῆς ὅλης προθέσεως, ἐν πολλοῖς οἶμαι δῆλον αὐτὸ πεποιηκέναι,

[3] μάλιστα δʼ ἐν τῇ καταβολῇ καὶ προεκθέσει τῆς ἱστορίας, ἐν ᾗ τοῦτο κάλλιστον ἔφαμεν, ἅμα δʼ ὠφελιμώτατον εἶναι τῆς ἡμετέρας ἐπιβολῆς τοῖς ἐντυγχάνουσι τῇ πραγματείᾳ τὸ γνῶναι καὶ μαθεῖν πῶς καὶ τίνι γένει πολιτείας ἐπικρατηθέντα σχεδὸν πάντα τὰ κατὰ τὴν οἰκουμένην ἐν οὐδʼ ὅλοις πεντήκοντα καὶ τρισὶν ἔτεσιν ὑπὸ μίαν ἀρχὴν τὴν Ῥωμαίων ἔπεσεν, ὃ πρότερον οὐχ εὑρίσκεται γεγονός.

[4] κεκριμένου δὲ τούτου καιρὸν οὐχ ἑώρων ἐπιτηδειότερον εἰς ἐπίστασιν καὶ δοκιμασίαν τῶν λέγεσθαι μελλόντων ὑπὲρ τῆς πολιτείας τοῦ νῦν ἐνεστῶτος.

[5] καθάπερ γὰρ οἱ κατʼ ἰδίαν ὑπὲρ τῶν φαύλων ἢ τῶν σπουδαίων ἀνδρῶν ποιούμενοι τὰς διαλήψεις, ἐπειδὰν ἀληθῶς πρόθωνται δοκιμάζειν, οὐκ ἐκ τῆς ἀπεριστάτου ῥᾳστώνης κατὰ τὸν βίον ποιοῦνται τὰς ἐπισκέψεις, ἀλλʼ ἐκ τῶν ἐν ταῖς ἀτυχίαις περιπετειῶν καὶ τῶν ἐν ταῖς ἐπιτυχίαις κατορθωμάτων,

[6] μόνον νομίζοντες εἶναι ταύτην ἀνδρὸς τελείου βάσανον τὸ τὰς ὁλοσχερεῖς μεταβολὰς τῆς τύχης μεγαλοψύχως δύνασθαι καὶ γενναίως ὑποφέρειν, τὸν αὐτὸν τρόπον χρὴ θεωρεῖν καὶ πολιτείαν.

[7] διόπερ οὐχ ὁρῶν ποίαν ἄν τις ὀξυτέραν ἢ μείζονα λάβοι μεταβολὴν τῶν καθʼ ἡμᾶς τῆς γε Ῥωμαίοις συμβάσης, εἰς τοῦτον ἀπεθέμην τὸν καιρὸν τὸν ὑπὲρ τῶν προειρημένων ἀπολογισμόν· γνοίη δʼ ἄν τις τὸ μέγεθος τῆς μεταβολῆς ἐκ τούτων. ζήτει ἐν τῷ περὶ στρατηγίας. [ εχξ. ϝατ. π. 369 μαι. 24, 4 ηεψς.]

[8] ὅτι τὸ ψυχαγωγοῦν ἅμα καὶ τὴν ὠφέλειαν ἐπιφέρον τοῖς φιλομαθοῦσι τοῦτʼ ἔστιν ἡ τῶν αἰτιῶν θεωρία καὶ τοῦ βελτίονος ἐν ἑκάστοις αἵρεσις.

[9] μεγίστην δʼ αἰτίαν ἡγητέον ἐν ἅπαντι πράγματι καὶ πρὸς ἐπιτυχίαν καὶ τοὐναντίον τὴν τῆς πολιτείας σύστασιν·

[10] ἐκ γὰρ ταύτης ᾗπερ ἐκ πηγῆς οὐ μόνον ἀναφέρεσθαι συμβαίνει πάσας τὰς ἐπινοίας καὶ τὰς ἐπιβολὰς τῶν ἔργων, ἀλλὰ καὶ συντέλειαν λαμβάνειν. [ εχξ. ϝατ. π. 370 μ. 24, 30 η.]

[11] τὸ γὰρ ἀδύνατον ἐν τῷ ψεύδει μόνον οὐδʼ ἀπολογίαν ἐπιδέχεται τοῖς ἁμαρτάνουσιν. [ ξοδ. υρβιν. μαργο φολ. 61]

ιι. δε ϝαριις ρερυμ πυβλιξαρυμ φορμις

[1] τῶν μὲν γὰρ Ἑλληνικῶν πολιτευμάτων ὅσα πολλάκις μὲν ηὔξηται, πολλάκις δὲ τῆς εἰς τἀναντία μεταβολῆς ὁλοσχερῶς πεῖραν εἴληφε, ῥᾳδίαν εἶναι συμβαίνει καὶ τὴν ὑπὲρ τῶν προγεγονότων ἐξήγησιν καὶ τὴν ὑπὲρ τοῦ μέλλοντος ἀπόφασιν·

[2] τό τε γὰρ ἐξαγγεῖλαι τὰ γινωσκόμενα ῥᾴδιον, τό τε προειπεῖν ὑπὲρ τοῦ μέλλοντος στοχαζόμενον ἐκ τῶν ἤδη γεγονότων εὐμαρές.

[3] περὶ δὲ τῆς Ῥωμαίων οὐδʼ ὅλως εὐχερὲς οὔτε περὶ τῶν παρόντων ἐξηγήσασθαι διὰ τὴν ποικιλίαν τῆς πολιτείας, οὔτε περὶ τοῦ μέλλοντος προειπεῖν διὰ τὴν ἄγνοιαν τῶν προγεγονότων περὶ αὐτοὺς ἰδιωμάτων καὶ κοινῇ καὶ κατʼ ἰδίαν.

[4] διόπερ οὐ τῆς τυχούσης ἐπιστάσεως προσδεῖται καὶ θεωρίας, εἰ μέλλοι τις τὰ διαφέροντα καθαρίως ἐν αὐτῇ συνόψεσθαι.

[5] συμβαίνει δὴ τοὺς πλείστους τῶν βουλομένων διδασκαλικῶς ἡμῖν ὑποδεικνύειν περὶ τῶν τοιούτων τρία γένη λέγειν πολιτειῶν, ὧν τὸ μὲν καλοῦσι βασιλείαν, τὸ δʼ ἀριστοκρατίαν, τὸ δὲ τρίτον δημοκρατίαν.

[6] δοκεῖ δέ μοι πάνυ τις εἰκότως ἂν ἐπαπορῆσαι πρὸς αὐτούς, πότερον ὡς μόνας ταύτας ἢ καὶ νὴ Δίʼ ὡς ἀρίστας ἡμῖν εἰσηγοῦνται τῶν πολιτειῶν.

[7] κατʼ ἀμφότερα γὰρ ἀγνοεῖν μοι δοκοῦσι. δῆλον γὰρ ὡς ἀρίστην μὲν ἡγητέον πολιτείαν τὴν ἐκ πάντων τῶν προειρημένων ἰδιωμάτων συνεστῶσαν·

[8] τούτου γὰρ τοῦ μέρους οὐ λόγῳ μόνον, ἀλλʼ ἔργῳ πεῖραν εἰλήφαμεν, Λυκούργου συστήσαντος πρώτου κατὰ τοῦτον τὸν τρόπον τὸ Λακεδαιμονίων πολίτευμα.

[9] καὶ μὴν οὐδʼ ὡς μόνας ταύτας προσδεκτέον· καὶ γὰρ μοναρχικὰς καὶ τυραννικὰς ἤδη τινὰς τεθεάμεθα πολιτείας, αἳ πλεῖστον διαφέρουσαι βασιλείας παραπλήσιον ἔχειν τι ταύτῃ δοκοῦσιν·

[10] ᾗ καὶ συμψεύδονται καὶ συγχρῶνται πάντες οἱ μόναρχοι καθʼ ὅσον οἷοί τʼ εἰσὶ τῷ τῆς βασιλείας ὀνόματι.

[11] καὶ μὴν ὀλιγαρχικὰ πολιτεύματα καὶ πλείω γέγονε, δοκοῦντα παρόμοιον ἔχειν τι τοῖς ἀριστοκρατικοῖς, ἃ πλεῖστον ὡς ἔπος εἰπεῖν διεστᾶσιν.

[12] ὁ δʼ αὐτὸς λόγος καὶ περὶ

[1] δημοκρατίας. ὅτι δʼ ἀληθές ἐστι τὸ λεγόμενον ἐκ τούτων συμφανές.

[2] οὔτε γὰρ πᾶσαν δήπου μοναρχίαν εὐθέως βασιλείαν ῥητέον, ἀλλὰ μόνην τὴν ἐξ ἑκόντων συγχωρουμένην καὶ τῇ γνώμῃ τὸ πλεῖον ἢ φόβῳ καὶ βίᾳ κυβερνωμένην·

[3] οὐδὲ μὴν πᾶσαν ὀλιγαρχίαν ἀριστοκρατίαν νομιστέον, ἀλλὰ ταύτην, ἥτις ἂν κατʼ ἐκλογὴν ὑπὸ τῶν δικαιοτάτων καὶ φρονιμωτάτων ἀνδρῶν βραβεύηται.

[4] παραπλησίως οὐδὲ δημοκρατίαν, ἐν ᾗ πᾶν πλῆθος κύριόν ἐστι ποιεῖν ὅ,

[5] τι ποτʼ ἂν αὐτὸ βουληθῇ καὶ πρόθηται παρὰ δʼ ᾧ πάτριόν ἐστι καὶ σύνηθες θεοὺς σέβεσθαι, γονεῖς θεραπεύειν, πρεσβυτέρους αἰδεῖσθαι, νόμοις πείθεσθαι, παρὰ τοῖς τοιούτοις συστήμασιν ὅταν τὸ τοῖς πλείοσι δόξαν νικᾷ, τοῦτο καλεῖν δεῖ δημοκρατίαν. διὸ καὶ γένη μὲν ἓξ εἶναι ῥητέον πολιτειῶν,

[6] τρία μὲν ἃ πάντες θρυλοῦσι καὶ νῦν προείρηται, τρία δὲ τὰ τούτοις συμφυῆ, λέγω δὲ μοναρχίαν, ὀλιγαρχίαν, ὀχλοκρατίαν.

[7] πρώτη μὲν οὖν ἀκατασκεύως καὶ φυσικῶς συνίσταται μοναρχία, ταύτῃ δʼ ἕπεται καὶ ἐκ ταύτης γεννᾶται μετὰ κατασκευῆς καὶ διορθώσεως βασιλεία.

[8] μεταβαλλούσης δὲ ταύτης εἰς τὰ συμφυῆ κακά, λέγω δʼ εἰς τυραννίδʼ, αὖθις ἐκ τῆς τούτων καταλύσεως ἀριστοκρατία φύεται.

[9] καὶ μὴν ταύτης εἰς ὀλιγαρχίαν ἐκτραπείσης κατὰ φύσιν, τοῦ δὲ πλήθους ὀργῇ μετελθόντος τὰς τῶν προεστώτων ἀδικίας, γεννᾶται δῆμος.

[10] ἐκ δὲ τῆς τούτου πάλιν ὕβρεως καὶ παρανομίας ἀποπληροῦται σὺν χρόνοις ὀχλοκρατία.

[11] γνοίη δʼ ἄν τις σαφέστατα περὶ τούτων ὡς ἀληθῶς ἐστιν οἷα δὴ νῦν εἶπον, ἐπὶ τὰς ἑκάστων κατὰ φύσιν ἀρχὰς καὶ γενέσεις καὶ μεταβολὰς ἐπιστήσας.

[12] ὁ γὰρ συνιδὼν ἕκαστον αὐτῶν ὡς φύεται, μόνος ἂν οὗτος δύναιτο συνιδεῖν καὶ τὴν αὔξησιν καὶ τὴν ἀκμὴν καὶ τὴν μεταβολὴν ἑκάστων καὶ τὸ τέλος, πότε καὶ πῶς καὶ ποῦ καταντήσει πάλιν·

[13] μάλιστα δʼ ἐπὶ τῆς Ῥωμαίων πολιτείας τοῦτον ἁρμόσειν τὸν τρόπον ὑπείληφα τῆς ἐξηγήσεως διὰ τὸ κατὰ φύσιν αὐτὴν ἀπʼ ἀρχῆς εἰληφέναι τήν τε σύστασιν καὶ τὴν αὔξησιν.

[1] ἀκριβέστερον μὲν οὖν ἴσως ὁ περὶ τῆς κατὰ φύσιν μεταβολῆς τῶν πολιτειῶν εἰς ἀλλήλας διευκρινεῖται λόγος παρὰ Πλάτωνι καί τισιν ἑτέροις τῶν φιλοσόφων· ποικίλος δʼ ὢν καὶ διὰ πλειόνων λεγόμενος ὀλίγοις ἐφικτός ἐστιν.

[2] διόπερ ὅσον ἀνήκειν ὑπολαμβάνομεν αὐτοῦ πρὸς τὴν πραγματικὴν ἱστορίαν καὶ τὴν κοινὴν ἐπίνοιαν, τοῦτο πειρασόμεθα κεφαλαιωδῶς διελθεῖν·

[3] καὶ γὰρ ἂν ἐλλείπειν τι δόξῃ διὰ τῆς καθολικῆς ἐμφάσεως, ὁ κατὰ μέρος λόγος τῶν ἑξῆς ῥηθησομένων ἱκανὴν ἀνταπόδοσιν ποιήσει τῶν νῦν ἐπαπορηθέντων.

[4] ποίας οὖν ἀρχὰς λέγω καὶ πόθεν φημὶ φύεσθαι τὰς πολιτείας πρῶτον;

[5] ὅταν ἢ διὰ κατακλυσμοὺς ἢ διὰ λοιμικὰς περιστάσεις ἢ διʼ ἀφορίας καρπῶν ἢ διʼ ἄλλας τοιαύτας αἰτίας φθορὰ γένηται τοῦ τῶν ἀνθρώπων γένους, οἵας ἤδη γεγονέναι παρειλήφαμεν καὶ πάλιν πολλάκις ἔσεσθʼ ὁ λόγος αἱρεῖ,

[6] τότε δὴ συμφθειρομένων πάντων τῶν ἐπιτηδευμάτων καὶ τεχνῶν, ὅταν ἐκ τῶν περιλειφθέντων οἷον εἰ σπερμάτων αὖθις αὐξηθῇ σὺν χρόνῳ πλῆθος ἀνθρώπων, τότε δήπου,

[7] καθάπερ ἐπὶ τῶν ἄλλων ζῴων, καὶ ἐπὶ τούτων συναθροιζομένων — ὅπερ εἰκός, καὶ τούτους εἰς τὸ ὁμόφυλον συναγελάζεσθαι διὰ τὴν τῆς φύσεως ἀσθένειαν — ἀνάγκη τὸν τῇ σωματικῇ ῥώμῃ καὶ τῇ ψυχικῇ τόλμῃ διαφέροντα, τοῦτον ἡγεῖσθαι καὶ κρατεῖν,

[8] καθάπερ καὶ ἐπὶ τῶν ἄλλων γενῶν ἀδοξοποιήτων ζῴων θεωρούμενον τοῦτο χρὴ φύσεως ἔργον ἀληθινώτατον νομίζειν, παρʼ οἷς ὁμολογουμένως τοὺς ἰσχυροτάτους ὁρῶμεν ἡγουμένους, λέγω δὲ ταύρους, κάπρους, ἀλεκτρυόνας, τὰ τούτοις παραπλήσια.

[9] τὰς μὲν οὖν ἀρχὰς εἰκὸς τοιούτους εἶναι καὶ τοὺς τῶν ἀνθρώπων βίους, ζῳηδὸν συναθροιζομένων καὶ τοῖς ἀλκιμωτάτοις καὶ δυναμικωτάτοις ἑπομένων· οἷς ὅρος μέν ἐστι τῆς ἀρχῆς ἰσχύς, ὄνομα δʼ ἂν εἴποι τις μοναρχίαν.

[10] ἐπειδὰν δὲ τοῖς συστήμασι διὰ τὸν χρόνον ὑπογένηται συντροφία καὶ συνήθεια, τοῦτʼ ἀρχὴ βασιλείας φύεται, καὶ τότε πρώτως ἔννοια γίνεται τοῦ καλοῦ καὶ δικαίου τοῖς ἀνθρώποις, ὁμοίως

[1] δὲ καὶ τῶν ἐναντίων τούτοις. ὁ δὲ τρόπος τῆς ἀρχῆς καὶ τῆς γενέσεως τῶν εἰρημένων τοιόσδε.

[2] πάντων γὰρ πρὸς τὰς συνουσίας ὁρμώντων κατὰ φύσιν, ἐκ δὲ τούτων παιδοποιίας ἀποτελουμένης, ὁπότε τις τῶν ἐκτραφέντων εἰς ἡλικίαν ἱκόμενος μὴ νέμοι χάριν μηδʼ ἀμύναι τούτοις οἷς ἐκτρέφοιτʼ, ἀλλά που τἀναντία κακῶς λέγειν ἢ δρᾶν τούτους ἐγχειροίη,

[3] δῆλον ὡς δυσαρεστεῖν καὶ προσκόπτειν εἰκὸς τοὺς συνόντας καὶ συνιδόντας τὴν γεγενημένην ἐκ τῶν γεννησάντων ἐπιμέλειαν καὶ κακοπάθειαν περὶ τὰ τέκνα καὶ τὴν τούτων θεραπείαν καὶ τροφήν.

[4] τοῦ γὰρ γένους τῶν ἀνθρώπων ταύτῃ διαφέροντος τῶν ἄλλων ζῴων, ᾗ μόνοις αὐτοῖς μέτεστι νοῦ καὶ λογισμοῦ, φανερὸν ὡς οὐκ εἰκὸς παρατρέχειν αὐτοὺς τὴν προειρημένην διαφοράν, καθάπερ ἐπὶ τῶν ἄλλων ζῴων,

[5] ἀλλʼ ἐπισημαίνεσθαι τὸ γινόμενον καὶ δυσαρεστεῖσθαι τοῖς παροῦσι, προορωμένους τὸ μέλλον καὶ συλλογιζομένους ὅτι τὸ παραπλήσιον ἑκάστοις αὐτῶν συγκυρήσει.

[6] καὶ μὴν ὅταν που πάλιν ἅτερος ὑπὸ θατέρου τυχὼν ἐπικουρίας ἢ βοηθείας ἐν τοῖς δεινοῖς μὴ νέμῃ τῷ σώσαντι χάριν, ἀλλά ποτε καὶ βλάπτειν ἐγχειρῇ τοῦτον, φανερὸν ὡς εἰκὸς τῷ τοιούτῳ δυσαρεστεῖσθαι καὶ προσκόπτειν τοὺς εἰδότας, συναγανακτοῦντας μὲν τῷ πέλας, ἀναφέροντας δʼ ἐφʼ αὑτοὺς τὸ παραπλήσιον.

[7] ἐξ ὧν ὑπογίνεταί τις ἔννοια παρʼ ἑκάστῳ τῆς τοῦ καθήκοντος δυνάμεως καὶ θεωρίας· ὅπερ ἐστὶν ἀρχὴ καὶ τέλος δικαιοσύνης.

[8] ὁμοίως πάλιν ὅταν ἀμύνῃ μέν τις πρὸ πάντων ἐν τοῖς δεινοῖς, ὑφίστηται δὲ καὶ μένῃ τὰς ἐπιφορὰς τῶν ἀλκιμωτάτων ζῴων, εἰκὸς μὲν τὸν τοιοῦτον ὑπὸ τοῦ πλήθους ἐπισημασίας τυγχάνειν εὐνοϊκῆς καὶ προστατικῆς, τὸν δὲ τἀναντία τούτῳ πράττοντα καταγνώσεως καὶ προσκοπῆς.

[9] ἐξ οὗ πάλιν εὔλογον ὑπογίνεσθαί τινα θεωρίαν παρὰ τοῖς πολλοῖς αἰσχροῦ καὶ καλοῦ καὶ τῆς τούτων πρὸς ἄλληλα διαφορᾶς, καὶ τὸ μὲν ζήλου καὶ μιμήσεως τυγχάνειν διὰ τὸ συμφέρον, τὸ δὲ φυγῆς.

[10] ἐν οἷς ὅταν ὁ προεστὼς καὶ τὴν μεγίστην δύναμιν ἔχων ἀεὶ συνεπισχύῃ τοῖς προειρημένοις κατὰ τὰς τῶν πολλῶν διαλήψεις, καὶ δόξῃ τοῖς ὑποταττομένοις διανεμητικὸς εἶναι τοῦ κατʼ ἀξίαν ἑκάστοις,

[11] οὐκέτι τὴν βίαν δεδιότες, τῇ δὲ γνώμῃ τὸ πλεῖον εὐδοκοῦντες, ὑποτάττονται καὶ συσσῴζουσι τὴν ἀρχὴν αὐτοῦ, κἂν ὅλως ᾖ γηραιός, ὁμοθυμαδὸν ἐπαμύνοντες καὶ διαγωνιζόμενοι πρὸς τοὺς ἐπιβουλεύοντας αὐτοῦ τῇ δυναστείᾳ.

[12] καὶ δὴ τῷ τοιούτῳ τρόπῳ βασιλεὺς ἐκ μονάρχου λανθάνει γενόμενος, ὅταν παρὰ τοῦ θυμοῦ καὶ τῆς ἰσχύος μεταλάβῃ τὴν ἡγε

[1] μονίαν ὁ λογισμός. αὕτη καλοῦ καὶ δικαίου πρώτη παρʼ ἀνθρώποις κατὰ φύσιν ἔννοια καὶ τῶν ἐναντίων τούτοις, αὕτη βασιλείας ἀληθινῆς ἀρχὴ καὶ γένεσις.

[2] οὐ γὰρ μόνον αὐτοῖς, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῖς ἐκ τούτων οἱ πολλοὶ διαφυλάττουσι τὰς ἀρχάς, πεπεισμένοι τοὺς ἐκ τοιούτων γεγονότας καὶ τραφέντας ὑπὸ τοιούτοις παραπλησίους ἕξειν καὶ τὰς προαιρέσεις.

[3] ἐὰν δέ ποτε τοῖς ἐγγόνοις δυσαρεστήσωσι, ποιοῦνται μετὰ ταῦτα τὴν αἵρεσιν τῶν ἀρχόντων καὶ βασιλέων οὐκέτι κατὰ τὰς σωματικὰς καὶ θυμικὰς δυνάμεις, ἀλλὰ κατὰ τὰς τῆς γνώμης καὶ τοῦ λογισμοῦ διαφοράς, πεῖραν εἰληφότες ἐπʼ αὐτῶν τῶν ἔργων τῆς ἐξ ἀμφοῖν παραλλαγῆς.

[4] τὸ μὲν οὖν παλαιὸν ἐνεγήρασκον ταῖς βασιλείαις οἱ κριθέντες ἅπαξ καὶ τυχόντες τῆς ἐξουσίας ταύτης, τόπους τε διαφέροντας ὀχυρούμενοι καὶ τειχίζοντες καὶ χώραν κατακτώμενοι, τὸ μὲν τῆς ἀσφαλείας χάριν, τὸ δὲ τῆς δαψιλείας τῶν ἐπιτηδείων τοῖς ὑποτεταγμένοις·

[5] ἅμα δὲ περὶ ταῦτα σπουδάζοντες ἐκτὸς ἦσαν πάσης διαβολῆς καὶ φθόνου διὰ τὸ μήτε περὶ τὴν ἐσθῆτα μεγάλας ποιεῖσθαι τὰς παραλλαγὰς μήτε περὶ τὴν βρῶσιν καὶ πόσιν, ἀλλὰ παραπλήσιον ἔχειν τὴν βιοτείαν τοῖς ἄλλοις, ὁμόσε ποιούμενοι τοῖς πολλοῖς ἀεὶ τὴν δίαιταν.

[6] ἐπεὶ δʼ ἐκ διαδοχῆς καὶ κατὰ γένος τὰς ἀρχὰς παραλαμβάνοντες ἕτοιμα μὲν εἶχον ἤδη τὰ πρὸς τὴν ἀσφάλειαν, ἕτοιμα δὲ καὶ πλείω τῶν ἱκανῶν τὰ πρὸς τὴν τροφήν,

[7] τότε δὴ ταῖς ἐπιθυμίαις ἑπόμενοι διὰ τὴν περιουσίαν ἐξάλλους μὲν ἐσθῆτας ὑπέλαβον δεῖν ἔχειν τοὺς ἡγουμένους τῶν ὑποταττομένων, ἐξάλλους δὲ καὶ ποικίλας τὰς περὶ τὴν τροφὴν ἀπολαύσεις καὶ παρασκευάς, ἀναντιρρήτους δὲ καὶ παρὰ τῶν μὴ προσηκόντων τὰς τῶν ἀφροδισίων χρείας καὶ συνουσίας.

[8] ἐφʼ οἷς μὲν φθόνου γενομένου καὶ προσκοπῆς, ἐφʼ οἷς δὲ μίσους ἐκκαιομένου καὶ δυσμενικῆς ὀργῆς, ἐγένετο μὲν ἐκ τῆς βασιλείας τυραννίς, ἀρχὴ δὲ καταλύσεως ἐγεννᾶτο καὶ σύστασις ἐπιβουλῆς τοῖς ἡγουμένοις·

[9] ἣν οὐκ ἐκ τῶν χειρίστων, ἀλλʼ ἐκ τῶν γενναιοτάτων καὶ μεγαλοψυχοτάτων, ἔτι δὲ θαρραλεωτάτων ἀνδρῶν συνέβαινε γίνεσθαι διὰ τὸ τοὺς τοιούτους ἥκιστα

[1] δύνασθαι φέρειν τὰς τῶν ἐφεστώτων ὕβρεις. τοῦ δὲ πλήθους, ὅτε λάβοι προστάτας, συνεπισχύοντος κατὰ τῶν ἡγουμένων διὰ τὰς προειρημένας αἰτίας, τὸ μὲν τῆς βασιλείας καὶ μοναρχίας εἶδος ἄρδην ἀνῃρεῖτο, τὸ δὲ τῆς ἀριστοκρατίας αὖθις ἀρχὴν ἐλάμβανε καὶ γένεσιν.

[2] τοῖς γὰρ καταλύσασι τοὺς μονάρχους οἷον εἰ χάριν ἐκ χειρὸς ἀποδιδόντες οἱ πολλοὶ τούτοις ἐχρῶντο προστάταις καὶ τούτοις ἐπέτρεπον περὶ σφῶν.

[3] οἱ δὲ τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ἀσμενίζοντες τὴν ἐπιτροπὴν οὐδὲν προυργιαίτερον ἐποιοῦντο τοῦ κοινῇ συμφέροντος, καὶ κηδεμονικῶς καὶ φυλακτικῶς ἕκαστα χειρίζοντες καὶ τὰ κατʼ ἰδίαν καὶ τὰ κοινὰ τοῦ πλήθους.

[4] ὅτε δὲ διαδέξαιντο πάλιν παῖδες παρὰ πατέρων τὴν τοιαύτην ἐξουσίαν, ἄπειροι μὲν ὄντες κακῶν, ἄπειροι δὲ καθόλου πολιτικῆς ἰσότητος καὶ παρρησίας, τεθραμμένοι δʼ ἐξ ἀρχῆς ἐν ταῖς τῶν πατέρων ἐξουσίαις καὶ προαγωγαῖς,

[5] ὁρμήσαντες οἱ μὲν ἐπὶ πλεονεξίαν καὶ φιλαργυρίαν ἄδικον, οἱ δʼ ἐπὶ μέθας καὶ τὰς ἅμα ταύταις ἀπλήστους εὐωχίας, οἱ δʼ ἐπὶ τὰς τῶν γυναικῶν ὕβρεις καὶ παίδων ἁρπαγάς, μετέστησαν μὲν τὴν ἀριστοκρατίαν εἰς ὀλιγαρχίαν,

[6] ταχὺ δὲ κατεσκεύασαν ἐν τοῖς πλήθεσι πάλιν τὰ παραπλήσια τοῖς ἄρτι ῥηθεῖσι· διὸ καὶ παραπλήσιον συνέβαινε τὸ τέλος αὐτῶν γίνεσθαι τῆς καταστροφῆς τοῖς περὶ τοὺς τυράννους ἀτυχή

[1] μασιν. ἐπειδὰν γάρ τις συνθεασάμενος τὸν φθόνον καὶ τὸ μῖσος κατʼ αὐτῶν τὸ παρὰ τοῖς πολίταις ὑπάρχον, κἄπειτα θαρρήσῃ λέγειν ἢ πράττειν τι κατὰ τῶν προεστώτων, πᾶν ἕτοιμον καὶ συνεργὸν λαμβάνει τὸ πλῆθος.

[2] λοιπὸν οὓς μὲν φονεύσαντες, οὓς δὲ φυγαδεύσαντες, οὔτε βασιλέα προΐστασθαι τολμῶσιν, ἔτι δεδιότες τὴν τῶν πρότερον ἀδικίαν, οὔτε πλείοσιν ἐπιτρέπειν τὰ κοινὰ θαρροῦσι, παρὰ πόδας αὐτοῖς οὔσης τῆς πρότερον ἀγνοίας,

[3] μόνης δὲ σφίσι καταλειπομένης ἐλπίδος ἀκεραίου τῆς ἐν αὑτοῖς ἐπὶ ταύτην καταφέρονται, καὶ τὴν μὲν πολιτείαν ἐξ ὀλιγαρχικῆς δημοκρατίαν ἐποίησαν, τὴν δὲ τῶν κοινῶν πρόνοιαν καὶ πίστιν εἰς σφᾶς αὐτοὺς ἀνέλαβον.

[4] καὶ μέχρι μὲν ἂν ἔτι σῴζωνταί τινες τῶν ὑπεροχῆς καὶ δυναστείας πεῖραν εἰληφότων, ἀσμενίζοντες τῇ παρούσῃ καταστάσει περὶ πλείστου ποιοῦνται τὴν ἰσηγορίαν καὶ τὴν παρρησίαν·

[5] ὅταν δʼ ἐπιγένωνται νέοι καὶ παισὶ παίδων πάλιν ἡ δημοκρατία παραδοθῇ, τότʼ οὐκέτι διὰ τὸ σύνηθες ἐν μεγάλῳ τιθέμενοι τὸ τῆς ἰσηγορίας καὶ παρρησίας ζητοῦσι πλέον ἔχειν τῶν πολλῶν· μάλιστα δʼ εἰς τοῦτʼ ἐμπίπτουσιν οἱ ταῖς οὐσίαις ὑπερέχοντες.

[6] λοιπὸν ὅταν ὁρμήσωσιν ἐπὶ τὸ φιλαρχεῖν καὶ μὴ δύνωνται διʼ αὑτῶν καὶ διὰ τῆς ἰδίας ἀρετῆς τυγχάνειν τούτων, διαφθείρουσι τὰς οὐσίας, δελεάζοντες καὶ λυμαινόμενοι τὰ πλήθη κατὰ πάντα τρόπον.

[7] ἐξ ὧν ὅταν ἅπαξ δωροδόκους καὶ δωροφάγους κατασκευάσωσι τοὺς πολλοὺς διὰ τὴν ἄφρονα δοξοφαγίαν, τότʼ ἤδη πάλιν τὸ μὲν τῆς δημοκρατίας καταλύεται, μεθίσταται δʼ εἰς βίαν καὶ χειροκρατίαν ἡ δημοκρατία.

[8] συνειθισμένον γὰρ τὸ πλῆθος ἐσθίειν τὰ ἀλλότρια καὶ τὰς ἐλπίδας ἔχειν τοῦ ζῆν ἐπὶ τοῖς τῶν πέλας, ὅταν λάβῃ προστάτην μεγαλόφρονα καὶ τολμηρόν, ἐκκλειόμενον δὲ διὰ πενίαν τῶν ἐν τῇ πολιτείᾳ τιμίων, τότε δὴ χειροκρατίαν ἀποτελεῖ,

[9] καὶ τότε συναθροιζόμενον ποιεῖ σφαγάς, φυγάς, γῆς ἀναδασμούς, ἕως ἂν ἀποτεθηριωμένον πάλιν εὕρῃ δεσπότην καὶ μόναρχον.

αὕτη πολιτειῶν ἀνακύκλωσις,

[10] αὕτη φύσεως οἰκονομία, καθʼ ἣν μεταβάλλει καὶ μεθίσταται καὶ πάλιν εἰς αὑτὰ καταντᾷ τὰ κατὰ τὰς πολιτείας.

[11] ταῦτά τις σαφῶς ἐπεγνωκὼς χρόνοις μὲν ἴσως διαμαρτήσεται λέγων ὑπὲρ τοῦ μέλλοντος περὶ πολιτείας, τὸ δὲ ποῦ τῆς αὐξήσεως ἕκαστόν ἐστιν ἢ τῆς φθορᾶς ἢ ποῦ μεταστήσεται σπανίως ἂν διασφάλλοιτο, χωρὶς ὀργῆς ἢ φθόνου ποιούμενος τὴν ἀπόφασιν.

[12] καὶ μὴν περί γε τῆς Ῥωμαίων πολιτείας κατὰ ταύτην τὴν ἐπίστασιν μάλιστʼ ἂν ἔλθοιμεν εἰς γνῶσιν καὶ τῆς συστάσεως καὶ τῆς αὐξήσεως καὶ τῆς ἀκμῆς, ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ τῆς εἰς τοὔμπαλιν ἐσομένης ἐκ τούτων μεταβολῆς·

[13] εἰ γάρ τινα καὶ ἑτέραν πολιτείαν, ὡς ἀρτίως εἶπα, καὶ ταύτην συμβαίνει, κατὰ φύσιν ἀπʼ ἀρχῆς ἔχουσαν τὴν σύστασιν καὶ τὴν αὔξησιν, κατὰ φύσιν ἕξειν καὶ τὴν εἰς τἀναντία μεταβολήν.

[14] σκοπεῖν δʼ ἐξέσται διὰ τῶν μετὰ ταῦτα ῥηθησομένων.

[1] νῦν δʼ ἐπὶ βραχὺ ποιησόμεθα μνήμην ὑπὲρ τῆς Λυκούργου νομοθεσίας· ἔστι γὰρ οὐκ ἀνοίκειος ὁ λόγος τῆς προθέσεως.

[2] ἐκεῖνος γὰρ ἕκαστα τῶν προειρημένων συννοήσας ἀναγκαίως καὶ φυσικῶς ἐπιτελούμενα καὶ συλλογισάμενος ὅτι πᾶν εἶδος πολιτείας ἁπλοῦν καὶ κατὰ μίαν συνεστηκὸς δύναμιν ἐπισφαλὲς γίνεται διὰ τὸ ταχέως εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν καὶ φύσει παρεπομένην ἐκτρέπεσθαι κακίαν·

[3] καθάπερ γὰρ σιδήρῳ μὲν ἰός, ξύλοις δὲ θρῖπες καὶ τερηδόνες συμφυεῖς εἰσι λῦμαι, διʼ ὧν, κἂν πάσας τὰς ἔξωθεν διαφύγωσι βλάβας, ὑπʼ αὐτῶν φθείρονται τῶν συγγενομένων,

[4] τὸν αὐτὸν τρόπον καὶ τῶν πολιτειῶν συγγεννᾶται κατὰ φύσιν ἑκάστῃ καὶ παρέπεταί τις κακία, βασιλείᾳ μὲν ὁ μοναρχικὸς λεγόμενος τρόπος, ἀριστοκρατίᾳ δʼ ὁ τῆς ὀλιγαρχίας,

[5] δημοκρατίᾳ δʼ ὁ θηριώδης καὶ χειροκρατικός, εἰς οὓς οὐχ οἷόν τε μὴ οὐ πάντα τὰ προειρημένα σὺν χρόνῳ ποιεῖσθαι τὰς μεταστάσεις κατὰ τὸν ἄρτι λόγον.

[6] ἃ προϊδόμενος Λυκοῦργος οὐχ ἁπλῆν οὐδὲ μονοειδῆ συνεστήσατο τὴν πολιτείαν, ἀλλὰ πάσας ὁμοῦ συνήθροιζε τὰς ἀρετὰς καὶ τὰς ἰδιότητας τῶν ἀρίστων πολιτευμάτων,

[7] ἵνα μηδὲν αὐξανόμενον ὑπὲρ τὸ δέον εἰς τὰς συμφυεῖς ἐκτρέπηται κακίας, ἀντισπωμένης δὲ τῆς ἑκάστου δυνάμεως ὑπʼ ἀλλήλων μηδαμοῦ νεύῃ μηδʼ ἐπὶ πολὺ καταρρέπῃ μηδὲν αὐτῶν, ἀλλʼ ἰσορροποῦν καὶ ζυγοστατούμενον ἐπὶ πολὺ διαμένῃ κατὰ τὸν τῆς ἀντιπλοίας λόγον ἀεὶ τὸ πολίτευμα,

[8] τῆς μὲν βασιλείας κωλυομένης ὑπερηφανεῖν διὰ τὸν ἀπὸ τοῦ δήμου φόβον, δεδομένης καὶ τούτῳ μερίδος ἱκανῆς ἐν τῇ πολιτείᾳ,

[9] τοῦ δὲ δήμου πάλιν μὴ θαρροῦντος καταφρονεῖν τῶν βασιλέων διὰ τὸν ἀπὸ τῶν γερόντων φόβον, οἳ κατʼ ἐκλογὴν ἀριστίνδην κεκριμένοι πάντες ἔμελλον ἀεὶ τῷ δικαίῳ προσνέμειν ἑαυτούς,

[10] ὥστε τὴν τῶν ἐλαττουμένων μερίδα διὰ τὸ τοῖς ἔθεσιν ἐμμένειν, ταύτην ἀεὶ γίνεσθαι μείζω καὶ βαρυτέραν τῇ τῶν γερόντων προσκλίσει καὶ ῥοπῇ.

[11] τοιγαροῦν οὕτως συστησάμενος πλεῖστον ὧν ἡμεῖς ἴσμεν χρόνον διεφύλαξε τοῖς Λακεδαιμονίοις τὴν ἐλευθερίαν.

[12] ἐκεῖνος μὲν οὖν λόγῳ τινὶ προϊδόμενος πόθεν ἕκαστα καὶ πῶς πέφυκε συμβαίνειν, ἀβλαβῶς συνεστήσατο τὴν προειρημένην πολιτείαν·

[13] Ῥωμαῖοι δὲ τὸ μὲν τέλος ταὐτὸ πεποίηνται τῆς ἐν τῇ πατρίδι καταστάσεως,

[14] οὐ μὴν διὰ λόγου, διὰ δὲ πολλῶν ἀγώνων καὶ πραγμάτων, ἐξ αὐτῆς ἀεὶ τῆς ἐν ταῖς περιπετείαις ἐπιγνώσεως αἱρούμενοι τὸ βέλτιον, οὕτως ἦλθον ἐπὶ ταὐτὸ μὲν Λυκούργῳ τέλος, κάλλιστον δὲ σύστημα τῶν καθʼ ἡμᾶς πολιτειῶν. [ ξοδ. υρβ. φολ. 60 εχξ. αντ. π. 174.]

ιιι. εχ αρξηαεολογια ρομανα

[1] ὄνομα δὲ τῷ πολίσματι τούτῳ τίθενται Παλλάντιον ἐπὶ τῆς ἐν Ἀρκαδίᾳ σφῶν μητροπόλεως· ὡς δέ τινες ἱστοροῦσιν, ὧν ἐστι καὶ Πολύβιος ὁ Μεγαλοπολίτης, ἐπί τινος μειρακίου Πάλλαντος αὐτόθι τελευτήσαντος· τοῦτον δὲ Ἡρακλέους εἶναι παῖδα καὶ Λαύνας τῆς Εὐάνδρου θυγατρός· χώσαντα δʼ αὐτῷ τὸν μητροπάτορα τάφον ἐπὶ τῷ λόφῳ Παλλάντιον ἐπὶ τοῦ μειρακίου τὸν τόπον ὀνομάσαι. [ διονψς. α. ρ. ι, 31, 5 π. 83.]

[2] οὐ γὰρ ἠξίουν ὡς Πολύβιος ὁ Μεγαλοπολίτης τοσοῦτον μόνον εἰπεῖν, ὅτι κατὰ τὸ δεύτερον ἔτος τῆς ἑβδόμης ὀλυμπιάδος τὴν Ῥώμην ἐκτίσθαι πείθομαι, οὐδʼ ἐπὶ τοῦ παρὰ τοῖς ἀρχιερεῦσι κειμένου πίνακος ἑνὸς καὶ μόνου τὴν πίστιν ἀβασάνιστον καταλιπεῖν [ ιδεμ α. ρ. ι, 74 π. 188.]

[3] ἱστοροῦσι δὲ οἱ περὶ Ἀριστόδημον τὸν Ἠλεῖον ὡς ἀπὸ εἰκοστῆς καὶ ἑβδόμης ὀλυμπιάδος ἤρξαντο οἱ ἀθληταὶ ἀναγράφεσθαι, ὅσοι δηλαδὴ νικηφόροι· πρὸ τοῦ γὰρ οὐδεὶς ἀνεγράφη, ἀμελησάντων τῶν πρότερον· τῇ δὲ εἰκοστῇ ὀγδόῃ τὸ στάδιον νικῶν Κόροιβος Ἠλεῖος ἀνεγράφη πρῶτος· καὶ ἡ ὀλυμπιὰς αὕτη πρώτη ἐτάχθη, ἀφʼ ἧς Ἕλληνες ἀριθμοῦσι τοὺς χρόνους· τὰ δʼ αὐτὰ τῷ Ἀριστοδήμῳ καὶ Πολύβιος ἱστορεῖ. [ ευσεβιυς ιν ξραμερι ανεξδ. παρις. ϝολ. ιι π. 141, 17. ξονφ. γεοργιυμ σψνξελλυμ π. 195δ — 196ξ.]

παρὰ Ῥωμαίοις δέ,

[4] ὥς φησι Πολύβιος ἐν τῇ ἕκτῃ, ἀπείρηται γυναιξὶ πίνειν οἶνον, τὸ δὲ καλούμενον πάσσον πίνουσιν. τοῦτο δὲ ποιεῖται μὲν ἐκ τῆς ἀσταφίδος καί ἐστι παραπλήσιος πινόμενος τῷ Αἰγοσθενεῖ τῷ γλυκεῖ καὶ τῷ Κρητικῷ· διὸ πρὸς τὸ κατεπεῖγον τοῦ δίψους χρῶνται αὐτῷ. λαθεῖν δʼ ἐστὶν ἀδύνατον τὴν γυναῖκα πιοῦσαν οἶνον. πρῶτον μὲν γὰρ οὐδʼ ἔχει οἴνου κυρείαν ἡ γυνή· πρὸς δὲ τούτοις φιλεῖν δεῖ τοὺς συγγενεῖς τοὺς ἑαυτῆς καὶ τοὺς τοῦ ἀνδρὸς ἕως ἐξανεψιῶν καὶ τοῦτο ποιεῖν καθʼ ἡμέραν, ὁπόταν ἴδῃ πρῶτον. λοιπὸν ἀδήλου τῆς ἐντυχίας οὔσης τίσιν ἀπαντήσει φυλάσσεται· τὸ γὰρ πρᾶγμα κἂν γεύσηται μόνον οὐ προσδεῖ διαβολῆς. [ ατηεναευς χ, 56 π. 440ε.]

ἔκτισε δὲ καὶ πόλιν Ὠστίαν ἐπὶ τοῦ Τιβέριδος.

[6] Πολύβιος ἕκτῳ. [ στεπη. βψζ. ϝ. Ὠστία.]

[7] ὅτι Λεύκιος ὁ Δημαράτου τοῦ Κορινθίου υἱὸς εἰς Ῥώμην ὥρμησε πιστεύων αὑτῷ τε καὶ τοῖς χρήμασι, πεπεισμένος οὐδενὸς ἔλαττον ἕξειν ἐν τῇ πολιτείᾳ [διά] τινας ἀφορμάς, ἔχων γυναῖκα χρησίμην τά τʼ ἄλλα καὶ πρὸς πᾶσαν ἐπιβολὴν πραγματικὴν εὐφυῆ συνεργόν. παραγενόμενος δʼ εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην καὶ τυχὼν τῆς πολιτείας, εὐθέως ἡρμόσατο πρὸς τὴν τοῦ βασιλέως ἀρέσκειαν. ταχὺ δὲ καὶ διὰ τὴν χορηγίαν καὶ διὰ τὴν τῆς φύσεως ἐπιδεξιότητα καὶ μάλιστα διὰ τὴν ἐκ παίδων ἀγωγήν, ἁρμόσας τῷ προεστῶτι μεγάλης ἀποδοχῆς ἔτυχε καὶ πίστεως παρʼ αὐτῷ. χρόνου δὲ προϊόντος εἰς τοῦτʼ ἦλθε παραδοχῆς ὥστε συνδιοικεῖν καὶ συγχειρίζειν τῷ Μαρκίῳ τὰ κατὰ τὴν βασιλείαν. ἐν δὲ τούτοις ἐπʼ ἀγαθῷ πᾶσι γενόμενος καὶ συνεργῶν καὶ συγκατασκευάζων τοῖς δεομένοις ἀεί τι τῶν χρησίμων, ἅμα δὲ καὶ τῇ τοῦ βίου χορηγίᾳ μεγαλοψύχως εἰς τὸ δέον ἑκάστοτε καὶ σὺν καιρῷ χρώμενος, ἐν πολλοῖς μὲν ἀπετίθετο χάριν, ἐν πᾶσι δʼ εὔνοιαν ἐνειργάσατο καὶ φήμην ἐπὶ καλοκἀγαθίᾳ καὶ τῆς βασιλείας ἔτυχεν. [ ξοδ. τυρον. φολ. 109. εχξ. ϝαλες. π. 9. ξονφερ συιδαμ ϝ. Λεύκιος.]

πρᾶγμα ποιῶν φρονίμου καὶ νουνεχοῦς ἀνδρός,

[8] τὸ γνῶναι κατὰ τὸν Ἡσίοδον ὅσῳ πλέον ἥμισυ παντός. [ ξοδ. υρβιν. μαργο φολ. 65]

[9] τὸ γὰρ μανθάνειν ἀψευστεῖν πρὸς τοὺς θεοὺς ὑπόθυψίς ἐστι τῆς πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἀληθείας. [ ξοδ. υρβιν. μαργο φολ. 65]

[10] ἐν γὰρ τοῖς πλείστοις τῶν ἀνθρωπείων ἔργων οἱ μὲν κτησάμενοι πρὸς τὴν τήρησιν, οἱ δʼ ἕτοιμα παραλαβόντες πρὸς τὴν ἀπώλειαν εὐφυεῖς εἰσιν. [ ξοδ. υρβιν. μαργο φολ. 66 ετ εχξ. ϝατ. π. 371μ. 25, 4η.]

ιϝ. φραγμεντα ινξερταε σεδις

[1] ὅτι πάντα χρὴ τὰ τῆς ἀρετῆς ἔργα τοὺς καλῶς ἀσκοῦντας ἐκ παίδων ἀσκεῖν, μάλιστα δὲ τὴν ἀνδρείαν. [ ξοδ. τυρον. φολ. 109. εχξ. ϝαλες. π. 9.]

Ὄλκιον, πόλις Τυρρηνίας· Πολύβιος ἕκτῳ.

[2] [ στεπηαν. βψζ. ϝ. Ὅλκιον.]

ϝ. δε ρομανορυμ ρε πυβλιξα φλορεντε

ὅτι ἀπὸ τῆς Ξέρξου διαβάσεως εἰς τὴν Ἑλλάδα καὶ τριάκοντα ἔτεσιν ὕστερον ἀπὸ τούτων τῶν καιρῶν ἀεὶ τῶν κατὰ μέρος προδιευκρινουμένων ἦν καὶ κάλλιστον καὶ τέλειον ἐν τοῖς Ἀννιβιακοῖς καιροῖς, ἀφʼ ὧν ἡμεῖς εἰς ταῦτα τὴν ἐκτροπὴν ἐποιησάμεθα.

[2] διὸ καὶ τὸν ὑπὲρ τῆς συστάσεως αὐτοῦ λόγον ἀποδεδωκότες πειρασόμεθα νῦν ἤδη διασαφεῖν ὁποῖόν τι κατʼ ἐκείνους ὑπῆρχε τοὺς καιρούς, ἐν οἷς λειφθέντες τῇ περὶ Κάνναν μάχῃ τοῖς ὅλοις ἔπταισαν πράγμασιν.

[3] οὐκ ἀγνοῶ δὲ διότι τοῖς ἐξ αὐτῆς τῆς πολιτείας ὁρμωμένοις ἐλλιπεστέραν φανησόμεθα ποιεῖσθαι τὴν ἐξήγησιν, ἔνια παραλιπόντες τῶν κατὰ μέρος·

[4] πᾶν γὰρ ἐπιγινώσκοντες καὶ παντὸς πεῖραν εἰληφότες διὰ τὴν ἐκ παίδων τοῖς ἔθεσι καὶ νομίμοις συντροφίαν οὐ τὸ λεγόμενον θαυμάσουσιν ἀλλὰ τὸ παραλειπόμενον ἐπιζητήσουσιν,

[5] οὐδὲ κατὰ πρόθεσιν ὑπολήψονται τὸν γράφοντα παραλιπεῖν τὰς μικρὰς διαφοράς, ἀλλὰ κατʼ ἄγνοιαν παρασιωπᾶν τὰς ἀρχὰς καὶ τὰ συνέχοντα τῶν πραγμάτων.

[6] καὶ ῥηθέντα μὲν οὐκ ἂν ἐθαύμαζον ὡς ὄντα μικρὰ καὶ πάρεργα, παραλειπόμενα δʼ ἐπιζητοῦσιν ὡς ἀναγκαῖα, βουλόμενοι δοκεῖν αὐτοὶ πλέον εἰδέναι τῶν συγγραφέων.

[7] δεῖ δὲ τὸν ἀγαθὸν κριτὴν οὐκ ἐκ τῶν παραλειπομένων δοκιμάζειν τοὺς γράφοντας, ἀλλʼ ἐκ τῶν λεγομένων,

[8] κἂν μὲν ἐν τούτοις τι λαμβάνῃ ψεῦδος, εἰδέναι διότι κἀκεῖνα παραλείπεται διʼ ἄγνοιαν, ἐὰν δὲ πᾶν τὸ λεγόμενον ἀληθὲς ᾖ, συγχωρεῖν διότι κἀκεῖνα παρασιωπᾶται κατὰ κρίσιν, οὐ κατʼ ἄγνοιαν. [ εχξ. ϝατ. π. 371μ. 25, 6η; δεῖ δὲ τὸν λιν. 12 — ἄγνοιαν λιν. 18 ηαβετ ξοδ. υρβ. φολ. 65 ξυμ ϝι, 10, 14 αρξτε ξοηαερεντια; εχξ. αντ. π. 177.]

[9] ταῦτα μὲν οὖν εἰρήσθω μοι πρὸς τοὺς φιλοτιμότερον ἢ δικαιότερον ἐπιτιμῶντας τοῖς συγγραφεῦσιν. [ εχξ. ϝατ. π. 372μ. 25, 30η.]

[10] ὅτι πᾶν πρᾶγμα σὺν καιρῷ θεωρούμενον ὑγιεῖς λαμβάνει καὶ τὰς συγκαταθέσεις καὶ τὰς ἐπιτιμήσεις· μεταπεσόντος δὲ τούτου καὶ πρὸς τὰς ἄλλας περιστάσεις συγκρινόμενον οὐχ οἷον αἱρετόν, ἀλλʼ οὐδʼ ἀνεκτὸν ἂν φανείη τὸ κράτιστα καὶ ἀληθινώτατα πολλάκις ὑπὸ τῶν συγγραφέων εἰρημένον. [ ιβιδ.]

[11] ἦν μὲν δὴ τρία μέρη τὰ κρατοῦντα τῆς πολιτείας, ἅπερ εἶπα πρότερον ἅπαντα· οὕτως δὲ πάντα κατὰ μέρος ἴσως καὶ πρεπόντως συνετέτακτο καὶ διῳκεῖτο διὰ τούτων ὥστε μηδένα ποτʼ ἂν εἰπεῖν δύνασθαι βεβαίως μηδὲ τῶν ἐγχωρίων πότερʼ ἀριστοκρατικὸν τὸ πολίτευμα σύμπαν ἢ δημοκρατικὸν ἢ μοναρχικόν.

[12] καὶ τοῦτʼ εἰκὸς ἦν πάσχειν. ὅτε μὲν γὰρ εἰς τὴν τῶν ὑπάτων ἀτενίσαιμεν ἐξουσίαν, τελείως μοναρχικὸν ἐφαίνετʼ εἶναι καὶ βασιλικόν, ὅτε δʼ εἰς τὴν τῆς συγκλήτου, πάλιν ἀριστοκρατικόν· καὶ μὴν εἰ τὴν τῶν πολλῶν ἐξουσίαν θεωροίη τις, ἐδόκει σαφῶς εἶναι δημοκρατικόν.

[13] ὧν δʼ ἕκαστον εἶδος μερῶν τῆς πολιτείας ἐπεκράτει, καὶ τότε καὶ νῦν ἔτι πλὴν ὀλίγων τινῶν ταῦτʼ ἐστίν.

[1] οἱ μὲν γὰρ ὕπατοι πρὸ τοῦ μὲν ἐξάγειν τὰ στρατόπεδα παρόντες ἐν Ῥώμῃ πασῶν εἰσι κύριοι τῶν δημοσίων πράξεων.

[2] οἵ τε γὰρ ἄρχοντες οἱ λοιποὶ πάντες ὑποτάττονται καὶ πειθαρχοῦσι τούτοις πλὴν τῶν δημάρχων, εἴς τε τὴν σύγκλητον οὗτοι τὰς πρεσβείας ἄγουσι.

[3] πρὸς δὲ τοῖς προειρημένοις οὗτοι τὰ κατεπείγοντα τῶν διαβουλίων ἀναδιδόασιν, οὗτοι τὸν ὅλον χειρισμὸν τῶν δογμάτων ἐπιτελοῦσι.

[4] καὶ μὴν ὅσα δεῖ διὰ τοῦ δήμου συντελεῖσθαι τῶν πρὸς τὰς κοινὰς πράξεις ἀνηκόντων, τούτοις καθήκει φροντίζειν καὶ συνάγειν τὰς ἐκκλησίας, τούτοις εἰσφέρειν τὰ δόγματα, τούτοις βραβεύειν τὰ δοκοῦντα τοῖς πλείοσι.

[5] καὶ μὴν περὶ πολέμου κατασκευῆς καὶ καθόλου τῆς ἐν ὑπαίθροις οἰκονομίας σχεδὸν αὐτοκράτορα τὴν ἐξουσίαν ἔχουσι.

[6] καὶ γὰρ ἐπιτάττειν τοῖς συμμαχικοῖς τὸ δοκοῦν, καὶ τοὺς χιλιάρχους καθιστάναι, καὶ διαγράφειν τοὺς στρατιώτας, καὶ διαλέγειν τοὺς ἐπιτηδείους τούτοις ἔξεστι.

[7] πρὸς δὲ τοῖς εἰρημένοις ζημιῶσαι τῶν ὑποταττομένων ἐν τοῖς ὑπαίθροις ὃν ἂν βουληθῶσι κύριοι καθεστᾶσιν.

[8] ἐξουσίαν δʼ ἔχουσι καὶ δαπανᾶν τῶν δημοσίων ὅσα προθεῖντο, παρεπομένου ταμίου καὶ πᾶν τὸ προσταχθὲν ἑτοίμως ποιοῦντος.

[9] ὥστʼ εἰκότως εἰπεῖν ἄν, ὅτε τις εἰς ταύτην ἀποβλέψειε τὴν μερίδα, διότι μοναρχικὸν ἁπλῶς καὶ βασιλικόν ἐστι τὸ πολίτευμα.

[10] εἰ δέ τινα τούτων ἢ τῶν λέγεσθαι μελλόντων λήψεται μετάθεσιν ἢ κατὰ τὸ παρὸν ἢ μετά τινα χρόνον, οὐδὲν ἂν εἴη πρὸς τὴν νῦν ὑφʼ ἡμῶν λεγομένην ἀπόφασιν.

[1] καὶ μὴν ἡ σύγκλητος πρῶτον μὲν ἔχει τὴν τοῦ ταμιείου κυρίαν. καὶ γὰρ τῆς εἰσόδου πάσης αὕτη κρατεῖ καὶ τῆς ἐξόδου παραπλησίως.

[2] οὔτε γὰρ εἰς τὰς κατὰ μέρος χρείας οὐδεμίαν ποιεῖν ἔξοδον οἱ ταμίαι δύνανται χωρὶς τῶν τῆς συγκλήτου δογμάτων πλὴν τὴν εἰς τοὺς ὑπάτους·

[3] τῆς τε παρὰ πολὺ τῶν ἄλλων ὁλοσχερεστάτης καὶ μεγίστης δαπάνης, ἣν οἱ τιμηταὶ ποιοῦσιν εἰς τὰς ἐπισκευὰς καὶ κατασκευὰς τῶν δημοσίων κατὰ πενταετηρίδα, ταύτης ἡ σύγκλητός ἐστι κυρία, καὶ διὰ ταύτης γίνεται τὸ συγχώρημα τοῖς τιμηταῖς.

[4] ὁμοίως ὅσα τῶν ἀδικημάτων τῶν κατʼ Ἰταλίαν προσδεῖται δημοσίας ἐπισκέψεως, λέγω δʼ οἷον προδοσίας, συνωμοσίας, φαρμακείας, δολοφονίας, τῇ συγκλήτῳ μέλει περὶ τούτων. πρὸς δὲ τούτοις,

[5] εἴ τις ἰδιώτης ἢ πόλις τῶν κατὰ τὴν Ἰταλίαν διαλύσεως ἢ καὶ νὴ Δίʼ ἐπιτιμήσεως ἢ βοηθείας ἢ φυλακῆς προσδεῖται, τούτων πάντων ἐπιμελές ἐστι τῇ συγκλήτῳ.

[6] καὶ μὴν εἰ τῶν ἐκτὸς Ἰταλίας πρός τινας ἐξαποστέλλειν δέοι πρεσβείαν τινʼ ἢ διαλύσουσάν τινας ἢ παρακαλέσουσαν ἢ καὶ νὴ Δίʼ ἐπιτάξουσαν ἢ παραληψομένην ἢ πόλεμον ἐπαγγέλλουσαν. αὕτη ποιεῖται τὴν πρόνοιαν.

[7] ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ τῶν παραγενομένων εἰς Ῥώμην πρεσβειῶν ὡς δέον ἐστὶν ἑκάστοις χρῆσθαι καὶ ὡς δέον ἀποκριθῆναι, πάντα ταῦτα χειρίζεται διὰ τῆς συγκλήτου. πρὸς δὲ τὸν δῆμον καθάπαξ οὐδέν ἐστι τῶν προειρημένων.

[8] ἐξ ὧν πάλιν ὁπότε τις ἐπιδημήσαι μὴ παρόντος ὑπάτου, τελείως ἀριστοκρατικὴ φαίνεθʼ ἡ πολιτεία.

[9] ὃ δὴ καὶ πολλοὶ τῶν Ἑλλήνων, ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ τῶν βασιλέων, πεπεισμένοι τυγχάνουσι, διὰ τὸ τὰ σφῶν πράγματα σχεδὸν πάντα τὴν σύγκλητον κυροῦν.

[1] ἐκ δὲ τούτων τίς οὐκ ἂν εἰκότως ἐπιζητήσειε ποία καὶ τίς ποτʼ ἐστὶν ἡ τῷ δήμῳ καταλειπομένη μερὶς ἐν τῷ πολιτεύματι,

[2] τῆς μὲν συγκλήτου τῶν κατὰ μέρος ὧν εἰρήκαμεν κυρίας ὑπαρχούσης, τὸ δὲ μέγιστον, ὑπʼ αὐτῆς καὶ τῆς εἰσόδου καὶ τῆς ἐξόδου χειριζομένης ἁπάσης, τῶν δὲ στρατηγῶν ὑπάτων πάλιν αὐτοκράτορα μὲν ἐχόντων δύναμιν περὶ τὰς τοῦ πολέμου παρασκευάς, αὐτοκράτορα δὲ τὴν ἐν τοῖς ὑπαίθροις ἐξουσίαν;

[3] οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καταλείπεται μερὶς καὶ τῷ δήμῳ, καὶ καταλείπεταί γε βαρυτάτη.

[4] τιμῆς γάρ ἐστι καὶ τιμωρίας ἐν τῇ πολιτείᾳ μόνος ὁ δῆμος κύριος, οἷς συνέχονται μόνοις καὶ δυναστεῖαι καὶ πολιτεῖαι καὶ συλλήβδην πᾶς ὁ τῶν ἀνθρώπων βίος.

[5] παρʼ οἷς γὰρ ἢ μὴ γινώσκεσθαι συμβαίνει τὴν τοιαύτην διαφορὰν ἢ γινωσκομένην χειρίζεσθαι κακῶς, παρὰ τούτοις οὐδὲν οἷόν τε κατὰ λόγον διοικεῖσθαι τῶν ὑφεστώτων· πῶς γὰρ εἰκὸς ἐν ἴσῃ τιμῇ [ὄντων] τῶν ἀγαθῶν τοῖς κακοῖς;

[6] κρίνει μὲν οὖν ὁ δῆμος καὶ διαφόρου πολλάκις, ὅταν ἀξιόχρεων ᾖ τὸ τίμημα τῆς ἀδικίας, καὶ μάλιστα τοὺς τὰς ἐπιφανεῖς ἐσχηκότας ἀρχάς. θανάτου δὲ κρίνει μόνος.

[7] καὶ γίνεταί τι περὶ ταύτην τὴν χρείαν παρʼ αὐτοῖς ἄξιον ἐπαίνου καὶ μνήμης. τοῖς γὰρ θανάτου κρινομένοις, ἐπὰν καταδικάζωνται, δίδωσι τὴν ἐξουσίαν τὸ παρʼ αὐτοῖς ἔθος ἀπαλλάττεσθαι φανερῶς, κἂν ἔτι μία λείπηται φυλὴ τῶν ἐπικυρουσῶν τὴν κρίσιν ἀψηφοφόρητος, ἑκούσιον ἑαυτοῦ καταγνόντα φυγαδείαν.

[8] ἔστι δʼ ἀσφάλεια τοῖς φεύγουσιν ἔν τε τῇ Νεαπολιτῶν καὶ Πραινεστίνων, ἔτι δὲ Τιβουρίνων πόλει, καὶ ταῖς ἄλλαις, πρὸς ἃς ἔχουσιν ὅρκια.

[9] καὶ μὴν τὰς ἀρχὰς ὁ δῆμος δίδωσι τοῖς ἀξίοις· ὅπερ ἐστὶ κάλλιστον ἆθλον ἐν πολιτείᾳ καλοκἀγαθίας.

[10] ἔχει δὲ τὴν κυρίαν καὶ περὶ τῆς τῶν νόμων δοκιμασίας, καὶ τὸ μέγιστον, ὑπὲρ εἰρήνης οὗτος βουλεύεται καὶ πολέμου.

[11] καὶ μὴν περὶ συμμαχίας καὶ διαλύσεως καὶ συνθηκῶν οὗτός ἐστιν ὁ βεβαιῶν ἕκαστα τούτων καὶ κύρια ποιῶν ἢ τοὐναντίον.

[12] ὥστε πάλιν ἐκ τούτων εἰκότως ἄν τινʼ εἰπεῖν ὅτι μεγίστην ὁ δῆμος ἔχει μερίδα καὶ δημοκρατικόν ἐστι τὸ πολίτευμα.

[1] τίνα μὲν οὖν τρόπον διῄρηται τὰ τῆς πολιτείας εἰς ἕκαστον εἶδος εἴρηται· τίνα δὲ τρόπον ἀντιπράττειν βουληθέντα καὶ συνεργεῖν ἀλλήλοις πάλιν ἕκαστα τῶν μερῶν δύναται νῦν ῥηθήσεται.

[2] ὁ μὲν γὰρ ὕπατος, ἐπειδὰν τυχὼν τῆς προειρημένης ἐξουσίας ὁρμήσῃ μετὰ τῆς δυνάμεως, δοκεῖ μὲν αὐτοκράτωρ εἶναι πρὸς τὴν τῶν προκειμένων συντέλειαν,

[3] προσδεῖται δὲ τοῦ δήμου καὶ τῆς συγκλήτου, καὶ χωρὶς τούτων ἐπὶ τέλος ἄγειν τὰς πράξεις οὐχ ἱκανός ἐστι.

[4] δῆλον γὰρ ὡς δεῖ μὲν ἐπιπέμπεσθαι τοῖς στρατοπέδοις ἀεὶ τὰς χορηγίας· ἄνευ δὲ τοῦ τῆς συγκλήτου βουλήματος οὔτε σῖτος οὔθʼ ἱματισμὸς οὔτʼ ὀψώνια δύναται χορηγεῖσθαι τοῖς στρατοπέδοις,

[5] ὥστʼ ἀπράκτους γίνεσθαι τὰς ἐπιβολὰς τῶν ἡγουμένων, ἐθελοκακεῖν καὶ κωλυσιεργεῖν προθεμένης τῆς συγκλήτου.

[6] καὶ μὴν τό γʼ ἐπιτελεῖς ἢ μὴ γίνεσθαι τὰς ἐπινοίας καὶ προθέσεις τῶν στρατηγῶν ἐν τῇ συγκλήτῳ κεῖται· τοῦ γὰρ ἐπαποστεῖλαι στρατηγὸν ἕτερον, ἐπειδὰν ἐνιαύσιος διέλθῃ χρόνος, ἢ τὸν ὑπάρχοντα ποιεῖν ἐπίμονον, ἔχει τὴν κυρίαν αὕτη.

[7] καὶ μὴν τὰς ἐπιτυχίας τῶν ἡγουμένων ἐκτραγῳδῆσαι καὶ συναυξῆσαι καὶ πάλιν ἀμαυρῶσαι καὶ ταπεινῶσαι τὸ συνέδριον ἔχει τὴν δύναμιν·

[8] τοὺς γὰρ προσαγορευομένους παρʼ αὐτοῖς θριάμβους, διʼ ὧν ὑπὸ τὴν ὄψιν ἄγεται τοῖς πολίταις ὑπὸ τῶν στρατηγῶν ἡ τῶν κατειργασμένων πραγμάτων ἐνάργεια, τούτους οὐ δύνανται χειρίζειν, ὡς πρέπει, ποτὲ δὲ τὸ παράπαν οὐδὲ συντελεῖν, ἐὰν μὴ τὸ συνέδριον συγκατάθηται καὶ δῷ τὴν εἰς ταῦτα δαπάνην.

[9] τοῦ γε μὴν δήμου στοχάζεσθαι καὶ λίαν αὐτοῖς ἀναγκαῖόν ἐστι, κἂν ὅλως ἀπὸ τῆς οἰκείας τύχωσι πολὺν τόπον ἀφεστῶτες· ὁ γὰρ τὰς διαλύσεις καὶ συνθήκας ἀκύρους καὶ κυρίας ποιῶν, ὡς ἐπάνω προεῖπον, οὗτός ἐστιν.

[10] τὸ δὲ μέγιστον ἀποτιθεμένους τὴν ἀρχὴν ἐν τούτῳ δεῖ τὰς εὐθύνας ὑπέχειν τῶν πεπραγμένων.

[11] ὥστε κατὰ μηδένα τρόπον ἀσφαλὲς εἶναι τοῖς στρατηγοῖς ὀλιγωρεῖν μήτε τῆς συγκλήτου μήτε τῆς τοῦ πλήθους εὐνοίας.

[1] ἥ γε μὴν σύγκλητος πάλιν, ἡ τηλικαύτην ἔχουσα δύναμιν, πρῶτον μὲν ἐν τοῖς κοινοῖς πράγμασιν ἀναγκάζεται προσέχειν τοῖς πολλοῖς καὶ στοχάζεσθαι τοῦ δήμου,

[2] τὰς δʼ ὁλοσχερεστάτας καὶ μεγίστας ζητήσεις καὶ διορθώσεις τῶν ἁμαρτανομένων κατὰ τῆς πολιτείας, οἷς θάνατος ἀκολουθεῖ τὸ πρόστιμον, οὐ δύναται συντελεῖν, ἂν μὴ συνεπικυρώσῃ τὸ προβεβουλευμένον ὁ δῆμος.

[3] ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ περὶ τῶν εἰς ταύτην ἀνηκόντων· ἐὰν γάρ τις εἰσφέρῃ νόμον, ἢ τῆς ἐξουσίας ἀφαιρούμενός τι τῆς ὑπαρχούσης τῇ συγκλήτῳ κατὰ τοὺς ἐθισμοὺς ἢ τὰς προεδρίας καὶ τιμὰς καταλύων αὐτῶν ἢ καὶ νὴ Δία ποιῶν ἐλαττώματα περὶ τοὺς βίους. πάντων ὁ δῆμος γίνεται τῶν τοιούτων καὶ θεῖναι καὶ μὴ κύριος.

[4] τὸ δὲ συνέχον, ἐὰν εἷς ἐνίστηται τῶν δημάρχων, οὐχ οἷον ἐπὶ τέλος ἄγειν τι δύναται τῶν διαβουλίων ἡ σύγκλητος, ἀλλʼ οὐδὲ συνεδρεύειν ἢ συμπορεύεσθαι τὸ παράπαν —

[5] ὀφείλουσι δʼ ἀεὶ ποιεῖν οἱ δήμαρχοι τὸ δοκοῦν τῷ δήμῳ καὶ μάλιστα στοχάζεσθαι τῆς τούτου βουλήσεως — διὸ πάντων τῶν προειρημένων χάριν δέδιε τοὺς πολλοὺς καὶ προσέχει τῷ δήμῳ τὸν νοῦν ἡ σύγκλητος.

[1] ὁμοίως γε μὴν πάλιν ὁ δῆμος ὑπόχρεώς ἐστι τῇ συγκλήτῳ, καὶ στοχάζεσθαι ταύτης ὀφείλει καὶ κοινῇ καὶ κατʼ ἰδίαν.

[2] πολλῶν γὰρ ἔργων ὄντων τῶν ἐκδιδομένων ὑπὸ τῶν τιμητῶν διὰ πάσης Ἰταλίας εἰς τὰς ἐπισκευὰς καὶ κατασκευὰς τῶν δημοσίων, ἅ τις οὐκ ἂν ἐξαριθμήσαιτο ῥᾳδίως, πολλῶν δὲ ποταμῶν, λιμένων, κηπίων, μετάλλων, χώρας, συλλήβδην ὅσα πέπτωκεν ὑπὸ τὴν Ῥωμαίων δυναστείαν,

[3] πάντα χειρίζεσθαι συμβαίνει τὰ προειρημένα διὰ τοῦ πλήθους, καὶ σχεδὸν ὡς ἔπος εἰπεῖν πάντας ἐνδεδέσθαι ταῖς ὠναῖς καὶ ταῖς ἐργασίαις ταῖς ἐκ τούτων·

[4] οἱ μὲν γὰρ ἀγοράζουσι παρὰ τῶν τιμητῶν αὐτοὶ τὰς ἐκδόσεις, οἱ δὲ κοινωνοῦσι τούτοις, οἱ δʼ ἐγγυῶνται τοὺς ἠγορακότας, οἱ δὲ τὰς οὐσίας διδόασι περὶ τούτων εἰς τὸ δημόσιον.

[5] ἔχει δὲ περὶ πάντων τῶν προειρημένων τὴν κυρίαν τὸ συνέδριον· καὶ γὰρ χρόνον δύναται δοῦναι καὶ συμπτώματος γενομένου κουφίσαι καὶ τὸ παράπαν ἀδυνάτου τινὸς συμβάντος ἀπολῦσαι τῆς ἐργωνίας.

[6] καὶ πολλὰ δή τινʼ ἐστίν, ἐν οἷς καὶ βλάπτει μεγάλα καὶ πάλιν ὠφελεῖ τοὺς τὰ δημόσια χειρίζοντας ἡ σύγκλητος· ἡ γὰρ ἀναφορὰ τῶν προειρημένων γίνεται πρὸς ταύτην.

[7] τὸ δὲ μέγιστον, ἐκ ταύτης ἀποδίδονται κριταὶ τῶν πλείστων καὶ τῶν δημοσίων καὶ τῶν ἰδιωτικῶν συναλλαγμάτων, ὅσα μέγεθος ἔχει τῶν ἐγκλημάτων.

[8] διὸ πάντες εἰς τὴν ταύτης πίστιν ἐνδεδεμένοι, καὶ δεδιότες τὸ τῆς χρείας ἄδηλον, εὐλαβῶς ἔχουσι πρὸς τὰς ἐνστάσεις καὶ τὰς ἀντιπράξεις τῶν τῆς συγκλήτου βουλημάτων.

[9] ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ πρὸς τὰς τῶν ὑπάτων ἐπιβολὰς δυσχερῶς ἀντιπράττουσι διὰ τὸ κατʼ ἰδίαν καὶ κοινῇ πάντας ἐν τοῖς ὑπαίθροις ὑπὸ τὴν ἐκείνων πίπτειν ἐξουσίαν.

[1] τοιαύτης δʼ οὔσης τῆς ἑκάστου τῶν μερῶν δυνάμεως εἰς τὸ καὶ βλάπτειν καὶ συνεργεῖν ἀλλήλοις, πρὸς πάσας συμβαίνει τὰς περιστάσεις δεόντως ἔχειν τὴν ἁρμογὴν αὐτῶν, ὥστε μὴ οἷόν τʼ εἶναι ταύτης εὑρεῖν ἀμείνω πολιτείας σύστασιν.

[2] ὅταν μὲν γάρ τις ἔξωθεν κοινὸς φόβος ἐπιστὰς ἀναγκάσῃ σφᾶς συμφρονεῖν καὶ συνεργεῖν ἀλλήλοις, τηλικαύτην καὶ τοιαύτην συμβαίνει γίνεσθαι τὴν δύναμιν τοῦ πολι

[3] τεύματος ὥστε μήτε παραλείπεσθαι τῶν δεόντων μηδέν, ἅτε περὶ τὸ προσπεσὸν ἀεὶ πάντων ὁμοῦ ταῖς ἐπινοίαις ἁμιλλωμένων, μήτε τὸ κριθὲν ὑστερεῖν τοῦ καιροῦ, κοινῇ καὶ κατʼ ἰδίαν ἑκάστου συνεργοῦντος πρὸς τὴν τοῦ προκειμένου συντέλειαν.

[4] διόπερ ἀνυπόστατον συμβαίνει γίνεσθαι καὶ παντὸς ἐφικνεῖσθαι τοῦ κριθέντος τὴν ἰδιότητα τοῦ πολιτεύματος.

[5] ὅταν γε μὴν πάλιν ἀπολυθέντες τῶν ἐκτὸς φόβων ἐνδιατρίβωσι ταῖς εὐτυχίαις καὶ περιουσίαις ταῖς ἐκ τῶν κατορθωμάτων, ἀπολαύοντες τῆς εὐδαιμονίας, καὶ ὑποκολακευόμενοι καὶ ῥᾳθυμοῦντες τρέπωνται πρὸς ὕβριν καὶ πρὸς ὑπερηφανίαν, ὃ δὴ φιλεῖ γίνεσθαι,

[6] τότε καὶ μάλιστα συνιδεῖν ἔστιν αὐτὸ παρʼ αὑτοῦ ποριζόμενον τὸ πολίτευμα τὴν βοήθειαν.

[7] ἐπειδὰν γὰρ ἐξοιδοῦν τι τῶν μερῶν φιλονεικῇ καὶ πλέον τοῦ δέοντος ἐπικρατῇ, δῆλον ὡς οὐδενὸς αὐτοτελοῦς ὄντος κατὰ τὸν ἄρτι λόγον, ἀντισπᾶσθαι δὲ καὶ παραποδίζεσθαι δυναμένης τῆς ἑκάστου προθέσεως ὑπʼ ἀλλήλων, οὐδὲν ἐξοιδεῖ τῶν μερῶν οὐδʼ ὑπερφρονεῖ.

[8] πάντα γὰρ ἐμμένει τοῖς ὑποκειμένοις τὰ μὲν κωλυόμενα τῆς ὁρμῆς, τὰ δʼ ἐξ ἀρχῆς δεδιότα τὴν ἐκ τοῦ πέλας ἐπίστασιν. [ ξοδ. υρβ. φολ. 66 εχξ. αντ. π. 177.]

[9] ὁ δὲ δικτάτωρ ταύτην ἔχει τὴν διαφορὰν τῶν ὑπάτων· τῶν μὲν γὰρ ὑπάτων ἑκατέρῳ δώδεκα πελέκεις ἀκολουθοῦσι, τούτῳ δʼ εἴκοσι καὶ τέτταρες, κἀκεῖνοι μὲν ἐν πολλοῖς προσδέονται τῆς συγκλήτου πρὸς τὸ συντελεῖν τὰς ἐπιβολάς, οὗτος δʼ ἔστιν αὐτοκράτωρ στρατηγός, οὗ κατασταθέντος παραχρῆμα διαλύεσθαι συμβαίνει πάσας τὰς ἀρχὰς ἐν τῇ Ῥώμῃ πλὴν τῶν δημάρχων. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ περὶ μὲν τούτων ἐν ἄλλοις ἀκριβεστέραν ποιησόμεθα τὴν διαστολήν. [ πολψβ. ιιι, 87, 7.]

ϝι. δε μιλιτια ρομανα

[1] ἐπειδὰν ἀποδείξωσι τοὺς ὑπάτους, μετὰ ταῦτα χιλιάρχους καθιστᾶσι, τετταρασκαίδεκα μὲν ἐκ τῶν πέντʼ ἐνιαυσίους ἐχόντων ἤδη στρατείας, δέκα δʼ ἄλλους σὺν τούτοις ἐκ τῶν δέκα.

[2] τῶν λοιπῶν τοὺς μὲν ἱππεῖς δέκα, τοὺς δὲ πεζοὺς ἓξ καὶ δέκα δεῖ στρατείας τελεῖν κατʼ ἀνάγκην ἐν τοῖς τετταράκοντα καὶ ἓξ ἔτεσιν ἀπὸ γενεᾶς πλὴν τῶν ὑπὸ τὰς τετρακοσίας δραχμὰς τετιμημένων·

[3] τούτους δὲ παριᾶσι πάντας εἰς τὴν ναυτικὴν χρείαν. ἐὰν δέ ποτε κατεπείγῃ τὰ τῆς περιστάσεως, ὀφείλουσιν οἱ πεζοὶ στρατεύειν εἴκοσι στρατείας ἐνιαυσίους.

[4] πολιτικὴν δὲ λαβεῖν ἀρχὴν οὐκ ἔξεστιν οὐδενὶ πρότερον, ἐὰν μὴ δέκα στρατείας ἐνιαυσίους ᾖ τετελεκώς.

[5] ἐὰν δὲ μέλλωσι ποιεῖσθαι τὴν καταγραφὴν τῶν στρατιωτῶν οἱ τὰς ὑπάτους ἔχοντες ἀρχάς, προλέγουσιν ἐν τῷ δήμῳ τὴν ἡμέραν, ἐν ᾗ δεήσει παραγενέσθαι τοὺς ἐν ταῖς ἡλικίαις Ῥωμαίους ἅπαντας. ποιοῦσι δὲ τοῦτο καθʼ ἕκαστον ἐνιαυτόν.

[6] τῆς δʼ ἡμέρας ἐπελθούσης καὶ τῶν στρατευσίμων παραγενομένων εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην, καὶ μετὰ ταῦθʼ ἁθροισθέντων εἰς τὸ Καπετώλιον, διεῖλον σφᾶς αὐτοὺς οἱ νεώτεροι τῶν χιλιάρχων,

[7] καθάπερ ἂν ὑπὸ τοῦ δήμου κατασταθῶσιν ἢ τῶν στρατηγῶν, εἰς τέτταρα μέρη διὰ τὸ τέτταρα παρʼ αὐτοῖς στρατόπεδα τὴν ὁλοσχερῆ καὶ πρώτην διαίρεσιν τῶν δυνάμεων ποιεῖσθαι.

[8] καὶ τοὺς μὲν πρώτους κατασταθέντας τέτταρας εἰς τὸ πρῶτον καλούμενον στρατόπεδον ἔνειμαν, τοὺς δʼ ἑξῆς τρεῖς εἰς τὸ δεύτερον, τοὺς δʼ ἑπομένους τούτοις τέτταρας εἰς τὸ τρίτον, τρεῖς δὲ τοὺς τελευταίους εἰς τὸ τέταρτον.

[9] τῶν δὲ πρεσβυτέρων δύο μὲν τοὺς πρώτους εἰς τὸ πρῶτον, τρεῖς δὲ τοὺς δευτέρους εἰς τὸ δεύτερον τιθέασι στρατόπεδον, δύο δὲ τοὺς ἑξῆς εἰς τὸ τρίτον, τρεῖς δὲ τοὺς τελευταίους εἰς τὸ τέταρτον [τῶν

[1] πρεσβυτέρων]. γενομένης δὲ τῆς διαιρέσεως καὶ καταστάσεως τῶν χιλιάρχων τοιαύτης ὥστε πάντα τὰ στρατόπεδα τοὺς ἴσους ἔχειν ἄρχοντας,

[2] μετὰ ταῦτα καθίσαντες χωρὶς ἀλλήλων κατὰ στρατόπεδον κληροῦσι τὰς φυλὰς κατὰ μίαν καὶ προσκαλοῦνται τὴν ἀεὶ λαχοῦσαν.

[3] ἐκ δὲ ταύτης ἐκλέγουσι τῶν νεανίσκων τέτταρας ἐπιεικῶς τοὺς παραπλησίους ταῖς ἡλικίαις καὶ ταῖς ἕξεσι.

[4] προσαχθέντων δὲ τούτων λαμβάνουσι πρῶτοι τὴν ἐκλογὴν οἱ τοῦ πρώτου στρατοπέδου, δεύτεροι δʼ οἱ τοῦ δευτέρου, τρίτοι δʼ οἱ τοῦ τρίτου, τελευταῖοι δʼ οἱ τοῦ τετάρτου.

[5] πάλιν δʼ ἄλλων τεττάρων προσαχθέντων λαμβάνουσι πρῶτοι τὴν αἵρεσιν οἱ τοῦ δευτέρου στρατοπέδου καὶ ἑξῆς οὕτως, τελευταῖοι δʼ οἱ τοῦ πρώτου.

[6] μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα πάλιν ἄλλων τεττάρων προσαχθέντων πρῶτοι λαμβάνουσιν οἱ τοῦ τρίτου στρατοπέδου, τελευταῖοι δʼ οἱ τοῦ δευτέρου.

[7] [καὶ] αἰεὶ κατὰ λόγον οὕτως ἐκ περιόδου τῆς ἐκλογῆς γινομένης παραπλησίους συμβαίνει λαμβάνεσθαι τοὺς ἄνδρας εἰς ἕκαστον τῶν στρατοπέδων.

[8] ὅταν δʼ ἐκλέξωσι τὸ προκείμενον πλῆθος — τοῦτο δʼ ἔστιν ὁτὲ μὲν εἰς ἕκαστον στρατόπεδον πεζοὶ τετρακισχίλιοι καὶ διακόσιοι, ποτὲ δὲ πεντακισχίλιοι, ἐπειδὰν μείζων τις αὐτοῖς προφαίνηται κίνδυνος —

[9] μετὰ ταῦτα τοὺς ἱππεῖς τὸ μὲν παλαιὸν ὑστέρους εἰώθεσαν δοκιμάζειν ἐπὶ τοῖς τετρακισχιλίοις διακοσίοις, νῦν δὲ προτέρους, πλουτίνδην αὐτῶν γεγενημένης ὑπὸ τοῦ τιμητοῦ τῆς ἐκλογῆς· καὶ ποιοῦσι τριακοσίους εἰς ἕκαστον στρατόπεδον.

[1] Ἐπιτελεσθείσης δὲ τῆς καταγραφῆς τὸν προειρημένον τρόπον, ἁθροίσαντες τοὺς ἐπειλεγμένους οἱ προσήκοντες τῶν χιλιάρχων καθʼ ἕκαστον στρατόπεδον, καὶ λαβόντες ἐκ πάντων ἕνα τὸν ἐπιτηδειότατον,

[2] ἐξορκίζουσιν ἦ μὴν πειθαρχήσειν καὶ ποιήσειν τὸ προσταττόμενον ὑπὸ τῶν ἀρχόντων κατὰ δύναμιν.

[3] οἱ δὲ λοιποὶ πάντες ὀμνύουσι καθʼ ἕνα προπορευόμενοι, τοῦτʼ αὐτὸ δηλοῦντες ὅτι ποιήσουσι πάντα καθάπερ ὁ πρῶτος.

[4] κατὰ δὲ τοὺς αὐτοὺς καιροὺς οἱ τὰς ὑπάτους ἀρχὰς ἔχοντες παραγγέλλουσι τοῖς ἄρχουσι τοῖς ἀπὸ τῶν συμμαχίδων πόλεων τῶν ἐκ τῆς Ἰταλίας, ἐξ ὧν ἂν βούλωνται συστρατεύειν τοὺς συμμάχους, διασαφοῦντες τὸ πλῆθος καὶ τὴν ἡμέραν καὶ τὸν τόπον, εἰς ὃν δεήσει παρεῖναι τοὺς κεκριμένους.

[5] αἱ δὲ πόλεις παραπλησίαν ποιησάμεναι τῇ προειρημένῃ τὴν ἐκλογὴν καὶ τὸν ὅρκον ἐκπέμπουσιν, ἄρχοντα συστήσασαι καὶ μισθοδότην.

[6] οἱ δʼ ἐν τῇ Ῥώμῃ χιλίαρχοι μετὰ τὸν ἐξορκισμὸν παραγγείλαντες ἡμέραν ἑκάστῳ στρατοπέδῳ καὶ τόπον, εἰς ὃν δεήσει παρεῖναι χωρὶς τῶν ὅπλων, τότε μὲν ἀφῆκαν.

[7] παραγενομένων δʼ εἰς τὴν ταχθεῖσαν ἡμέραν διαλέγουσι τῶν ἀνδρῶν τοὺς μὲν νεωτάτους καὶ πενιχροτάτους εἰς τοὺς γροσφομάχους, τοὺς δʼ ἑξῆς τούτοις εἰς τοὺς ἁστάτους καλουμένους, τοὺς δʼ ἀκμαιοτάτους ταῖς ἡλικίαις εἰς τοὺς πρίγκιπας, τοὺς δὲ πρεσβυτάτους εἰς τοὺς τριαρίους.

[8] αὗται γάρ εἰσι καὶ τοσαῦται διαφοραὶ παρὰ Ῥωμαίοις καὶ τῶν ὀνομασιῶν καὶ τῶν ἡλικιῶν, ἔτι δὲ τῶν καθοπλισμῶν ἐν ἑκάστῳ στρατοπέδῳ.

[9] διαιροῦσι δʼ αὐτοὺς τὸν τρόπον τοῦτον ὥστʼ εἶναι τοὺς μὲν πρεσβυτάτους καὶ τριαρίους προσαγορευομένους ἑξακοσίους, τοὺς δὲ πρίγκιπας χιλίους καὶ διακοσίους, ἴσους δὲ τούτοις τοὺς ἁστάτους, τοὺς δὲ λοιποὺς καὶ νεωτάτους γροσφοφόρους.

[10] ἐὰν δὲ πλείους τῶν τετρακισχιλίων ὦσι, κατὰ λόγον ποιοῦνται τὴν διαίρεσιν πλὴν τῶν τριαρίων. τούτους αἰεὶ τοὺς ἴσους.

[1] καὶ τοῖς μὲν νεωτάτοις παρήγγειλαν μάχαιραν φορεῖν καὶ γρόσφους καὶ πάρμην.

[2] ἡ δὲ πάρμη καὶ δύναμιν ἔχει τῇ κατασκευῇ καὶ μέγεθος ἀρκοῦν πρὸς ἀσφάλειαν· περιφερὴς γὰρ οὖσα τῷ σχήματι τρίπεδον ἔχει τὴν διάμετρον.

[3] προσεπικοσμεῖται δὲ καὶ λιτῷ περικεφαλαίῳ· ποτὲ δὲ λυκείαν ἤ τι τῶν τοιούτων ἐπιτίθεται, σκέπης ἅμα καὶ σημείου χάριν, ἵνα τοῖς κατὰ μέρος ἡγεμόσι προκινδυνεύοντες ἐρρωμένως καὶ μὴ διάδηλοι γίνωνται.

[4] τὸ δὲ τῶν γρόσφων βέλος ἔχει τῷ μὲν μήκει τὸ ξύλον ὡς ἐπίπαν δίπηχυ, τῷ δὲ πάχει δακτυλιαῖον, τὸ δὲ κέντρον σπιθαμιαῖον, κατὰ τοσοῦτον ἐπὶ λεπτὸν ἐξεληλασμένον καὶ συνωξυσμένον ὥστε κατʼ ἀνάγκην εὐθέως ἀπὸ τῆς πρώτης ἐμβολῆς κάμπτεσθαι καὶ μὴ δύνασθαι τοὺς πολεμίους ἀντιβάλλειν· εἰ δὲ μή, κοινὸν γίνεται τὸ βέλος.

[1] τοῖς γε μὴν δευτέροις μὲν κατὰ τὴν ἡλικίαν, ἁστάτοις δὲ προσαγορευομένοις, παρήγγειλαν φέρειν πανοπλίαν.

[2] ἔστι δʼ ἡ Ῥωμαϊκὴ πανοπλία πρῶτον μὲν θυρεός — οὗ τὸ μὲν πλάτος ἐστὶ τῆς κυρτῆς ἐπιφανείας πένθʼ ἡμιποδίων, τὸ δὲ μῆκος ποδῶν τεττάρων, τὸ δʼ ἐπʼ ἴτυος πάχος ἔτι καὶ παλαιστιαῖον —

[3] ἐκ διπλοῦ σανιδώματος ταυροκόλλῃ πεπηγώς, ὀθονίῳ, μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα μοσχείῳ δέρματι περιείληται τὴν ἐκτὸς ἐπιφάνειαν.

[4] ἔχει δὲ περὶ τὴν ἴτυν ἐκ τῶν ἄνωθεν καὶ κάτωθεν μερῶν σιδηροῦν σιάλωμα, διʼ οὗ τάς τε καταφορὰς τῶν μαχαιρῶν ἀσφαλίζεται καὶ τὰς πρὸς τὴν γῆν ἐξερείσεις.

[5] προσήρμοσται δʼ αὐτῷ καὶ σιδηρᾶ κόγχος, ἣ τὰς ὁλοσχερεῖς ἀποστέγει πληγὰς λίθων καὶ σαρισῶν καὶ καθόλου βιαίων βελῶν.

[6] ἅμα δὲ τῷ θυρεῷ μάχαιρα· ταύτην δὲ περὶ τὸν δεξιὸν φέρει μηρόν, καλοῦσι δʼ αὐτὴν Ἰβηρικήν.

[7] ἔχει δʼ αὕτη κέντημα διάφορον καὶ καταφορὰν ἐξ ἀμφοῖν τοῖν μεροῖν βίαιον διὰ τὸ τὸν ὀβελίσκον αὐτῆς ἰσχυρὸν καὶ μόνιμον εἶναι.

[8] πρὸς δὲ τούτοις ὑσσοὶ δύο καὶ περικεφαλαία χαλκῆ καὶ προκνημίς. τῶν δʼ ὑσσῶν εἰσιν οἱ μὲν παχεῖς, οἱ δὲ λεπτοί.

[9] τῶν δὲ στερεωτέρων οἱ μὲν στρογγύλοι παλαιστιαίαν ἔχουσι τὴν διάμετρον, οἱ δὲ τετράγωνοι τὴν πλευράν. οἵ γε μὴν λεπτοὶ σιβυνίοις ἐοίκασι συμμέτροις, οὓς φοροῦσι μετὰ τῶν προειρημένων.

[10] ἁπάντων δὲ τούτων τοῦ ξύλου τὸ μῆκός ἐστιν ὡς τρεῖς πήχεις. προσήρμοσται δʼ ἑκάστοις βέλος σιδηροῦν ἀγκιστρωτόν, ἴσον ἔχον τὸ μῆκος τοῖς ξύλοις·

[11] οὗ τὴν ἔνδεσιν καὶ τὴν χρείαν οὕτως ἀσφαλίζονται βεβαίως, ἕως μέσων τῶν ξύλων ἐνδιδέντες καὶ πυκναῖς ταῖς λαβίσι καταπερονῶντες, ὥστε πρότερον ἢ τὸν δεσμὸν ἐν ταῖς χρείαις ἀναχαλασθῆναι τὸν σίδηρον θραύεσθαι, καίπερ ὄντα τὸ πάχος ἐν τῷ πυθμένι καὶ τῇ πρὸς τὸ ξύλον συναφῇ τριῶν ἡμιδακτυλίων· ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον καὶ τοιαύτην πρόνοιαν ποιοῦνται τῆς ἐνδέσεως.

[12] ἐπὶ δὲ πᾶσι τούτοις προσεπικοσμοῦνται πτερίνῳ στεφάνῳ καὶ πτεροῖς φοινικοῖς ἢ μέλασιν ὀρθοῖς τρισίν,

[13] ὡς πηχυαίοις τὸ μέγεθος, ὧν προστεθέντων κατὰ κορυφὴν ἅμα τοῖς ἄλλοις ὅπλοις ὁ μὲν ἀνὴρ φαίνεται διπλάσιος ἑαυτοῦ κατὰ τὸ μέγεθος, ἡ δʼ ὄψις καλὴ καὶ καταπληκτικὴ τοῖς ἐναντίοις.

[14] οἱ μὲν οὖν πολλοὶ προσλαβόντες χάλκωμα σπιθαμιαῖον πάντῃ πάντως, ὃ προστίθενται μὲν πρὸ τῶν στέρνων, καλοῦσι δὲ καρδιοφύλακα, τελείαν ἔχουσι τὴν καθόπλισιν·

[15] οἱ δʼ ὑπὲρ τὰς μυρίας τιμώμενοι δραχμὰς ἀντὶ τοῦ καρδιοφύλακος σὺν τοῖς ἄλλοις ἁλυσιδωτοὺς περιτίθενται θώρακας.

[16] ὁ δʼ αὐτὸς τρόπος τῆς καθοπλίσεώς ἐστι καὶ περὶ τοὺς πρίγκιπας καὶ τριαρίους, πλὴν ἀντὶ τῶν ὑσσῶν οἱ τριάριοι δόρατα φοροῦσιν.

[1] ἐξ ἑκάστου δὲ τῶν προειρημένων γενῶν πλὴν τῶν νεωτάτων ἐξέλεξαν ταξιάρχους ἀριστίνδην δέκα. μετὰ δὲ τούτους ἑτέραν ἐκλογὴν ἄλλων δέκα ποιοῦνται.

[2] καὶ τούτους μὲν ἅπαντας προσηγόρευσαν ταξιάρχους, ὧν ὁ πρῶτος αἱρεθεὶς καὶ συνεδρίου κοινωνεῖ· προσεκλέγονται δʼ οὗτοι πάλιν αὐτοὶ τοὺς ἴσους οὐραγούς.

[3] ἑξῆς δὲ τούτοις μετὰ τῶν ταξιάρχων διεῖλον τὰς ἡλικίας, ἑκάστην εἰς δέκα μέρη, πλὴν τῶν γροσφομάχων· καὶ προσένειμαν ἑκάστῳ μέρει τῶν ἐκλεχθέντων ἀνδρῶν δύʼ ἡγεμόνας καὶ δύʼ οὐραγούς.

[4] τῶν δὲ γροσφομάχων τοὺς ἐπιβάλλοντας κατὰ τὸ πλῆθος ἴσους ἐπὶ πάντα τὰ μέρη διένειμαν.

[5] καὶ τὸ μὲν μέρος ἕκαστον ἐκάλεσαν καὶ τάγμα καὶ σπεῖραν καὶ σημαίαν, τοὺς δʼ ἡγεμόνας κεντυρίωνας καὶ ταξιάρχους.

[6] οὗτοι δὲ καθʼ ἑκάστην σπεῖραν ἐκ τῶν καταλειπομένων ἐξέλεξαν αὐτοὶ δύο τοὺς ἀκμαιοτάτους καὶ γενναιοτάτους ἄνδρας σημαιαφόρους.

[7] δύο δὲ καθʼ ἕκαστον τάγμα ποιοῦσιν ἡγεμόνας εἰκότως· ἀδήλου γὰρ ὄντος καὶ τοῦ ποιῆσαι καὶ τοῦ παθεῖν τι τὸν ἡγεμόνα, τῆς πολεμικῆς χρείας οὐκ ἐπιδεχομένης πρόφασιν, οὐδέποτε βούλονται τὴν σπεῖραν χωρὶς ἡγεμόνος εἶναι καὶ προστάτου.

[8] παρόντων μὲν οὖν ἀμφοτέρων ὁ μὲν πρῶτος αἱρεθεὶς ἡγεῖται τοῦ δεξιοῦ μέρους τῆς σπείρας, ὁ δὲ δεύτερος τῶν εὐωνύμων ἀνδρῶν τῆς σημαίας ἔχει τὴν ἡγεμονίαν· μὴ παρόντων δʼ ὁ καταλειπόμενος ἡγεῖται πάντων.

[9] βούλονται δʼ εἶναι τοὺς ταξιάρχους οὐχ οὕτως θρασεῖς καὶ φιλοκινδύνους ὡς ἡγεμονικοὺς καὶ στασίμους καὶ βαθεῖς μᾶλλον ταῖς ψυχαῖς, οὐδʼ ἐξ ἀκεραίου προσπίπτειν ἢ κατάρχεσθαι τῆς μάχης, ἐπικρατουμένους δὲ καὶ πιεζομένους ὑπομένειν καὶ ἀποθνήσκειν ὑπὲρ τῆς χώρας.

[1] παραπλησίως δὲ καὶ τοὺς ἱππεῖς εἰς ἴλας δέκα διεῖλον, ἐξ ἑκάστης δὲ τρεῖς προκρίνουσιν ἰλάρχας, οὗτοι δʼ αὐτοὶ τρεῖς προσέλαβον οὐραγούς.

[2] ὁ μὲν οὖν πρῶτος αἱρεθεὶς ἰλάρχης ἡγεῖται τῆς ἴλης, οἱ δὲ δύο δεκαδάρχων ἔχουσι τάξιν, καλοῦνται δὲ πάντες δεκουρίωνες. μὴ παρόντος δὲ τοῦ πρώτου πάλιν ὁ δεύτερος ἰλάρχου λαμβάνει τάξιν.

[3] ὁ δὲ καθοπλισμὸς τῶν ἱππέων νῦν μέν ἐστι παραπλήσιος τῷ τῶν Ἑλλήνων· τὸ δὲ παλαιὸν πρῶτον θώρακας οὐκ εἶχον,

[4] ἀλλʼ ἐν περιζώμασιν ἐκινδύνευον, ἐξ οὗ πρὸς μὲν τὸ καταβαίνειν καὶ ταχέως ἀναπηδᾶν ἐπὶ τοὺς ἵππους ἑτοίμως διέκειντο καὶ πρακτικῶς, πρὸς δὲ τὰς συμπλοκὰς ἐπισφαλῶς εἶχον διὰ τὸ γυμνοὶ κινδυνεύειν.

[5] τὰ δὲ δόρατα κατὰ δύο τρόπους ἄπρακτʼ ἦν αὐτοῖς, καθʼ ἃ μὲν ᾗ λεπτὰ καὶ κλαδαρὰ ποιοῦντες οὔτε τοῦ προτεθέντος ἠδύναντο σκοποῦ στοχάζεσθαι, πρὸ τοῦ τε τὴν ἐπιδορατίδα πρός τι προσερεῖσαι, κραδαινόμενα διʼ αὐτῆς τῆς τῶν ἵππων κινήσεως τὰ πλεῖστα συνετρίβετο·

[6] πρὸς δὲ τούτοις ἄνευ σαυρωτήρων κατασκευάζοντες μιᾷ τῇ πρώτῃ διὰ τῆς ἐπιδορατίδος ἐχρῶντο πληγῇ, μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα κλασθέντων λοιπὸν ἦν ἄπρακτʼ αὐτοῖς καὶ μάταια. τόν γε μὴν θυρεὸν εἶχον ἐκ βοείου δέρματος,

[7] τοῖς ὀμφαλωτοῖς ποπάνοις παραπλήσιον τοῖς ἐπὶ τὰς θυσίας ἐπιτιθεμένοις· οἷς οὔτε πρὸς τὰς ἐπιβολὰς ἦν χρῆσθαι διὰ τὸ μὴ στάσιν ἔχειν, ὑπό τε τῶν ὄμβρων ἀποδερματούμενοι καὶ μυδῶντες δύσχρηστοι καὶ πρότερον ἦσαν καὶ νῦν ἔτι γίνονται παντελῶς. διόπερ ἀδοκίμου τῆς χρείας οὔσης,

[8] ταχέως μετέλαβον τὴν Ἑλληνικὴν κατασκευὴν τῶν ὅπλων,

[9] ἐν ᾗ τῶν μὲν δοράτων τὴν πρώτην εὐθέως τῆς ἐπιδορατίδος πληγὴν εὔστοχον ἅμα καὶ πρακτικὴν γίνεσθαι συμβαίνει, διὰ τὴν κατασκευὴν ἀτρεμοῦς καὶ στασίμου τοῦ δόρατος ὑπάρχοντος, ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ τὴν ἐκ μεταλήψεως τοῦ σαυρωτῆρος χρείαν μόνιμον καὶ βίαιον.

[10] ὁ δʼ αὐτὸς λόγος καὶ περὶ τῶν θυρεῶν· καὶ γὰρ πρὸς τὰς ἐπιβολὰς καὶ πρὸς τὰς ἐπιθέσεις ἑστηκυῖαν καὶ τεταγμένην ἔχουσι τὴν χρείαν.

[11] ἃ συνιδόντες ἐμιμήσαντο ταχέως· ἀγαθοὶ γάρ, εἰ καί τινες ἕτεροι, μεταλαβεῖν ἔθη καὶ ζηλῶσαι τὸ βέλτιον καὶ Ῥωμαῖοι.

[1] τοιαύτην δὲ ποιησάμενοι τὴν διαίρεσιν οἱ χιλίαρχοι, καὶ ταῦτα παραγγείλαντες περὶ τῶν ὅπλων, τότε μὲν ἀπέλυσαν τοὺς ἄνδρας εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν· παραγενομένης δὲ τῆς ἡμέρας,

[2] εἰς ἣν ὤμοσαν ἁθροισθῆναι πάντες ὁμοίως εἰς τὸν ἀποδειχθέντα τόπον ὑπὸ τῶν ὑπάτων —

[3] τάττει δʼ ὡς ἐπίπαν ἑκάτερος χωρὶς τὸν τόπον τοῖς αὑτοῦ στρατοπέδοις· ἑκατέρῳ γὰρ δίδοται τὸ μέρος τῶν συμμάχων καὶ δύο τῶν Ῥωμαϊκῶν στρατοπέδων —

[4] παραγίνονται δὲ πάντες ἀδιαπτώτως οἱ καταγραφέντες, ὡς ἂν μηδεμιᾶς ἄλλης συγχωρουμένης προφάσεως τοῖς ἐξορκισθεῖσι πλὴν ὀρνιθείας καὶ τῶν ἀδυνάτων.

[5] ἁθροισθέντων δὲ καὶ τῶν συμμάχων ὁμοῦ τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις, τὴν μὲν οἰκονομίαν καὶ τὸν χειρισμὸν ποιοῦνται τούτων αὐτῶν οἱ καθεσταμένοι μὲν ὑπὸ τῶν ὑπάτων ἄρχοντες, προσαγορευόμενοι δὲ πραίφεκτοι, δώδεκα τὸν ἀριθμὸν ὄντες.

[6] οἳ πρῶτον μὲν τοῖς ὑπάτοις τοὺς ἐπιτηδειοτάτους πρὸς τὴν ἀληθινὴν χρείαν ἐκ πάντων τῶν παραγεγονότων συμμάχων ἱππεῖς καὶ πεζοὺς ἐκλέγουσι, τοὺς καλουμένους ἐκτραορδιναρίους, ὃ μεθερμηνευόμενον ἐπιλέκτους δηλοῖ.

[7] τὸ δὲ πλῆθος γίνεται τὸ πᾶν τῶν συμμάχων, τὸ μὲν τῶν πεζῶν πάρισον τοῖς Ῥωμαϊκοῖς στρατοπέδοις ὡς τὸ πολύ, τὸ δὲ τῶν ἱππέων τριπλάσιον·

[8] ἐκ δὲ τούτων λαμβάνουσι τῶν μὲν ἱππέων εἰς τοὺς ἐπιλέκτους ἐπιεικῶς τὸ τρίτον μέρος, τῶν δὲ πεζῶν τὸ πέμπτον. τοὺς δὲ λοιποὺς διεῖλον εἰς δύο μέρη,

[9] καὶ καλοῦσι τὸ μὲν δεξιόν, τὸ δʼ εὐώνυμον κέρας.

[10] τούτων δʼ εὐτρεπῶν γενομένων παραλαβόντες οἱ χιλίαρχοι τοὺς Ῥωμαίους ὁμοῦ καὶ τοὺς συμμάχους κατεστρατοπέδευσαν, ἑνὸς ὑπάρχοντος παρʼ αὐτοῖς θεωρήματος ἁπλοῦ περὶ τὰς παρεμβολάς, ᾧ χρῶνται πρὸς πάντα καιρὸν καὶ τόπον.

[11] διὸ καὶ δοκεῖ μοι πρέπειν τῷ καιρῷ τὸ πειραθῆναι, καθʼ ὅσον οἷόν τε τῷ λόγῳ, τοὺς ἀκούοντας εἰς ἔννοιαν ἀγαγεῖν τοῦ κατὰ τὰς πορείας καὶ στρατοπεδείας καὶ παρατάξεις χειρισμοῦ τῶν δυνάμεων.

[12] τίς γὰρ οὕτως ἐστὶν ἀπεοικὼς πρὸς τὰ καλὰ καὶ σπουδαῖα τῶν ἔργων, ὃς οὐκ ἂν βουληθείη μικρὸν ἐπιμελέστερον ἐπιστῆσαι περὶ τῶν τοιούτων, ὑπὲρ ὧν ἅπαξ ἀκούσας ἐπιστήμων ἔσται πράγματος ἑνὸς τῶν ἀξίων λόγου καὶ γνώσεως;

[1] ἔστι δὴ τὸ γένος αὐτῶν τῆς στρατοπεδείας τοιόνδε. τοῦ κριθέντος αἰεὶ τόπου πρὸς στρατοπεδείαν, τούτου τὸν ἐπιτηδειότατον εἰς σύνοψιν ἅμα καὶ παραγγελίαν ἡ τοῦ στρατηγοῦ σκηνὴ καταλαμβάνει. τεθείσης δὲ τῆς σημαίας,

[2] οὗ μέλλουσι πηγνύναι ταύτην, ἀπομετρεῖται πέριξ τῆς σημαίας τετράγωνος τόπος, ὥστε πάσας τὰς πλευρὰς ἑκατὸν ἀπέχειν πόδας τῆς σημαίας, τὸ δʼ ἐμβαδὸν γίνεσθαι τετράπλεθρον.

[3] τούτου δὲ τοῦ σχήματος αἰεὶ παρὰ μίαν ἐπιφάνειαν καὶ πλευράν, ἥτις ἂν ἐπιτηδειοτάτη φανῇ πρός τε τὰς ὑδρείας καὶ προνομάς, παραβάλλεται τὰ Ῥωμαϊκὰ στρατόπεδα τὸν τρόπον τοῦτον.

[4] ἓξ ὑπαρχόντων χιλιάρχων ἐν ἑκάστῳ στρατοπέδῳ κατὰ τὸν ἄρτι λόγον, δυεῖν δὲ στρατοπέδων ὄντων τῶν Ῥωμαϊκῶν ἀεὶ μεθʼ ἑκατέρου τῶν ὑπάτων, φανερὸν ὅτι δώδεκα χιλιάρχους ἀνάγκη συστρατεύειν ἑκατέρῳ τῶν ὑπάτων.

[5] τιθέασι δὴ τὰς τούτων σκηνὰς ἐπὶ μίαν εὐθεῖαν ἁπάσας, ἥτις ἐστὶ παράλληλος τῇ τοῦ τετραγώνου προκριθείσῃ πλευρᾷ, πεντήκοντα δʼ ἀπέχει πόδας ἀπʼ αὐτῆς, ἵνʼ ᾗ τοῖς ἵπποις, ἅμα δʼ ὑποζυγίοις καὶ τῇ λοιπῇ τῶν χιλιάρχων ἀποσκευῇ τόπος.

[6] αἱ δὲ σκηναὶ τοῦ προειρημένου σχήματος εἰς τοὔμπαλιν ἀπεστραμμέναι πήγνυνται πρὸς τὴν ἐκτὸς ἐπιφάνειαν, ἣ νοείσθω καὶ καλείσθω δὲ καθάπαξ ἡμῖν ἀεὶ τοῦ παντὸς σχήματος κατὰ πρόσωπον.

[7] ἀφεστᾶσι δʼ ἀλλήλων μὲν ἴσον αἱ τῶν χιλιάρχων σκηναί, τοσοῦτον δὲ τόπον ὥστε παρʼ ὅλον τὸ πλάτος ἀεὶ τῶν Ῥωμαϊκῶν στρατοπέδων παρήκειν.

[1] Ἀπομετρηθέντων δὲ πάλιν ἑκατὸν ποδῶν εἰς τὸ πρόσθεν κατὰ πάσας τὰς σκηνάς, λοιπὸν ἀπὸ τῆς τοῦτο τὸ πλάτος ὁριζούσης εὐθείας, ἥτις γίνεται παράλληλος ταῖς τῶν χιλιάρχων σκηναῖς, ἀπὸ ταύτης ἄρχονται ποιεῖσθαι τὰς τῶν στρατοπέδων παρεμβολάς, χειρίζοντες τὸν τρόπον τοῦτον.

[2] διχοτομήσαντες τὴν προειρημένην εὐθεῖαν, ἀπὸ τούτου τοῦ σημείου πρὸς ὀρθὰς τῇ γραμμῇ τοὺς ἱππεῖς ἀντίους αὑτοῖς ἑκατέρου τοῦ στρατοπέδου παρεμβάλλουσι, πεντήκοντα διέχοντας πόδας ἀλλήλων, μέσην ποιοῦντες τὴν τομὴν τοῦ διαστήματος.

[3] ἔστι δʼ ἥ τε τῶν ἱππέων καὶ τῶν πεζῶν σκηνοποιία παραπλήσιος· γίνεται γὰρ τὸ ὅλον σχῆμα καὶ τῆς σημαίας καὶ τῶν οὐλαμῶν τετράγωνον.

[4] τοῦτο δὲ βλέπει μὲν εἰς τὰς διόδους, ἔχει δὲ τὸ μὲν μῆκος ὡρισμένον τὸ παρὰ τὴν δίοδον — ἔστι γὰρ ἑκατὸν ποδῶν — ὡς δʼ ἐπὶ τὸ πολὺ καὶ τὸ βάθος ἴσον πειρῶνται ποιεῖν πλὴν τῶν συμμάχων.

[5] ὅταν δὲ τοῖς μείζοσι στρατοπέδοις χρῶνται, τὸ κατὰ λόγον καὶ τῷ μήκει καὶ τῷ βάθει προστιθέασι.

[1] γενομένης δὲ τῆς τῶν ἱππέων παρεμβολῆς κατὰ μέσας τὰς τῶν χιλιάρχων σκηνὰς οἷον εἰ ῥύμης τινὸς ἐπικαρσίου πρὸς τὴν ἄρτι ῥηθεῖσαν εὐθεῖαν καὶ τὸν πρὸ τῶν χιλιάρχων τόπον —

[2] τῷ γὰρ ὄντι ῥύμαις παραπλήσιον ἀποτελεῖται τὸ τῶν διόδων σχῆμα πασῶν, ὡς ἂν ἐξ ἑκατέρου τοῦ μέρους αἷς μὲν ταγμάτων, αἷς δʼ οὐλαμῶν ἐπὶ τὸ μῆκος παρεμβεβληκότων —

[3] πλὴν τοῖς προειρημένοις ἱππεῦσι κατόπιν τοὺς ἐξ ἀμφοτέρων τῶν στρατοπέδων τριαρίους, κατʼ οὐλαμὸν ἑκάστην σημαίαν, ἐν ὁμοίῳ σχήματι τιθέασι, συμψαυόντων μὲν τῶν σχημάτων ἀλλήλοις, βλεπόντων δʼ ἔμπαλιν πρὸς τὰς ἐναντίας τοῖς ἱππεῦσιν ἐπιφανείας,

[4] ἥμισυ ποιοῦντες τὸ βάθος τοῦ μήκους ἑκάστης σημαίας τῷ καὶ κατὰ τὸ πλῆθος ἡμίσεις ὡς ἐπίπαν εἶναι τούτους τῶν ἄλλων μερῶν.

[5] διότιπερ ἀνίσων ὄντων πολλάκις τῶν ἀνδρῶν ἰσάζειν ἀεὶ συμβαίνει πάντα τὰ μέρη κατὰ τὸ μῆκος διὰ τὴν τοῦ βάθους διαφοράν.

[6] αὖθις δὲ πεντήκοντα πόδας ἀφʼ ἑκατέρων τούτων ἀποστήσαντες, ἀντίους παρεμβάλλουσι τοῖς τριαρίοις τοὺς πρίγκιπας.

[7] νευόντων δὲ καὶ τούτων εἰς τὰ προειρημένα διαστήματα δύʼ αὗται πάλιν ἀποτελοῦνται ῥῦμαι, τὰς μὲν ἀρχὰς ἀπὸ τῆς αὐτῆς εὐθείας λαμβάνουσαι καὶ τὰς εἰσβολάς, ὁμοίως τοῖς ἱππεῦσιν, ἐκ τοῦ πρὸ τῶν χιλιάρχων ἑκατομπέδου διαστήματος, λήγουσαι δὲ πρὸς τὴν καταντικρὺ τῶν χιλιάρχων πλευρὰν τοῦ χάρακος, ἣν ἐξ ἀρχῆς ὑπεθέμεθα κατὰ πρόσωπον εἶναι τοῦ παντὸς σχήματος.

[8] μετὰ δὲ τοὺς πρίγκιπας, ὄπισθεν τούτων ὁμοίως ἔμπαλιν βλέποντα, συμψαύοντα δὲ τὰ σχήματα τιθέντες, τοὺς ἁστάτους παρεμβάλλουσι.

[9] δέκα δὲ σημαίας ἐχόντων ἁπάντων τῶν μερῶν κατὰ τὴν ἐξ ἀρχῆς διαίρεσιν, πάσας ἴσας συμβαίνει γίνεσθαι τὰς ῥύμας καὶ κατὰ τὸ μῆκος καὶ τὰς ἀποτομὰς ἰσάζειν αὐτῶν τὰς πρὸς τῇ κατὰ τὸ πρόσωπον πλευρᾷ τοῦ χάρακος· πρὸς ἣν καὶ τὰς τελευταίας σημαίας ἐπιστρέφοντες στρατοπεδεύουσιν.

[1] ἀπὸ τῶν ἁστάτων πεντήκοντα πάλιν διαλείποντες πόδας τοὺς τῶν συμμάχων ἱππεῖς ἀντίους παρεμβάλλουσι τούτοις, ποιούμενοι τὴν ἀρχὴν ἀπὸ τῆς αὐτῆς εὐθείας καὶ λήγοντες ἐπὶ τὴν αὐτήν.

[2] ἔστι δὲ τὸ πλῆθος τῶν συμμάχων, ὡς ἐπάνω προεῖπα, τὸ μὲν τῶν πεζῶν πάρισον τοῖς Ῥωμαϊκοῖς στρατοπέδοις, λεῖπον τοῖς ἐπιλέκτοις, τὸ δὲ τῶν ἱππέων διπλάσιον, ἀφῃρημένου καὶ τούτων τοῦ τρίτου μέρους εἰς τοὺς ἐπιλέκτους.

[3] διὸ καὶ τὸ βάθος αὔξοντες τούτοις πρὸς λόγον ἐν τοῖς στρατοπεδευτικοῖς σχήμασι, πειρῶνται κατὰ τὸ μῆκος ἐξισοῦν τοῖς τῶν Ῥωμαίων στρατοπέδοις.

[4] ἀποτελεσθεισῶν δὲ τῶν ἁπασῶν πέντε διόδων, αὖθις εἰς τοὔμπαλιν ἀπεστραμμένας ὁμοίως τοῖς ἱππεῦσι τιθέασι τὰς τῶν συμμαχικῶν πεζῶν σημαίας, αὔξοντες τὸ βάθος πρὸς λόγον, βλεπούσας δὲ πρὸς τὸν χάρακα καὶ πρὸς τὰς ἐκ τῶν πλαγίων ἐπιφανείας ἑκατέρας.

[5] καθʼ ἑκάστην δὲ σημαίαν τὰς πρώτας ἀφʼ ἑκατέρου τοῦ μέρους σκηνὰς οἱ ταξίαρχοι λαμβάνουσιν. ἅμα δὲ τὸν προειρημένον τρόπον παρεμβάλλοντες καθʼ ἕκαστον μέρος τὸν ἕκτον οὐλαμὸν ἀπὸ τοῦ πέμπτου πεντήκοντα πόδας ἀφιστᾶσι, παραπλησίως δὲ καὶ τὰς τῶν πεζῶν τάξεις,

[6] ὥστε γίνεσθαι καὶ ταύτην ἄλλην διὰ μέσων τῶν στρατοπέδων δίοδον, ἐπικάρσιον μὲν πρὸς τὰς ῥύμας, παράλληλον δὲ ταῖς τῶν χιλιάρχων σκηναῖς, ἣν καλοῦσι πέμπτην διὰ τὸ παρὰ τὰ πέμπτα τάγματα παρήκειν.

[1] ὁ δʼ ὑπὸ τὰς τῶν χιλιάρχων σκηνὰς ὄπισθεν τόπος ὑποπεπτωκώς, ἐξ ἑκατέρου δὲ τοῦ μέρους τῆς τοῦ στρατηγίου περιστάσεως παρακείμενος, ὁ μὲν εἰς ἀγορὰν γίνεται τόπος, ὁ δʼ ἕτερος τῷ τε ταμιείῳ καὶ ταῖς ἅμα τούτῳ χορηγίαις.

[2] ἀπὸ δὲ τῆς ἐφʼ ἑκάτερα τελευταίας τῶν χιλιάρχων σκηνῆς κατόπιν οἷον ἐπικάμπιον ἔχοντες τάξιν πρὸς τὰς σκηνάς, οἱ τῶν ἐπιλέκτων ἱππέων ἀπόλεκτοι καί τινες τῶν ἐθελοντὴν στρατευομένων τῇ τῶν ὑπάτων χάριτι, πάντες οὗτοι στρατοπεδεύουσι παρὰ τὰς ἐκ τῶν πλαγίων τοῦ χάρακος ἐπιφανείας, βλέποντες οἱ μὲν ἐπὶ τὰς τοῦ ταμιείου παρασκευάς, οἱ δʼ ἐκ θατέρου μέρους εἰς τὴν ἀγοράν.

[3] ὡς δʼ ἐπὶ τὸ πολὺ συμβαίνει τούτοις μὴ μόνον στρατοπεδεύειν σύνεγγυς τῶν ὑπάτων, ἀλλὰ καὶ κατὰ τὰς πορείας καὶ κατὰ τὰς ἄλλας χρείας περὶ τὸν ὕπατον καὶ τὸν ταμίαν ποιεῖσθαι τὴν ἐπιμέλειαν καὶ τὴν ὅλην διατριβήν.

[4] ἀντίκεινται δὲ τούτοις ἐπὶ τὸν χάρακα βλέποντες οἱ τὴν παραπλήσιον χρείαν παρεχόμενοι πεζοὶ τοῖς προειρημένοις ἱππεῦσιν.

[5] ἑξῆς δὲ τούτοις δίοδος ἀπολείπεται πλάτος ποδῶν ἑκατόν, παράλληλος μὲν ταῖς τῶν χιλιάρχων σκηναῖς, ἐπὶ θάτερα δὲ τῆς ἀγορᾶς καὶ στρατηγίου καὶ ταμιείου παρατείνουσα παρὰ πάντα τὰ προειρημένα μέρη τοῦ χάρακος.

[6] παρὰ δὲ τὴν ἀνωτέρω πλευρὰν ταύτης οἱ τῶν συμμάχων ἱππεῖς ἐπίλεκτοι στρατοπεδεύουσι, βλέποντες ἐπί τε τὴν ἀγορὰν ἅμα καὶ τὸ στρατήγιον καὶ τὸ ταμιεῖον.

[7] κατὰ μέσην δὲ τὴν τούτων τῶν ἱππέων παρεμβολὴν καὶ κατʼ αὐτὴν τὴν τοῦ στρατηγίου περίστασιν δίοδος ἀπολείπεται πεντήκοντα ποδῶν, φέρουσα μὲν ἐπὶ τὴν ὄπισθε πλευρὰν τῆς στρατοπεδείας, τῇ δὲ τάξει πρὸς ὀρθὰς κειμένη τῇ προειρημένῃ πλατείᾳ.

[8] τοῖς δʼ ἱππεῦσι τούτοις ἀντίτυποι τίθενται πάλιν οἱ τῶν συμμάχων ἐπίλεκτοι πεζοί, βλέποντες πρὸς τὸν χάρακα καὶ τὴν ὄπισθεν ἐπιφάνειαν τῆς ὅλης στρατοπεδείας.

[9] τὸ δʼ ἀπολειπόμενον ἐξ ἑκατέρου τοῦ μέρους τούτων κένωμα παρὰ τὰς ἐκ τῶν πλαγίων πλευρὰς δίδοται τοῖς ἀλλοφύλοις καὶ τοῖς ἐκ τοῦ καιροῦ προσγινομένοις συμμάχοις.

[10] τούτων δʼ οὕτως ἐχόντων τὸ μὲν σύμπαν σχῆμα γίνεται τῆς στρατοπεδείας τετράγωνον ἰσόπλευρον, τὰ δὲ κατὰ μέρος ἤδη τῆς τε ῥυμοτομίας ἐν αὐτῇ καὶ τῆς ἄλλης οἰκονομίας πόλει παραπλησίαν ἔχει τὴν διάθεσιν.

[11] τὸν δὲ χάρακα τῶν σκηνῶν ἀφιστᾶσι κατὰ πάσας τὰς ἐπιφανείας διακοσίους πόδας. τοῦτο δὲ τὸ κένωμα πολλὰς καὶ δοκίμους αὐτοῖς παρέχεται χρείας.

[12] πρός τε γὰρ τὰς εἰσαγωγὰς καὶ τὰς ἐξαγωγὰς τῶν στρατοπέδων εὐφυῶς ἔχει καὶ δεόντως ἕκαστοι γὰρ κατὰ τὰς ἑαυτῶν ῥύμας εἰς τοῦτο τὸ κένωμα ποιοῦνται τὴν ἔξοδον, ἀλλʼ οὐκ εἰς μίαν συμπίπτοντες ἀνατρέπουσι καὶ συμπατοῦσιν ἀλλήλους·

[13] τάς τε τῶν παρεισαγομένων θρεμμάτων καὶ τὰς ἐκ τῶν πολεμίων λείας εἰς τοῦτο παράγοντες ἀσφαλῶς τηροῦσι τὰς νύκτας.

[14] τὸ δὲ μέγιστον, ἐν ταῖς ἐπιθέσεσι ταῖς νυκτεριναῖς οὔτε πῦρ οὔτε βέλος ἐξικνεῖται πρὸς αὐτοὺς πλὴν τελείως ὀλίγων· γίνεται δὲ καὶ ταῦτα σχεδὸν ἀβλαβῆ διά τε τὸ μέγεθος τῆς ἀποστάσεως καὶ διὰ τὴν τῶν σκηνῶν περίστασιν.

[1] δεδομένου δὲ τοῦ πλήθους καὶ τῶν πεζῶν καὶ τῶν ἱππέων καθʼ ἑκατέραν τὴν πρόθεσιν, ἄν τε τετρακισχιλίους ἄν τε πεντακισχιλίους εἰς ἕκαστον στρατόπεδον ποιῶσι, παραπλησίως δὲ καὶ τῶν σημαιῶν τοῦ τε βάθους καὶ τοῦ μήκους καὶ τοῦ πλήθους δεδομένου, πρὸς δὲ τούτοις τῶν κατὰ τὰς διόδους καὶ πλατείας διαστημάτων, ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ἁπάντων δεδομένων,

[2] συμβαίνει τοῖς βουλομένοις συνεφιστάνειν νοεῖν καὶ τοῦ χωρίου τὸ μέγεθος καὶ τὴν ὅλην περίμετρον τῆς παρεμβολῆς. ἐὰν δέ ποτε πλεονάζῃ τὸ τῶν συμμάχων πλῆθος,

[3] ἢ τῶν ἐξ ἀρχῆς συστρατευομένων ἢ τῶν ἐκ τοῦ καιροῦ προσγινομένων,

[4] τοῖς μὲν ἐκ τοῦ καιροῦ πρὸς τοῖς προειρημένοις καὶ τοὺς παρὰ τὸ στρατήγιον ἀναπληροῦσι τόπους, τὴν ἀγορὰν καὶ τὸ ταμιεῖον συναγαγόντες εἰς αὐτὸν τὸν κατεπείγοντα πρὸς τὴν χρείαν τόπον·

[5] τοῖς δʼ ἐξ ἀρχῆς συνεκπορευομένοις, ἐὰν ᾖ πλῆθος ἱκανώτερον, ῥύμην μίαν ἐξ ἑκατέρου τοῦ μέρους τῶν Ῥωμαϊκῶν στρατοπέδων πρὸς ταῖς ὑπαρχούσαις παρὰ τὰς ἐκ τῶν πλαγίων ἐπιφανείας παρατιθέασι.

[6] πάντων δὲ τῶν τεττάρων στρατοπέδων καὶ τῶν ὑπάτων ἀμφοτέρων εἰς ἕνα χάρακα συναθροισθέντων, οὐδὲν ἕτερον δεῖ νοεῖν πλὴν δύο στρατιὰς κατὰ τὸν ἄρτι λόγον παρεμβεβληκυίας ἀντεστραμμένας αὑταῖς συνηρμόσθαι, συναπτούσας κατὰ τὰς τῶν ἐπιλέκτων ἑκατέρου τοῦ στρατοπέδου παρεμβολάς, οὓς ἐποιοῦμεν εἰς τὴν ὀπίσω βλέποντας ἐπιφάνειαν τῆς ὅλης παρεμβολῆς,

[7] ὅτε δὴ συμβαίνει γίνεσθαι τὸ μὲν σχῆμα παράμηκες, τὸ δὲ χωρίον διπλάσιον τοῦ πρόσθεν, τὴν δὲ περίμετρον ἡμιόλιον.

[8] ὅταν μὲν οὖν συμβαίνῃ τοὺς ὑπάτους ἀμφοτέρους ὁμοῦ στρατοπεδεύειν, οὕτως ἀεὶ χρῶνται ταῖς στρατοπεδείαις· ὅταν δὲ χωρίς, τἄλλα μὲν ὡσαύτως, τὴν δʼ ἀγορὰν καὶ τὸ ταμιεῖον καὶ τὸ στρατήγιον μέσον τιθέασι τῶν δυεῖν στρατοπέδων.

[1] μετὰ δὲ τὴν στρατοπεδείαν συναθροισθέντες οἱ χιλίαρχοι τοὺς ἐκ τοῦ στρατοπέδου πάντας ἐλευθέρους ὁμοῦ καὶ δούλους ὁρκίζουσι, καθʼ ἕνα ποιούμενοι τὸν ὁρκισμόν.

[2] ὁ δʼ ὅρκος ἐστὶ μηδὲν ἐκ τῆς παρεμβολῆς κλέψειν, ἀλλὰ κἂν εὕρῃ τι, τοῦτʼ ἀνοίσειν ἐπὶ τοὺς χιλιάρχους.

[3] ἑξῆς δὲ τούτοις διέταξαν τὰς σημαίας ἐξ ἑκάστου στρατοπέδου τῶν πριγκίπων καὶ τῶν ἁστάτων, δύο μὲν εἰς τὴν ἐπιμέλειαν τοῦ τόπου τοῦ πρὸ τῶν χιλιάρχων·

[4] τὴν γὰρ διατριβὴν ἐν ταῖς καθημερείαις οἱ πλεῖστοι τῶν Ῥωμαίων ἐν ταύτῃ ποιοῦνται τῇ πλατείᾳ· διόπερ ἀεὶ σπουδάζουσι περὶ ταύτης, ὡς ῥαίνηται καὶ καλλύνηται σφίσιν ἐπιμελῶς.

[5] τῶν δὲ λοιπῶν ὀκτωκαίδεκα τρεῖς ἕκαστος τῶν χιλιάρχων διαλαγχάνει· τοσαῦται γάρ εἰσι τῶν ἁστάτων καὶ πριγκίπων ἐν ἑκάστῳ στρατοπέδῳ σημαῖαι κατὰ τὴν ἄρτι ῥηθεῖσαν διαίρεσιν, χιλίαρχοι δʼ ἕξ.

[6] τῶν δὲ τριῶν σημαιῶν ἀνὰ μέρος ἑκάστη τῷ χιλιάρχῳ λειτουργεῖ λειτουργίαν τοιαύτην. ἐπειδὰν καταστρατοπεδεύσωσι, τὴν σκηνὴν ἱστᾶσιν οὗτοι καὶ τὸν περὶ τὴν σκηνὴν τόπον ἠδάφισαν. κἄν τι περιφράξαι δέῃ τῶν σκευῶν ἀσφαλείας χάριν, οὗτοι φροντίζουσι.

[7] διδόασι δὲ καὶ φυλακεῖα δύο — τὸ δὲ φυλακεῖόν ἐστιν ἐκ τεττάρων ἀνδρῶν — ὧν οἱ μὲν πρὸ τῆς σκηνῆς, οἱ δὲ κατόπιν παρὰ τοὺς ἵππους ποιοῦνται τὴν φυλακήν.

[8] οὐσῶν δὲ σημαιῶν ἑκάστῳ χιλιάρχῳ τριῶν, ἐν ἑκάστῃ δὲ τούτων ἀνδρῶν ὑπαρχόντων ὑπὲρ τοὺς ἑκατὸν χωρὶς τῶν τριαρίων καὶ γροσφομάχων — οὗτοι γὰρ οὐ λειτουργοῦσι —

[9] τὸ μὲν ἔργον γίνεται κοῦφον διὰ τὸ παρὰ τετάρτην ἡμέραν ἑκάστῃ σημαίᾳ καθήκειν τὴν λειτουργίαν, τοῖς δὲ χιλιάρχοις ἅμα μὲν τὸ τῆς εὐχρηστίας ἀναγκαῖον, ἅμα δὲ τὸ τῆς τιμῆς διὰ τῶν προειρημένων ἀποτελεῖται σεμνὸν καὶ προστατικόν.

[10] αἱ δὲ τῶν τριαρίων σημαῖαι τῆς μὲν τῶν χιλιάρχων παραλύονται λειτουργίας, εἰς δὲ τοὺς τῶν ἱππέων οὐλαμοὺς ἑκάστη σημαία καθʼ ἡμέραν δίδωσι φυλακεῖον ἀεὶ τῷ γειτνιῶντι κατόπιν τῶν οὐλαμῶν·

[11] οἵτινες τηροῦσι μὲν καὶ τἄλλα, μάλιστα δὲ τοὺς ἵππους, ἵνα μήτʼ ἐμπλεκόμενοι τοῖς δέμασι βλάπτωνται πρὸς χρείαν μήτε λυόμενοι καὶ προσπίπτοντες ἄλλοις ἵπποις ταραχὰς καὶ θορύβους ἐμποιῶσι τῷ στρατοπέδῳ.

[12] μία δʼ ἐξ ἁπασῶν καθʼ ἡμέραν σημαία ἀνὰ μέρος τῷ στρατηγῷ παρακοιτεῖ· ἥτις ἅμα μὲν ἀσφάλειαν παρασκευάζει τῷ στρατηγῷ πρὸς τὰς ἐπιβουλάς, ἅμα δὲ κοσμεῖ τὸ πρόσχημα τῆς ἀρχῆς.

[1] τῆς δὲ ταφρείας καὶ χαρακοποιίας δύο μὲν ἐπιβάλλουσι πλευραὶ τοῖς συμμάχοις, παρʼ ἃς καὶ στρατοπεδεύει τὸ κέρας αὐτῶν ἑκάτερον, δύο δὲ τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις, ἑκατέρῳ τῷ στρατοπέδῳ μία.

[2] διαιρεθείσης δὲ τῆς πλευρᾶς ἑκάστης κατὰ σημαίαν, τὴν μὲν κατὰ μέρος ἐπιμέλειαν οἱ ταξίαρχοι ποιοῦνται παρεστῶτες, τὴν δὲ καθόλου δοκιμασίαν τῆς πλευρᾶς δύο τῶν χιλιάρχων.

[3] ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ τὴν λοιπὴν τὴν κατὰ τὸ στρατόπεδον ἐπιμέλειαν οὗτοι ποιοῦνται· κατὰ δύο γὰρ σφᾶς αὐτοὺς διελόντες ἀνὰ μέρος τῆς ἑκμήνου τὴν δίμηνον ἄρχουσι, καὶ πάσης οἱ λαχόντες τῆς ἐν τοῖς ὑπαίθροις προΐστανται χρείας.

[4] ὁ δʼ αὐτὸς τρόπος τῆς ἀρχῆς ἐστι καὶ τῶν πραιφέκτων περὶ τοὺς συμμάχους.

[5] οἱ δʼ ἱππεῖς καὶ ταξίαρχοι πάντες ἅμα τῷ φωτὶ παραγίνονται πρὸς τὰς τῶν χιλιάρχων σκηνάς, οἱ δὲ χιλίαρχοι πρὸς τὸν ὕπατον.

[6] κἀκεῖνος μὲν τὸ κατεπεῖγον ἀεὶ παραγγέλλει τοῖς χιλιάρχοις, οἱ δὲ χιλίαρχοι τοῖς ἱππεῦσι καὶ ταξιάρχοις, οὗτοι δὲ τοῖς πολλοῖς, ὅταν ἑκάστων ὁ καιρὸς ᾖ.

[7] τὴν δὲ τοῦ νυκτερινοῦ συνθήματος παράδοσιν ἀσφαλίζονται τὸν τρόπον τοῦτον.

[8] καθʼ ἕκαστον γένος καὶ τῶν ἱππέων καὶ τῶν πεζῶν ἐκ τῆς δεκάτης σημαίας καὶ τελευταίας στρατοπεδευούσης κατὰ τὰς ῥύμας, ἐκ τούτων εἷς ἑκάστης ἀνὴρ λαμβάνεται κατʼ ἐκλογήν, ὃς τῶν μὲν κατὰ τὰς φυλακὰς λειτουργιῶν ἀπολύεται, παραγίνεται δὲ καθʼ ἡμέραν δύνοντος ἡλίου πρὸς τὴν τοῦ χιλιάρχου σκηνήν, καὶ λαβὼν τὸ σύνθημα — τοῦτο δʼ ἐστὶ πλατεῖον ἐπιγεγραμμένον —

[9] ἀπαλλάττεται πάλιν. ἀναχωρήσας δʼ ἐπὶ τὴν αὑτοῦ σημαίαν τό τε ξυλήφιον παρέδωκε καὶ τὸ σύνθημα μετὰ μαρτύρων τῷ τῆς ἐχομένης σημαίας ἡγεμόνι, παραπλησίως δὲ πάλιν οὗτος τῷ τῆς ἐχομένης.

[10] τὸ δʼ ὅμοιον ἑξῆς ποιοῦσι πάντες, ἕως ἂν ἐπὶ τὰς πρώτας καὶ σύνεγγυς τοῖς χιλιάρχοις στρατοπεδευούσας σημαίας ἐξικνῆται. τούτους δὲ δεῖ τὸ πλατεῖον ἔτι φωτὸς ὄντος ἀναφέρειν πρὸς τοὺς χιλιάρχους.

[11] κἂν μὲν ἀνενεχθῇ πάντα τὰ δοθέντα, γινώσκει διότι δέδοται τὸ σύνθημα πᾶσι καὶ διὰ πάντων εἰς αὐτὸν ἥκει·

[12] ἐὰν δʼ ἐλλείπῃ τι, παρὰ πόδας ζητεῖ τὸ γεγονός, εἰδὼς ἐκ τῆς ἐπιγραφῆς ἐκ ποίου μέρους οὐχ ἥκει τὸ πλατεῖον. οὗ δʼ ἂν εὑρεθῇ τὸ κώλυμα, τυγχάνει τῆς καθηκούσης ζημίας.

[1] τὰ δὲ περὶ τὰς νυκτερινὰς φυλακὰς οὕτως οἰκονομεῖται παρʼ αὐτοῖς.

[2] τὸν μὲν στρατηγὸν καὶ τὴν τούτου σκηνὴν ἡ παρακοιτοῦσα σημαία φυλάττει, τὰς δὲ τῶν χιλιάρχων καὶ τοὺς τῶν ἱππέων οὐλαμοὺς οἱ διατεταγμένοι κατὰ τὸν ἄρτι λόγον ἐξ ἑκάστης σημαίας.

[3] ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ παρʼ ἕκαστον τάγμα πάντες ἐξ ἑαυτῶν τιθέασι φυλακήν· τὰς δὲ λοιπὰς ὁ στρατηγὸς ἀποτάττει.

[4] γίνονται δʼ ὡς ἐπίπαν τρεῖς φυλακαὶ παρὰ τὸν ταμίαν, καὶ παρʼ ἕκαστον τῶν πρεσβευτῶν καὶ συμβούλων δύο.

[5] τὴν δʼ ἐκτὸς ἐπιφάνειαν οἱ γροσφομάχοι πληροῦσι, παρʼ ὅλον καθʼ ἡμέραν τὸν χάρακα παρακοιτοῦντες — αὕτη γὰρ ἐπιτέτακται τούτοις ἡ λειτουργία — ἐπί τε τῶν εἰσόδων ἀνὰ δέκα ποιοῦνται τούτων αὐτῶν τὰς προκοιτίας.

[6] τῶν δʼ εἰς τὰς φυλακὰς ἀποταχθέντων ἀφʼ ἑκάστου φυλακείου τὸν τὴν πρώτην μέλλοντα τηρεῖν εἷς ἐξ ἑκάστης σημαίας οὐραγὸς ἄγει πρὸς τὸν χιλίαρχον ἑσπέρας·

[7] ὁ δὲ δίδωσι τούτοις πᾶσι ξυλήφια κατὰ φυλακήν, βραχέα τελέως, ἔχοντα χαρακτῆρα. λαβόντες δʼ οὗτοι μὲν ἐπὶ τοὺς ἀποδεδειγμένους ἀπαλλάττονται τόπους.

[8] ἡ δὲ τῆς ἐφοδείας πίστις εἰς τοὺς ἱππεῖς ἀνατίθεται. δεῖ γὰρ τὸν πρῶτον ἰλάρχην καθʼ ἕκαστον στρατόπεδον ἑνὶ τῶν οὐραγῶν τῶν αὑτοῦ παραγγεῖλαι πρῲ παράγγελμα τοιοῦτον, ἵνα τέτταρσιν οὗτος ἐμφανίσῃ νεανίσκοις τῶν ἐκ τῆς ἰδίας ἴλης πρὸ ἀρίστου τοῖς μέλλουσιν ἐφοδεύειν.

[9] μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα τῷ τῆς ἐχομένης ἴλης ἡγεμόνι δεῖ τὸν αὐτὸν ἀφʼ ἑσπέρας παραγγεῖλαι διότι τούτῳ καθήκει τὰ περὶ τῆς ἐφοδείας φροντίζειν εἰς τὴν αὔριον.

[10] τοῦτον δʼ ἀκούσαντα παραπλησίως ταὐτὰ δεῖ ποιεῖν τοῖς προειρημένοις εἰς τὴν ἐπιοῦσαν ἡμέραν· ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ τοὺς ἑξῆς.

[11] οἱ δὲ προκριθέντες ὑπὸ τῶν οὐραγῶν ἐκ τῆς πρώτης ἴλης τέτταρες, ἐπειδὰν διαλάχωσι τὰς φυλακάς, πορεύονται πρὸς τὸν χιλίαρχον, καὶ γραφὴν λαμβάνουσι πόσου καὶ πόσας ἐφοδεῦσαι δεῖ φυλακάς.

[12] μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα παρακοιτοῦσιν οἱ τέτταρες παρὰ τὴν πρώτην σημαίαν τῶν τριαρίων· ὁ γὰρ ταύτης ταξίαρχος τὴν ἐπιμέλειαν ποιεῖται τοῦ κατὰ φυλακὴν

[1] βουκανᾶν. συνάψαντος δὲ τοῦ καιροῦ τὴν πρώτην ἐφοδεύει φυλακὴν ὁ ταύτην λαχών, ἔχων μεθʼ αὑτοῦ μάρτυρας τῶν φίλων.

[2] ἐπιπορεύεται δὲ τοὺς ῥηθέντας τόπους, οὐ μόνον τοὺς περὶ τὸν χάρακα καὶ τὰς εἰσόδους, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοὺς κατὰ σημαίαν ἅπαντας καὶ τοὺς κατʼ οὐλαμόν·

[3] κἂν μὲν εὕρῃ τοὺς φυλάττοντας τὴν πρώτην ἐγρηγορότας, λαμβάνει παρὰ τούτων τὸ κάρφος· ἐὰν δʼ εὕρῃ κοιμώμενον ἢ λελοιπότα τινὰ τὸν τόπον, ἐπιμαρτυράμενος τοὺς σύνεγγυς ἀπαλλάττεται.

[4] τὸ δὲ παραπλήσιον γίνεται καὶ ὑπὸ τῶν τὰς ἑξῆς φυλακὰς ἐφοδευόντων.

[5] τὴν δʼ ἐπιμέλειαν τοῦ κατὰ φυλακὴν βουκανᾶν, ὡς ἀρτίως εἶπον, ἵνα σύμφωνον ᾖ τοῖς ἐφοδεύουσι πρὸς τοὺς φυλάττοντας, οἱ τῆς πρώτης σημαίας τῶν τριαρίων ἐξ ἑκατέρου τοῦ στρατοπέδου ταξίαρχοι καθʼ ἡμέραν ποιοῦνται.

[6] τῶν δʼ ἐφόδων ἕκαστος ἅμα τῷ φωτὶ πρὸς τὸν χιλίαρχον ἀναφέρει τὸ σύνθημα. κἂν μὲν ᾖ πάντα δεδομένα, χωρὶς ἐγκλήματος ἀπαλλάττονται πάλιν· ἂν δέ τις ἐλάττω φέρῃ τοῦ πλήθους τῶν φυλακείων,

[7] ζητοῦσιν ἐκ τοῦ χαρακτῆρος ποῖον ἐκ τῶν φυλακείων λέλοιπε.

[8] τούτου δὲ γνωσθέντος καλεῖ τὸν ταξίαρχον· οὗτος δʼ ἄγει τοὺς ἀποταχθέντας εἰς τὴν φυλακήν· οὗτοι δὲ συγκρίνονται πρὸς τὸν ἔφοδον. ἐὰν μὲν οὖν ἐν τοῖς φύλαξιν ᾖ τὸ κακόν,

[9] εὐθέως δῆλός ἐστιν ὁ τὴν ἐφοδείαν ἔχων ἐπιμαρτυράμενος τοὺς σύνεγγυς· ὀφείλει γὰρ τοῦτο ποιεῖν· ἐὰν δὲ μηδὲν ᾖ τοιοῦτο γεγονός, εἰς τὸν ἔφοδον ἀναχωρεῖ

[1] τοὔγκλημα. καθίσαντος δὲ παραχρῆμα συνεδρίου τῶν χιλιάρχων κρίνεται, κἂν καταδικασθῇ, ξυλοκοπεῖται.

[2] τὸ δὲ τῆς ξυλοκοπίας ἐστὶ τοιοῦτον. λαβὼν ξύλον ὁ χιλίαρχος τούτῳ τοῦ κατακριθέντος οἷον ἥψατο μόνον,

[3] οὗ γενομένου πάντες οἱ τοῦ στρατοπέδου τύπτοντες τοῖς ξύλοις καὶ τοῖς λίθοις τοὺς μὲν πλείστους ἐν αὐτῇ τῇ στρατοπεδείᾳ καταβάλλουσι,

[4] τοῖς δʼ ἐκπεσεῖν δυναμένοις οὐδʼ ὣς ὑπάρχει σωτηρία· πῶς γάρ; οἷς οὔτʼ εἰς τὴν πατρίδα τὴν ἑαυτῶν ἐπανελθεῖν ἔξεστιν οὔτε τῶν ἀναγκαίων οὐδεὶς ἂν οἰκίᾳ τολμήσειε δέξασθαι τὸν τοιοῦτον. διὸ τελείως οἱ περιπεσόντες ἅπαξ τοιαύτῃ συμφορᾷ καταφθείρονται.

[5] τὸ δʼ αὐτὸ πάσχειν ὀφείλει τοῖς προειρημένοις ὅ τʼ οὐραγὸς καὶ [ὁ] τῆς ἴλης ἡγεμών, ἐὰν μὴ παραγγείλωσιν, ὁ μὲν τοῖς ἐφόδοις, ὁ δὲ τῷ τῆς ἐχομένης ἴλης ἡγεμόνι, τὸ δέον ἐν τῷ καθήκοντι καιρῷ.

[6] διόπερ οὕτως ἰσχυρᾶς οὔσης καὶ ἀπαραιτήτου τῆς τιμωρίας ἀδιάπτωτα γίνεται παρʼ αὐτοῖς τὰ κατὰ τὰς νυκτερινὰς φυλακάς.

[7] δεῖ δὲ προσέχειν τοὺς μὲν στρατιώτας τοῖς χιλιάρχοις, τούτους δʼ ἔτι τοῖς ὑπάτοις.

[8] κύριος δʼ ἐστὶ καὶ ζημιῶν ὁ χιλίαρχος καὶ ἐνεχυράζων καὶ μαστιγῶν, τοὺς δὲ συμμάχους οἱ πραίφεκτοι.

[9] ξυλοκοπεῖται δὲ καὶ πᾶς ὁ κλέψας τι τῶν ἐκ τοῦ στρατοπέδου, καὶ μὴν ὁ μαρτυρήσας ψευδῆ παραπλησίως, κἄν τις τῶν ἐν ἀκμῇ παραχρησάμενος εὑρεθῇ τῷ σώματι, πρὸς δὲ τούτοις ὁ τρὶς περὶ τῆς αὐτῆς αἰτίας ζημιωθείς.

[10] ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ὡς ἀδικήματα κολάζουσιν· εἰς δʼ ἀνανδρίαν τιθέασι καὶ στρατιωτικὴν αἰσχύνην τὰ τοιαῦτα τῶν ἐγκλημάτων, ἐάν τινες ψευδῆ περὶ αὑτῶν ἀνδραγαθίαν ἀπαγγείλωσι τοῖς χιλιάρχοις ἕνεκεν τοῦ τιμὰς λαβεῖν,

[11] ὁμοίως ἄν τινες εἰς ἐφεδρείαν ταχθέντες φόβου χάριν λίπωσι τὸν δοθέντα τόπον, παραπλησίως ἐάν τις ἀπορρίψῃ τι τῶν ὅπλων κατʼ αὐτὸν τὸν κίνδυνον διὰ φόβον.

[12] διὸ καί τινες μὲν ἐν ταῖς ἐφεδρείαις προδήλως ἀπόλλυνται, πολλαπλασίων αὐτοῖς ἐπιγινομένων οὐ θέλοντες λιπεῖν τὴν τάξιν, δεδιότες τὴν οἰκείαν τιμωρίαν·

[13] ἔνιοι δὲ κατʼ αὐτὸν τὸν κίνδυνον ἐκβαλόντες θυρεὸν ἢ μάχαιραν ἤ τι τῶν ἄλλων ὅπλων παραλόγως ῥίπτουσιν ἑαυτοὺς εἰς τοὺς πολεμίους, ἢ κυριεύειν ἐλπίζοντες ὧν ἀπέβαλον ἢ παθόντες τι τὴν πρόδηλον αἰσχύνην διαφεύξεσθαι καὶ τὴν τῶν οἰκείων ὕβριν.

[1] ἐὰν δέ ποτε ταὐτὰ ταῦτα περὶ πλείους συμβῇ γενέσθαι καὶ σημαίας τινὰς ὁλοσχερῶς πιεσθείσας λιπεῖν τοὺς τόπους, τὸ μὲν ἅπαντας ξυλοκοπεῖν ἢ φονεύειν ἀποδοκιμάζουσι, λύσιν δὲ τοῦ πράγματος εὑρίσκονται συμφέρουσαν ἅμα καὶ καταπληκτικήν.

[2] συναθροίσας γὰρ τὸ στρατόπεδον ὁ χιλίαρχος καὶ προαγαγὼν εἰς μέσον τοὺς λελοιπότας, κατηγορεῖ πικρῶς, καὶ τὸ τέλος ποτὲ μὲν πέντε, ποτὲ δʼ ὀκτώ, ποτὲ δʼ εἴκοσι, τὸ δʼ ὅλον πρὸς τὸ πλῆθος αἰεὶ στοχαζόμενος, ὥστε δέκατον μάλιστα γίνεσθαι τῶν ἡμαρτηκότων, τοσούτους ἐκ πάντων κληροῦται τῶν ἀποδεδειλιακότων,

[3] καὶ τοὺς μὲν λαχόντας ξυλοκοπεῖ κατὰ τὸν ἄρτι ῥηθέντα λόγον ἀπαραιτήτως, τοῖς δὲ λοιποῖς τὸ μέτρημα κριθὰς δοὺς ἀντὶ πυρῶν ἔξω κελεύει τοῦ χάρακος καὶ τῆς ἀσφαλείας ποιεῖσθαι τὴν παρεμβολήν.

[4] λοιπὸν τοῦ μὲν κινδύνου καὶ φόβου τοῦ κατὰ τὸν κλῆρον ἐπʼ ἴσον ἐπικρεμαμένου πᾶσιν, ὡς ἂν ἀδήλου τοῦ συμπτώματος ὑπάρχοντος, τοῦ δὲ παραδειγματισμοῦ τοῦ κατὰ τὴν κριθοφαγίαν ὁμοίως συμβαίνοντος περὶ πάντας, τὸ δυνατὸν ἐκ τῶν ἐθισμῶν εἴληπται καὶ πρὸς κατάπληξιν καὶ διόρθωσιν τῶν συμπτωμάτων.

[1] καλῶς δὲ καὶ τοὺς νέους ἐκκαλοῦνται πρὸς τὸ κινδυνεύειν.

[2] ἐπειδὰν γὰρ γένηταί τις χρεία καί τινες αὐτῶν ἀνδραγαθήσωσι, συναγαγὼν ὁ στρατηγὸς ἐκκλησίαν τοῦ στρατοπέδου, καὶ παραστησάμενος τοὺς δόξαντάς τι πεπραχέναι διαφέρον, πρῶτον μὲν ἐγκώμιον ὑπὲρ ἑκάστου λέγει περί τε τῆς ἀνδραγαθίας, κἄν τι κατὰ τὸν βίον αὐτοῖς ἄλλο συνυπάρχῃ τῆς ἐπʼ ἀγαθῷ μνήμης ἄξιον,

[3] μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα τῷ μὲν τρώσαντι πολέμιον γαῖσον δωρεῖται, τῷ δὲ καταβαλόντι καὶ σκυλεύσαντι, τῷ μὲν πεζῷ φιάλην, τῷ δʼ ἱππεῖ φάλαρʼ, ἐξ ἀρχῆς δὲ γαῖσον μόνον.

[4] τυγχάνει δὲ τούτων οὐκ ἐὰν ἐν παρατάξει τις ἢ πόλεως καταλήψει τρώσῃ τινὰς ἢ σκυλεύσῃ τῶν πολεμίων, ἀλλʼ ἐὰν ἐν ἀκροβολισμοῖς ἤ τισιν ἄλλοις τοιούτοις καιροῖς, ἐν οἷς μηδεμιᾶς ἀνάγκης οὔσης κατʼ ἄνδρα κινδυνεύειν αὐτοί τινες ἑκουσίως καὶ κατὰ προαίρεσιν αὑτοὺς εἰς τοῦτο διδόασι.

[5] τοῖς δὲ πόλεως καταλαμβανομένης πρώτοις ἐπὶ τὸ τεῖχος ἀναβᾶσι χρυσοῦν δίδωσι στέφανον.

[6] ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ τοὺς ὑπερασπίσαντας καὶ σώσαντάς τινας τῶν πολιτῶν ἢ συμμάχων ὅ τε στρατηγὸς ἐπισημαίνεται δώροις, οἵ τε χιλίαρχοι τοὺς σωθέντας, ἐὰν μὲν ἑκόντες ποιήσωσιν, εἰ δὲ μή, κρίναντες συναναγκάζουσι τὸν σώσαντα στεφανοῦν.

[7] σέβεται δὲ τοῦτον καὶ παρʼ ὅλον τὸν βίον ὁ σωθεὶς ὡς πατέρα, καὶ πάντα δεῖ τούτῳ ποιεῖν αὐτὸν ὡς τῷ γονεῖ.

[8] ἐκ δὲ τῆς τοιαύτης παρορμήσεως οὐ μόνον τοὺς ἀκούοντας καὶ παρόντας ἐκκαλοῦνται πρὸς τὴν ἐν τοῖς κινδύνοις ἅμιλλαν καὶ ζῆλον, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοὺς ἐν οἴκῳ μένοντας·

[9] οἱ γὰρ τυχόντες τῶν τοιούτων δωρεῶν χωρὶς τῆς ἐν τοῖς στρατοπέδοις εὐκλείας καὶ τῆς ἐν οἴκῳ παραχρῆμα φήμης καὶ μετὰ τὴν ἐπάνοδον τὴν εἰς τὴν πατρίδα τάς τε πομπὰς ἐπισήμως πομπεύουσι διὰ τὸ μόνοις ἐξεῖναι περιτίθεσθαι κόσμον τοῖς ὑπὸ τῶν στρατηγῶν ἐπʼ ἀνδραγαθίᾳ τετιμημένοις,

[10] ἔν τε ταῖς οἰκίαις κατὰ τοὺς ἐπιφανεστάτους τόπους τιθέασι τὰ σκῦλα, σημεῖα ποιούμενοι καὶ μαρτύρια τῆς ἑαυτῶν ἀρετῆς.

[11] τοιαύτης δʼ ἐπιμελείας οὔσης καὶ σπουδῆς περί τε τὰς τιμὰς καὶ τιμωρίας τὰς ἐν τοῖς στρατοπέδοις, εἰκότως καὶ τὰ τέλη τῶν πολεμικῶν πράξεων ἐπιτυχῆ καὶ λαμπρὰ γίνεται διʼ αὐτῶν.

[12] ὀψώνιον δʼ οἱ μὲν πεζοὶ λαμβάνουσι τῆς ἡμέρας δύʼ ὀβολούς, οἱ δὲ ταξίαρχοι διπλοῦν, οἱ δʼ ἱππεῖς δραχμήν.

[13] σιτομετροῦνται δʼ οἱ μὲν πεζοὶ πυρῶν Ἀττικοῦ μεδίμνου δύο μέρη μάλιστά πως, οἱ δʼ ἱππεῖς κριθῶν μὲν ἑπτὰ μεδίμνους εἰς τὸν μῆνα, πυρῶν δὲ δύο,

[14] τῶν δὲ συμμάχων οἱ μὲν πεζοὶ τὸ ἴσον, οἱ δʼ ἱππεῖς πυρῶν μὲν μέδιμνον ἕνα καὶ τρίτον μέρος, κριθῶν δὲ πέντε.

[15] δίδοται δὲ τοῖς μὲν συμμάχοις τοῦτʼ ἐν δωρεᾷ· τοῖς δὲ Ῥωμαίοις τοῦ τε σίτου καὶ τῆς ἐσθῆτος, κἄν τινος ὅπλου προσδεηθῶσι, πάντων τούτων ὁ ταμίας τὴν τεταγμένην τιμὴν ἐκ τῶν ὀψωνίων ὑπολογίζεται.

[1] τὰς δʼ ἐκ τῆς παρεμβολῆς ἀναστρατοπεδείας ποιοῦνται τὸν τρόπον τοῦτον.

[2] ὅταν τὸ πρῶτον σημήνῃ, καταλύουσι τὰς σκηνὰς καὶ συντιθέασι τὰ φορτία πάντες· οὔτε δὲ καθελεῖν ἔξεστιν οὔτʼ ἀναστῆσαι πρότερον οὐδένα τῆς τῶν χιλιάρχων καὶ τοῦ στρατηγοῦ σκηνῆς.

[3] ὅταν δὲ τὸ δεύτερον, ἀνατιθέασι τὰ σκευοφόρα τοῖς ὑποζυγίοις. ἐπὰν δὲ τὸ τρίτον σημήνῃ, προάγειν δεῖ τοὺς πρώτους καὶ κινεῖν τὴν ὅλην παρεμβολήν.

[4] εἰς μὲν οὖν τὴν πρωτοπορείαν ὡς ἐπίπαν τάττουσι τοὺς ἐπιλέκτους· τούτοις δὲ τὸ τῶν συμμάχων δεξιὸν ἐπιβάλλει κέρας· ἑξῆς δὲ τούτοις ἕπεται τὰ τῶν προειρημένων ὑποζύγια.

[5] τῇ δὲ τούτων πορείᾳ τὸ πρῶτον τῶν Ῥωμαϊκῶν ἀκολουθεῖ στρατόπεδον, ἔχον ὄπισθεν τὴν ἰδίαν ἀποσκευήν.

[6] κἄπειτα κατακολουθεῖ τὸ δεύτερον στρατόπεδον, ἑπομένων αὐτῷ τῶν ἰδίων ὑποζυγίων καὶ τῆς τῶν συμμάχων ἀποσκευῆς τῶν ἐπὶ τῆς οὐραγίας τεταγμένων τελευταῖον γὰρ ἐν τῇ πορείᾳ τάττεται τὸ τῶν συμμάχων εὐώνυμον κέρας.

[7] οἱ δʼ ἱππεῖς ποτὲ μὲν ἀπουραγοῦσι τοῖς αὑτῶν ἕκαστοι μέρεσι, ποτὲ δὲ παρὰ τὰ ὑποζύγια πλάγιοι παραπορεύονται, συνέχοντες ταῦτα καὶ τὴν ἀσφάλειαν τούτοις παρασκευάζοντες.

[8] προσδοκίας δʼ οὔσης κατὰ τὴν οὐραγίαν τὰ μὲν ἄλλα παρʼ αὐτοῖς τὸν αὐτὸν ἔχει τρόπον, αὐτοὶ δʼ οἱ τῶν συμμάχων ἐπίλεκτοι τὴν οὐραγίαν ἀντὶ τῆς πρωτοπορείας μεταλαμβάνουσι.

[9] παρὰ δὲ μίαν ἡμέραν τὰ μὲν ἡγεῖται τῶν στρατοπέδων καὶ κεράτων, τὰ δʼ αὐτὰ πάλιν ἕπεται ταῦτα κατόπιν, ἵνα τῆς περὶ τὰς ὑδρείας καὶ σιτολογίας ἀκεραιότητος πάντες ἐπʼ ἴσον κοινωνῶσι, μεταλαμβάνοντες ἀεὶ τὴν ἐπὶ τῆς πρωτοπορείας ἐναλλὰξ τάξιν.

[10] χρῶνται δὲ καὶ ἑτέρῳ γένει πορείας ἐν τοῖς ἐπισφαλέσι τῶν καιρῶν, ἐὰν ἀνα

[11] πεπταμένους ἔχωσι τόπους ἄγουσι γὰρ τριφαλαγγίαν παράλληλον τῶν ἁστάτων καὶ πριγκίπων καὶ τριαρίων, τάττοντες τὰ τῶν ἡγουμένων σημαιῶν ὑποζύγια πρὸ πάντων, ἐπὶ δὲ ταῖς πρώταις σημαίαις τὰ τῶν δευτέρων, ἐπὶ δὲ ταῖς δευτέραις τὰ τῶν τρίτων, καὶ κατὰ λόγον οὕτως ἐναλλὰξ ἀεὶ τιθέντες

[12] τὰ ὑποζύγια ταῖς σημαίαις οὕτω δὲ συντάξαντες τὴν πορείαν, ἐπειδὰν προσπίπτῃ τι τῶν δεινῶν, ποτὲ μὲν παρʼ ἀσπίδα κλίναντες, ποτὲ δʼ ἐπὶ δόρυ, προάγουσι τὰς σημαίας ἐκ τῶν ὑποζυγίων πρὸς τὴν τῶν πολεμίων ἐπιφάνειαν.

[13] λοιπὸν ἐν βραχεῖ χρόνῳ καὶ μιᾷ κινήσει τὸ μὲν τῶν ὁπλιτῶν σύστημα λαμβάνει παρατάξεως διάθεσιν, ἐὰν μή ποτε προσεξελίξαι δέῃ τοὺς ἁστάτους,

[14] τὸ δὲ τῶν ὑποζυγίων καὶ τῶν παρεπομένων τούτοις πλῆθος, ὑπὸ τοὺς παρατεταγμένους ὑπεσταλκός, ἔχει τὴν καθήκουσαν χώραν πρὸς τὸν κίνδυνον.

[1] ὅταν δὲ κατὰ τὰς πορείας ἐγγίζωσι στρατοπεδεύειν, προπορεύονται χιλίαρχος καὶ τῶν ταξιάρχων οἱ πρὸς τοῦτο τὸ μέρος ἀεὶ προχειρισθέντες,

[2] οἵτινες ἐπειδὰν συνθεάσωνται τὸν ὅλον τόπον, οὗ δεῖ στρατοπεδεύειν, ἐν αὐτῷ τούτῳ πρῶτον μὲν διέλαβον τὴν τοῦ στρατηγοῦ σκηνὴν οὗ δεήσει θεῖναι κατὰ τὸν ἄρτι λόγον, καὶ παρὰ ποίαν ἐπιφάνειαν καὶ πλευρὰν τῆς περὶ τὴν σκηνὴν περιστάσεως παρεμβαλεῖν τὰ στρατόπεδα·

[3] τούτων δὲ προκριθέντων διαμετροῦνται τὴν περίστασιν τῆς σκηνῆς, μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα τὴν εὐθεῖαν, ἐφʼ ἧς αἱ σκηναὶ τίθενται τῶν χιλιάρχων, ἑξῆς δὲ τὴν ταύτης παράλληλον, ἀφʼ ἧς ἄρχεται τὰ στρατόπεδα παρεμβάλλειν.

[4] ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ τὰ ἐπὶ θάτερα μέρη τῆς σκηνῆς κατεμετρήσαντο γραμμαῖς, περὶ ὧν ὑπεδείξαμεν ἄρτι διὰ πλειόνων κατὰ μέρος.

[5] γενομένων δὲ τούτων ἐν βραχεῖ χρόνῳ διὰ τὸ ῥᾳδίαν εἶναι τὴν καταμέτρησιν, ὡς ἁπάντων ὡρισμένων καὶ συνήθων ὄντων διαστημάτων,

[6] μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα σημαίαν ἔπηξαν μίαν μὲν καὶ πρώτην, ἐν ᾧ δεῖ τόπῳ τίθεσθαι τὴν τοῦ στρατηγοῦ σκηνήν, δευτέραν δὲ τὴν ἐπὶ τῆς προκριθείσης πλευρᾶς, τρίτην ἐπὶ μέσης τῆς γραμμῆς ἐφʼ ἧς οἱ χιλίαρχοι σκηνοῦσι, τετάρτην, παρʼ ἣν τίθενται τὰ στρατόπεδα. καὶ ταύτας μὲν ποιοῦσι φοινικιᾶς,

[7] τὴν δὲ τοῦ στρατηγοῦ λευκήν. τὰ δʼ ἐπὶ θάτερα ποτὲ μὲν ψιλὰ δόρατα πηγνύουσι, ποτὲ δὲ σημαίας ἐκ τῶν ἄλλων χρωμάτων.

[8] γενομένων δὲ τούτων ἑξῆς τὰς ῥύμας διεμέτρησαν καὶ δόρατα κατέπηξαν ἐφʼ ἑκάστης ῥύμης.

[9] ἐξ ὧν εἰκότως, ὅταν ἐγγίσῃ τὰ στρατόπεδα κατὰ τὰς πορείας καὶ γένητʼ εὐσύνοπτος ὁ τόπος τῆς παρεμβολῆς, εὐθέως ἅπαντα γίνεται πᾶσι γνώριμα, τεκμαιρομένοις καὶ συλλογιζομένοις ἀπὸ τῆς τοῦ στρατηγοῦ σημαίας.

[10] λοιπὸν ἑκάστου σαφῶς γινώσκοντος ἐν ποίᾳ ῥύμῃ καὶ ποίῳ τόπῳ τῆς ῥύμης σκηνοῖ διὰ τὸ πάντας ἀεὶ τὸν αὐτὸν ἐπέχειν τῆς στρατοπεδείας, γίνεταί τι παραπλήσιον, οἷον ὅταν εἰς πόλιν εἰσίῃ στρατόπεδον ἐγχώριον.

[11] καὶ γὰρ ἐκεῖ διακλίναντες ἀπὸ τῶν πυλῶν εὐθέως ἕκαστοι προάγουσι καὶ παραγίνονται πρὸς τὰς ἰδίας οἰκήσεις ἀδιαπτώτως, διὰ τὸ καθόλου καὶ κατὰ μέρος γινώσκειν ποῦ τῆς πόλεώς ἐστιν αὐτοῖς ἡ κατάλυσις.

[12] τὸ δὲ παραπλήσιον τούτοις καὶ περὶ τὰς Ῥωμαϊκὰς συμβαίνει στρατοπεδείας.

[1] ἧι δοκοῦσι Ῥωμαῖοι καταδιώκοντες τὴν ἐν τούτοις εὐχέρειαν τὴν ἐναντίαν ὁδὸν πορεύεσθαι τοῖς Ἕλλησι κατὰ τοῦτο τὸ μέρος.

[2] οἱ μὲν γὰρ Ἕλληνες ἐν τῷ στρατοπεδεύειν ἡγοῦνται κυριώτατον τὸ κατακολουθεῖν ταῖς ἐξ αὐτῶν τῶν τόπων ὀχυρότησιν, ἅμα μὲν ἐκκλίνοντες τὴν περὶ τὰς ταφρείας ταλαιπωρίαν, ἅμα δὲ νομίζοντες οὐχ ὁμοίας εἶναι τὰς χειροποιήτους ἀσφαλείας ταῖς ἐξ αὐτῆς τῆς φύσεως ἐπὶ τῶν τόπων ὑπαρχούσαις ὀχυρότησι.

[3] διὸ καὶ κατά τε τὴν τῆς ὅλης παρεμβολῆς θέσιν πᾶν ἀναγκάζονται σχῆμα μεταλαμβάνειν, ἑπόμενοι τοῖς τόποις, τά τε μέρη μεταλλάττειν ἄλλοτε πρὸς ἄλλους καὶ ἀκαταλλήλους τόπους·

[4] ἐξ ὧν ἄστατον ὑπάρχειν συμβαίνει καὶ τὸν κατʼ ἰδίαν καὶ τὸν κατὰ μέρος ἑκάστῳ τόπον τῆς στρατοπεδείας.

[5] Ῥωμαῖοι δὲ τὴν περὶ τὰς τάφρους ταλαιπωρίαν καὶ τἄλλα τὰ παρεπόμενα τούτοις ὑπομένειν αἱροῦνται χάριν τῆς εὐχερείας καὶ τοῦ γνώριμον καὶ μίαν ἔχειν καὶ τὴν αὐτὴν αἰεὶ παρεμβολήν.

[6] τὰ μὲν οὖν ὁλοσχερέστερα μέρη τῆς περὶ τὰ στρατόπεδα θεωρίας, καὶ μάλιστα περὶ τὰς παρεμβολάς, ταῦτʼ ἔστιν. [ ξοδ. υρβ. ϝ. π. 264, 17 ηαβετ ηαεξ ξυμ αντεξεδεντιβυς αρξτε ξοηαερεντια εχξ. αντ. π. 180.]

ϝιι. ρει πυβλιξαε ρομαναε ξυμ αλιις ξολλατιο

[1] σχεδὸν δὴ πάντες οἱ συγγραφεῖς περὶ τούτων ἡμῖν τῶν πολιτευμάτων παραδεδώκασι τὴν ἐπʼ ἀρετῇ φήμην, περί τε τοῦ Λακεδαιμονίων καὶ Κρητῶν καὶ Μαντινέων, ἔτι δὲ Καρχηδονίων· ἔνιοι δὲ καὶ περὶ τῆς Ἀθηναίων καὶ Θηβαίων πολιτείας πεποίηνται μνήμην.

[2] ἐγὼ δὲ ταύτας μὲν ἐῶ, τὴν γὰρ Ἀθηναίων καὶ Θηβαίων οὐ πάνυ τι πολλοῦ προσδεῖσθαι πέπεισμαι λόγου διὰ τὸ μήτε τὰς αὐξήσεις ἐσχηκέναι κατὰ λόγον μήτε τὰς ἀκμὰς ἐπιμόνους, μήτε τὰς μεταβολὰς ἐνηλλαχέναι μετρίως,

[3] ἀλλʼ ὥσπερ ἐκ προσπαίου τινὸς τύχης σὺν καιρῷ λάμψαντας, τὸ δὴ λεγόμενον, ἔτι δοκοῦντας ἀκμὴν καὶ μέλλοντας εὐτυχεῖν, τῆς ἐναντίας πεῖραν εἰληφέναι μεταβολῆς.

[4] Θηβαῖοι μὲν γὰρ τῇ Λακεδαιμονίων ἀγνοίᾳ καὶ τῷ τῶν συμμάχων πρὸς αὐτοὺς μίσει συνεπιθέμενοι, διὰ τὴν ἑνὸς ἀνδρὸς ἀρετὴν ἢ καὶ δευτέρου, τῶν τὰ προειρημένα συνιδόντων, περιεποιήσαντο παρὰ τοῖς Ἕλλησι τὴν ἐπʼ ἀρετῇ φήμην.

[5] ὅτι γὰρ οὐχ ἡ τῆς πολιτείας σύστασις αἰτία τότʼ ἐγένετο Θηβαίοις τῶν εὐτυχημάτων, ἀλλʼ ἡ τῶν προεστώτων ἀνδρῶν ἀρετή, παρὰ πόδας ἡ τύχη τοῦτο πᾶσιν ἐποίησε δῆλον·

[6] καὶ γὰρ συνηυξήθη καὶ συνήκμασε καὶ συγκατελύθη τὰ Θηβαίων ἔργα τῷ τʼ Ἐπαμινώνδου καὶ τῷ Πελοπίδου βίῳ προφανῶς.

[7] ἐξ ὧν οὐ τὴν πολιτείαν αἰτίαν, ἀλλὰ τοὺς ἄνδρας ἡγητέον τῆς τότε

[1] γενομένης περὶ τὴν Θηβαίων πόλιν ἐπιφανείας. τὸ δὲ παραπλήσιον καὶ περὶ τῆς Ἀθηναίων πολιτείας διαληπτέον.

[2] καὶ γὰρ αὕτη πλεονάκις μὲν ἴσως, ἐκφανέστατα δὲ τῇ Θεμιστοκλέους ἀρετῇ συνανθήσασα ταχέως τῆς ἐναντίας μεταβολῆς ἔλαβε πεῖραν διὰ τὴν ἀνωμαλίαν τῆς φύσεως.

[3] ἀεὶ γάρ ποτε τὸν τῶν Ἀθηναίων δῆμον παραπλήσιον εἶναι συμβαίνει τοῖς ἀδεσπότοις σκάφεσι.

[4] καὶ γὰρ ἐπʼ ἐκείνων, ὅταν μὲν ἢ διὰ πελαγῶν φόβον ἢ διὰ περίστασιν χειμῶνος ὁρμὴ παραστῇ τοῖς ἐπιβάταις συμφρονεῖν καὶ προσέχειν τὸν νοῦν τῷ κυβερνήτῃ, γίνεται τὸ δέον ἐξ αὐτῶν διαφερόντως·

[5] ὅταν δὲ θαρρήσαντες ἄρξωνται καταφρονεῖν τῶν προεστώτων καὶ στασιάζειν πρὸς ἀλλήλους διὰ τὸ μηκέτι δοκεῖν πᾶσι ταὐτά,

[6] τότε δὴ τῶν μὲν ἔτι πλεῖν προαιρουμένων, τῶν δὲ κατεπειγόντων ὁρμίζειν τὸν κυβερνήτην, καὶ τῶν μὲν ἐκσειόντων τοὺς κάλους, τῶν δʼ ἐπιλαμβανομένων καὶ στέλλεσθαι παρακελευομένων, αἰσχρὰ μὲν πρόσοψις γίνεται τοῖς ἔξωθεν θεωμένοις διὰ τὴν ἐν ἀλλήλοις διαφορὰν καὶ στάσιν, ἐπισφαλὴς δʼ ἡ διάθεσις τοῖς μετασχοῦσι καὶ κοινωνήσασι τοῦ πλοῦ·

[7] διὸ καὶ πολλάκις διαφυγόντες τὰ μέγιστα πελάγη καὶ τοὺς ἐπιφανεστάτους χειμῶνας ἐν τοῖς λιμέσι καὶ πρὸς τῇ γῇ ναυαγοῦσιν.

[8] ὃ δὴ καὶ τῇ τῶν Ἀθηναίων πολιτείᾳ πλεονάκις ἤδη συμβέβηκε· διωσαμένη γὰρ ἐνίοτε τὰς μεγίστας καὶ δεινοτάτας περιστάσεις διά τε τὴν τοῦ δήμου καὶ τὴν τῶν προεστώτων ἀρετὴν ἐν ταῖς ἀπεριστάτοις ῥᾳστώναις εἰκῇ πως καὶ ἀλόγως ἐνίοτε σφάλλεται.

[9] διὸ καὶ περὶ μὲν ταύτης τε καὶ τῆς τῶν Θηβαίων οὐδὲν δεῖ πλείω λέγειν, ἐν αἷς ὄχλος χειρίζει τὰ ὅλα κατὰ τὴν ἰδίαν ὁρμήν, ὁ μὲν ὀξύτητι καὶ πικρίᾳ διαφέρων, ὁ δὲ βίᾳ καὶ θυμῷ συμπεπαιδευμένος.

[1] ἐπὶ δὲ τὴν Κρηταιῶν μεταβάντας ἄξιον ἐπιστῆσαι κατὰ δύο τρόπους πῶς οἱ λογιώτατοι τῶν ἀρχαίων συγγραφέων, Ἔφορος, Ξενοφῶν, Καλλισθένης, Πλάτων, πρῶτον μὲν ὁμοίαν εἶναί φασι καὶ τὴν αὐτὴν τῇ Λακεδαιμονίων, δεύτερον δʼ ἐπαινετὴν ὑπάρχουσαν ἀποφαίνουσιν·

[2] ὧν οὐδέτερον ἀληθὲς εἶναί μοι δοκεῖ.

[3] σκοπεῖν δʼ ἐκ τούτων πάρεστι. καὶ πρῶτον ὑπὲρ τῆς ἀνομοιότητος διέξιμεν. τῆς μὲν δὴ Λακεδαιμονίων πολιτείας ἴδιον εἶναί φασι πρῶτον μὲν τὰ περὶ τὰς ἐγγαίους κτήσεις, ὧν οὐδενὶ μέτεστι πλεῖον, ἀλλὰ πάντας τοὺς πολίτας ἴσον ἔχειν δεῖ τῆς πολιτικῆς χώρας,

[4] δεύτερον τὰ περὶ τὴν τοῦ διαφόρου κτῆσιν, ἧς εἰς τέλος ἀδοκίμου παρʼ αὐτοῖς ὑπαρχούσης ἄρδην ἐκ τῆς πολιτείας ἀνῃρῆσθαι συμβαίνει τὴν περὶ τὸ πλεῖον καὶ τοὔλαττον φιλοτιμίαν.

[5] τρίτον παρὰ Λακεδαιμονίοις οἱ μὲν βασιλεῖς ἀΐδιον ἔχουσι τὴν ἀρχήν, οἱ δὲ προσαγορευόμενοι γέροντες διὰ βίου, διʼ ὧν καὶ μεθʼ ὧν πάντα

[1] χειρίζεται τὰ κατὰ τὴν πολιτείαν. παρὰ δὲ Κρηταιεῦσι πάντα τούτοις ὑπάρχει τἀναντία· τήν τε γὰρ χώραν κατὰ δύναμιν αὐτοῖς ἐφιᾶσιν οἱ νόμοι, τὸ δὴ λεγόμενον,

[2] εἰς ἄπειρον κτᾶσθαι, τό τε διάφορον ἐκτετίμηται παρʼ αὐτοῖς ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον ὥστε μὴ μόνον ἀναγκαίαν, ἀλλὰ καὶ καλλίστην εἶναι δοκεῖν τὴν τούτου κτῆσιν.

[3] καθόλου θʼ ὁ περὶ τὴν αἰσχροκέρδειαν καὶ πλεονεξίαν τρόπος οὕτως ἐπιχωριάζει παρʼ αὐτοῖς ὥστε παρὰ μόνοις Κρηταιεῦσι τῶν ἁπάντων ἀνθρώπων μηδὲν αἰσχρὸν νομίζεσθαι κέρδος.

[4] καὶ μὴν τὰ κατὰ τὰς ἀρχὰς ἐπέτεια παρʼ αὐτοῖς ἐστι καὶ δημοκρατικὴν ἔχει διάθεσιν.

[5] ὥστε πολλάκις διαπορεῖν πῶς ἡμῖν περὶ τῶν τὴν ἐναντίαν φύσιν ἐχόντων ὡς οἰκείων καὶ συγγενῶν ὄντων ἀλλήλοις ἐξηγγέλκασι.

[6] καὶ χωρὶς τοῦ παραβλέπειν τὰς τηλικαύτας διαφορὰς καὶ πολὺν δή τινα λόγον ἐν ἐπιμέτρῳ διατίθενται, φάσκοντες τὸν Λυκοῦργον μόνον τῶν γεγονότων τὰ συνέχοντα τεθεωρηκέναι·

[7] δυεῖν γὰρ ὄντων, διʼ ὧν σῴζεται πολίτευμα πᾶν, τῆς πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους ἀνδρείας καὶ τῆς πρὸς σφᾶς αὐτοὺς ὁμονοίας, ἀνῃρηκότα τὴν πλεονεξίαν ἅμα ταύτῃ συνανῃρηκέναι πᾶσαν ἐμφύλιον διαφορὰν καὶ στάσιν·

[8] ᾗ καὶ Λακεδαιμονίους, ἐκτὸς ὄντας τῶν κακῶν τούτων, κάλλιστα τῶν Ἑλλήνων τὰ πρὸς σφᾶς αὐτοὺς πολιτεύεσθαι καὶ συμφρονεῖν ταὐτά.

[9] ταῦτα δʼ ἀποφηνάμενοι, καὶ θεωροῦντες ἐκ παραθέσεως Κρηταιεῖς διὰ τὴν ἔμφυτον σφίσι πλεονεξίαν ἐν πλείσταις ἰδίᾳ καὶ κατὰ κοινὸν στάσεσι καὶ φόνοις καὶ πολέμοις ἐμφυλίοις ἀναστρεφομένους, οὐδὲν οἴονται πρὸς σφᾶς εἶναι, θαρροῦσι δὲ λέγειν ὡς ὁμοίων ὄντων τῶν πολιτευμάτων.

[10] ὁ δʼ Ἔφορος χωρὶς τῶν ὀνομάτων καὶ ταῖς λέξεσι κέχρηται ταῖς αὐταῖς, ὑπὲρ ἑκατέρας ποιούμενος τῆς πολιτείας ἐξήγησιν, ὥστʼ, εἴ τις μὴ τοῖς κυρίοις ὀνόμασι προσέχοι, κατὰ μηδένα τρόπον ἂν δύνασθαι διαγνῶναι περὶ ὁποτέρας ποιεῖται τὴν διήγησιν.

ἧι μὲν οὖν μοι δοκοῦσι διαφέρειν ἀλλήλων,

[11] ταῦτʼ ἔστιν ᾗ δὲ πάλιν οὔτʼ ἐπαινετὴν οὔτε ζηλωτὴν ἡγούμεθʼ εἶναι τὴν Κρητικὴν πολιτείαν, νῦν

[1] ἤδη διέξιμεν. ἐγὼ γὰρ οἶμαι δύʼ ἀρχὰς εἶναι πάσης πολιτείας, διʼ ὧν αἱρετὰς ἢ φευκτὰς συμβαίνει γίνεσθαι τάς τε δυνάμεις αὐτῶν καὶ τὰς συστάσεις· αὗται δʼ εἰσὶν ἔθη καὶ νόμοι·

[2] ὧν τὰ μὲν αἱρετὰ τούς τε κατʼ ἰδίαν βίους τῶν ἀνθρώπων ὁσίους ἀποτελεῖ καὶ σώφρονας τό τε κοινὸν ἦθος τῆς πόλεως ἥμερον ἀπεργάζεται καὶ δίκαιον, τὰ δὲ φευκτὰ τοὐναντίον.

[3] ὥσπερ οὖν, ὅταν τοὺς ἐθισμοὺς καὶ νόμους κατίδωμεν παρά τισι σπουδαίους ὑπάρχοντας, θαρροῦντες ἀποφαινόμεθα καὶ τοὺς ἄνδρας ἐκ τούτων ἔσεσθαι καὶ τὴν τούτων πολιτείαν σπουδαίαν,

[4] οὕτως, ὅταν τούς τε κατʼ ἰδίαν βίους τινῶν πλεονεκτικοὺς τάς τε κοινὰς πράξεις ἀδίκους θεωρήσωμεν, δῆλον ὡς εἰκὸς λέγειν καὶ τοὺς νόμους καὶ τὰ κατὰ μέρος ἤθη καὶ τὴν ὅλην πολιτείαν αὐτῶν εἶναι φαύλην.

[5] καὶ μὴν οὔτε κατʼ ἰδίαν ἤθη δολιώτερα Κρηταιέων εὕροι τις ἂν πλὴν τελείως ὀλίγων οὔτε κατὰ κοινὸν ἐπιβολὰς ἀδικωτέρας.

[6] διόπερ οὔθʼ ὁμοίαν αὐτὴν ἡγούμενοι τῇ Λακεδαιμονίων οὔτε μὴν ἄλλως αἱρετὴν οὔτε ζηλωτὴν ἀποδοκιμάζομεν ἐκ τῆς προειρημένης συγκρίσεως.

[7] καὶ μὴν οὐδὲ τὴν Πλάτωνος πολιτείαν δίκαιον παρεισαγαγεῖν, ἐπειδὴ καὶ ταύτην τινὲς τῶν φιλοσόφων ἐξυμνοῦσιν.

[8] ὥσπερ γὰρ οὐδὲ τῶν τεχνιτῶν ἢ τῶν ἀθλητῶν τούς γε μὴ νενεμημένους ἢ σεσωμασκηκότας παρίεμεν εἰς τοὺς ἀθλητικοὺς ἀγῶνας, οὕτως οὐδὲ ταύτην χρὴ παρεισαγαγεῖν εἰς τὴν τῶν πρωτείων ἅμιλλαν, ἐὰν μὴ πρότερον ἐπιδείξηταί τι τῶν ἑαυτῆς ἔργων ἀληθινῶς.

[9] μέχρι δὲ τοῦ νῦν παραπλήσιος ἂν ὁ περὶ αὐτῆς φανείη λόγος, ἀγομένης εἰς σύγκρισιν πρὸς τὴν Σπαρτιατῶν καὶ Ῥωμαίων καὶ Καρχηδονίων πολιτείαν, ὡς ἂν εἰ τῶν ἀγαλμάτων τις ἓν προθέμενος τοῦτο συγκρίνοι τοῖς ζῶσι καὶ πεπνυμένοις ἀνδράσι.

[10] καὶ γὰρ ἂν ὅλως ἐπαινετὸν ὑπάρχῃ κατὰ τὴν τέχνην, τήν γε σύγκρισιν τῶν ἀψύχων τοῖς ἐμψύχοις ἐνδεῆ καὶ τελείως ἀπεμφαίνουσαν εἰκὸς προσπίπτειν τοῖς θεωμένοις.

[1] διόπερ ἀφέμενοι τούτων ἐπὶ τὴν Λακωνικὴν ἐπάνιμεν πολιτείαν.

[2] δοκεῖ δή μοι Λυκοῦργος πρὸς μὲν τὸ σφίσιν ὁμονοεῖν τοὺς πολίτας καὶ πρὸς τὸ τὴν Λακωνικὴν τηρεῖν ἀσφαλῶς, ἔτι δὲ τὴν ἐλευθερίαν διαφυλάττειν τῇ Σπάρτῃ βεβαίως, οὕτως νενομοθετηκέναι καὶ προνενοῆσθαι καλῶς ὥστε θειοτέραν τὴν ἐπίνοιαν ἢ κατʼ ἄνθρωπον αὐτοῦ νομίζειν.

[3] ἡ μὲν γὰρ περὶ τὰς κτήσεις ἰσότης καὶ περὶ τὴν δίαιταν ἀφέλεια καὶ κοινότης σώφρονας μὲν ἔμελλε τοὺς κατʼ ἰδίαν βίους παρασκευάζειν, ἀστασίαστον δὲ τὴν κοινὴν παρέξεσθαι πολιτείαν, ἡ δὲ πρὸς τοὺς πόνους καὶ πρὸς τὰ δεινὰ τῶν ἔργων ἄσκησις ἀλκίμους καὶ γενναίους ἀποτελέσειν ἄνδρας.

[4] ἑκατέρων δὲ τούτων ὁμοῦ συνδραμόντων εἰς μίαν ψυχὴν ἢ πόλιν, ἀνδρείας καὶ σωφροσύνης, οὐτʼ ἐξ αὐτῶν φῦναι κακίαν εὐμαρὲς οὔθʼ ὑπὸ τῶν πέλας χειρωθῆναι ῥᾴδιον.

[5] διόπερ οὕτως καὶ διὰ τούτων συστησάμενος τὴν πολιτείαν, βεβαίαν μὲν τῇ συμπάσῃ Λακωνικῇ παρεσκεύασε τὴν ἀσφάλειαν, πολυχρόνιον δὲ τοῖς Σπαρτιάταις αὐτοῖς ἀπέλιπε τὴν ἐλευθερίαν.

[6] πρὸς μέντοι γε τὴν τῶν πέλας κατάκτησιν καὶ πρὸς ἡγεμονίαν καὶ καθόλου πρὸς πραγμάτων ἀμφισβήτησιν οὔτʼ ἐν τοῖς κατὰ μέρος οὔτʼ ἐν τοῖς ὅλοις δοκεῖ μοι προνοηθῆναι καθάπαξ οὐδέν.

[7] λοιπὸν ἦν τοιαύτην τινὰ παρεισαγαγεῖν [δεῖ] τοῖς πολίταις ἀνάγκην ἢ πρόθεσιν, διʼ ἧς ὥσπερ καὶ περὶ τοὺς κατʼ ἰδίαν βίους αὐτάρκεις αὐτοὺς παρεσκεύασε καὶ λιτούς, οὕτως καὶ τὸ κοινὸν ἔθος τῆς πόλεως αὔταρκες ἔμελλε γίνεσθαι καὶ σῶφρον.

[8] νῦν δʼ ἀφιλοτιμοτάτους καὶ νουνεχεστάτους ποιήσας περί τε τοὺς ἰδίους βίου, καὶ τὰ τῆς σφετέρας πόλεως νόμιμα, πρὸς τοὺς ἄλλους Ἕλληνας φιλοτιμοτάτους καὶ φιλαρχοτάτους καὶ πλεονεκτικωτάτους ἀπέλιπε.

[1] τοῦτο μὲν γὰρ τίς οὐκ οἶδε διότι πρῶτοι σχεδὸν τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἐπιθυμήσαντες τῆς τῶν ἀστυγειτόνων χώρας διὰ πλεονεξίαν ἐπʼ ἐξανδραποδισμῷ Μεσσηνίοις πόλεμον ἐξήνεγκαν;

[2] τοῦτο δὲ τίς οὐχ ἱστόρηκεν ὡς διὰ φιλονεικίαν ἐνόρκους σφᾶς ἐποίησαν μὴ πρόσθεν λύσειν τὴν πολιορκίαν πρὶν ἢ κατὰ κράτος ἑλεῖν τὴν Μεσσήνην;

[3] καὶ μὴν τοῦτο γνώριμον ὑπάρχει πᾶσιν, ὡς διὰ τὴν ἐν τοῖς Ἕλλησι φιλαρχίαν, οὓς ἐνίκησαν μαχόμενοι, τούτοις αὖτις ὑπέμειναν ποιεῖν τὸ προσταττόμενον.

[4] ἐπιπορευομένους μὲν γὰρ τοὺς Πέρσας ἐνίκων διαγωνιζόμενοι περὶ τῆς τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἐλευθερίας·

[5] ἐπανελθοῦσι δὲ καὶ φυγοῦσι προύδωκαν ἐκδότους τὰς Ἑλληνίδας πόλεις κατὰ τὴν ἐπʼ Ἀνταλκίδου γενομένην εἰρήνην χάριν τοῦ χρημάτων εὐπορῆσαι πρὸς τὴν κατὰ τῶν Ἑλλήνων δυναστείαν,

[6] ὅτε δὴ καὶ τὸ τῆς νομοθεσίας ἐλλιπὲς συνώφθη παρʼ αὐτοῖς.

[7] ἕως μὲν γὰρ τῆς τῶν ἀστυγειτόνων, ἔτι δὲ τῆς Πελοποννησίων αὐτῶν ἀρχῆς ἐφίεντο, συνεξεποιοῦντο ταῖς ἐκ τῆς Λακωνικῆς αὐτῆς ἐπαρκείαις καὶ χορηγίαις, προχείρους μὲν ἔχοντες τὰς τῶν ἐπιτηδείων παρασκευάς, ταχείας δὲ ποιούμενοι τὰς εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν ἐπανόδους καὶ παρακομιδάς.

[8] ἐπεὶ δὲ στόλους μὲν ἐπεβάλλοντο κατὰ θάλατταν ἐκπέμπειν, στρατεύειν δὲ πεζικοῖς στρατοπέδοις ἔξω Πελοποννήσου, δῆλον ὡς οὔτε τὸ νόμισμα τὸ σιδηροῦν οὔθʼ ἡ τῶν ἐπετείων καρπῶν ἀλλαγὴ πρὸς τὰ λείποντα τῆς χρείας ἔμελλεν αὐτοῖς ἐξαρκεῖν κατὰ τὴν Λυκούργου νομοθεσίαν·

[9] προσεδεῖτο γὰρ τὰ πράγματα κοινοῦ νομίσματος καὶ ξενικῆς παρασκευῆς.

[10] ὅθεν ἠναγκάσθησαν ἐπὶ θύρας μὲν πορεύεσθαι τὰς Περσῶν, φόρους δὲ τοῖς νησιώταις ἐπιτάττειν, ἀργυρολογεῖν δὲ πάντας τοὺς Ἕλληνας, γνόντες ὡς οὐχ οἷόν τε κατὰ τὴν Λυκούργου νομοθεσίαν οὐχ ὅτι τῆς τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἡγεμονίας, ἀλλʼ οὐδὲ πραγμάτων ἀντιποιεῖσθαι τὸ παράπαν.

[1] τίνος οὖν χάριν εἰς ταῦτα παρεξέβην; ἵνα γένηται διʼ αὐτῶν τῶν πραγμάτων συμφανὲς ὅτι πρὸς μὲν τὸ τὰ σφέτερα βεβαίως διαφυλάττειν καὶ πρὸς τὸ τὴν ἐλευθερίαν τηρεῖν αὐτάρκης ἐστὶν ἡ Λυκούργου νομοθεσία,

[2] καὶ τοῖς γε τοῦτο τὸ τέλος ἀποδεχομένοις τῆς πολιτείας συγχωρητέον ὡς οὔτʼ ἔστιν οὔτε γέγονεν οὐδὲν αἱρετώτερον τοῦ Λακωνικοῦ καταστήματος καὶ συντάγματος.

[3] εἰ δέ τις μειζόνων ἐφίεται, κἀκείνου κάλλιον καὶ σεμνότερον εἶναι νομίζει τὸ πολλῶν μὲν ἡγεῖσθαι, πολλῶν δʼ ἐπικρατεῖν καὶ δεσπόζειν, πάντας δʼ εἰς αὐτὸν ἀποβλέπειν καὶ νεύειν πρὸς αὐτόν,

[4] τῇδέ πῃ συγχωρητέον τὸ μὲν Λακωνικὸν ἐνδεὲς εἶναι πολίτευμα, τὸ δὲ Ῥωμαίων διαφέρειν καὶ δυναμικωτέραν ἔχειν τὴν σύστασιν.

[5] δῆλον δὲ τοῦτʼ ἐξ αὐτῶν γέγονε τῶν πραγμάτων. Λακεδαιμόνιοι μὲν γὰρ ὁρμήσαντες ἐπὶ τὸ κατακτᾶσθαι τὴν τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἡγεμονίαν, ταχέως ἐκινδύνευσαν καὶ περὶ τῆς σφετέρας ἐλευθερίας·

[6] Ῥωμαῖοι δὲ τῆς Ἰταλιωτῶν αὐτῶν ἐπιλαβόμενοι δυναστείας, ἐν ὀλίγῳ χρόνῳ πᾶσαν ὑφʼ ἑαυτοὺς ἐποιήσαντο τὴν οἰκουμένην, οὐ μικρὰ πρὸς τὸ καθικέσθαι τῆς πράξεως ταύτης συμβαλλομένης αὐτοῖς τῆς εὐπορίας καὶ τῆς ἑτοιμότητος τῆς κατὰ τὰς χορηγίας.

[1] τὸ δὲ Καρχηδονίων πολίτευμα τὸ μὲν ἀνέκαθέν μοι δοκεῖ καλῶς κατά γε τὰς ὁλοσχερεῖς διαφορὰς συνεστάσθαι.

[2] καὶ γὰρ βασιλεῖς ἦσαν παρʼ αὐτοῖς, καὶ τὸ γερόντιον εἶχε τὴν ἀριστοκρατικὴν ἐξουσίαν, καὶ τὸ πλῆθος ἦν κύριον τῶν καθηκόντων αὐτῷ· καθόλου δὲ τὴν τῶν ὅλων ἁρμογὴν εἶχε παραπλησίαν τῇ Ῥωμαίων καὶ Λακεδαιμονίων.

[3] κατά γε μὴν τοὺς καιροὺς τούτους, καθʼ οὓς εἰς τὸν Ἀννιβιακὸν ἐνέβαινε πόλεμον, χεῖρον ἦν τὸ Καρχηδονίων, ἄμεινον δὲ τὸ Ῥωμαίων.

[4] ἐπειδὴ γὰρ παντὸς καὶ σώματος καὶ πολιτείας καὶ πράξεώς ἐστί τις αὔξησις κατὰ φύσιν, μετὰ δὲ ταύτην ἀκμή, κἄπειτα φθίσις, κράτιστα δʼ αὑτῶν ἐστι πάντα τὰ κατὰ τὴν ἀκμήν, παρὰ τοῦτο καὶ τότε διέφερεν ἀλλήλων τὰ πολιτεύματα.

[5] καθʼ ὅσον γὰρ ἡ Καρχηδονίων πρότερον ἴσχυε καὶ πρότερον εὐτύχει τῆς Ῥωμαίων, κατὰ τοσοῦτον ἡ μὲν Καρχηδὼν ἤδη τότε παρήκμαζεν, ἡ δὲ Ῥώμη μάλιστα τότʼ εἶχε τὴν ἀκμὴν κατά γε τὴν τῆς πολιτείας σύστασιν.

[6] διὸ καὶ τὴν πλείστην δύναμιν ἐν τοῖς διαβουλίοις παρὰ μὲν Καρχηδονίοις ὁ δῆμος ἤδη μετειλήφει, παρὰ δὲ Ῥωμαίοις ἀκμὴν εἶχεν ἡ σύγκλητος.

[7] ὅθεν παρʼ οἷς μὲν τῶν πολλῶν βουλευομένων, παρʼ οἷς δὲ τῶν ἀρίστων, κατίσχυε τὰ Ῥωμαίων διαβούλια περὶ τὰς κοινὰς πράξεις.

[8] ᾗ καὶ πταίσαντες τοῖς ὅλοις τῷ βουλεύεσθαι καλῶς τέλος ἐπεκράτησαν τῷ πολέμῳ τῶν Καρχηδονίων.

[1] τά γε μὴν κατὰ μέρος, οἷον εὐθέως τὰ πρὸς τὰς πολεμικὰς χρείας, τὸ μὲν πρὸς τὰς κατὰ θάλατταν, ὅπερ εἰκός, ἄμεινον ἀσκοῦσι καὶ παρασκευάζονται Καρχηδόνιοι διὰ τὸ καὶ πάτριον αὐτοῖς ὑπάρχειν ἐκ παλαιοῦ τὴν ἐμπειρίαν ταύτην καὶ θαλαττουργεῖν μάλιστα πάντων ἀνθρώπων,

[2] τὸ δὲ περὶ τὰς πεζικὰς χρείας πολὺ δή τι Ῥωμαῖοι πρὸς τὸ βέλτιον ἀσκοῦσι Καρχηδονίων.

[3] οἱ μὲν γὰρ τὴν ὅλην περὶ τοῦτο ποιοῦνται σπουδήν, Καρχηδόνιοι δὲ τῶν μὲν πεζικῶν εἰς τέλος ὀλιγωροῦσι, τῶν δʼ ἱππικῶν βραχεῖάν τινα ποιοῦνται πρόνοιαν.

[4] αἴτιον δὲ τούτων ἐστὶν ὅτι ξενικαῖς καὶ μισθοφόροις χρῶνται δυνάμεσι, Ῥωμαῖοι δʼ ἐγχωρίοις καὶ πολιτικαῖς.

[5] ᾗ καὶ περὶ τοῦτο τὸ μέρος ταύτην τὴν πολιτείαν ἀποδεκτέον ἐκείνης μᾶλλον· ἡ μὲν γὰρ ἐν ταῖς τῶν μισθοφόρων εὐψυχίαις ἔχει τὰς ἐλπίδας ἀεὶ τῆς ἐλευθερίας, ἡ δὲ Ῥωμαίων ἐν ταῖς σφετέραις ἀρεταῖς καὶ ταῖς τῶν συμμάχων ἐπαρκείαις.

[6] διὸ κἄν ποτε πταίσωσι κατὰ τὰς ἀρχάς, Ῥωμαῖοι μὲν ἀναμάχονται τοῖς ὅλοις, Καρχηδόνιοι δὲ τοὐναντίον.

[7] ἐκεῖνοι γὰρ ὑπὲρ πατρίδος ἀγωνιζόμενοι καὶ τέκνων οὐδέποτε δύνανται λῆξαι τῆς ὀργῆς, ἀλλὰ μένουσι ψυχομαχοῦντες, ἕως ἂν περιγένωνται τῶν ἐχθρῶν.

[8] διὸ καὶ περὶ τὰς ναυτικὰς δυνάμεις πολύ τι λειπόμενοι Ῥωμαῖοι κατὰ τὴν ἐμπειρίαν, ὡς προεῖπον ἐπάνω, τοῖς ὅλοις ἐπικρατοῦσι διὰ τὰς τῶν ἀνδρῶν ἀρετάς·

[9] καίπερ γὰρ οὐ μικρὰ συμβαλλομένης εἰς τοὺς κατὰ θάλατταν κινδύνους τῆς ναυτικῆς χρείας, ὅμως ἡ τῶν ἐπιβατῶν εὐψυχία πλείστην παρέχεται ῥοπὴν εἰς τὸ νικᾶν.

[10] διαφέρουσι μὲν οὖν καὶ φύσει πάντες Ἰταλιῶται Φοινίκων καὶ Λιβύων τῇ τε σωματικῇ ῥώμῃ καὶ ταῖς ψυχικαῖς τόλμαις· μεγάλην δὲ καὶ διὰ τῶν ἐθισμῶν πρὸς τοῦτο τὸ μέρος ποιοῦνται τῶν νέων παρόρμησιν.

[11] ἓν δὲ ῥηθὲν ἱκανὸν ἔσται σημεῖον τῆς τοῦ πολιτεύματος σπουδῆς, ἣν ποιεῖται περὶ τὸ τοιούτους ἀποτελεῖν ἄνδρας ὥστε πᾶν ὑπομένειν χάριν τοῦ τυχεῖν ἐν τῇ πατρίδι τῆς ἐπʼ ἀρετῇ φήμης.

[1] ὅταν γὰρ μεταλλάξῃ τις παρʼ αὐτοῖς τῶν ἐπιφανῶν ἀνδρῶν, συντελουμένης τῆς ἐκφορᾶς κομίζεται μετὰ τοῦ λοιποῦ κόσμου πρὸς τοὺς καλουμένους ἐμβόλους εἰς τὴν ἀγορὰν ποτὲ μὲν ἑστὼς ἐναργής, σπανίως δὲ κατακεκλιμένος.

[2] πέριξ δὲ παντὸς τοῦ δήμου στάντος, ἀναβὰς ἐπὶ τοὺς ἐμβόλους, ἂν μὲν υἱὸς ἐν ἡλικίᾳ καταλείπηται καὶ τύχῃ παρών, οὗτος, εἰ δὲ μή, τῶν ἄλλων εἴ τις ἀπὸ γένους ὑπάρχει, λέγει περὶ τοῦ τετελευτηκότος τὰς ἀρετὰς καὶ τὰς ἐπιτετευγμένας ἐν τῷ ζῆν πράξεις.

[3] διʼ ὧν συμβαίνει τοὺς πολλοὺς ἀναμιμνησκομένους καὶ λαμβάνοντας ὑπὸ τὴν ὄψιν τὰ γεγονότα, μὴ μόνον τοὺς κεκοινωνηκότας τῶν ἔργων, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοὺς ἐκτός, ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον γίνεσθαι συμπαθεῖς ὥστε μὴ τῶν κηδευόντων ἴδιον, ἀλλὰ κοινὸν τοῦ δήμου φαίνεσθαι τὸ σύμπτωμα.

[4] μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα θάψαντες καὶ ποιήσαντες τὰ νομιζόμενα τιθέασι τὴν εἰκόνα τοῦ μεταλλάξαντος εἰς τὸν ἐπιφανέστατον τόπον τῆς οἰκίας, ξύλινα ναΐδια περιτιθέντες.

[5] ἡ δʼ εἰκών ἐστι πρόσωπον εἰς ὁμοιότητα διαφερόντως ἐξειργασμένον καὶ κατὰ τὴν πλάσιν καὶ κατὰ τὴν ὑπογραφήν.

[6] ταύτας δὴ τὰς εἰκόνας ἔν τε ταῖς δημοτελέσι θυσίαις ἀνοίγοντες κοσμοῦσι φιλοτίμως, ἐπάν τε τῶν οἰκείων μεταλλάξῃ τις ἐπιφανής, ἄγουσιν εἰς τὴν ἐκφοράν, περιτιθέντες ὡς ὁμοιοτάτοις εἶναι δοκοῦσι κατά τε τὸ μέγεθος καὶ τὴν ἄλλην περικοπήν.

[7] οὗτοι δὲ προσαναλαμβάνουσιν ἐσθῆτας, ἐὰν μὲν ὕπατος ἢ στρατηγὸς ᾖ γεγονώς, περιπορφύρους, ἐὰν δὲ τιμητής, πορφυρᾶς, ἐὰν δὲ καὶ τεθριαμβευκὼς ἤ τι τοιοῦτον κατειργασμένος, διαχρύσους.

[8] αὐτοὶ μὲν οὖν ἐφʼ ἁρμάτων οὗτοι πορεύονται, ῥάβδοι δὲ καὶ πελέκεις καὶ τἄλλα τὰ ταῖς ἀρχαῖς εἰωθότα συμπαρακεῖσθαι προηγεῖται κατὰ τὴν ἀξίαν ἑκάστῳ τῆς γεγενημένης κατὰ τὸν βίον ἐν τῇ πολιτείᾳ προαγωγῆς ὅταν δʼ ἐπὶ τοὺς ἐμβόλους ἔλθωσι,

[9] καθέζονται πάντες ἑξῆς ἐπὶ δίφρων ἐλεφαντίνων. οὗ κάλλιον οὐκ εὐμαρὲς ἰδεῖν θέαμα νέῳ φιλοδόξῳ καὶ φιλαγάθῳ·

[10] τὸ γὰρ τὰς τῶν ἐπʼ ἀρετῇ δεδοξασμένων ἀνδρῶν εἰκόνας ἰδεῖν ὁμοῦ πάσας οἷον εἰ ζώσας καὶ πεπνυμένας τίνʼ οὐκ ἂν παραστήσαι; τί δʼ ἂν κάλλιον

[1] θέαμα τούτου φανείη; πλὴν ὅ γε λέγων ὑπὲρ τοῦ θάπτεσθαι μέλλοντος, ἐπὰν διέλθῃ τὸν περὶ τούτου λόγον, ἄρχεται τῶν ἄλλων ἀπὸ τοῦ προγενεστάτου τῶν παρόντων, καὶ λέγει τὰς ἐπιτυχίας ἑκάστου καὶ τὰς πράξεις.

[2] ἐξ ὧν καινοποιουμένης ἀεὶ τῶν ἀγαθῶν ἀνδρῶν τῆς ἐπʼ ἀρετῇ φήμης ἀθανατίζεται μὲν ἡ τῶν καλόν τι διαπραξαμένων εὔκλεια, γνώριμος δὲ τοῖς πολλοῖς καὶ παραδόσιμος τοῖς ἐπιγινομένοις ἡ τῶν εὐεργετησάντων τὴν πατρίδα γίνεται δόξα. τὸ δὲ μέγιστον,

[3] οἱ νέοι παρορμῶνται πρὸς τὸ πᾶν ὑπομένειν ὑπὲρ τῶν κοινῶν πραγμάτων χάριν τοῦ τυχεῖν τῆς συνακολουθούσης τοῖς ἀγαθοῖς τῶν ἀνδρῶν εὐκλείας.

[4] πίστιν δʼ ἔχει τὸ λεγόμενον ἐκ τούτων. πολλοὶ μὲν γὰρ ἐμονομάχησαν ἑκουσίως Ῥωμαίων ὑπὲρ τῆς τῶν ὅλων κρίσεως, οὐκ ὀλίγοι δὲ προδήλους εἵλοντο θανάτους, τινὲς μὲν ἐν πολέμῳ τῆς τῶν ἄλλων ἕνεκεν σωτηρίας, τινὲς δʼ ἐν εἰρήνῃ χάριν τῆς τῶν κοινῶν πραγμάτων ἀσφαλείας.

[5] καὶ μὴν ἀρχὰς ἔχοντες ἔνιοι τοὺς ἰδίους υἱοὺς παρὰ πᾶν ἔθος ἢ νόμον ἀπέκτειναν, περὶ πλείονος ποιούμενοι τὸ τῆς πατρίδος συμφέρον τῆς κατὰ φύσιν οἰκειότητος πρὸς τοὺς ἀναγκαιοτάτους.

[6] πολλὰ μὲν οὖν τοιαῦτα καὶ περὶ πολλῶν ἱστορεῖται παρὰ Ῥωμαίοις ἓν δʼ ἀρκοῦν ἔσται πρὸς τὸ παρὸν ἐπʼ ὀνόματος ῥηθὲν ὑποδείγματος καὶ πίστεως ἕνεκεν.

[1] Κόκλην γὰρ λέγεται τὸν Ὡράτιον ἐπικληθέντα, διαγωνιζόμενον πρὸς δύο τῶν ὑπεναντίων ἐπὶ τῷ καταντικρὺ τῆς γεφύρας πέρατι τῆς ἐπὶ τοῦ Τιβέριδος, ἣ κεῖται πρὸ τῆς πόλεως, ἐπεὶ πλῆθος ἐπιφερόμενον εἶδε τῶν βοηθούντων τοῖς πολεμίοις, δείσαντα μὴ βιασάμενοι παραπέσωσιν εἰς τὴν πόλιν, βοᾶν ἐπιστραφέντα τοῖς κατόπιν ὡς τάχος ἀναχωρήσαντας διασπᾶν τὴν γέφυραν.

[2] τῶν δὲ πειθαρχησάντων, ἕως μὲν οὗτοι διέσπων, ὑπέμενε τραυμάτων πλῆθος ἀναδεχόμενος καὶ διακατέσχε τὴν ἐπιφορὰν τῶν ἐχθρῶν, οὐχ οὕτως τὴν δύναμιν ὡς τὴν ὑπόστασιν αὐτοῦ καὶ τόλμαν καταπεπληγμένων τῶν ὑπεναντίων·

[3] διασπασθείσης δὲ τῆς γεφύρας, οἱ μὲν πολέμιοι τῆς ὁρμῆς ἐκωλύθησαν, ὁ δὲ Κόκλης ῥίψας ἑαυτὸν εἰς τὸν ποταμὸν ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις κατὰ προαίρεσιν μετήλλαξε τὸν βίον, περὶ πλείονος ποιησάμενος τὴν τῆς πατρίδος ἀσφάλειαν καὶ τὴν ἐσομένην μετὰ ταῦτα περὶ αὐτὸν εὔκλειαν τῆς παρούσης ζωῆς καὶ τοῦ καταλειπομένου βίου.

[4] τοιαύτη τις, ὡς ἔοικε, διὰ τῶν παρʼ αὐτοῖς ἐθισμῶν ἐγγεννᾶται τοῖς νέοις ὁρμὴ καὶ φιλοτιμία πρὸς τὰ καλὰ τῶν ἔργων.

[1] καὶ μὴν τὰ περὶ τοὺς χρηματισμοὺς ἔθη καὶ νόμιμα βελτίω παρὰ Ῥωμαίοις ἐστὶν ἢ παρὰ Καρ

[2] χηδονίοις παρʼ οἷς μὲν γὰρ οὐδὲν αἰσχρὸν τῶν ἀνηκόντων πρὸς κέρδος, παρʼ οἷς δʼ οὐδὲν αἴσχιον τοῦ δωροδοκεῖσθαι καὶ τοῦ πλεονεκτεῖν ἀπὸ τῶν μὴ

[3] καθηκόντων καθʼ ὅσον γὰρ ἐν καλῷ τίθενται τὸν ἀπὸ τοῦ κρατίστου χρηματισμόν, κατὰ τοσοῦτο πάλιν ἐν ὀνείδει ποιοῦνται τὴν ἐκ τῶν ἀπειρημένων πλεονεξίαν.

[4] σημεῖον δὲ τοῦτο· παρὰ μὲν Καρχηδονίοις δῶρα φανερῶς διδόντες λαμβάνουσι τὰς ἀρχάς, παρὰ δὲ Ῥωμαίοις θάνατός ἐστι περὶ τοῦτο πρόστιμον.

[5] ὅθεν τῶν ἄθλων τῆς ἀρετῆς ἐναντίων τιθεμένων παρʼ ἀμφοῖν, εἰκὸς ἀνόμοιον εἶναι καὶ τὴν παρασκευὴν ἑκατέρων πρὸς ταῦτα.

[6] μεγίστην δέ μοι δοκεῖ διαφορὰν ἔχειν τὸ Ῥωμαίων πολίτευμα πρὸς βέλτιον ἐν τῇ περὶ θεῶν διαλήψει.

[7] καί μοι δοκεῖ τὸ παρὰ τοῖς ἄλλοις ἀνθρώποις ὀνειδιζόμενον, τοῦτο συνέχειν τὰ Ῥωμαίων πράγματα, λέγω δὲ τὴν δεισιδαιμονίαν·

[8] ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον γὰρ ἐκτετραγῴδηται καὶ παρεισῆκται τοῦτο τὸ μέρος παρʼ αὐτοῖς εἴς τε τοὺς κατʼ ἰδίαν βίους καὶ τὰ κοινὰ τῆς πόλεως ὥστε μὴ καταλιπεῖν ὑπερβολήν. ὃ καὶ δόξειεν ἂν πολλοῖς εἶναι θαυμάσιον.

[9] ἐμοί γε μὴν δοκοῦσι τοῦ πλήθους χάριν τοῦτο πεποιηκέναι.

[10] εἰ μὲν γὰρ ἦν σοφῶν ἀνδρῶν πολίτευμα συναγαγεῖν, ἴσως οὐδὲν ἦν ἀναγκαῖος ὁ τοιοῦτος τρόπος·

[11] ἐπεὶ δὲ πᾶν πλῆθός ἐστιν ἐλαφρὸν καὶ πλῆρες ἐπιθυμιῶν παρανόμων, ὀργῆς ἀλόγου, θυμοῦ βιαίου, λείπεται τοῖς ἀδήλοις φόβοις καὶ τῇ τοιαύτῃ τραγῳδίᾳ τὰ πλήθη συνέχειν.

[12] διόπερ οἱ παλαιοὶ δοκοῦσί μοι τὰς περὶ θεῶν ἐννοίας καὶ τὰς ὑπὲρ τῶν ἐν ᾅδου διαλήψεις οὐκ εἰκῇ καὶ ὡς ἔτυχεν εἰς τὰ πλήθη παρεισαγαγεῖν, πολὺ δὲ μᾶλλον οἱ νῦν εἰκῇ καὶ ἀλόγως ἐκβάλλειν αὐτά.

[13] τοιγαροῦν χωρὶς τῶν ἄλλων οἱ τὰ κοινὰ χειρίζοντες παρὰ μὲν τοῖς Ἕλλησιν, ἐὰν ταλάντου μόνον πιστευθῶσιν, ἀντιγραφεῖς ἔχοντες δέκα καὶ σφραγῖδας τοσαύτας καὶ μάρτυρας διπλασίους οὐ δύνανται τηρεῖν τὴν πίστιν·

[14] παρὰ δὲ Ῥωμαίοις κατά τε τὰς ἀρχὰς καὶ πρεσβείας πολύ τι πλῆθος χρημάτων χειρίζοντες διʼ αὐτῆς τῆς κατὰ τὸν ὅρκον πίστεως τηροῦσι τὸ καθῆκον.

[15] καὶ παρὰ μὲν τοῖς ἄλλοις σπάνιόν ἐστιν εὑρεῖν ἀπεχόμενον ἄνδρα τῶν δημοσίων καὶ καθαρεύοντα περὶ ταῦτα· παρὰ δὲ τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις σπάνιόν ἐστι τὸ λαβεῖν τινα πεφωραμένον ἐπὶ τοιαύτῃ πράξει. [ ξοδ. υρβ. ηαβετ ηαεξ ϝ. π. 264, 17. 293, 5 ξυμ αντεξεδεντιβυς αρξτε ξοηαερεντια εχξ. αντ. π. 188.]

ϝιιι. ξονξλυσιο δισπυτατιονις δε ρομανορυμ ρε πυβλιξα

[1] ὅτι μὲν οὖν πᾶσι τοῖς οὖσιν ὑπόκειται φθορὰ καὶ μεταβολὴ σχεδὸν οὐ προσδεῖ λόγων· ἱκανὴ γὰρ ἡ τῆς φύσεως ἀνάγκη παραστῆσαι τὴν τοιαύτην πίστιν.

[2] δυεῖν δὲ τρόπων ὄντων, καθʼ οὓς φθείρεσθαι πέφυκε πᾶν γένος πολιτείας, τοῦ μὲν ἔξωθεν, τοῦ δʼ ἐν αὐτοῖς φυομένου, τὸν μὲν ἐκτὸς ἄστατον ἔχειν συμβαίνει τὴν θεωρίαν, τὸν δʼ ἐξ αὐτῶν τεταγμένην.

[3] τί μὲν δὴ πρῶτον φύεται γένος πολιτείας καὶ τί δεύτερον, καὶ πῶς εἰς ἄλληλα μεταπίπτουσιν, εἴρηται πρόσθεν ἡμῖν,

[4] ὥστε τοὺς δυναμένους τὰς ἀρχὰς τῷ τέλει συνάπτειν τῆς ἐνεστώσης ὑποθέσεως κἂν αὐτοὺς ἤδη προειπεῖν ὑπὲρ τοῦ μέλλοντος. ἔστι δʼ, ὡς ἐγᾦμαι, δῆλον.

[5] ὅταν γὰρ πολλοὺς καὶ μεγάλους κινδύνους διωσαμένη πολιτεία μετὰ ταῦτα εἰς ὑπεροχὴν καὶ δυναστείαν ἀδήριτον ἀφίκηται, φανερὸν ὡς εἰσοικιζομένης εἰς αὐτὴν ἐπὶ πολὺ τῆς εὐδαιμονίας συμβαίνει τοὺς μὲν βίους γίνεσθαι πολυτελεστέρους, τοὺς δʼ ἄνδρας φιλονεικοτέρους τοῦ δέοντος περί τε τὰς ἀρχὰς καὶ τὰς ἄλλας ἐπιβολάς.

[6] ὧν προβαινόντων ἐπὶ πλέον ἄρξει μὲν τῆς ἐπὶ τὸ χεῖρον μεταβολῆς ἡ φιλαρχία καὶ τὸ τῆς ἀδοξίας ὄνειδος, πρὸς δὲ τούτοις ἡ περὶ τοὺς βίους ἀλαζονεία καὶ πολυτέλεια,

[7] λήψεται δὲ τὴν ἐπιγραφὴν τῆς μεταβολῆς ὁ δῆμος, ὅταν ὑφʼ ὧν μὲν ἀδικεῖσθαι δόξῃ διὰ τὴν πλεονεξίαν, ὑφʼ ὧν δὲ χαυνωθῇ κολακευόμενος διὰ τὴν φιλαρχίαν.

[8] τότε γὰρ ἐξοργισθεὶς καὶ θυμῷ πάντα βουλευόμενος οὐκέτι θελήσει πειθαρχεῖν οὐδʼ ἴσον ἔχειν τοῖς προεστῶσιν, ἀλλὰ πᾶν καὶ τὸ πλεῖστον αὐτός.

[9] οὗ γενομένου τῶν μὲν ὀνομάτων τὸ κάλλιστον ἡ πολιτεία μεταλήψεται, τὴν ἐλευθερίαν καὶ δημοκρατίαν, τῶν δὲ πραγμάτων τὸ χείριστον, τὴν ὀχλοκρατίαν.

[10] ἡμεῖς δʼ ἐπειδὴ τήν τε σύστασιν καὶ τὴν αὔξησιν τῆς πολιτείας, ἔτι δὲ τὴν ἀκμὴν καὶ τὴν διάθεσιν, πρὸς δὲ τούτοις τὴν διαφορὰν πρὸς τὰς ἄλλας τοῦ τε χείρονος ἐν αὐτῇ καὶ βελτίονος διεληλύθαμεν, τὸν μὲν περὶ τῆς πολιτείας λόγον ὧδέ πῃ καταστρέφομεν.

[1] τῶν δὲ συναπτόντων μερῶν τῆς ἱστορίας τοῖς καιροῖς, ἀφʼ ὧν παρεξέβημεν, παραλαβόντες ἐπὶ βραχὺ μιᾶς πράξεως ποιησόμεθα κεφαλαιώδη μνήμην, ἵνα μὴ τῷ λόγῳ μόνον ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῖς πράγμασιν, ὥσπερ ἀγαθοῦ τεχνίτου δεῖγμα τῶν ἔργων ἕν τι προενεγκάμενοι, φανερὰν ποιήσωμεν τῆς πολιτείας τὴν ἀκμὴν καὶ δύναμιν, οἵα τις ἦν κατʼ ἐκείνους τοὺς χρόνους.

[2] Ἀννίβας γὰρ ἐπειδὴ τῇ περὶ Κάνναν μάχῃ περιγενόμενος Ῥωμαίων ἐγκρατὴς ἐγένετο τῶν τὸν χάρακα φυλαττόντων ὀκτακισχιλίων, ζωγρήσας ἅπαντας συνεχώρησε διαπέμπεσθαι σφίσι πρὸς τοὺς ἐν οἴκῳ περὶ λύτρων καὶ σωτηρίας.

[3] τῶν δὲ προχειρισαμένων δέκα τοὺς ἐπιφανεστάτους, ὁρκίσας ἦ μὴν ἐπανήξειν πρὸς αὐτόν, ἐξέπεμψε τούτους.

[4] εἷς δὲ τῶν προχειρισθέντων ἐκπορευόμενος ἐκ τοῦ χάρακος ἤδη, καί τι φήσας ἐπιλελῆσθαι, πάλιν ἀνέκαμψε, καὶ λαβὼν τὸ καταλειφθὲν αὖθις ἀπελύετο, νομίζων διὰ τῆς ἀναχωρήσεως τετηρηκέναι τὴν πίστιν καὶ λελυκέναι τὸν ὅρκον.

[5] ὧν παραγενομένων εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην, καὶ δεομένων καὶ παρακαλούντων τὴν σύγκλητον μὴ φθονῆσαι τοῖς ἑαλωκόσι τῆς σωτηρίας, ἀλλʼ ἐᾶσαι τρεῖς μνᾶς ἕκαστον καταβαλόντα σωθῆναι πρὸς τοὺς ἀναγκαίους· τοῦτο γὰρ συγχωρεῖν ἔφασαν τὸν Ἀννίβαν·

[6] εἶναι δʼ ἀξίους σωτηρίας αὑτούς· οὔτε γὰρ ἀποδεδειλιακέναι κατὰ τὴν μάχην οὔτʼ ἀνάξιον οὐδὲν πεποιηκέναι τῆς Ῥώμης, ἀλλʼ ἀπολειφθέντας τὸν χάρακα τηρεῖν, πάντων ἀπολομένων τῶν ἄλλων ἐν τῇ μάχῃ τῷ καιρῷ περιληφθέντας ὑποχειρίους γενέσθαι τοῖς πολεμίοις.

[7] Ῥωμαῖοι δὲ μεγάλοις κατὰ τὰς μάχας περιπεπτωκότες ἐλαττώμασι, πάντων δʼ ὡς ἔπος εἰπεῖν ἐστερημένοι τότε τῶν συμμάχων, ὅσον οὔπω δὲ προσδοκῶντες τὸν περὶ τῆς πατρίδος αὐτοῖς ἐκφέρεσθαι κίνδυνον,

[8] διακούσαντες τῶν λεγομένων οὔτε τοῦ πρέποντος αὑτοῖς εἴξαντες ταῖς συμφοραῖς ὠλιγώρησαν οὔτε τῶν δεόντων οὐδὲν τοῖς λογισμοῖς παρεῖδον,

[9] ἀλλὰ συνιδόντες τὴν Ἀννίβου πρόθεσιν, ὅτι βούλεται διὰ τῆς πράξεως ταύτης ἅμα μὲν εὐπορῆσαι χρημάτων, ἅμα δὲ τὸ φιλότιμον ἐν ταῖς μάχαις ἐξελέσθαι τῶν ἀντιταττομένων, ὑποδείξας ὅτι τοῖς ἡττημένοις ὅμως ἐλπὶς ἀπολείπεται σωτηρίας,

[10] τοσοῦτʼ ἀπέσχον τοῦ ποιῆσαί τι τῶν ἀξιουμένων ὥστʼ οὔτε τὸν τῶν οἰκείων ἔλεον οὔτε τὰς ἐκ τῶν ἀνδρῶν ἐσομένας χρείας ἐποιήσαντο περὶ πλείονος,

[11] ἀλλὰ τοὺς μὲν Ἀννίβου λογισμοὺς καὶ τὰς ἐν τούτοις ἐλπίδας ἀπέδειξαν κενάς, ἀπειπάμενοι τὴν διαλύτρωσιν τῶν ἀνδρῶν, τοῖς δὲ παρʼ αὑτῶν ἐνομοθέτησαν ἢ νικᾶν μαχομένους ἢ θνήσκειν, ὡς ἄλλης οὐδεμιᾶς ἐλπίδος ὑπαρχούσης εἰς σωτηρίαν αὐτοῖς ἡττωμένοις.

[12] διὸ καὶ ταῦτα προθέμενοι τοὺς μὲν ἐννέα τῶν πρεσβευτῶν ἐθελοντὴν κατὰ τὸν ὅρκον ἀναχωροῦντας ἐξέπεμψαν, τὸν δὲ σοφισάμενον πρὸς τὸ λῦσαι τὸν ὅρκον δήσαντες ἀποκατέστησαν πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους,

[13] ὥστε τὸν Ἀννίβαν μὴ τοσοῦτον χαρῆναι νικήσαντα τῇ μάχῃ Ῥωμαίους ὡς συντριβῆναι καταπλαγέντα τὸ στάσιμον καὶ τὸ μεγαλόψυχον τῶν ἀνδρῶν ἐν τοῖς διαβουλίοις. [ ξοδ. υρβ. φολ. 94 εχξ. αντ. π. 192.]

φραγμεντυμ γεογραπηιξυμ

[1] καὶ τόπος δέ τις οὕτω καλεῖται Ῥύγχος περὶ Στράτον τῆς Αἰτωλίας, ὥς φησι Πολύβιος ἐν #2# ἱστοριῶν. [ ατηεναευς ιιι, 48 π. 95 δ.]

Notes on the current edition

Histories

1. Some disconnected fragments which are usually placed at the end of the first chapter, and form the second chapter of this book, I have placed among the minor fragments at the end of these volumes.

2. Classification of polities.

3. Six forms of polity, and their natural cycle.

4. Aristotle’s classification is kingship, aristocracy, πολιτεία, democracy, oligarchy, tyranny ( Pol. 4, 2 ). This was derived from Plato ( Pol. 302, c .) who arranges the six (besides the ideal polity) in pairs, kingship, tyranny,—aristocracy, oligarchy,—democracy, good and bad. Plato has no distinct name, except δημοκρατία παράνομος, for the bad democracy which Polybius calls ὀχλοκρατία, mob-rule. Polybius’s arrangement is this— Kingship (arising from a natural despotism or monarchy) degenerates into Tyranny. Aristocracy degenerates into Oligarchy. Democracy degenerates into Mob-rule.

5. The origin of the social compact.

6. Origin of morality

7. Morality transmutes despotism into kingship

8. Kingship in its turn degenerates into tyranny.

9. Tyranny is then displaced by aristocracy

10. Aristocracy degenerates into oligarchy

11. Oligarchy is replaced by democracy

12. Democracy degenerates into rule of corruption and violence, only to be stopped by a return to despotism.

13. Lycurgus recognised these truths, and legislated accordingly.

14. The Roman constitution at the epoch of Cannae , B.C. 216.

15. Triple element in the Roman Constitution.

16. The mutual relation of the three.

17. The Consul dependent on the Senate,

18. and on the people.

19. εὐθύνας. Polybius uses a word well known at Athens and other Greek states, but the audit of a Consul seems to have been one of money accounts only. At the expiration, however, of his office he took an oath in public that he had obeyed the laws, and if any prosecution were brought against him it would be tried before the people. See the case of Publius Claudius, .

20. The people dependent on the Senate

21. This refers primarily to the consilium of the quaesitor in any special quaestio, which up to the time of the lex judiciaria of Gracchus, B. C. 122, was invariably composed of Senators. The same would apply to the Quaestiones perpetuae, only one of which existed in the time of Polybius, i.e., de repetundis, established in 149 B.C. by the lex Calpurnia. Other single judices in civil suits, though nominated by the Praetor, were, Polybius intimates, almost necessarily Senators in cases of importance.

22. and Consul.

23. The levy.

24. Casaubon altered this to two hundred. In , Polybius certainly states that the ordinary number of cavalry was 200, raised in cases of emergency to 300; and Livy, 22, 36 , gives an instance. But both authors in many other passages mention 300 as the usual number, and any alteration of this passage would be unsafe.

25. Praefectus sociis and quaestor. But this quaestor must be distinguished from the Roman quaestors.

26. Fourfold division of the Legionaries.

27. 1. Arms of the Velites.

28. 2. Arms of the Hastati, Principes, and Triarii.

29. For the Spanish sword see Fr. xxii.

30. Election of Centurions.

31. Polybius does not mention the subdivision of maniples into centuries, for which the word ordines is sometimes used. Livy, 8, 8 ; 42, 34 .

32. Officers and arms of the equites.

33. Assembly of the legions.

34. The Socii.

35. Castrorum metatio.

36. the plethrum = 10,000 square feet. The side of the square of the Praetorium, therefore, is 200 feet.

37. The principia.

38. The quarters.

39. That is the via separating it from the next block, or from the vallum.

40. That is, one between the two legions, and two between the blocks in each.

41. That is to say—without the extraordinarii (1/5)—there are 2400 to get into 10 spaces instead of 3000 into 30.

42. Via Quintana.

43. The space between the Principia and the agger.

44. The Staff, or Praetoria cohors.

45. That is, who have been selected from the pedites sociorum to serve on the praetoria cohors

46. The space round the quarters.

47. Provision for extra numbers.

48. and for two consular armies.

49. Guard duty.

50. Construction of the fossa and agger.

50. Polybius always calls this the χάραξ or χαράκωμα. But the Romans had ⁵⁰ two words, agger the embankment, and vallum the palisading on the top of it. Either word, however, is often used to represent the whole structure.

52. Orders of the day.

53. The watchword.

54. Visiting rounds.

55. That is, whether in first, second, or other watch in the night.

56. Military punishments: the fustuarium.

57. See the story of Cato’s son, Plutarch, Cato Maj. 20 .

58. Decimation.

59. Mural crown.

60. Civic crown.

61. Encampment on the march.

62. The Theban constitution may be put aside.

63. The Athenian constitution may be put aside.

64. In seeking a constitution to compare with that of Rome , that of Athens is rejected (1) as not being a mixed one, (2) as not having been successful: successful, that is, in gaining or keeping an empire. He is speaking somewhat loosely. The power of Athens , of which Themistocles laid the foundation, was mainly consolidated by Pericles; so that Polybius includes much of the period of her rise with that of her decline.

65. The Spartan polity unlike that of Crete .

66. For what remains of the account of Ephorus see Strabo, 10.4.8-9 . The reference to Plato is to the Laws, especially Book I. See also Aristotle, Pol. 2, 10 , who points out the likeness and unlikeness between the Cretan and Lacedaemonian constitutions.

67. This equality of land had gradually disappeared by the time of King Agis IV. (B.C. 243-239): so that, according to Plutarch [ Agis 5] , the number of landowners was reduced to 100. This process had been accelerated by the Rhetra of Epitadeus, allowing free bequest of land, Plutarch, ib. See Thirlwall, vol. viii. p. 132.

68. Tests of a good polity.

69. Ideal polities may be omitted.

70. The meaning of νενενημένους, which I here represent by acquired a recognised position, is at least doubtful. Casaubon translates it qui in album non fuerint recepti, referring to Sueton. Nero, 21 . But nothing is elsewhere known of such an album for registering the names of recognised athletes. The passage is important as helping to explain how the number of those entering for the contests in the greater games was practically limited, and therefore how it happened that, for instance, the five contests of the Pentathlum did not often fall to different athletes so as to leave the victory uncertain.

71. The aims of Lycurgus.

72. Their partial failure.

73. First and second Messenian wars, B. C. 745-724(?), 685-668.

74. Battle of Plataea , B. C. 479.

75. Peace of Antalcidas, B. C. 387.

76. The causes of this failure.

77. Sparta fails where Rome succeeds.

78. Rome fresher than Carthage ;

79. The Carthaginian Suffetes are always called βασιλεῖς by the Greek writers: see 3, 33, note; Herod. 7, 165 ; Diod Sic. 14, 53 . Aristotle [ Pol. 2, 11] , in contrasting the Spartan and Carthaginian constitutions, mentions with approval that, unlike the Spartan kings, those at Carthage were elected, and were not confined to a particular family.

80. See Bosworth Smith, Carthage and the Carthaginians, p. 26 ff.

81. and its citizen levies superior to Carthaginian mercenaries.

82. Laudations at funerals.

83. Imagines.

84. This seems to be the only authority for assigning to the censors the toga purpurea instead of the toga praetexta: and, indeed, Athenaeus speaks of them as wearing the toga praetexta ( περιπόρφυρος), 14, 69 . In Livy, 40, 45 , they occupy sellae curules.

85. Toga praetexta, purpurea, picta.

86. Sellae curules.

87. Devotion of the citizens.

88. Horatius Cocles.

89. Livy ( 2, 10 ) makes Cocles succeed in reaching the bank alive.

90. Purity of election.

91. Cf. .

92. Regard to religion.

93. But Polybius afterwards admits that a falling off in this respect had begun. See ; .

94. B. C. 216. Hannibal offers to put the prisoners at Cannae to ransom.

95. Livy, 22, 58 -61.

Search the Perseus Catalog for:

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Preface: Political Constitutions

Classification of Constitutions

The Rotation of Polities

The Origin of Constitutions

Origin of Morality and Rule

How Kingship Turns into Tyranny

Degeneration of Constitutions

How Democracy Arises and Degenerates

Lycurgus

The Roman Constitution

The Consuls

The Senate

The People

Division of Political Power At Rome

The Senate Controlled by the People

Powers of the Senate

Interdependency Brings Strength

On the Roman Army

Allocation of Men to the Legions

Fourfold Division of the Legionaries

Arms of the Youngest Roman Soldiers

Arms of the Other Soldiers

Officers of Infantry and Cavalry

Officers and Armour of the Cavalry

The Roman Camp

How the Camp is Constructed

Division by Roads and Squares

Placement of Triarii, Principes, and Hastati

Placement of the Allies

The Camp Market-Place

Arrangements When There Are More Men

Guard Duty and Other Assignments

Daily Orders and Watchwords

Night Watches

The Tribunes’ Court

Military Punishments and Rewards

Military Decorations

The Army On the March

Making Camp

Roman Camps Designed for Facility and Familiarity

The Roman Republic Compared with Others

The Athenian Constitution

The Cretan Constitution Compared to the Spartan

Greed Among the Cretans

What Makes a Constitution Good

Institutions of Lycurgus

The Defect in the Spartan Constitution

Sparta Compared with Rome

Carthage Compared with Rome

The Causes of Roman Superiority

Roman Funeral Rites

The Glorious Memory of Brave Men Kept Alive

Patriotism and Purity At Rome

Religion Keeps the Roman Commonwealth Together

Conclusion: Dangers Ahead for Rome

Even Hannibal Acknowledges the Spirit of the Romans

Current edition Perseus

ι. εχ προοεμιο

ιι. δε ϝαριις ρερυμ πυβλιξαρυμ φορμις

ιιι. εχ αρξηαεολογια ρομανα

ιϝ. φραγμεντα ινξερταε σεδις

ϝ. δε ρομανορυμ ρε πυβλιξα φλορεντε

ϝι. δε μιλιτια ρομανα

ϝιι. ρει πυβλιξαε ρομαναε ξυμ αλιις ξολλατιο

ϝιιι. ξονξλυσιο δισπυτατιονις δε ρομανορυμ ρε πυβλιξα

φραγμεντυμ γεογραπηιξυμ

Notes on the current edition

Stable identifiers