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Review of Achaean History

IN my former book I explained the causes of the second ¹ war between Rome and Carthage ; and described Hannibal’s invasion of Italy , and the engagements which took place between them up to the battle of Cannae , on the banks of the Aufidus . I shall now take up the history of Greece during the same period, ending at the same date, and commencing from the 140th Olympiad. But I shall first recall to the recollection of my readers what I stated in my second book on the subject of the Greeks, and especially of the Achaeans; for the league of the latter has made extraordinary progress up to our own age and the generation immediately preceding.

I started, then, from Tisamenus, one of the sons of Orestes,² and stated that the dynasty existed from his time to that of Ogygus: that then there was an excellent form of democratical federal government established: and that then the league was broken up by the kings of Sparta into separate towns and villages. Then I tried to describe how these towns began to form a league once more: which were the first to join; and the policy subsequently pursued, which led to their inducing all the Peloponnesians to adopt the general title of Achaeans, and to be united under one federal government.³ Descending to particulars, I brought my story up to the flight of Cleomenes, King of Sparta : then briefly summarising the events included in my prefatory sketch up to the deaths of Antigonus Doson, Seleucus Ceraunus, and Ptolemy Euergetes, who all three died at about the same time, I announced that my main history was to begin from that point.

Why Begin With This Period of History

I thought this was the best point; first, because it is there ⁴ that Aratus leaves off, and I meant my work, as far as it was Greek history, to be a continuation of his; and, secondly, because the period thus embraced in my history would fall partly in the life of my father, and partly in my own; and thus I should be able to speak as eye-witness of some of the events, and from the information of eye-witnesses of others. To go further back and write the report of a report, traditions at second or third hand, seemed to me unsatisfactory either with a view to giving clear impressions or making sound statements.⁵But, above all, I began at this period because it was then that the history of the whole world entered on a new phase. Demetrius, had just become the boy king Achaeus, prince of Asia on this side of Taurus, had converted his show of power into a reality; Antiochus the Great had, a short time before, by the death of his brother Seleucus, succeeded while quite a young man to the throne of Syria ; Ariarathes to that of Cappadocia ; and Ptolemy Philopator to that of Egypt . Not long afterwards Lycurgus became King of Sparta , and the Carthaginians had recently elected Hannibal general to carry on the war lately described. Every government therefore being changed about this time, there seemed every likelihood of a new departure in policy: which is but natural and usual, and in fact did at this time occur. For the Romans and Carthaginians entered upon the war I have described; Antiochus and Ptolemy on one for the possession of Coele-Syria ; and the Achaeans and Philip one against the Aetolians and Lacedaemonians. The causes of this last war must now be stated.

Dorimachus In the Peloponnese

The Aetolians had long been discontented with a state of ⁶ peace and tired at living at their own charges; they were accustomed to live on their neighbours, and their natural ostentation required abundant means to support it. Enslaved by this passion they live a life as predatory as that of wild beasts, respecting no tie of friendship and regarding every one as an enemy to be plundered. Hitherto, however, as long as Antigonus Doson was alive, their fear of the Macedonians had kept them quiet.⁷ But when he was succeeded at his death by the boy Philip, they conceived a contempt for the royal power, and at once began to look out for a pretext and opportunity for interfering in the Peloponnese : induced partly by an old habit of getting plunder from that country, and partly by the belief that, now the Achaeans were unsupported by Macedonia , they would be a match for them. While their thoughts were fixed on this, chance to a certain extent contributed to give them the opportunity which they desired.

There was a certain man of Trichonium⁸ named Dorimachus, son of that Nicostratus who made the treacherous attack on the Pan-Boeotian congress.¹⁰ This Dorimachus, being young and inspired with the true spirit of Aetolian violence and aggressiveness, was sent by the state to Phigalea in the Peloponnese , which, being on the borders of Arcadia and Messenia , happened at that time to be in political union with the Aetolian league. His mission was nominally to guard the city and territory of Phigalea, but in fact to act as a spy on the politics of the Peloponnese . A crowd of pirates flocked to him at Phigalea; and being unable to get them any booty by fair means, because the peace between all Greeks which Antigonus had concluded was still in force, he was finally reduced to allowing the pirates to drive off the cattle of the Messenians, though they were friends and allies of the Aetolians. These injurious acts were at first confined to the sheep on the border lands; but becoming more and more reckless and audacious, they even ventured to break into the farm-houses by sudden attacks at night. The Messenians were naturally indignant, and sent embassies to Dorimachus; which he at first disregarded, because he wanted not only to benefit the men under him, but himself also, by getting a share in their spoils. But when the arrival of such embassies became more and more frequent, owing to the perpetual recurrence of these acts of depredation, he said at last that he would come in person to Messene , and decide on the claims they had to make against the Aetolians. When he came, however, and the sufferers appeared, he laughed at some, threatened to strike others, and drove others away with abusive language.

Dorimachus Leaves Messene

Even while he was actually in Messene , the pirates came close to the city walls in the night, and by means of scaling-ladders broke into a country-house called Chiron’s villa; killed all the slaves who resisted them; and having bound the others, took them and the cattle away with them. ¹¹ The Messenian Ephors had long been much annoyed by what was going on, and by the presence of Dorimachus in their town; but this they thought was too insolent: and they accordingly summoned him to appear before the assembled magistrates. There Sciron, who happened to be an Ephor at the time, and enjoyed a high reputation for integrity among his fellow-citizens, advised that they should not allow Dorimachus to leave the city, until he had made good all the losses sustained by the Messenians, and had given up the guilty persons to be punished for the murders committed. This suggestion being received with unanimous approval, as but just, Dorimachus passionately exclaimed that they were fools if they imagined that they were now insulting only Dorimachus, and not the Aetolian league. In fact he expressed the greatest indignation at the whole affair, and said that they would meet with a public punishment, which would serve them well right. Now there was at that time in Messene a man of disgraceful and effeminate character named Babyrtas, who was so exactly like Dorimachus in voice and person, that, when he was dressed in Dorimachus’s sun-hat and cloak, it was impossible to tell them apart; and of this Dorimachus was perfectly aware. When therefore he was speaking in these threatening and insolent tones to the Messenian magistrates, Sciron lost his temper and said: Do you think we care for you or your threats, Babyrtas? After this Dorimachus was compelled for the present to yield to circumstances, and to give satisfaction for the injuries inflicted upon the Messenians: but when he returned to Aetolia , he nursed such a bitter and furious feeling of anger at this taunt, that, without any other reasonable pretext, but for this cause and this alone, he got up a war against the Messenians.

The Revenge of Dorimachus

The Strategus of the Aetolians at that time was Ariston; ¹² but being from physical infirmities unable to serve in the field, and being a kinsman of Dorimachus and Scopas, he had somehow or another surrendered his whole authority to the former. In his public capacity Dorimachus could not venture to urge the Aetolians to undertake the Messenian war, because he had no reasonable pretext for so doing: the origin of his wish being, as everybody well knew, the wrongs committed by himself and the bitter gibe which they had brought upon him. He therefore gave up the idea of publicly advocating the war, but tried privately to induce Scopas to join in the intrigue against the Messenians.¹³ He pointed out that there was now no danger from the side of Macedonia owing to the youth of the king (Philip being then only seventeen years old); that the Lacedaemonians were alienated from the Messenians; and that they possessed the affection and alliance of the Eleans; and these circumstances taken together would make an invasion of Messenia perfectly safe. But the argument most truly Aetolian which he used was to put before him that a great booty was to be got from Messenia , because it was entirely unguarded, and had alone, of all the Peloponnesian districts, remained unravaged throughout the Cleomenic war. And, to sum up all, he argued that such a move would secure them great popularity with the Aetolians generally. And if the Achaeans were to try to hinder their march through the country, they would not be able to complain if they retaliated: and if, on the other hand, they did not stir, would be no hindrance to their enterprise. Besides, he affirmed that they would have plenty of pretext against the Messenians; for they had long been in the position of aggressors by promising the Achaeans and Macedonians to join their alliance.

By these, and similar arguments to the same effect, he roused such a strong feeling in the minds of Scopas and his friends, that, without waiting for a meeting of the Aetolian federal assembly, and without communicating with the Apocleti, or taking any of the proper constitutional steps, of their own mere impulse and opinion they committed acts of hostility simultaneously against Messenia , Epirus , Achaia , Acarnania , and Macedonia .

Acts of Hostility Against Macedonia, Epirus , and Acarnania .

By sea they immediately sent out privateers, who, falling in with a royal vessel of Macedonia near Cythera , brought it with all its crew to Aetolia , and sold ship-owners, sailors, and marines, and finally the ship itself. Then they began sacking the seaboard of Epirus , employing the aid of some Cephallenian ships for carrying out this act of violence. They tried also to capture Thyrium in Acarnania . At the same time they secretly-sent some men to seize a strong place called Clarium , in the centre of the territory of Megalopolis ; which they used thenceforth as a place of sale for their spoils, and a starting-place for their marauding expeditions. However Timoxenus, the Achaean Strategus, with the assistance of Taurion, who had been left by Antigonus in charge of the Macedonian interests in the Peloponnese , took the place after a siege of a very few days. For Antigonus retained Corinth , in accordance with his convention with the Achaeans, made at the time of the Cleomenic war;¹⁴ and had never restored Orchomenus to the Achaeans after he had taken it by force, but claimed and retained it in his own hands; with the view, as I suppose, not only of commanding the entrance of the Peloponnese , but of guarding also its interior by means of his garrison and warlike apparatus in Orchomenus .

Dorimachus and Scopas waited until Timoxenus had a very short time of office left, and when Aratus, though elected by the Achaeans for the coming year, would not yet be in office;¹⁵ and then collecting a general levy of Aetolians at

Rhium, and preparing means of transport, with some Cephallenian ships ready to convoy them, they got¹⁶ their men across to the Peloponnese , and led them against Messenia . While marching through the territories of Patrae , Pharae, and Tritaea they pretended that they did not wish to do any injury to the Achaeans; but their forces, from their inveterate passion for plunder, could not be restrained from robbing the country; and consequently they committed outrages and acts of violence all along their line of march, till they arrived at Phigalea. Thence, by a bold and sudden movement, they entered Messenia ; and without any regard for their ancient friendship and alliance with the Messenians, or for the principles of international justice common to all mankind, subordinating every consideration to their selfish greed, they set about plundering the country without resistance, the Messenians being absolutely afraid to come out to attack them.

Strength and Weakness of Aratus

This being the time, according to their laws, for the ¹⁷ meeting of the Achaean federal assembly, the members arrived at Aegium. When the assembly met, the deputies from Patrae and Pharae made a formal statement of the injuries inflicted upon their territories during the passage of the Aetolians: an embassy from Messenia also appeared, begging for their assistance on the ground that the treatment from which they were suffering was unjust and in defiance of treaty. When these statements were heard, great indignation was felt at the wrongs of Patrae and Pharae, and great sympathy for the misfortunes of the Messenians. But it was regarded as especially outrageous that the Aetolians should have ventured to enter Achaia with an army, contrary to treaty, without obtaining or even asking for permission from any one to pass through the country. Roused to indignation by all these considerations, the assembly voted to give assistance to the Messenians: that the Strategus should summon a general levy of the Achaean arms: and that whatever was decided by this levy, when it met, should be done. Now Timoxenus, the existing Strategus, was just on the point of quitting office, and felt besides small confidence in the Achaeans, because martial exercise had been allowed to fall into neglect among them; he therefore shrank from undertaking the expedition, or from even summoning the popular levy. ¹⁸ The fact was that, after the expulsion of Cleomenes, King of Sparta , the Peloponnesians, weary of the wars that had taken place, and trusting to the peaceful arrangement that had been come to, neglected all warlike preparations. Aratus, however, indignant and incensed at the audacity of the Aetolians, was not inclined to take things so calmly, for he had in fact a grudge of long standing against these people. Wherefore he was for instantly summoning the Achaeans to an armed levy, and was all eagerness to attack the Aetolians. ¹⁹ Eventually he took over from Timoxenus the seal of the league, five days before the proper time, and wrote to the various cities summoning a meeting in arms of all those who were of the military age, at Megalopolis . But the peculiar character of this man, I think, makes it proper for me to give a brief preliminary sketch of him.

Character of Aratus

Aratus had many of the qualities of a great ruler. He could speak, and contrive, and conceal his purpose: no one surpassed him in the moderation which he showed in political contests, or in his power of attaching friends and gaining allies: in intrigue, stratagem, and laying plots against a foe, and in bringing them to a successful termination by personal endurance and courage, he was pre-eminent. Many clear instances of these qualities may be found; but none more convincing than the episodes of the capture of Sicyon and Mantinea , of the expulsion of the Aetolians from Pellene , and especially of the surprise of the Acrocorinthus.²⁰ On the other hand whenever he attempted a campaign in the field, he was slow in conception and timid in execution, and without personal gallantry in the presence of danger. The result was that the Peloponnese was full of trophies which marked reverses sustained by him; and that in this particular department he was always easily defeated. So true is it that men’s minds, no less than their bodies, have many aspects. Not only is it the case that the same man has an aptitude for one class of activities and not for another; it often happens that in things closely analogous, the same man will be exceedingly acute and exceedingly dull, exceedingly courageous and exceedingly timid. Nor is this a paradox: it is a very ordinary fact, well known to all attentive observers. For instance you may find men who in hunting show the greatest daring in grappling with wild beasts, and yet are utter cowards in the presence of an armed enemy. Or again, in actual war some are active and skilful in single combats, who are yet quite ineffective in the ranks. For example, the Thessalian cavalry in squadron and column are irresistible, but when their order is once broken up, they have not the skill in skirmishing by which each man does whatever the time and place suggests: while, on the other hand, exactly the reverse of this is the case with the Aetolians. The Cretans, again, either by land or sea, in ambushes and piratical excursions, in deceiving the enemy, in making night attacks, and in fact in every service which involves craft and separate action, are irresistible; but for a regular front to front charge in line they have neither the courage nor firmness; and the reverse again is the case with the Achaeans and Macedonians.

I have said thus much, that my readers may not refuse me credit if I have at times to make contradictory statements about the same men and in regard to analogous employments. To return to my narrative.

Dorimachus Consents To Depart

The men of military age having assembled in arms at ²¹ Megalopolis , in accordance with the decree of the federal assembly, the Messenian envoys once more came forward, and entreated the people not to disregard the flagrant breach of treaty from which they were suffering; and expressed their willingness to become allies of the league, and their anxiety to be enrolled among its members. The Achaean magistrates declined the offered alliance, on the ground that it was impossible to admit a new member without the concurrence of Philip and the other allies,—for the sworn alliance negotiated by Antigonus during the Cleomenic war was still in force, and included Achaia , Epirus , Phocis , Macedonia , Boeotia , Acarnania , and Thessaly ;—but they said that they would march out to their relief, if the envoys there present would place their sons in Sparta , as hostages for their promise not to make terms with the Aetolians without the consent of the Achaeans. The Spartans among the rest were encamped on the frontier of Megalopolis , having marched out in accordance with the terms of their alliance; but they were acting rather as reserves and spectators than as active allies. ²² Having thus settled the terms of the arrangement with the Messenians, Aratus sent a messenger to the Aetolians to inform them of the decree of the Achaean federation, and to order them to quit the territory of Messenia without entering that of Achaia , on pain of being treated as enemies if they set foot in it. When they heard the message and knew that the Achaeans were mustered in force, Scopas and Dorimachus thought it best for the present to obey. ²³ They therefore at once sent despatches to Cyllene and to the Aetolian Strategus, Ariston, begging that the transports should be sent to a place on the coast of Elis called the island of Pheia ;²⁴ and they themselves two days later struck camp, and laden with booty marched towards Elis . For the Aetolians always maintained a friendship with the Eleans that they might have through them an entrance for their plundering and piratical expeditions into the Peloponnese .

Aratus Dismisses the Achaean Troops

Aratus waited two days: and then, foolishly — believing ²⁵ that the Aetolians would return by the route they had indicated, he dismissed all the Achaeans and Lacedaemonians to their homes, except three thousand foot and three hundred horse and the division under Taurion, which he led to Patrae , with the view of keeping on the flank of the Aetolians. ²⁶ But when Dorimachus learnt that Aratus was thus watching his march, and was still under arms; partly from fear of being attacked when his forces were engaged on the embarkation, and partly with a view to confuse the enemy, he sent his booty on to the transports with a sufficient number of men to secure their passage, under orders to meet him at Rhium where he intended to embark; while he himself, after remaining for a time to superintend and protect the shipment of the booty, changed the direction of his march and advanced towards Olympia . But hearing that Taurion, with the rest of the army, was near Cleitoria; and feeling sure that in these circumstances he would not be able to effect the crossing from Rhium without danger and a struggle with the enemy; he made up his mind that it would be best for his interests to bring on an engagement with the army of Aratus as soon as possible, since it was weak in numbers and wholly unprepared for the attack. He calculated that if he could defeat this force, he could then plunder the country, and effect his crossing from Rhium in safety, while Aratus was waiting and deliberating about again convoking the Achaean levy; but if on the other hand Aratus were terrified and declined the engagement, he would then effect his departure unmolested, whenever he thought it advisable. With these views, therefore, he advanced, and pitched his camp at Methydrium in the territory of Megalopolis .

Bad Strategy of Aratus

But the leaders of the Achaeans, on learning the ²⁷ arrival of the Aetolians, adopted a course of proceeding quite unsurpassable for folly. They left the territory of Cleitor and encamped at Caphyae; but the Aetolians marching from Methydrium past the city of Orchomenus , they led the Achaean troops into the plain of Caphyae, and there drew them up for battle, with the river which flows through that plain protecting their front. The difficulty of the ground between them and their enemy, for there were besides the river a number of ditches not easily crossed,²⁸ and the show of readiness on the part of the Achaeans for the engagement, caused the Aetolians to shrink from attacking according to their original purpose; but they retreated in good order to the high ground of Oligyrtus, content if only they were not attacked and forced to give battle. But Aratus, when the van of the Aetolians was already making the ascent, while the cavalry were bringing up the rear along the plain, and were approaching a place called Propus at the foot of the hills, sent out his cavalry and light-armed troops, under the command of Epistratus of Acarnania , with orders to attack and harass the enemy’s rear. Now if an engagement was necessary at all, they ought not to have attempted it with the enemy’s rear, when they had already accomplished the march through the plain, but with his van directly it had debouched upon the plain: for in this way the battle would have been wholly confined to the plain and level ground, where the peculiar nature of the Aetolian arms and general tactics would have been least effective; while the Achaeans, from precisely opposite reasons, would have been most effective and able to act. As it was, they surrendered the advantages of time and place which were in their favour, and deliberately accepted the conditions which were in favour of the enemy.

The Achaeans Defeated

Naturally the result of the engagement was in harmony with such a beginning. For when the lightarmed troops approached, the Aetolian cavalry retired in good order up the hill, being anxious to effect a junction with their own infantry. But Aratus, having an imperfect view of what was going on, and making a bad conjecture of what would happen next, no sooner saw the cavalry retiring, than, hoping that they were in absolute flight, he sent forward the heavy-armed troops of his two wings, with orders to join and support the advanced guard of their light-armed troops; while he himself, with his remaining forces, executed a flank movement, and led his men on at the double. But the Aetolian cavalry had now cleared the plain, and, having effected the junction with their infantry, drew up under cover of the hill; massed the infantry on their flanks; and called to them to stand by them: the infantry themselves showing great promptness in answering to their shouts, and in coming to their relief, as the several companies arrived. Thinking themselves now sufficiently strong in numbers, they closed their ranks, and charged the advanced guard of Achaean cavalry and light-armed troops; and being superior in number, and having the advantage of charging from higher ground, after a long struggle, they finally turned their opponents to flight: whose flight involved that of the heavy-armed troops also which were coming to their relief. For the latter were advancing in separate detachments in loose order, and, either in dismay at what was happening, or upon meeting their flying comrades on their retreat, were compelled to follow their example: the result being that, whereas the number of those actually defeated on the field was less than five hundred, the number that fled was more than two thousand. Taught by experience what to do, the Aetolians followed behind them with round after round of loud and boisterous shouts. The Achaeans at first retreated in good order and without danger, because they were retiring upon their heavy-armed troops, whom they imagined to be in a place of safety on their original ground; but when they saw that these too had abandoned their position of safety, and were marching in a long straggling line, some of them immediately broke off from the main body and sought refuge in various towns in the neighbourhood; while others, meeting the phalanx as it was coming up to their relief, proved to be quite sufficient, without the presence of an enemy, to strike fear into it and force it into headlong flight. They directed their flight, as I said, to the towns of the neighbourhood. Orchomenus and Caphyae, which were close by, saved large numbers of them: and if this had not been the case, they would in all probability have been annihilated by this unlooked-for catastrophe. Such was the result of the engagement at Caphyae.

Aratus Denounced For His Failure

When the people of Megalopolis learnt that the Aetolians were at Methydrium , they came to the rescue en masse, at ²⁹ the summons of a trumpet, on the very day after the battle of Caphyae; and were compelled to bury the very men with whose assistance they had expected to fight the Aetolians. Having therefore dug a trench in the territory of Caphyae, and collected the corpses, they performed the funeral rites of these unhappy men with all imaginable honour. But the Aetolians, after this unlooked-for success gained by the cavalry and lightarmed troops, traversed the Peloponnese from that time in complete security. In the course of their march they made an attack upon the town of Pellene , and, after ravaging the territory of Sicyon , finally quitted the Peloponnese by way of the Isthmus.

This, then, was the cause and occasion of the Social war: its formal beginning was the decree passed by all the allies after these events, which was confirmed by a general meeting held at Corinth , on the proposal of King Philip, who presided at the assembly.

Aratus is Denounced and Defends Himself

A few days after the events just narrated the ordinary ³⁰ meeting of the Achaean federal assembly took place, and Aratus was bitterly denounced, publicly as well as privately, as indisputably responsible for this disaster; and the anger of the general public was still further roused and embittered by the invectives of his political opponents. It was shown to every one’s satisfaction that Aratus had been guilty of four flagrant errors. His first was that, having taken office before his predecessor’s time was legally at an end, he had availed himself of a time properly belonging to another to engage in the sort of enterprise in which he was conscious of having often failed. ³¹ His second and graver error was the disbanding the Achaeans, while the Aetolians were still in the middle of the Peloponnese ; especially as he had been well aware beforehand that Scopas and Dorimachus were anxious to disturb the existing settlement, and to stir up war. His third error was to engage the enemy, as he did, with such a small force, without any strong necessity; when he might have retired to the neighbouring towns and have summoned a levy of the Achaeans, and then have engaged, if he had thought that measure absolutely necessary. But his last and gravest error was that, having determined to fight, he did so in such an ill-considered manner, and managed the business with so little circumspection, as to deprive himself of the advantages of the plain and the support of his heavy-armed troops, and allow the battle to be settled by light-armed troops, and to take place on the slopes, than which nothing could have been more advantageous or convenient to the Aetolians. Such were the allegations against Aratus. He, however, came forward and reminded the assembly of his former political services and achievements; and urged in his defence that, in the matters alleged, his was not the blame for what had occurred. He begged their indulgence if he had been guilty of any oversight in the battle, and claimed that they should at any rate look at the facts without prejudice or passion. These words created such a rapid and generous change in the popular feeling, that great indignation was roused against the political opponents who attacked him; and the resolutions as to the measures to be taken in the future were passed wholly in accordance with the views of Aratus.

Lukewarmness of the Allies

These events occurred in the previous Olympiad,³² what I am now going to relate belong to the 140th.

The resolutions passed by the Achaean ³⁴ federal assembly were these. That embassies should be sent to Epirus , Boeotia , Phocis , Acarnania , and Philip, to declare how the Aetolians, in defiance of treaty, had twice entered Achaia with arms, and to call upon them for assistance in virtue of their agreement, and for their consent to the admission of the Messenians into the alliance. Next, that the Strategus of the Achaeans should enrol five thousand foot and five hundred horse, and support the Messenians in case the Aetolians were to invade their territory; and to arrange with the Lacedaemonians and Messenians how many horse and foot were to be supplied by them severally for the service of the league. These decrees showed a noble spirit on the part of the Achaeans in the presence of defeat, which prevented them from abandoning either the cause of the Messenians or their own purpose. Those who were appointed to serve on these embassies to the allies proceeded to carry them out; while the Strategus at once, in accordance with the decree, set about enrolling the troops from Achaia , and arranged with the Lacedaemonians and Messenians to supply each two thousand five hundred infantry and two hundred and fifty cavalry, so that the whole army for the coming campaign should amount to ten thousand foot and a thousand horse.

On the day of their regular assembly the Aetolians also met and decided to maintain peace with the Spartans and Messenians; hoping by that crafty measure to tamper with the loyalty of the Achaean allies and sow disunion among them. With the Achaeans themselves they voted to maintain peace, on condition that they withdrew from alliance with Messenia , and to proclaim war if they refused,—than which nothing could have been more unreasonable. For being themselves in alliance, both with Achaeans and Messenians, they proclaimed war against the former, unless the two ceased to be in alliance and friendly relationship with each other; while if the Achaeans chose to be at enmity with the Messenians, they offered them a separate peace. Their proposition was too iniquitous and unreasonable to admit of being even considered.

The Aetolians and Illyrians Invade Achaia

The Epirotes and King Philip on hearing the ambassadors consented to admit the Messenians to alliance; but though the conduct of the Aetolians caused them momentary indignation, they were not excessively moved by it, because it was no more than what the Aetolians habitually did. Their anger, therefore, was short-lived, and they presently voted against going to war with them. So true is it that an habitual course of wrong-doing finds readier pardon than when it is spasmodic or isolated. The former, at any rate, was the case with the Aetolians: they perpetually plundered Greece , and levied unprovoked war upon many of its people: they did not deign either to make any defence to those who complained, but answered only by additional insults if any one challenged them to arbitration for injuries which they had inflicted, or indeed which they meditated inflicting. ³⁵ And yet the Lacedaemonians, who had but recently been liberated by means of Antigonus and the generous zeal of the Achaeans, and though they were bound not to commit any act of hostility towards the Macedonians and Philip, sent clandestine messages to the Aetolians, and arranged a secret treaty of alliance and friendship with them.

The army had already been enrolled from the Achaeans of³⁶ military age, and had been assigned to the duty of assisting the Lacedaemonians and Messenians, when Scerdilaidas and Demetrius of Pharos sailed with ninety galleys beyond Lissus , contrary to the terms of their treaty with Rome . These men first touched at Pylos , and failing in an attack upon it, they separated: Demetrius making for the Cyclades , from some of which he exacted money and plundered others; while Scerdilaidas, directing his course homewards, put in at Naupactus with forty galleys at the instigation of Amynas, king of the Athamanes, who happened to be his brother-in-law; and after making an agreement with the Aetolians, by the agency of Agelaus, for a division of spoils, he promised to join them in their invasion of Achaia . With this agreement made with Scerdilaidas, and with the co-operation of the city of Cynaetha, Agelaus, Dorimachus, and Scopas, collected a general levy of the Aetolians, and invaded Achaia in conjunction with the Illyrians.

Factions At Cynaetha

But the Aetolian Strategus Ariston, ignoring everything that was going on, remained quietly at home, asserting that he was not at war with the Achaeans, but was maintaining peace: a foolish and childish mode of acting,—for what better epithets could be applied to a man who supposed that he could cloak notorious facts by mere words? Meanwhile Dorimachus and his colleague had marched through the Achaean territory and suddenly appeared at Cynaetha.

Cynaetha was an Arcadian city³⁷ which, for many years past,³⁸ had been afflicted with implacable and violent political factions. The two parties had frequently retaliated on each other with massacres, banishments, confiscations, and re-divisions of lands; but finally the party which affected the Achaean connexion prevailed and got possession of the city, securing themselves by a city-guard and commandant from Achaia . This was the state of affairs when, shortly before the Aetolian invasion, the exiled party sent to the party in possession intreating that they would be reconciled and allow them to return to their own city; whereupon the latter were persuaded, and sent an embassy to the Achaeans with the view of obtaining their consent to the pacification. The Achaeans readily consented, in the belief that both parties would regard them with goodwill: since the party in possession had all their hopes centred in the Achaeans, while those who were about to be restored would owe that restoration to the consent of the same people. Accordingly the Cynaethans dismissed the city-guard and commandant, and restored the exiles, to the number of nearly three hundred, after taking such pledges from them as are reckoned the most inviolable among all mankind. But no sooner had they secured their return, than, without any cause or pretext arising which might give a colour to the renewal of the quarrel, but on the contrary, at the very first moment of their restoration, they began plotting against their country, and against those who had been their preservers. I even believe that at the very sacrifices, which consecrated the oaths and pledges which they gave each other, they were already, even at such a solemn moment, revolving in their minds this offence against religion and those who had trusted them. For, as soon as they were restored to their civil rights they called in the Aetolians, and betrayed the city into their hands, eager to effect the utter ruin both of the people who had preserved, and the city which had nourished, them.

Treason of the Cynaethans

The bold stroke by which they actually consummated this treason was as follows. Of the restored exiles certain officers had been appointed called Polemarchs, whose duty it was to lock the city-gates, and keep the keys while they remained closed, and also to be on guard during the day at the gate-houses. The Aetolians accordingly waited for this period of closing the gates, ready to make the attempt, and provided with ladders; while the Polemarchs of the exiles, having assassinated their colleagues on guard at the gate-house, opened the gate. Some of the Aetolians, therefore, got into the town by it, while others applied their ladders to the walls, and mounting by their means, took forcible possession of them. The inhabitants of the town, panic-stricken at the occurrence, could not tell which way to turn. They could not give their undivided energies to opposing the party which was forcing its way through the gate, because of those who were attacking them at the walls; nor could they defend the walls owing to the enemies that were pouring through the gate. The Aetolians having thus become rapidly masters of the town, in spite of the injustice of the whole proceeding, did one act of supreme justice. For the very men who had invited them, and betrayed the town to them, they massacred before any one else, and plundered their property. They then treated all the others of the party in the same way; and, finally, taking up their quarters in the houses, they systematically robbed them of all valuables, and in many cases put Cynaethans to the rack, if they suspected them of having anything concealed, whether money, or furniture, or anything else of unusual value.

After inflicting this ruin on the Cynaethans they departed, leaving a garrison to guard the walls, and marched towards Lusi . Arrived at the temple of Artemis, which lies between Cleitor and Cynaetha, and is regarded as inviolable by the Greeks, they threatened to plunder the cattle of the goddess and the other property round the temple. But the people of Lusi acted with great prudence: they gave the Aetolians some of the sacred furniture, and appealed to them not to commit the impiety of inflicting any outrage. The gift was accepted, and the Aetolians at once removed to Cleitor and pitched their camp under its walls.

More Aetolian Outrages

Meanwhile Aratus, the Achaean Strategus, had despatched an appeal for help to Philip; was ³⁹ collecting the men selected for service; and was sending for the troops, arranged for by virtue of the treaty, from Sparta and Messenia .

The Aetolians at first urged the people of Cleitor to abandon⁴⁰ their alliance with the Achaeans and adopt one with themselves; and upon the Cleitorians absolutely refusing, they began an assault upon the town, and endeavoured to take it by an escalade. But meeting with a bold and determined resistance from the inhabitants, they desisted from the attempt; and breaking up their camp marched back to Cynaetha, driving off with them on their route the cattle of the goddess. ⁴¹ They at first offered the city to the Eleans, but upon their refusing to accept it, they determined to keep the town in their own hands, and appointed Euripides to command it: but subsequently, on the alarm of an army of relief coming from Macedonia , they set fire to the town and abandoned it, directing their march to Rhium with the purpose of there taking ship and crossing home. ⁴² But when Taurion heard of the Aetolian invasion, and what had taken place at Cynaetha, and saw that Demetrius of Pharos had sailed into Cenchreae from his island expedition, he urged the latter to assist the Achaeans, and dragging his galleys across the Isthmus to attack the Aetolians as they crossed the gulf. Now though Demetrius had enriched himself by his island expedition, he had had to beat an ignominious retreat, owing to the Rhodians putting out to sea to attack him: he was therefore glad to accede to the request of Taurion, as the latter undertook the expense of having his galleys dragged across the Isthmus.⁴³ He accordingly got them across, and arriving two days after the passage of the Aetolians, plundered some places on the seaboard of Aetolia and then returned to Corinth .

The Lacedaemonians had dishonourably failed to send the⁴⁴ full complement of men to which they were bound by their engagement, but had despatched a small contingent only of horse and foot, to save appearances.

Aratus however, having his Achaean troops, behaved in this⁴⁵ instance also with the caution of a statesman, rather than the promptness of a general: for remembering his previous failure he remained inactively watching events, until Scopas and Dorimachus had accomplished all they wanted and were safe home again; although they had marched through a line of country which was quite open to attack, full of defiles, and wanting only a trumpeter⁴⁶ to sound a call to arms. But the great disaster and misfortunes endured by the Cynaethans at the hands of the Aetolians were looked upon as most richly deserved by them.

Music in Arcadia

Now, seeing that the Arcadians as a whole have a ⁴⁷ reputation for virtue throughout Greece , not only in respect of their hospitality and humanity, but especially for their scrupulous piety, it seems worth while to investigate briefly the barbarous character of the Cynaethans: and inquire how it came about that, though indisputably Arcadians in race, they at that time so far surpassed the rest of Greece in cruelty and contempt of law.

They seem then to me to be the first, and indeed the only, Arcadians who have abandoned institutions nobly conceived by their ancestors and admirably adapted to the character of all the inhabitants of Arcadia . For music, and I mean by that true music, which it is advantageous to every one to practice, is obligatory with the Arcadians. For we must not think, as Ephorus in a hasty sentence of his preface, wholly unworthy of him, says, that music was introduced among mankind for the purpose of deception and jugglery; nor must the ancient Cretans and Spartans be supposed to have introduced the pipe and rhythmic movement in war, instead of the trumpet, without some reason; nor the early Arcadians to have given music such a high place in their constitution, that not only boys, but young men up to the age of thirty, are compelled to practise it, though in other respects most simple and primitive in their manner of life. Every one is familiarly acquainted with the fact that the Arcadians are the only people among whom boys are by the laws trained from infancy to sing hymns and paeans, in which they celebrate in the traditional fashion the heroes and gods of their particular towns. They next learn the airs of Philoxenus and Timotheus, and dance with great spirit to the pipers at the yearly Dionysia in the theatres, the boys at the boys’ festival, and the young men at what is called the men’s festival. Similarly it is their universal custom, at all festal gatherings and banquets, not to have strangers to make the music, but to produce it themselves, calling on each other in turn for a song. They do not look upon it as a disgrace to disclaim the possession of any other accomplishment: but no one can disclaim the knowledge of how to sing, because all are forced to learn; nor can they confess the knowledge, and yet excuse themselves from practising it, because that too among them is looked upon as disgraceful. Their young men again practise a military step to the music of the pipe and in regular order of battle, producing elaborate dances, which they display to their fellow-citizens every year in the theatres, at the public charge and expense.

Why the Ancient Arcadians Turned to Music

Now the object of the ancient Arcadians in introducing ⁴⁸ these customs was not, as I think, the gratification of luxury and extravagance. They saw that Arcadia was a nation of workers; that the life of the people was laborious and hard; and that, as a natural consequence of the coldness and gloom which were the prevailing features of a great part of the country, the general character of the people was austere. For we mortals have an irresistible tendency to yield to climatic influences: and to this cause, and no other, may be traced the great distinctions which prevail amongst us in character, physical formation, and complexion, as well as in most of our habits, varying with nationality or wide local separation. And it was with a view of softening and tempering this natural ruggedness and rusticity, that they not only introduced the things which I have mentioned, but also the custom of holding assemblies and frequently offering sacrifices, in both of which women took part equally with men; and having mixed dances of girls and boys: and in fact did everything they could to humanise their souls by the civilising and softening influence of such culture. The people of Cynaetha entirely neglected these things, although they needed them more than any one else, because their climate and country is by far the most unfavourable in all Arcadia ; and on the contrary gave their whole minds to mutual animosities and contentions. They in consequence became finally so brutalised, that no Greek city has ever witnessed a longer series of the most atrocious crimes. I will give one instance of the ill fortune of Cynaetha in this respect, and of the disapproval of such proceedings on the part of the Arcadians at large. When the Cynaethans, after their great massacre, sent an embassy to Sparta , every city which the ambassadors entered on their road at once ordered them by a herald to depart; while the Mantineans not only did that, but after their departure regularly purified their city and territory from the taint of blood, by carrying victims round them both.

I have had three objects in saying thus much on this subject. First, that the character of the Arcadians should not suffer from the crimes of one city: secondly, that other nations should not neglect music, from an idea that certain Arcadians give an excessive and extravagant attention to it: and, lastly, I speak for the sake of the Cynaethans themselves, that, if ever God gives them better fortune, they may humanise themselves by turning their attention to education, and especially to music.

Philip V. In the Peloponnese

To return from this digression. When the Aetolians ⁴⁹ had reached their homes in safety after this raid upon the Peloponnese , Philip, coming to the aid of the Achaeans with an army, arrived at Corinth . Finding that he was too late, he sent despatches to all the allies urging them to send deputies at once to Corinth , to consult on the measures required for the common safety. Meanwhile he himself marched towards Tegea , being informed that the Lacedaemonians were in a state of revolution, and were fallen to mutual slaughter. ⁵⁰ For being accustomed to have a king over them, and to be entirely submissive to their rulers, their sudden enfranchisement by means of Antigonus, and the absence of a king, produced a state of civil war; because they all imagined themselves to be on a footing of complete political equality. At first two of the five Ephors kept their views to themselves; while the other three threw in their lot with the Aetolians, because they were convinced that the youth of Philip would prevent him as yet from having a decisive influence in the Peloponnese . But when, contrary to their expectations, the Aetolians retired quickly from the Peloponnese , and Philip arrived still more quickly from Macedonia , the three Ephors became distrustful of Adeimantus, one of the other two, because he was privy to and disapproved of their plans; and were in a great state of anxiety lest he should tell Philip everything as soon as that monarch approached. After some consultation therefore with certain young men, they published a proclamation ordering all citizens of military age to assemble in arms in the sacred enclosure of Athene of the Brazenhouse, on the pretext that the Macedonians were advancing against the town. ⁵¹ This startling announcement caused a rapid muster: when Adeimantus, who disapproved of the measure, came forward and endeavoured to show that the proclamation and summons to assemble in arms should have been made some time before, when they were told that their enemies the Aetolians were approaching the frontier: not then, when they learnt that their benefactors and preservers the Macedonians were coming with their king. In the middle of this dissuasive speech the young men whose co-operation had been secured struck him dead, and with him Sthenelaus, Alcamenes, Thyestes, Bionidas, and several other citizens; whereupon Polyphontes and certain of his party, seeing clearly what was going to happen, went off to join Philip.

Differences of Opinion Among the Lacedaemonians

Immediately after the commission of this crime, the ⁵² Ephors who were then in power sent men to Philip, to accuse the victims of this massacre; and to beg him to delay his approach, until the affairs of the city had returned to their normal state after this commotion; and to be assured meanwhile that it was their purpose to be loyal and friendly to the Macedonians in every respect. These ambassadors found Philip near Mount Parthenius,⁵³ and communicated to him their commission. Having listened, he bade the ambassadors make all haste home, and inform the Ephors that he was going to continue his march to Tegea , and expected that they would as quickly as possible send him men of credit to consult with him on the present position of affairs. After hearing this message from the king, the Lacedaemonian officers despatched ten commissioners headed by Omias to meet Philip; who, on arriving at Tegea , and entering the king’s council chamber, accused Adeimantus of being the cause of the late commotion; and promised that they would perform all their obligations as allies to Philip, and show that they were second to none of those whom he looked upon as his most loyal friends, in their affection for his person. With these and similar asseverations the Lacedaemonian commissioners left the council chamber. The members of the council were divided in opinion: one party knowing the secret treachery of the Spartan magistrates, and feeling certain that Adeimantus had lost his life from his loyalty to Macedonia , while the Lacedaemonians had really determined upon an alliance with the Aetolians, advised Philip to make an example of the Lacedaemonians, by treating them precisely as Alexander had treated the Thebans, immediately after his assumption of his sovereignty. But another party, consisting of the older counsellors, sought to show that such severity was too great for the occasion, and that all that ought to be done was to rebuke the offenders, depose them, and put the management of the state and the chief offices in the hands of his own friends.

the King Decides Not to Punish Sparta

The king gave the final decision, if that decision may ⁵⁴ be called the king’s: for it is not reasonable to suppose that a mere boy should be able to come to a decision on matters of such moment. Historians, however, must attribute to the highest official present the final decisions arrived at: it being thoroughly understood among their readers that propositions and opinions, such as these, in all probability proceed from the members of the council, and particularly from those highest in his confidence. In this case the decision of the king ought most probably to be attributed to Aratus. It was to this effect: the king said that in the case of injuries inflicted by the allies upon each other separately, his intervention ought to be confined to a remonstrance by word of mouth or letter; but that it was only injuries affecting the whole body of the allies which demanded joint intervention and redress: and seeing that the Lacedaemonians had plainly committed no such injury against the whole body of allies, but professed their readiness to satisfy every claim that could with justice be made upon them, he held that he ought not to decree any measure of excessive severity against them. For it would be very inconsistent for him to take severe measures against them for so insignificant a cause; while his father inflicted no punishment at all upon them, though when he conquered them they were not allies but professed enemies. It having, therefore, been formally decided to overlook the incident, the king immediately sent Petraeus, one of his most trusted friends, with Omias, to exhort the people to remain faithful to their friendship with him and Macedonia , and to interchange oaths of alliance; while he himself started once more with his army and returned towards Corinth , having in his conduct to the Lacedaemonians given an excellent specimen of his policy towards the allies.

War Declared With the Aetolians

When he arrived at Corinth he found the envoys from ⁵⁵ the allied cities already there; and in consultation with them he discussed the measures to be taken in regard to the Aetolians. The complaints against them were stated by the various envoys. The Boeotians accused them of plundering the temple of Athene at Itone⁵⁶ in time of peace: the phocians of having attacked and attempted to seize the cities of Ambrysus and Daulium: the Epirotes of having committed depredations in their territory. The Acarnanians showed how they had contrived a plot for the betrayal of Thyrium into their hands, and had gone so far as to actually assault it under cover of night. The Achaeans made a statement showing that they had seized Clarium in the territory of Megalopolis ; traversed the territories of Patrae and Pharae, pillaging the country as they went; completely sacked Cynaetha; plundered the temple of Artemis in Lusi ; laid siege to Cleitor; attempted Pylus by sea, and Megalopolis by land, doing all they could by aid of the Illyrians to lay waste the latter after its recent restoration. After listening to these depositions, the congress of allies unanimously decided to go to war with the Aetolians. A decree was, therefore, formulated in which the aforesaid causes for war were stated as a preamble, and a declaration subjoined of their intention of restoring to the several allies any portion of their territory seized by the Aetolians since the death of Demetrius, father of Philip; and similarly of restoring to their ancestral forms of government all states that had been compelled against their will to join the Aetolian league; with full possession of their own territory and cities; subject to no foreign garrison or tribute; in complete independence; and in enjoyment of their own constitutions and laws. Finally a clause in the decree declared their intention of assisting the Amphictyonic council to restore the laws, and to recover its control of the Delphic temple, wrested from it by the Aetolians, who were determined to keep in their own hands all that belonged to that temple.

Opening of the Social War

This decree was made in the first year of the ⁵⁷ 140th Olympiad, and with it began the so-called Social war, the commencement of which was thoroughly justifiable and a natural consequence of the injurious acts of the Aetolians. The first step of the congress was to send commissioners at once to the several allies, that the decree having been confirmed by as many as possible, all might join in this national war. Philip also sent a declaratory letter to the Aetolians, in order that, if they had any justification to put forward on the points alleged against them, they might even at that late hour meet and settle the controversy by conference: but if they supposed that they were, with no public declaration of war, to sack and plunder, without the injured parties retaliating, on pain of being considered, if they did so, to have commenced hostilities, they were the most simple people in the world. On the receipt of this letter the Aetolian magistrates, thinking that Philip would never come, named a day on which they would meet him at Rhium. When they were informed, however, that he had actually arrived there, they sent a despatch informing him that they were not competent, before the meeting of the Aetolian assembly, to settle any public matter on their own authority. But when the Achaeans met at the usual federal assembly, they ratified the decree, and published a proclamation authorising reprisals upon the Aetolians. And when King Philip appeared before the council at Aegium, and informed them at length of all that had taken place, they received his speech with warmth, and formally renewed with him personally the friendship which had existed between his ancestors and themselves. ⁵⁸

Disingenuous Policy of the Spartans

Meanwhile, the time of the annual election having come round, the Aetolians elected Scopas as their Strategus, the man who had been the moving spirit in all these acts of violence. ⁵⁹ I am at a loss for fitting terms to describe such a public policy. To pass a decree against going to war,⁶⁰ and yet to go on an actual expedition in force and pillage their neighbours’ territories: not to punish one of those responsible for this: but on the contrary to elect as Strategi and bestow honours on the leaders in these transactions,—this seems to me to involve the grossest disingenuousness. I can find no word which better describes such a treacherous policy; and I will quote two instances to show what I mean by it. ⁶¹ When Phoebidas treacherously seized the Cadmeia, the Lacedaemonians fined the guilty general but declined to withdraw the garrison, on the ground that the wrong was fully atoned for by the punishment of the perpetrator of it: though their plain duty was to have done the reverse, for it was the latter which was of importance to the Thebans. ⁶² Again this same people published a proclamation giving the various cities freedom and autonomy in accordance with the terms of the peace of Antalcidas, and yet did not withdraw their Harmosts from the cities. ⁶³ Again, having driven the Mantineans from their home, who were at the time their friends and allies, they denied that they were doing any wrong, inasmuch as they removed them from one city and settled them in several. But indeed a man is a fool, as much as a knave, if he imagines that, because he shuts his own eyes, his neighbours cannot see. Their fondness for such tortuous policy proved however, both to the Lacedaemonians and Aetolians, the source of the greatest disasters; and it is not one which should commend itself to the imitation either of individuals or states, if they are well advised.

King Philip, then, after his interview with the Achaean assembly, started with his army on the way to Macedonia , in all haste to make preparations for war; leaving a pleasant impression in the minds of all the Greeks: for the nature of the decree, which I have mentioned as having been passed by him,⁶⁴ gave them good hopes of finding him a man of moderate temper and royal magnanimity.

The Wars in Italy , Greece , and Asia Become Interlaced

These transactions were contemporaneous with Hannibal’s expedition against Saguntum , after his conquest of all Iberia south of the Iber. Now, had the first attempts of Hannibal been from the beginning involved with the transactions in Greece , it would have been plainly my proper course to have narrated the latter side by side with those in Iberia in my previous book, with an eye solely to dates. But seeing that the wars in Italy , Greece , and Asia were at their commencements entirely distinct, and yet became finally involved with each other, I decided that my history of them must also be distinct, until I came to the point at which they became inseparably interlaced, and began to tend towards a common conclusion. Thus both will be made clear,—the account of their several commencements: and the time, manner, and causes which led to the complication and amalgamation, of which I spoke in my introduction. This point having been reached, I must thenceforth embrace them all in one uninterrupted narrative. This amalgamation began towards the end of the war, in the third year of the 140th Olympiad. From that year, therefore, my history will, with a due regard to dates, become a general one. ⁶⁵ Before that year it must be divided into distinct narratives, with a mere recapitulation in each case of the events detailed in the preceding book, introduced for the sake of facilitating the comprehension, and rousing the admiration, of my readers.

The Illyrians and Acarnanians Join

Philip then passed the winter in Macedonia , in an ⁶⁶ energetic enlistment of troops for the coming campaign, and in securing his frontier on the side of the Barbarians. And having accomplished these objects, he met Scerdilaidas and put himself fearlessly in his power, and discussed with him the terms of friendship and alliance; and partly by promising to help him in securing his power in Illyria , and partly by bringing against the Aetolians the charges to which they were only too open, persuaded him without difficulty to assent to his proposals. The fact is that public crimes do not differ from private, except in quantity and extent; and just as in the case of petty thieves, what brings them to ruin more than anything else is that they cheat and are unfaithful to each other, so was it in the case of the Aetolians. They had agreed with Scerdilaidas to give him half the booty, if he would join them in their attack upon Achaea ; but when, on his consenting to do so, and actually carrying out his engagement, they had sacked Cynaetha and carried off a large booty in slaves and cattle, they gave him no share in the spoil at all. He was therefore already enraged with them; and required very little persuasion on Philip’s part to induce him to accept the proposal, and agree to join the alliance, on condition of receiving a yearly subsidy of twenty talents; and, in return, putting to sea with thirty galleys and carrying on a naval war with the Aetolians.

The Acarnanians Enter the War

While Philip was thus engaged, the commissioners sent ⁶⁷ out to the allies were performing their mission. The first place they came to was Acarnania ; and the Acarnanians, with a noble promptitude, confirmed the decree and undertook to join the war against the Aetolians with their full forces. And yet they, if any one, might have been excused if they had put the matter off, and hesitated, and shown fear of entering upon a war with their neighbours; both because they lived upon the frontiers of Aetolia , and still more because they were peculiarly open to attack, and, most of all, because they had a short time before experienced the most dreadful disasters from the enmity of the Aetolians. But I imagine that men of noble nature, whether in private or public affairs, look upon duty as the highest consideration; and in adherence to this principle no people in Greece have been more frequently conspicuous than the Acarnanians, although the forces at their command were but slender. With them, above all others in Greece , an alliance should be sought at a crisis, without any misgiving; for they have, individually and collectively, an element of stability and a spirit of liberality. ⁶⁸ The conduct of the Epirotes was in strong contrast. When they heard what the commissioners had to say, indeed, they, like the Acarnanians, joined in confirming the decree, and voted to go to war with the Aetolians at such time as Philip also did the same; but with ignoble duplicity they told the Aetolian envoys that they had determined to maintain peace with them.

Ambassadors were despatched also to King Ptolemy, to⁶⁹ urge him not to send money to the Aetolians, nor to supply them with any aid against Philip and the allies.

Mistaken Policy of the Messenians

The Messenians again, on whose account the war began, answered the commissioners sent to ⁷⁰ them that, seeing Phigalia was on their frontier and was in the power of the Aetolians, they would not undertake the war until that city was wrested from them. This decision was forcibly carried, much against the will of the people at large, by the Ephors Oenis and Nicippus, and some others of the oligarchical party: wherein they showed, to my thinking, great ignorance of their true interests. I admit, indeed, that war is a terrible thing; but it is less terrible than to submit to anything whatever in order to avoid it. ⁷¹ For what is the meaning of our fine talk about equality of rights, freedom of speech, and liberty, if the one important thing is peace? We have no good word for the Thebans, because they shrunk from fighting for Greece and chose from fear to side with the Persians,—nor indeed for Pindar who supported their inaction in the verses—⁷²

A quiet haven for the ship of state

Should be the patriot’s aim,

And smiling peace, to small and great

That brings no shame.

For though his advice was for the moment acceptable, it was not long before it became manifest that his opinion was as mischievous as it was dishonourable. For peace, with justice and honour, is the noblest and most advantageous thing in the world; when joined with disgrace and contemptible cowardice, it is the basest and most disastrous.⁷³

The Messenians Too Much Inclined to Peace

The Messenian leaders, then, being of oligarchical tendencies, and aiming at their own immediate advantage, were always too much inclined to peace. On many critical occasions indeed they managed to elude fear and danger: but all the while this policy of theirs was accumulating a heavy retribution for themselves; and they finally involved their country in the gravest misfortunes. And the reason in my opinion was this, that being neighbours to two of the most powerful nations in the Peloponnese , or I might almost say in Greece , I mean the Arcadians and Lacedaemonians,—one of which had been irreconcilably hostile to them from the moment they occupied the country, and the other disposed to be friendly and protect them,—they never frankly accepted hostility to the Spartans, or friendship with the Arcadians. Accordingly when the attention of the former was distracted by domestic or foreign war, the Messenians were secure; for they always enjoyed peace and tranquillity from the fact of their country lying out of the road: but when the Lacedaemonians, having nothing else on hand to distract their attention, took to inflicting injuries on them, they were unable to withstand the superior strength of the Lacedaemonians by their own power; and, having failed to secure the support of their true friends, who were ready to do anything for their protection, they were reduced to the alternatives of becoming the slaves of Sparta and enduring her heavy exactions; or of leaving their homes to escape from this servitude, abandoning their country with wives and children. And this has repeatedly happened to them within comparatively recent times.

That the present settlement of the Peloponnese may prove a lasting one, so that no measure such as I am about to describe may be ever necessary, is indeed my earnest wish: but if anything does happen to disturb it, and threaten revolutionary changes, the only hope for the Messenians and Megalopolitans of continuing to occupy their present territory, that I can see, is a recurrence to the policy of Epaminondas. They must resolve, that is to say, upon a cordial and sincere partnership with each other in every danger and labour.

Troubles In Sparta

And perhaps my observation may receive some support from ancient history. For, among many other indications, it is a fact that the Messenians did set up a pillar close to the altar of Zeus Lycaeus in the time of Aristomenes,⁷⁴ according to the evidence of Callisthenes, in which they inscribed the following verses:

A faithless king will perish soon or late!

Messene tracked him down right easily,

The traitor:—perjury must meet its fate;

Glory to Zeus, and life to Arcady!

The point of this is, that, having lost their own country, they pray the gods to save Arcadia as their second country.⁷⁵ And it was very natural that they should do so; for not only did the Arcadians receive them when driven from their own land, at the time of the Aristomenic war, and make them welcome to their homes and free of their civic rights; but they also passed a vote bestowing their daughters in marriage upon those of the Messenians who were of proper age; and besides all this, investigated the treason of their king Aristocrates in the battle of the Trench; and, finding him guilty, put him to death and utterly destroyed his whole family. ⁷⁶ But setting aside these ancient events, what has happened recently after the restoration of Megalopolis and Messene will be sufficient to support what I have said. For when, upon the death of Epaminondas leaving the result of the battle of Mantinea doubtful, the Lacedaemonians endeavoured to prevent the Messenians from being included. in the truce, hoping even then to get Messenia into their own hands, the Megalopolitans, and all the other Arcadians who were allied with the Messenians, made such a point of their being admitted to the benefits of the new confederacy, that they were accepted by the allies and allowed to take the oaths and share in the provisions of the peace; while the Lacedaemonians were the only Greeks excluded from the treaty. With such facts before him, could any one doubt the soundness of the suggestion I lately made?

I have said thus much for the sake of the Arcadians and Messenians themselves; that, remembering all the misfortunes which have befallen their countries at the hands of the Lacedaemonians, they may cling close to the policy of mutual affection and fidelity; and let no fear of war, or desire of peace, induce them to abandon each other in what affects the highest interests of both.

Machatas Addresses the Spartan Public

In the matter of the commissioners from the allies, to ⁷⁷ go back to my story, the behaviour of the Lacedaemonians was very characteristic. For their own ill-considered and tortuous policy had placed them in such a difficulty, that they finally dismissed them without an answer: thus illustrating, as it seems to me, the truth of the saying, that, boldness pushed to extremes amounts to want of sense, and comes to nothing. Subsequently, however, on the appointment of new Ephors, the party who had originally promoted the outbreak, and had been the causes of the massacre, sent to the Aetolians to induce them to despatch an ambassador to Sparta . The Aetolians gladly consented, and in a short time Machatas arrived there in that capacity. Pressure was at once put upon the Ephors to allow Machatas to address the people,⁷⁸ and to re-establish royalty in accordance with the ancient constitution, and not to allow the Heraclid dynasty to be any longer suppressed, contrary to the laws. The Ephors were annoyed at the proposal, but were unable to withstand the pressure, and afraid of a rising of the younger men: they therefore answered that the question of restoring the kings must be reserved for future consideration; but they consented to grant Machatas an opportunity of addressing a public assembly. When the people accordingly were met, Machatas came forward, and in a long speech urged them to embrace the alliance with Aetolia ; inveighing in reckless and audacious terms against the Macedonians, while he went beyond all reason and truth in his commendations of the Aetolians. Upon his retirement, there was a long and animated debate between those who supported the Aetolians and advised the adoption of their alliance, and those who took the opposite side. When, however, some of the elders reminded the people of the good services rendered them by Antigonus and the Macedonians, and the injuries inflicted on them by Charixenus and Timaeus,—when the Aetolians invaded them with their full force and ravaged their territory, enslaved the neighbouring villages, and laid a plot for attacking Sparta itself by a fraudulent and forcible restoration of exiles,—these words produced a great revulsion of feeling, and the people finally decided to maintain the alliance with Philip and the Macedonians. Machatas accordingly had to go home without attaining the object of his mission.

Restoration of Royalty In Sparta

The party, however, at Sparta who were the original ⁷⁹ instigators of the outbreak could not make up their minds to give way. They once more therefore determined to commit a crime of the most impious description, having first corrupted some of the younger men. It was an ancestral custom that, at a certain sacrifice, all citizens of military age should join fully armed in a procession to the temple of Athene of the Brazen-house, while the Ephors remained in the sacred precinct and completed the sacrifice. As the young men therefore were conducting the procession, some of them suddenly fell upon the Ephors, while they were engaged with the sacrifice, and slew them. The enormity of this crime will be made apparent by remembering that the sanctity of this temple was such, that it gave a safe asylum even to criminals condemned to death; whereas its privileges were now by the cruelty of these audacious men treated with such contempt, that the whole of the Ephors were butchered round the altar and the table of the goddess. In pursuance of their purpose they next killed one of the elders, Gyridas, and drove into exile those who had spoken against the Aetolians. They then chose some of their own body as Ephors, and made an alliance with the Aetolians. Their motives for doing all this, for incurring the enmity of the Achaeans, for their ingratitude to the Macedonians, and generally for their unjustifiable conduct towards all, was before everything else their devotion to Cleomenes, and the hopes and expectations they continued to cherish that he would return to Sparta in safety. So true it is that men who have the tact to ingratiate themselves with those who surround them can, even when far removed, leave in their hearts very effective materials for kindling the flame of a renewed popularity. This people for instance, to say nothing of other examples, after nearly three years of constitutional government, following the banishment of Cleomenes, without once thinking of appointing kings at Sparta, no sooner heard of the death of Cleomenes than they were eager—populace and Ephors alike—to restore kingly rule. ⁸⁰ Accordingly the Ephors who were in sympathy with the conspirators, and who had made the alliance with Aetolia which I just now mentioned, did so. One of these kings so restored they appointed in accordance with the regular and legal succession, namely Agesipolis. ⁸¹ He was a child at the time, a son of Agesipolis, and grandson of that Cleombrotus who had become king, as the next of kin to this family, when Leonidas was driven from office. As guardian of the young king they elected Cleomenes, son of Cleombrotus and brother of Agesipolis.

Of the other royal house there were surviving two sons of⁸² Archidamus, son of Eudamidas, by the daughter of Hippodemon; as well as Hippodemon himself, the son of Agesilaus, and several other members of the same branch, though somewhat less closely connected than those I have mentioned. But these were all passed over, and Lycurgus was appointed king, none of whose ancestors had ever enjoyed that title. A present of a talent to each of the Ephors made him descendant of Hercules and king of Sparta . So true is it all the world over that such nobility⁸³ is a mere question of a little money. The result was that the penalty for their folly had to be paid, not by the third generation, but by the very authors of this royalist restoration.

Machatas Proposes Foreign War to Quell Domestic Strife

When Machatas heard what had happened at Sparta , ⁸⁴ he returned thither and urged the Ephors and kings to go to war with the Achaeans; arguing that that was the only way of stopping the ambition of the party in Sparta who were doing all they could to break up the alliance with the Aetolians, or of the party in Aetolia who were co-operating with them. Having obtained the consent of the Ephors and kings, Machatas returned home with a success secured him by the blindness of his partisans in Sparta ; while Lycurgus with the army and certain others of the citizens invaded the Argive territory, the inhabitants being quite unprepared for an attack, owing to the existing settlement. By a sudden assault he seized Polichna, Prasiae, Leucae, and Cyphanta, but was repulsed at Glympes and Zarax . After these achievements of their king, the Lacedaemonians proclaimed a licence of reprisal against the Achaeans. With the Eleans also Machatas was successful in persuading them, by the same arguments as he had used at Sparta , to go to war with the Achaeans.

The unexpected success of these intrigues caused the Aetolians to enter upon the war with high spirits. But it was quite the contrary with the Achaeans: for Philip, on whom their hopes rested, was still busy with his preparations; the Epirotes were hesitating about going to war, and the Messenians were entirely passive; and meantime the Aetolians, aided by the blind policy of the Eleans and Lacedaemonians, were threatening them with actual war on every side.

Universal War

The year of Aratus’s office was just expiring, and his ⁸⁵ son Aratus the younger had been elected to succeed him as Strategus, and was on the point of taking over the office. Scopas was still Strategus of the Aetolians, and in fact it was just about the middle of his year. For the Aetolians hold their elections immediately after the autumn equinox, while the Achaeans hold theirs about the time of the rising of the Pleiads. As soon therefore as summer had well set in, and Aratus the younger had taken over his office, all these wars at once began simultaneously. ⁸⁶ Hannibal began besieging Saguntum ; the Romans sent Lucius Aemilius with an army to Illyria against Demetrius of Pharos,—of both which I spoke in the last book; Antiochus, having had Ptolemais and Tyre betrayed to him by Theodotus, meditated attacking Coele-Syria ; and Ptolemy was engaged in preparing for the war with Antiochus. While Lycurgus, wishing to make a beginning after the pattern of Cleomenes, pitched his camp near the Athenaeum of Megalopolis and was laying siege to it: the Achaeans were collecting mercenary horse and foot for the war which was upon them: and Philip, finally, was starting from Macedonia with an army consisting of ten thousand heavy-armed soldiers of the phalanx, five thousand light-armed, and eight hundred cavalry. Such was the universal state of war or preparation for war.

Byzantium

At the same time the Rhodians went to ⁸⁷ war with the Byzantines, for reasons which I must now describe.

As far as the sea is concerned, Byzantium occupies a position⁸⁸ the most secure and in every way the most advantageous of any town in our quarter of the world: while in regard to the land, its situation is in both respects the most unfavourable. By sea it so completely commands the entrance to the Pontus , that no merchant can sail in or out against its will. The Pontus therefore being rich in what the rest of the world requires for the support of life, the Byzantines are absolute masters of all such things. For those commodities which are the first necessaries of existence, cattle and slaves, are confessedly supplied by the districts round the Pontus in greater profusion, and of better quality, than by any others: and for luxuries, they supply us with honey, wax, and salt-fish in great abundance; while they take our superfluous stock of olive oil and every kind of wine. In the matter of corn there is a mutual interchange, they supplying or taking it as it happens to be convenient. Now the Greeks would necessarily have been excluded entirely from traffic in these articles, or at least would have had to carry it on at a loss, if the Byzantines had adopted a hostile attitude, and made common cause formerly with the Gauls, or still more at this time with the Thracians, or had abandoned the place altogether: for owing to the narrowness of the strait, and the number of the barbarians along its shores, it would have become entirely impassable to our ships. The Byzantines themselves probably feel the advantages of the situation, in the supplies of the necessaries of life, more than any one else; for their superfluity finds a ready means of export, and what they lack is readily imported, with profit to themselves, and without difficulty or danger: but other people too, as I have said, get a great many commodities by their means. As common benefactors therefore of all Greece they might justly expect, not only gratitude, but the united assistance of Greeks, when threatened by the barbarians.

But since the peculiar natural advantages of this site are generally unknown, because it lies somewhat outside the parts of the world ordinarily visited; and since it is an universal wish to be acquainted with things of this sort, by ocular inspection, if possible, of such places as have any unusual or remarkable features; or, if that is impossible, by having in our minds some ideas or images of them as like the truth as may be, I must now state the facts of the case, and what it is that makes this city so eminently rich and prosperous.

The Black Sea

The sea called The Pontus has a circumference of ⁸⁹ twenty-two thousand stades, and two mouths diametrically opposite to each other, the one opening into the Propontis and the other into the Maeotic Lake; which latter also has itself a circumference of eight thousand stades. Into these two basins many great rivers discharge themselves on the Asiatic side, and still larger and more numerous on the European; and so the Maeotic lake, as it gets filled up, flows into the Pontus , and the Pontus into the Propontis. The mouth of the Maeotic lake is called the Cimmerian Bosporus, about thirty stades broad and sixty long, and shallow all over; that of the Pontus is called the Thracian Bosporus, and is a hundred and twenty stades long, and of a varying breadth. Between Calchedon and Byzantium the channel is fourteen stades broad, and this is the entrance at the end nearest the Propontis. Coming from the Pontus , it begins at a place called Hieron, at which they say that Jason on his return voyage from Colchis first sacrificed to the twelve gods. This place is on the Asiatic side, and its distance from the European coast is twelve stades, measuring to Sarapieium, which lies exactly opposite in Thrace . There are two causes which account for the fact that the waters, both of the Maeotic lake and the Pontus , continually flow outwards. One is patent at once to every observer, namely, that by the continual discharge of many streams into basins which are of definite circumference and content, the water necessarily is continually increasing in bulk, and, had there been no outlet, would inevitably have encroached more and more, and occupied an ever enlarging area in the depression: but as outlets do exist, the surplus water is carried off by a natural process, and runs perpetually through the channels that are there to receive it. The second cause is the alluvial soil brought down, in immense quantities of every description, by the rivers swollen from heavy rains, which forms shelving banks and continually forces the water to take a higher level, which is thus also carried through these outlets. Now as this process of alluvial deposit and influx of water is unceasing and continuous, so also the discharge through the channels is necessarily unceasing and continuous.

These are the true causes of the outflow of the Pontus , which do not depend for their credit on the stories of merchants, but upon the actual observation of nature, which is the most accurate method discoverable.

The Black Sea Being Silted Up

As I have started this topic I must not, as most historians do, leave any point undiscussed, or only barely stated. My object is rather to give information, and to clear up doubtful points for my readers. This is the peculiarity of the present day, in which every sea and land has been thrown open to travellers; and in which, therefore, one can no longer employ the evidence of poets and fabulists, as my predecessors have done on very many points, offering, as Heraclitus says, tainted witnesses to disputed facts,—but I must try to make my narrative in itself carry conviction to my readers.

I say then the Pontus has long been in process of being filled up with mud, and that this process is actually going on now: and further, that in process of time both it and the Propontis, assuming the same local conditions to be maintained, and the causes of the alluvial deposit to continue active, will be entirely filled up. For time being infinite, and the depressions most undoubtedly finite, it is plain that, even though the amount of deposit be small, they must in course of time be filled. For a finite process, whether of accretion or decrease, must, if we presuppose infinite time, be eventually completed, however infinitesimal its progressive stages may be. In the present instance the amount of soil deposited being not small, but exceedingly large, it is plain that the result I mentioned will not be remote but rapid. And, in fact, it is evident that it is already taking place. The Maeotic lake is already so much choked up, that the greater part of it is only from seven to five fathoms deep, and accordingly cannot any longer be passed by large ships without a pilot. And having moreover been originally a sea precisely on a level with the Pontus , it is now a freshwater lake: the sea-water has been expelled by the silting up of the bottom, and the discharge of the rivers has entirely overpowered it. The same will happen to the Pontus , and indeed is taking place at this moment; and though it is not evident to ordinary observers, owing to the vastness of its basin, yet a moderately attentive study will discover even now what is going on.

Flow of the Danube into the Black Sea

For the Danube discharging itself into the Pontus by several mouths, we find opposite it a bank formed by the mud discharged from these mouths extending for nearly a thousand stades, at a distance of a day’s sail from the shore as it now exists; upon which ships sailing to the Pontus run, while apparently still in deep water, and find themselves unexpectedly stranded on the sandbanks which the sailors call the Breasts. That this deposit is not close to the shore, but projected to some distance, must be accounted for thus: exactly as far as the currents of the rivers retain their force from the strength of the descending stream, and overpower that of the sea, it must of course follow that to that distance the earth, and whatever else is carried down by the rivers, would be projected, and neither settle nor become fixed until it is reached. But when the force of the currents has become quite spent by the depth and bulk of the sea, it is but natural that the soil held in solution should settle down and assume a fixed position. This is the explanation of the fact, that, in the case of large and rapid rivers, such embankments are at considerable distances, and the sea close in shore deep; while in the case of smaller and more sluggish streams, these sandbanks are at their mouths. The strongest proof of this is furnished by the case of heavy rains; for when they occur, rivers of inferior size, overpowering the waves at their mouths, project the alluvial deposit out to sea, to a distance exactly in proportion to the force of the streams thus discharging themselves. It would be mere foolish scepticism to disbelieve in the enormous size of this sandbank, and in the mass of stones, timber, and earth carried down by the rivers; when we often see with our own eyes an insignificant stream suddenly swell into a torrent, and force its way over lofty rocks, sweeping along with it every kind of timber, soil, and stones, and making such huge moraines, that at times the appearance of a locality becomes in a brief period difficult to recognise.⁹⁰

Concentration of Salt

This should prevent any surprise that rivers of such magnitude and rapidity, flowing perpetually instead of intermittently, should produce these effects and end by filling up the Pontus . For it is not a mere probability, but a logical certainty, that this must happen. And a proof of what is going to take place is this, that in the same proportion as the Maeotic lake is less salt than the Pontus , the Pontus is less so than the Mediterranean. From which it is manifest that, when the time which it has taken for the Maeotic lake to fill up shall have been extended in proportion to the excess of the Pontic over the Maeotic basin, then the Pontus will also become like a marsh and lake, and filled with fresh water like the Maeotic lake: nay, we must suppose that the process will be somewhat more rapid, insomuch as the rivers falling into it are more numerous and more rapid. I have said thus much in answer to the incredulity of those who cannot believe that the Pontus is actually being silted up, and will some day be filled; and that so vast a sea will ever become a lake or marsh. But I have another and higher object also in thus speaking: which is to prevent our ignorance from forcing us to give a childish credence to every traveller’s tale and marvel related by voyagers; and that, by possessing certain indications of the truth, we may be enabled by them to test the truth or falsehood of anything alleged by this or that person.

The Site of Byzantium

I must now return to the discussion of the excellence ⁹¹ of the site of Byzantium . The length of the channel connecting the Pontus and Propontis being, as I have said, a hundred and twenty stades, and Hieron marking its termination towards the Pontus , and the Strait of Byzantium that towards the Propontis, —half-way between these, on the European side, stands Hermaeum, on a headland jutting out into the channel, about five stades from the Asiatic coast, just at the narrowest point of the whole channel; where Darius is said to have made his bridge of ships across the strait, when he crossed to invade Scythia . ⁹² In the rest of the channel the running of the current from the Pontus is much the same, owing to the similarity of the coast formation on either side of it; but when it reaches Hermaeum on the European side, which I said was the narrowest point, the stream flowing from the Pontus , and being thus confined, strikes the European coast with great violence, and then, as though by a rebound from a blow, dashes against the opposite Asiatic coast, and thence again sweeps back and strikes the European shore near some headlands called the Hearths: thence it runs rapidly once more to the spot on the Asiatic side called the Cow, the place on which the myth declares Io to have first stood after swimming the channel. Finally the current runs from the Cow right up to Byzantium , and dividing into two streams on either side of the city, the lesser part of it forms the gulf called the Horn, while the greater part swerves once more across. But it has no longer sufficient way on it to reach the opposite shore on which Calchedon stands: for after its several counter-blows the current, finding at this point a wider channel, slackens; and no longer makes short rebounds at right angles from one shore to the other, but more and more at an obtuse angle, and accordingly, falling short of Calchedon, runs down the middle of the channel.

Contrast between Byzantium and Calchedon

What then makes Byzantium a most excellent site, and Calchedon the reverse, is just this: and although at first sight both positions seem equally convenient, the practical fact is that it is difficult to sail up to the latter, even if you wish to do so; while the current carries you to the former, whether you will or no, as I have just now shown. ⁹³ And a proof of my assertion is this: those who want to cross from Calchedon to Byzantium cannot sail straight across the channel, but coast up to the Cow and Chrysopolis,—which the Athenians formerly seized, by the advice of Alcibiades, when they for the first time levied customs on ships sailing into the Pontus ,⁹⁴—and then drift down the current, which carries them as a matter of course to Byzantium . And the same is the case with a voyage on either side of Byzantium . For if a man is running before a south wind from the Hellespont , or to the Hellespont from the Pontus before the Etesian winds, if he keeps to the European shore, he has a direct and easy course to the narrow part of the Hellespont between Abydos and Sestos , and thence also back again to Byzantium : but if he goes from Calchedon along the Asiatic coast, the case is exactly the reverse, from the fact that the coast is broken up by deep bays, and that the territory of Cyzicus projects to a considerable distance. Nor can a man coming from the Hellespont to Calchedon obviate this by keeping to the European coast as far as Byzantium , and then striking across to Calchedon; for the current and other circumstances which I have mentioned make it difficult. Similarly, for one sailing out from Calchedon it is absolutely impossible to make straight for Thrace , owing to the intervening current, and to the fact that both winds are unfavourable to both voyages; for as the south wind blows into the Pontus , and the north wind from it, the one or the other of these must be encountered in both these voyages. These, then, are the advantages enjoyed by Byzantium in regard to the sea: I must now describe its disadvantages on shore.

Disadvantages of Byzantium On Land

They consist in the fact that its territory is so completely hemmed in by Thrace from shore to shore, that the Byzantines have a perpetual and dangerous war continually on hand with the Thracians. ⁹⁵ For they are unable once for all to arm and repel them by a single decisive battle, owing to the number of their people and chiefs, three others still more formidable invade their territory. Nor again do they gain anything by consenting to pay tribute and make terms; for a concession of any sort to one brings at once five times as many enemies upon them. Therefore, as I say, they are burdened by a perpetual and dangerous war: for what can be more hazardous or more formidable than a war with barbarians living on your borders? Nay, it is not only this perpetual struggle with danger on land, but, apart from the evils that always accompany war, they have to endure a misery like that ascribed by the poets to Tantalus: for being in possession of an extremely fertile district, no sooner have they expended their labour upon it and been rewarded by crops of the finest quality, than the barbarians sweep down, and either destroy them, or collect and carry them off; and then, to say nothing of the loss of their labour and expense, the very excellence of the crops enhances the misery and distress of seeing them destroyed before their eyes. Still, habit making them able to endure the war with the Thracians, they maintained their original connexions with the other Greeks; but when to their other misfortunes was added the attack of the Gauls under Comontorius, they were reduced to a sad state of distress indeed.

Byzantium , The Gauls, And Rhodians

These Gauls had left their country with Brennus, and ⁹⁶ having survived the battle at Delphi and made their way to the Hellespont , instead of crossing to Asia , were captivated by the beauty of the district round Byzantium , and settled there. Then, having conquered the Thracians and erected Tyle⁹⁷ into a capital, they placed the Byzantines in extreme danger. In their earlier attacks, made under the command of Comontorius their first king, the Byzantines always bought them off by presents amounting to three, or five, or sometimes even ten thousand gold pieces, on condition of their not devastating their territory: and at last were compelled to agree to pay them a yearly tribute of eighty talents, until the time of Cavarus, in whose reign their kingdom came to an end; and their whole tribe, being in their turn conquered by the Thracians, were entirely annihilated. It was in these times, then, that being hard pressed by the payment of these exactions, the Byzantines first sent embassies to the Greek states with a prayer for aid and support in their dangerous situation: but being disregarded by the greater number, they, under pressure of necessity, attempted to levy dues upon ships sailing into the Pontus .

The Byzantines Institute a Toll

Now this exaction by the Byzantines of a duty upon ⁹⁸ goods brought from the Pontus , being a heavy loss and burden to everybody, was universally regarded as a grievance; and accordingly an appeal from all those engaged in the trade was made to the Rhodians, as acknowledged masters of the sea: and it was from this circumstance that the war originated of which I am about to speak.

For the Rhodians, roused to action by the loss incurred⁹⁹ by themselves, as well as that of their neighbours, at first joined their allies in an embassy to Byzantium , and demanded the abolition of the impost. The Byzantines refused compliance, being persuaded that they were in the right by the arguments advanced by their chief magistrates, Hecatorus and Olympidorus, in their interview with the ambassadors. The Rhodian envoys accordingly departed without effecting their object. But upon their return home, war was at once voted against Byzantium on these grounds; and messengers were immediately despatched to Prusias. inviting his co-operation in the war: for they knew that Prusias was from various causes incensed with the Byzantines.

Achaeus and Prusias I. of Bithynia

The Byzantines took steps of a similar nature, by sending to Attalus and Achaeus begging for their assistance. For his part Attalus was ready enough to give it: but his importance was small, because he had been reduced within the limits of his ancestral dominions by Achaeus. But Achaeus, who exercised dominion throughout Asia on this side Taurus, and had recently established his regal power, promised assistance; and his attitude roused high hopes in the minds of the Byzantines, and corresponding depression in those of the Rhodians and Prusias. ¹⁰⁰ Achaeus was a relation of the Antiochus who had just succeeded to the kingdom of Syria ; and he became possessed of the dominion I have mentioned through the following circumstances. ¹⁰¹ After the death of Seleucus, father of the above-named Antiochus, and the succession of his eldest son Seleucus to the throne, Achaeus accompanied the latter in an expedition over Mount Taurus, about two years before the period of which we are speaking.¹⁰² For as soon as Seleucus the younger had succeeded to the kingdom he learnt that Attalus had already reduced all Asia on this side of Taurus under his power; and being accordingly eager to support his own rights, he crossed Taurus with a large army. There he was treacherously assassinated by Apaturius the Gaul , and Nicanor. Achaeus, in right of his relationship, promptly revenged his murder by killing Nicanor and Apaturius; and taking supreme command of the army and administration, conducted it with wisdom and integrity. For the opportunity was a convenient one, and the feeling of the common soldiers was all in favour of his assuming the crown; yet he refused to do so, and preserving the royal title for Antiochus the younger, son of Seleucus, went on energetically with the expedition, and the recovery of the whole of the territory this side Taurus. Meeting however with unexpected success,—for he shut up Attalus within the walls of Pergamus and became master of all the rest of the country,—he was puffed up by his good fortune, and at once swerved from his straightforward course of policy. He assumed the diadem, adopted the title of king, and was at this time the most powerful and formidable of all the kings and princes this side Taurus. This was the man on whose help the Byzantines relied when they undertook the war against the Rhodians and Prusias.

Complaints of Prusias

As to the provocations given before this to Prusias by ¹⁰³ the Byzantines they were various. In the first place he complained that, having voted to put up certain statues of him, they had not done so, but had delayed or forgotten it. In the second place he was annoyed with them for taking great pains to compose the hostility, and put an end to the war, between Achaeus and Attalus; because he looked upon a friendship between these two as in many ways. detrimental to his own interests. He was provoked also because it appeared that when Attalus was keeping the festival of Athene, the Byzantines had sent a mission to join in the celebration; but had sent no one to him when he was celebrating the Soteria. Nursing therefore a secret resentment for these various offences, he gladly snatched at the pretext offered him by the Rhodians; and arranged with their ambassadors that they were to carry on the war by sea, while he would undertake to inflict no less damage on the enemy by land.

Such were the causes and origin of the war between Rhodes and Byzantium .

The War between Rhodes and Byzantium Begins

At first the Byzantines entered upon the war with ¹⁰⁴ energy, in full confidence of receiving the assistance of Achaeus; and of being able to cause Prusias as much alarm and danger by fetching Tiboetes from Macedonia as he had done to them. For Prusias, entering upon the war with all the animosity which I have described, had seized the place called Hieron at the entrance of the channel, which the Byzantines not long before had purchased for a considerable sum of money, because of its convenient situation; and because they did not wish to leave in any one else’s hands a point of vantage to be used against merchants sailing into the Pontus , or one which commanded the slave trade, or the fishing. Besides this, Prusias had seized in Asia a district of Mysia , which had been in the possession of Byzantium for many years past.

Meanwhile the Rhodians manned six ships and received four from their allies; and, having elected Xenophantus to command them, they sailed with this squadron of ten ships to the Hellespont . Nine of them dropped anchor near Sestos , and stopped ships sailing into the Pontus ; with the tenth the admiral sailed to Byzantium , to test the spirit of the people, and see whether they were already sufficiently alarmed to change their minds about the war. Finding them resolved not to listen he sailed away, and, taking up his other nine ships, returned to Rhodes with the whole squadron.

Meanwhile the Byzantines sent a message to Achaeus asking for aid, and an escort to conduct Tiboetes from Macedonia . For it was believed that Tiboetes had as good a claim to the kingdom of Bithynia as Prusias, who was his nephew.

Byzantium , Rhodes , and Prusias Treaties

But seeing the confident spirit of the Byzantines, the ¹⁰⁵ Rhodians adopted an exceedingly able plan to obtain their object. They perceived that the resolution of the Byzantines in venturing on the war rested mainly on their hopes of the support of Achaeus. Now they knew that the father of Achaeus was detained at Alexandria , and that Achaeus was exceedingly anxious for his father’s safety: they therefore hit upon the idea of sending an embassy to Ptolemy, and asking him to deliver this Andromachus to them. This request, indeed, they had before made, but without laying any great stress upon it: now, however, they were genuinely anxious for it; that, by doing this favour to Achaeus, they might lay him under such an obligation to them, that he would be unable to refuse any request they might make to him. When the ambassadors arrived, Ptolemy at first deliberated as to detaining Andromachus; because there still remained some points of dispute between himself and Antiochus unsettled; and Achaeus, who had recently declared himself king, could exercise a decisive influence in several important particulars. For Andromachus was not only father of Achaeus, but brother also of Laodice, the wife of Seleucus.¹⁰⁶ However, on a review of the whole situation, Ptolemy inclined to the Rhodians; and being anxious to show them every favour, he yielded to their request, and handed over Andromachus to them to conduct to his son. Having accordingly done this, and having conferred some additional marks of honour on Achaeus, they deprived the Byzantines of their most important hope. And this was not the only disappointment which the Byzantines had to encounter; for as Tiboetes was being escorted from Macedonia , he entirely defeated their plans by dying. This misfortune damped the ardour of the Byzantines, while it encouraged Prusias to push on the war. On the Asiatic side he carried it on in person, and with great energy; while on the European side he hired Thracians who prevented the Byzantines from leaving their gates. For their party being thus baulked of their hopes, and surrounded on every side by enemies, the Byzantines began to look about then for some decent pretext for withdrawing from the war.

Cavarus, Gallic King, Negotiates Peace

So when the Gallic king, Cavarus, came to Byzantium , ¹⁰⁷ and showed himself eager to put an end to the war, and earnestly offered his friendly intervention, both Prusias and the Byzantines consented to his proposals. And when the Rhodians were informed of the interference of Cavarus and the consent of Prusias, being very anxious to secure their own object also, they elected Aridices as ambassador to Byzantium , and sent Polemocles with him in command of three triremes, wishing, as the saying is, to send the Byzantines spear and herald’s staff at once. Upon their appearance a pacification was arranged, in the year of Cothon, son of Callisthenes, Hieromnemon in Byzantium .¹⁰⁸ The treaty with the Rhodians was simple: The Byzantines will not collect toll from any ship sailing into the Pontus ; and in that case the Rhodians and their allies are at peace with the Byzantines. But that with Prusias contained the following provisions: There shall be peace and amity for ever between Prusias and the Byzantines; the Byzantines shall in no way attack Prusias, nor Prusias the Byzantines. Prusias shall restore to Byzantines all lands, forts, populations, and prisoners of war, without ransom; and besides these things, the ships taken at the beginning of the war, and the arms seized in the fortresses; and also the timbers, stone-work, and roofing belonging to the fort called Hieron (for Prusias, in his terror of the approach of Tiboetes, had pulled down every fort which seemed to lie conveniently for him): finally, Prusias shall compel such of the Bithynians as have any property taken from the Byzantine district of Mysia to restore it to the farmers.

Such were the beginning and end of the war of Rhodes and Prusias with Byzantium .

War In Crete

At the same time the Cnossians sent an embassy to ¹⁰⁹ the Rhodians, and persuaded them to send them the ships that were under the command of Polemocles, and to launch three undecked vessels besides and send them also to Crete . The Rhodians having complied, and the vessels having arrived at Crete , the people of Eleutherna suspecting that one of their citizens named Timarchus had been put to death by Polemocles to please the Cnossians, first proclaimed a right of reprisal against the Rhodians, and then went to open war with them.

The people of Lyttos ,¹¹⁰ too, a short time before this, met¹¹¹ with an irretrievable disaster. At that time the political state of Crete as a whole was this. The Cnossians, in league with the people of Gortyn , had a short time previously reduced the whole island under their power, with the exception of the city of Lyttos ; and this being the only city which refused obedience, they resolved to go to war with it, being bent upon removing its inhabitants from their homes, as an example and terror to the rest of Crete . Accordingly at first the whole of the other Cretan cities were united in war against Lyttos : but presently when some jealousy arose from certain trifling causes, as is the way with the Cretans, they separated into hostile parties, the peoples of Polyrrhen, Cere , and Lappa , along with the Horii and Arcades,¹¹² forming one party and separating themselves from connexion with the Cnossians, resolved to make common cause with the Lyttians. Among the people of Gortyn , again, the elder men espoused the side of Cnossus , the younger that of Lyttos , and so were in opposition to each other. Taken by surprise by this disintegration of their allies, the Cnossians fetched over a thousand men from Aetolia in virtue of their alliance: upon which the party of the elders in Gortyn immediately seized the citadel; introduced the Cnossians and Aetolians; and either expelled or put to death the young men, and delivered the city into the hands of the Cnossians. And at the same time, the Lyttians having gone out with their full forces on an expedition into the enemy’s territory, the Cnossians got information of the fact, and seized Lyttos while thus denuded of its defenders. The children and women they sent to Cnossus ; and having set fire to the town, thrown down its buildings, and damaged it in every possible way, returned. When the Lyttians reached home from their expedition, and saw what had happened, they were struck with such violent grief that not a man of the whole host had the heart to enter his native city; but one and all having marched round its walls, with frequent cries and lamentations over their misfortune and that of their country, turned back again towards the city of Lappa . The people of Lappa gave them a kind and entirely cordial reception; and having thus in one day become cityless and aliens, they joined these allies in their war against the Cnossians. Thus at one fell swoop was Lyttos , a colony of Sparta and allied with the Lacedaemonians in blood, the most ancient of the cities in Crete , and by common consent the mother of the bravest men in the island, utterly cut off.

Polyrrhen and Lappa Join the Alliance

But the peoples of Polyrrhen and Lappa and all their ¹¹³ allies, seeing that the Cnossians clung to the alliance of the Aetolians, and that the Aetolians were at war with King Philip and the Achaeans, sent ambassadors to the two latter asking for their help and to be admitted to alliance with them. Both requests were granted: they were admitted into the roll of allies, and assistance was sent to them, consisting of four hundred Illyrians under Plator, two hundred Achaeans, and a hundred Phocians; whose arrival was of the utmost advantage to the interest of Polyrrhenia and her allies: for in a brief space of time they shut the Eleuthernaeans and Cydonians within their walls, and compelled the people of Aptera to forsake the alliance of the Cnossians and share their fortunes. When these results had been obtained, the Polyrrhenians and their allies joined in sending to the aid of Philip and the Achaeans five hundred Cretans, the Cnossians having sent a thousand to the Aetolians a short time before; both of which contingents took part in the existing war on their respective sides. Nay more, the exiled party of Gortyn seized the harbour of Phaestus ,¹¹⁴ and also by a sudden and bold attack occupied the port of Gortyn itself; and from these two places as bases of operation they carried on the war with the party in the town. Such was the state of Crete .

Raid of Aetolians In the Peloponnese

About the same time Mithridates also declared war ¹¹⁵ against the people of Sinope; which proved to be the beginning and occasion of the disaster which ultimately befell the Sinopeans. Upon their sending an embassy with a view to this war to beg for assistance from the Rhodians, the latter decided to elect three men, and to grant them a hundred and forty thousand drachmae with which to procure supplies needed by the Sinopeans. The men so appointed got ready ten thousand jars of wine, three hundred talents¹¹⁶ of prepared hair, a hundred talents of made-up bowstring, a thousand suits of armour, three thousand gold pieces, and four catapults with engineers to work them. The Sinopean envoys took these presents and departed; for the people of Sinope, being in great anxiety lest Mithridates should attempt to besiege them both by land and sea, were making all manner of preparations with this view. Sinope lies on the right-hand shore of the Pontus as one sails to Phasis , and is built upon a peninsula jutting out into the sea: it is on the neck of this peninsula, connecting it with Asia , which is not more than two stades wide, that the city is so placed as to entirely close it up from sea to sea; the rest of the peninsula stretches out into the open sea,—a piece of flat land from which the town is easily accessible, but surrounded by a steep coast offering very bad harbourage, and having exceedingly few spots admitting of disembarkation. The Sinopeans then were dreadfully alarmed lest Mithridates should blockade them, by throwing up works against their town on the side towards Asia , and by making a descent on the opposite side upon the low ground in front of the town: and they accordingly determined to strengthen the line of the peninsula, where it was washed by the sea, by putting up wooden defences and erecting palisades round the places accessible from the sea; and at the same time by storing weapons and stationing guards at all points open to attack: for the whole area is not large, but is capable of being easily defended and by a moderate force.

Such was the situation at Sinope at the time of the commencement of the Social war,—to which I must now return.

Philip Starts for Aetolia

King Philip started from Macedonia with his army for ¹¹⁷ Thessaly and Epirus , being bent on taking that route in his invasion of Aetolia . And at the same time Alexander and Dorimachus, having succeeded in establishing an intrigue for the betrayal of Aegira , had collected about twelve hundred Aetolians into Oeanthe, which is in Aetolia , exactly opposite the above-named town; and, having prepared vessels to convey them across the gulf, were waiting for favourable weather for making the voyage in fulfilment of their design. For a deserter from Aetolia, who had spent a long time at Aegira , and had had full opportunity of observing that the guards of the gate towards Aegium were in the habit of getting drunk, and keeping their watch with great slackness, had again and again crossed over to Dorimachus; and, laying this fact before him, had invited him to make the attempt, well knowing that he was thoroughly accustomed to such practices. The city of Aegira lies on the Peloponnesian coast of the Corinthian gulf, between the cities of Aegium and Sicyon , upon some strong and inaccessible heights, facing towards Parnassus and that district of the opposite coast, and standing about seven stades back from the sea. At the mouth of the river which flows past this town Dorimachus dropped anchor under cover of night, having at length obtained favourable weather for crossing. He and Alexander, accompanied by Archidamus the son of Pantaleon and the main body of the Aetolians, then advanced towards the city along the road leading from Aegium. But the deserter, with twenty of the most active men, having made his way by a shorter cut than the others over the cliffs where there was no road, owing to his knowledge of the locality, got into the city through a certain water-course and found the guards of the gate still asleep. Having killed them while actually in their beds, and cut the bolts of the gates with their axes, they opened them to the Aetolians. Having thus surprised the town, they behaved with a conspicuous want of caution, which eventually saved the people of Aegira , and proved the destruction of the Aetolians themselves. They seemed to imagine that to get within the gates was all there was to do in occupying an enemy’s town; and accordingly acted as I shall now describe.

The Aetolians Repulsed At Aegira

They kept together for a very brief space of time ¹¹⁸ near the market-place, and then scattering in every direction, in their passion for plunder, rushed into the houses and began carrying off the wealth they contained. But it was now broad daylight: and the attack being wholly unexpected and sudden, those of the Aegiratans whose houses were actually entered by the enemy, in the utmost terror and alarm, all took to flight and made their way out of the town, believing it to be completely in the power of the enemy; but those of them whose houses were untouched, and who, hearing the shouting, sallied out to the rescue, all rushed with one accord to the citadel. These last continually increased in number and confidence; while the Aetolians on the contrary kept continually becoming less closely united, and less subject to discipline, from the causes above mentioned. But Dorimachus, becoming conscious of his danger, rallied his men and charged the citizens who were occupying the citadel: imagining that, by acting with decision and boldness, he would terrify and turn to flight those who had rallied to defend the town. But the Aegiratans, cheering each other on, offered a strenuous resistance, and grappled gallantly with the Aetolians. The citadel being unwalled, and the struggle being at close quarters and man to man, the battle was at first as desperate as might be expected between two sides, of which one was fighting for country and children, the other for bare life. Finally the invading Aetolians were repulsed: and the Aegiratans, taking advantage of their higher position, made a fierce and vigorous charge down the slope upon the enemy; which struck such terror in them, that in the confusion that followed the fugitives trampled each other to death at the gates. Alexander himself fell fighting in the actual battle; but Archidamus was killed in the struggle and crush at the gates. Of the main body of Aetolians, some were trampled to death; others flying over the pathless hills fell over precipices and broke their necks; while such as escaped in safety to the ships managed, after shamefully throwing away their arms, to sail away and escape from what seemed a desperate danger. Thus it came about that the Aegiratans having lost their city by their carelessness, unexpectedly regained it by their valour and gallantry.

Euripidas

About the same time Euripidas, who had been sent out to act as general to the Eleans, after overrunning the districts of Dyme , Pharae, and Tritaea, and collecting a considerable amount of booty, was marching back to Elis . But Miccus of Dyme , who happened at the time to be Sub-strategus of the Achaean league, went out to the rescue with a body of Dymaeans, Pharaeans, and Tritaeans, and attacked him as he was returning. But proceeding too precipitately, he fell into an ambush and lost a large number of his men: for forty of his infantry were killed and about two hundred taken prisoners. Elated by this success, Euripidas a few days afterwards made another expedition, and seized a fort belonging to the Dymaeans on the river Araxus, standing in an excellent situation, and called the Wall, which the myths affirm to have been anciently built by Hercules, when at war with the Eleans, as a base of operations against them.

Philip Advances Southward

The peoples of Dyme , Pharae, and Tritaea having been worsted in their attempt to relieve the country, and afraid of what would happen from this capture of the fort, first sent messengers to the Strategus, Aratus, to inform him of what had happened and to ask for aid, and afterwards a formal embassy with the same request. ¹¹⁹But Aratus was unable to get the mercenaries together, because in the Cleomenic war the Achaeans had failed to pay some of the wages of the hired troops: and his entire policy and management of the whole war was in a word without spirit or nerve. Accordingly Lycurgus seized the Athenaeum of Megalopolis , and Euripidas followed up his former successes by taking Gortyna ¹²⁰ in the territory of Telphusa. But the people of Dyme , Pharae, and Tritaea, despairing of assistance from the Strategus, came to a mutual agreement to cease paying the common contribution to the Achaean league, and to collect a mercenary army on their own account, three hundred infantry and fifty horse; and to secure the country by their means. In this action they were considered to have shown a prudent regard for their own interests, but not for those of the community at large; for they were thought to have set an evil example, and supplied a precedent to those whose wish it was to break up the league. But in fact the chief blame for their proceeding must rightfully be assigned to the Strategus, who pursued such a dilatory policy, and slighted or wholly rejected the prayers for help which reached him from time to time. For as long as he has any hope, from relations and allies, any man who is in danger will cling to them; but when in his distress he has to give up that hope, he is forced to help himself the best way he can. Wherefore we must not find fault with the people of Tritaea, Pharae, and Dyme for having mercenaries on their own account, when the chief magistrate of the league hesitated to act: but some blame does attach to them for renouncing the joint contribution. They certainly were not bound to neglect to secure their own safety by every opportunity and means in their power; but they were bound at the same time to keep up their just dues to the league: especially as the recovery of such payment was perfectly secured to them by the common laws; and most of all because they had been the originators of the Achaean confederacy.¹²¹

Philip Arrives in Epirus

Such was the state of things in the Peloponnese when ¹²² King Philip, after crossing Thessaly , arrived in Epirus . Reinforcing his Macedonians by a full levy of Epirotes, and being joined by three hundred slingers from Achaia , and the five hundred Cretans sent him by the Polyrrhenians, he continued his march through Epirus and arrived in the territory of the Ambracians. Now, if he had continued his march without interruption, and thrown himself into the interior of Aetolia , by the sudden and unlooked-for attack of so formidable an army he would have put an end to the whole campaign: but as it was, he was over-persuaded by the Epirotes to take Ambracus first; and so gave the Aetolians an interval in which to make a stand, to take precautionary measures, and to prepare for the future. For the Epirotes, thinking more of their own advantage than of that of the confederacy, and being very anxious to get Ambracus¹²³ into their power, begged Philip to invest the town and take it before doing anything else: the fact being that they regarded it as a matter of the utmost importance to recover Ambracia from the Aetolians; and thought that the only way of doing this was to become masters of this place, Ambracus, and besiege the town of Ambracia from it. For Ambracus is a place strongly fortified by walls and out-works, standing in the midst of marshes, and approached from the land by only one narrow raised causeway; and commanding by its situation both the district and town of Ambracia .

Scopas Destroys Dium

While Philip, then, by the persuasion of the Epirotes, ¹²⁴ Thepitching his camp near Ambracus, was engaged in making his preparations for the siege, Scopas raised a general levy of Aetolians, and marching through Thessaly crossed the frontiers of Macedonia ; traversed the plain of Pieria , and laid it waste; and after securing considerable booty, returned by the road leading to Dium. inhabitants of that town abandoning the place, he entered it and threw down its walls, houses, and gymnasium; set fire to the covered walks round the sacred enclosure, and destroyed all the other offerings which had been placed in it, either for ornament, or for the use of visitors to the public assemblies; and threw down all the statues of the kings. And this man, who, at the very beginning and first action of the war, had thus turned his arms against the gods as well as men, was not treated on his return to Aetolia as guilty of impiety, but was honoured and looked up to. For he had indeed filled the Aetolians with empty hopes and irrational conceit. From this time they indulged the idea that no one would venture to set foot in Aetolia ; while they would be able without resistance not only to plunder the Peloponnese , which they were quite accustomed to do, but Thessaly and Macedonia also.

Philip’s Aetolian Campaign

When he heard what had happened in Macedonia , and ¹²⁵ had thus paid on the spot for the selfishness and folly of the Epirotes, Philip proceeded to besiege Ambracus. By an energetic use of earthworks, and other siege operations, he quickly terrified the people into submission, and the place surrendered after a delay of forty days in all. He let the garrison, consisting of five hundred Aetolians, depart on fixed conditions, and gratified the cupidity of the Epirotes by handing over Ambracus to them; while he himself set his army in motion, and marched by way of Charadra , being anxious to cross the Ambracian gulf where it is narrowest, that is to say, near the Acarnanian temple called Actium . For this gulf is a branch of the Sicilian sea between Epirus and Acarnania , with a very narrow opening of less than five stades, but expanding as it extends inland to a breadth of a hundred stades; while the length of the whole arm from the open sea is about three hundred stades. It forms the boundary between Epirus on the north and Acarnania on the south. Philip, therefore, having got his army across this entrance of the gulf, and advanced through Acarnania , came to the city of Phoeteiae, which belonged to the Aetolians;¹²⁶ having, during his march, been joined by an Acarnanian force of two thousand foot and two hundred horse. ¹²⁷ Encamping under the walls of this town, and making energetic and formidable assaults upon it during two days, it was surrendered to him on terms, and the Aetolian garrison were dismissed on parole. Next night, however, five hundred other Aetolians, believing the town still untaken, came to its relief; whose arrival being ascertained beforehand by the king, he stationed some men in ambush at certain convenient spots, and slew most of the new-comers and captured all but a very few of the rest. After these events, he distributed a month’s rations of corn among his men from what had been captured, for a large store was found collected at Phoeteiae, and then continued his advance into the territory of Stratus. At about ten stades from that town he pitched his camp on the banks of the river Achelous; and from that began laying waste the country without resistance, none of the enemy venturing out to attack him.

Philip Marches Toward Metropolis

Meanwhile the Achaeans, being hard pressed by the ¹²⁸ war, and ascertaining that the king was not far off, sent ambassadors to him begging for help. They found Philip still in his camp near Stratus, and there delivered their commission: and besides the message with which they were charged, they pointed out to him the richness of the booty which his army would get from the enemy’s country, and tried to persuade him to cross to Rhium and invade Elis . The king listened to what they had to say, and kept the ambassadors with him, alleging that he must consider of their request; and meanwhile broke up his camp, and marched in the direction of Metropolis and Conope. The Aetolians kept possession of the citadel of Metropolis but abandoned the town: whereupon Philip set fire to Metropolis, and continued his advance against Conope. But when the Aetolian horse rallied and ventured to meet him at the ford of the Achelous, which is about twenty stades before you reach the town, believing that they would either stop his advance altogether, or inflict much damage on the Macedonians while crossing the river; the king, fully understanding their tactics, ordered his light-armed troops to enter the river first and to cross it in close order, keeping to their regular companies, and with shields interlocked. ¹²⁹ His orders were obeyed: and as soon as the first company had effected the crossing, the Aetolian cavalry attacked it; but they could make no impression upon it, standing as it did in close order, and being joined in similar close order, shield to shield, by a second and a third company as they crossed. Therefore they wheeled off discomfited and retired to the city. ¹³⁰ From this time forth the proud gallantry of the Aetolians was fain to confine itself to the protection of the towns, and keep quiet; while Philip crossed with his army, and after wasting this district also without resistance, arrived at Ithoria. This is a position completely commanding the road, and of extraordinary strength, natural as well as artificial. On his approach, however, the garrison occupying the place abandoned it in a panic; and the king, taking possession, levelled it to the ground: and gave orders to his skirmishing parties to treat all forts in the district in the same way.

Philip Takes Paeanium

Having thus passed the narrow part of the road, he ¹³¹ proceeded at a slow and deliberate pace, giving his army time to collect booty from the country; and by the time he reached Oeniadae his army was richly provided with every kind of goods. But he resolved first to take Paeanium: and having pitched his camp under its walls, by a series of assaults carried the place by force,— a town not large in circumference, for that was less than seven stades, but second to none in the construction of its houses, walls, and towers. The wall of this town he levelled with its foundation, and, breaking down its houses, he packed their timbers and tiles with great care upon rafts, and sent them down the river to Oeniadae. At first the Aetolians resolved to hold the citadel in Oeniadae, which they had strengthened with walls and other fortifications; but upon Philip’s approach they evacuated it in a panic. The king therefore having taken this city also, advanced from it and encamped on a certain secure position in Calydonia, called Elaeus, which had been rendered extraordinarily strong with walls and other fortifications by Attalus, who undertook the work for the Aetolians. Having carried this also by assault, and plundered the whole of Calydonia, the Macedonians returned to Oeniadae. ¹³² And observing the convenient position of this place for all purposes, and especially as providing a place of embarkation for the Peloponnese , Philip resolved to build a wall round the town. For Oeniadae lies on the sea-coast, at the juncture of the Acarnanian and Aetolian frontiers, just at the entrance of the Corinthian gulf; and the town faces the sea-coast of Dyme in the Peloponnesus , and is the nearest point to the promontory of Araxus in it; for the intervening sea is not more than a hundred stades across. Looking to these facts he fortified the citadel by itself; and, building a wall round the harbour and dockyards, was intending to connect them with the citadel, employing for the construction the materials brought from Paeanium.

Philip Recalled To Macedonia

But whilst he was still engaged on this work, news was ¹³³ brought to the king that the Dardani, suspecting his intention of invading the Peloponnese , were collecting forces and making great preparations with the determination of invading Macedonia . When he heard this, Philip made up his mind that he was bound to go with all speed to the protection of Macedonia : and accordingly he dismissed the Achaean envoys with the answer, which he now gave them, that when he had taken effectual measures with regard to the circumstances that had just been announced to him, he would look upon it as his first business to bring them aid to the best of his ability. Thereupon he broke up his camp, and began his return march with all speed, by the same route as that by which he had come. When he was on the point of recrossing the Ambracian gulf from Acarnania into Epirus , Demetrius of Pharos presented himself, sailing with a single galley, having just been banished from Illyria by the Romans,—as I have stated in the previous book.¹³⁴ Philip received him with kindness and bade him sail to Corinth , and go thence through Thessaly to Macedonia ; while he himself crossed into Epirus and pushed on without a halt. When he had reached Pella in Macedonia , the Dardani learnt from some Thracian deserters that he was in the country, and they at once in a panic broke up their army, though they were close to the Macedonian frontier. ¹³⁵ And Philip, being informed of their change of purpose, dismissed his Macedonian soldiers to gather in their harvest: while he himself went to Thessaly , and spent the rest of the summer at Larisa .

It was at this season that Aemilius celebrated a splendid¹³⁶ triumph at Rome for his Illyrian victories; and Hannibal after the capture of Saguntum dismissed his troops into winter quarters; while the Romans, on hearing of the capture of Saguntum , were sending ambassadors to Carthage to demand the surrender of Hannibal, and at the same time were making preparations for the war after electing Publius Cornelius Scipio and Tiberius Sempronius Longus Consuls for the following year, as I have stated in detail in the previous book. My object in recalling the facts here is to carry out my original plan of showing what events in various parts of the world were contemporaneous.

Philip Returns To the Peloponnese

And so the first year of this Olympiad was drawing ¹³⁷ to a close. In Aetolia , the time of the elections having come round, Dorimachus was elected Strategus. He was no sooner invested with his office, than, summoning the Aetolian forces, he made an armed foray upon the highlands of Epirus , and began wasting the country with an even stronger passion for destruction than usual; for his object in everything he did was not so much to secure booty for himself, as to damage the¹³⁸ Epirotes. And having come to Dodona ¹³⁹ he burnt the colonnades, destroyed the sacred offerings, and even demolished the sacred building; so that we may say that the Aetolians had no regard for the laws of peace or war, but in the one as well as in the other, acted in defiance of the customs and principles of mankind. After those, and other similar achievements, Dorimachus returned home.

But the winter being now considerably advanced, and all¹⁴⁰ idea of the king coming being given up owing to the time of the year, Philip suddenly started from Larisa with an army of three thousand hoplites armed with brass shields, two thousand light-armed, three hundred Cretans, and four hundred horse of the royal guard; and having transported them into Euboea and thence to Cynos he came through Boeotia and the Megarid to Corinth , about the time of the winter solstice; having conducted his arrival with such promptitude and secrecy, that not a single Peloponnesian suspected it. ¹⁴¹ He at once closed the gates of Corinth and secured the roads by guards; and on the very next day sent for Aratus the elder to come to him from Sicyon , and issued despatches to the Strategus of the Achaean league and the cities, in which he named a time and place for them all to meet him in arms. Having made these arrangements, he again started, and pitched his camp near the temple of the Dioscuri in Phliasia.

Euripidas Intends to Attack Sicyon

Meanwhile Euripidas, with two companies of Eleans,— ¹⁴² who combined with the pirates and mercenaries made up an army of two thousand two hundred men, besides a hundred horse,—started from Psophis and began marching by way of Pheneus and Stymphalus, knowing nothing about Philip’s arrival, with the purpose of wasting the territory of Sicyon . The very night in which it chanced that Philip had pitched his camp near the temple of the Dioscuri, he passed the royal quarters, and succeeded in entering the territory of Sicyon , about the time of the morning watch. But some Cretans of Philip’s army who had left their ranks, and were prowling about on the track of prey, fell into the hands of Euripidas, and being questioned by him informed him of the arrival of the Macedonians. Without saying a word of his discovery to any one, he at once caused his army to face about, and marched back by the same road as that by which he had come; with the intention and hope of getting through Stymphalia, and reaching the difficult ground beyond it, before the Macedonians could catch him. But the king knowing nothing at all about the proceedings of the enemy, at daybreak broke up his camp and began his advance in pursuance of his original plan, determining to march by way of Stymphalus itself to Caphyae: for it was at that town that he had written to the Achaeans to meet him.

Euripidas Deserts the Eleans

Now it happened that, just as the Macedonian advanced ¹⁴³ guard came to the top of the hill, near a place called Apelaurus, about ten stades before you come to Stymphalus, the advanced guard of the Eleans converged upon it also. Understanding from his previous information what had happened, Euripidas took some horsemen with him and avoided the danger by flight, making his way across country to Psophis . The rest of the Eleans being thus deserted by their leader, and panic-struck at what had happened, remained stationary on the road, not knowing what to do, or which way to turn. For at first their officers imagined that the troops they saw were some Achaeans come out to resist them. What favoured this mistake more than anything else were the brass shields of the hoplites: for they imagined that they were Megalopolitans, because the soldiers of that town had borne shields of that sort at the battle of Sellasia against Cleomenes, King Antigonus having furnished them for the occasion. Under this idea, they retired in good order to some rising ground, by no means despairing of getting off safely: but as soon as the Macedonians had advanced close up to them, grasping the true state of the case, they threw down their shields and fled. About twelve hundred of them were taken prisoners; but the rest perished utterly, some at the hands of the Macedonians, and others by falling down precipices: and finally not more than a hundred altogether escaped. Having despatched the spoils and the prisoners to Corinth , Philip continued his expedition. But a great impression was made upon the Peloponnesians: for they had not heard of the king’s arrival until they heard of his victory.

Philip In Arcadia

Continuing his march through Arcadia, and encountering heavy snow storms and much fatigue in the pass over Mount Oligyrtus, he arrived on the third day at Caphyae. ¹⁴⁴ There he rested his army for two days, and was joined by Aratus the younger, and the Achaean soldiers whom he had collected; so that, with an army now amounting to ten thousand men, he advanced by way of Clitoria towards Psophis , collecting missiles and scaling ladders from the towns through which he passed. Psophis is a place of acknowledged antiquity, and a colony of the Arcadian town of Azanis. ¹⁴⁵ Taking the Peloponnesus as a whole, it occupies a central position in the country; but in regard to Arcadia it is on its western frontier, and is close also to the western border-land of Achaia : its position also commands the territory of the Eleans, with whom at that time it was politically united. Philip reached this town on the third day after leaving Caphyae, and pitched his camp on some rising ground overhanging the city, from which he could in perfect security command a view both of the whole town and the country round it. But when the king saw the great strength of the place, he was at a loss what to do. Along the left side of it rushes a violent winter torrent, which for the greater part of the winter is impassable, and in any case renders the city secure and difficult of approach, owing to the size of the bed which its waters have worn out for themselves by slow degrees, in the course of ages, as it comes rushing down from the higher ground. On the east again there is a broad and rapid river, the Erymanthus, about which so many tales are told. This river is joined by the winter torrent at a point south of the town, which is thus defended on three sides by these streams; while the fourth, or northern, side is commanded by a hill, which has been fortified, and serves as a convenient and efficient citadel. The town has walls also of unusual size and construction; and besides all this, a reinforcement of Eleans happened to have just come in, and Euripidas himself was in the town after his escape from Stymphalus.

Philip Captures Psophis

The sight of these things caused Philip much anxious thought. Sometimes he was for giving up his plan of attacking and besieging the place: at others the excellence of its situation made him eager to accomplish this. For just as it was then a source of danger to the Achaeans and Arcadians, and a safe place of arms for the Eleans; so would it on the other hand, if captured, become a source of safety to the Arcadians, and a most convenient base of operations for the allies against the Eleans. ¹⁴⁶ These considerations finally decided him to make the attempt: and he therefore issued orders to the Macedonians to get their breakfasts at daybreak, and be ready for service with all preparations completed. Everything being done as he ordered, the king led his army over the bridge across the Erymanthus; and no one having offered him resistance, owing to the unexpectedness of the movement, he arrived under the walls of the town in gallant style and with formidable show. Euripidas and the garrison were overpowered with astonishment; because they had felt certain that the enemy would not venture on an assault, or try to carry a town of such strength; and that a siege could not last long either, owing to the severity of the season. This calculation of chances made them begin to entertain suspicions of each other, from a misgiving that Philip must have established a secret intrigue with some persons in the town against it. But finding that nothing of the sort existed among themselves, the greater number hurried to the walls to defend them, while the mercenary Elean soldiers sallied out of a gate in the upper part of the town to attack the enemy. The king stationed his men who had ladders at three different spots, and divided the other Macedonians among these three parties; this being arranged, he gave the signal by the sound of trumpet, and began the assault on the walls at once. At first the garrison offered a spirited resistance and hurled many of the enemy from their ladders; but when the supply of weapons inside the town, as well as other necessary materials, began to run short,—as was to be expected from the hasty nature of the preparations for defence,—and the Macedonians showed no sign of terror, the next man filling up the place of each who was hurled from the scaling-ladder, the garrison at length turned to flight, and made their escape one and all into the citadel. In the king’s army the Macedonians then made good their footing on the wall, while the Cretans went against the party of mercenaries who had sallied from the upper gate, and forced them to throw away their shields and fly in disorder. Following the fugitives with slaughter, they forced their way along with them through the gate: so that the town was captured at all points at once. The Psophidians with their wives and children retreated into the citadel, and Euripidas with them, as well as all the soldiers who had escaped destruction.

The People of Psophis Surrender

Having thus carried the place, the Macedonians at once ¹⁴⁷ plundered all the furniture of the houses; and then, setting up their quarters in the houses, took regular possession of the town. But the people who had taken refuge in a body in the citadel, having no provisions with them, and well foreseeing what must happen, made up their minds to give themselves up to Philip. They accordingly sent a herald to the king; and having received a safe-conduct for an embassy, they despatched their magistrates and Euripidas with them on this mission, who made terms with the king by which the lives and liberties of all who were on the citadel, whether citizens or foreigners, were secured. The ambassadors then returned whence they came, carrying an order to the people to remain where they were until the army had marched out, for fear any of the soldiers should disobey orders and plunder them. A fall of snow however compelled the king to remain where he was for some days; in the course of which he summoned a meeting of such Achaeans as were in the army, and after pointing out to them the strength and excellent position of the town for the purposes of the present war, he spoke also of his own friendly disposition towards their nation: and ended by saying, We hereby yield up and present this town to the Achaeans; for it is our purpose to show them all the favour in our power, and to omit nothing that may testify to our zeal. After receiving the thanks of Aratus and the meeting, Philip dismissed the assembly, and getting his army in motion, marched towards Lasion. The Psophidians descending from the citadel received back the possession of the town, each man recovering his own house; while Euripidas departed to Corinth , and thence to Aetolia . Those of the Achaean magistrates who were present put Prolaus of Sicyon in command of the citadel, with an adequate garrison; and Pythias of Pallene in command of the town. Such was the end of the incident of Psophis .

The Wealth of Elis

But when the Elean garrison of Lasion heard of the ¹⁴⁸ coming of the Macedonians, and were informed of what had taken place at Psophis , they at once abandoned the town; so that upon his arrival the king took it immediately, and by way of enhancing his favours to the Achaeans handed Lasion also over to them; and in a similar spirit restored Stratus to the Telphusians, which was also evacuated by the Eleans. On the fifth day after settling these matters he arrived at Olympia . ¹⁴⁹ There he offered a sacrifice to Zeus and entertained his officers at a banquet; and, having given his army three days’ rest, commenced his return march. After advancing some way into Elis , he allowed foraging parties to scour the country while he himself lay encamped near Artemisium , as it is called; and after receiving the booty there, he removed to the Dioscurium.¹⁵⁰ In the course of this devastation of the country the number of the captives was indeed great, but a still greater number made their escape to the neighbouring villages and strongholds. ¹⁵¹ For Elis is more populous, as well as more richly furnished with slaves and other property, than the rest of the Peloponnese : and some of the Eleans are so enamoured of a country life, that there are cases of families who, being in enjoyment of considerable wealth, have for two or three generations never entered a public law-court at all.¹⁵² And this result is brought about by the great care and attention bestowed upon the agricultural class by the government, to see that their law-suits should be settled on the spot, and every necessary of life abundantly supplied them. To me it seems that they owed these laws and customs originally to the wide extent of their arable land, and still more to the fact that their lives were under the protection of religion; for, owing to the Olympic assembly, their territory was especially exempted by the Greeks from pillage; and they had accordingly been free from all injury and hostile invasion.

Peace the Only Unquestioned Blessing

But in the course of time, when the Arcadians advanced ¹⁵³ a claim for Lasion and the whole district of Pisa , being forced to defend their territory and change their habits of life, they no longer troubled themselves in the least about recovering from the Greeks their ancient and ancestral immunity from pillage, but were content to remain exactly as they were. This in my opinion was a short-sighted policy. For peace is a thing we all desire, and are willing to submit to anything to obtain: it is the only one of our so-called blessings that no one questions. If then there are people who, having the opportunity of obtaining it, with justice and honour, from the Greeks, without question and for perpetuity, neglect to do so, or regard other objects as of superior importance to it, must we not look upon them as undoubtedly blind to their true interests? But if it be objected that, by adopting such a mode of life, they would become easily open to attack and exposed to treachery: I answer that such an event would be rare, and if it did happen, would be a claim on the aid of united Greece ; but that for minor injuries, having all the wealth which unbroken peace would be sure to bring them, they would never have been at a loss for foreign soldiers or mercenaries to protect them at certain places and times. As it is, from dread of what is occasional and unlikely, they involve their country and property in perpetual wars and losses.

My object in thus speaking is to admonish the Eleans: for they have never had a more favourable time than the present to get back their ancient privilege of exemption from pillage, which is universally acknowledged to belong to them. Even now, some sparks, so to speak, of their old habit remaining, Elis is more thickly populated than other districts.

Capture of Thalamae

And therefore during Philip’s occupation of the country the number of prisoners taken was immense; and the number of those who escaped by flight still greater. An enormous amount of movable property, and an enormous crowd of slaves and cattle, were collected at a place called Thalamae ; which was selected for the purpose, because the approach to it was narrow and difficult, and the place itself was retired and not easy to enter. But when the king was informed of the number of those who had taken refuge in this place, resolved to leave nothing unattempted or incomplete, he occupied certain spots which commanded the approach to it, with his mercenaries: while leaving his baggage and main army in his entrenched camp, he himself led his peltasts and light-armed troops through the gorge, and, without meeting with any resistance, came directly under the fortress. The fugitives were panic-stricken at his approach: for they were utterly inexperienced in war and unprovided with means of defence,—a mere rabble hurriedly collected together; they therefore at once surrendered, and among them two hundred mercenary soldiers, of various nationalities, who had been brought there by Amphidamas the Elean Strategus. Having thus become master of an immense booty in goods, and of more than five thousand slaves, and having in addition to these driven off an incalculable number of cattle, Philip now returned to his camp; but finding his army overburdened with spoils of every description, and rendered by that means cumbrous and useless for service, he retraced his steps, and once more marched to Olympia .

Popularity of Philip In the Peloponnese

But now a difficulty arose which was created by ¹⁵⁴ Apelles. Apelles was one of those who had been left by Antigonus as guardians of his son, and had, as it happened, more influence than any one else with the king. He conceived the wish to bring the Achaeans into the same position as the Thessalians; and adopted for that purpose a very offensive line of conduct. The Thessalians were supposed to enjoy their own constitution, and to have quite a different status to the Macedonians; but in fact they had exactly the same, and obeyed every order of the royal ministers. It was with the purpose of bringing about the same state of things, that this officer now set himself to test the subservience of the Achaean contingent. At first he confined himself to giving the Macedonian soldiers leave to eject Achaeans from their quarters, who on any occasion had taken possession of them first, as well as to wrest from them any booty they might have taken; but he afterwards treated them with actual violence, through the agency of his subordinates, on any trifling pretext; while such as complained of this treatment, or took the part of those who were being beaten, he personally arrested and put into confinement: being convinced that by this method he would gradually and imperceptibly bring them into the habit of submitting, without remonstrance, to any thing which the king might choose to inflict. And this opinion he deduced from his previous experience in the army of Antigonus, when he had seen the Achaeans willing to endure any hardship, on the one condition of escaping from the yoke of Cleomenes. However, certain young Achaeans held a meeting, and going to Aratus explained to him the policy which was being pursued by Apelles: whereupon Aratus at once went to Philip, feeling that a stand must be made on this point at once and without delay. He made his statement to the king; who, being informed of the facts, first of all encouraged the young men by a promise that nothing of the sort should happen to them again; and then commanded Apelles not to impose any orders upon the Achaeans without consulting their own Strategus.

Phillidas and the Aetolian Troops Arrive

Philip, then, was acquiring a great reputation, not only ¹⁵⁵ among those actually in his army, but among the other Peloponnesians also, for his behaviour to the allies serving with him, as well as for his ability and courage in the field. Indeed it would not be easy to find a king endowed with more natural qualities requisite for the acquisition of power. He had in an eminent degree a quick understanding, a retentive memory, and a winning grace of manner, joined to a look of royal dignity and authority; and most important of all, ability and courage as a general. What neutralised all these excellent qualities, and made a cruel tyrant of a naturally well-disposed king, it is not easy to say in a few words: and therefore that inquiry must be reserved for a more suitable time than the present.

Starting from Olympia by the road leading to Pharae,¹⁵⁶ Philip came first to Telphusa, and thence to Heraea . There he had the booty sold by auction, and repaired the bridge over the Alpheus, with the view of passing over it to the invasion of Triphylia.

Just at that time the Aetolian Strategus, Dorimachus, in answer to a request of the Eleans for protection against the devastation they were enduring, despatched six hundred Aetolians, under the command of Phillidas, to their aid. ¹⁵⁷ Having arrived in Elis , and taken over the Elean mercenaries, who were five hundred in number, as well as a thousand citizen soldiers and the Tarentine cavalry,¹⁵⁸ he marched to the relief of Triphylia. ¹⁵⁹ This district is so called from Triphylus, one of the sons of Arcas, and lies on the coast of the Peloponnese between Elis and Messenia , facing the Libyan Sea, and touching the south-west frontier of Arcadia . It contains the following towns, Samicum, Lepreum, Hypana, Typaneae, Pyrgos , Aepium, Bolax, Stylangium, Phrixa ; all of which, shortly before this, the Eleans had conquered and annexed, as well as the city of Alipheira , which had originally been subject to Arcadia and Megalopolis , but had been exchanged with the Eleans, for some private object of his own, by Lydiadas when tyrant of Megalopolis .

Continued Success of Philip

Phillidas, then, sent his Elean troops to Lepreum, and his mercenaries to Aliphera; while he himself went with the Aetolian troops to Typaneae, and waited to see what would happen. Meanwhile the king, having got rid of his heavy baggage, and crossed the bridge over the river Alpheus, which flows right under Heraea , came to Alipheira , which lies on a hill precipitous on every side, and the ascent of which is more than ten stades. The citadel is on the very summit of this hill, adorned with a colossal statue of Athene, of extraordinary size and beauty. The origin and purpose of this statue, and at whose expense it was set up, are doubtful questions even among the natives; for it has never been clearly discovered why or by whom it was dedicated: yet it is universally allowed that its skilful workmanship classes it among the most splendid and artistic productions of Hecatodorus¹⁶⁰ and Sostratus.

The next morning being fine and bright, the king made his¹⁶¹ dispositions at daybreak. He placed parties of men with scaling ladders at several points, and supported each of them with bodies of mercenaries, and detachments of Macedonian hoplites, on the rear of these several parties. His orders being fulfilled with enthusiasm and a formidable display of power, the garrison of Alipheira were kept continually rushing and rallying to the particular spots to which they saw the Macedonians approaching: and while this was going on, the king himself took some picked men, and mounted unobserved over some steep hills up to the suburb of the citadel; and then, at a given signal, all at once put the scaling ladders to the walls and began attempting the town. The king was the first to take the suburb of the acropolis, which had been abandoned by the garrison; and when this was set on fire, those who were defending the town walls, foreseeing what must happen, and afraid that by the fall of the citadel they would be deprived of their last hope, abandoned the town walls, and fled into it: whereupon the Macedonians at once took the walls and the town. Subsequently the garrison on the citadel sent an embassy to Philip, who granted them their lives, and received possession of it also by formal surrender.

Surrender of Typanae and Phigalia

These achievements of the king alarmed the whole ¹⁶² people of Triphylia, and made them take counsel severally for the safety of themselves and their respective cities: while Phillidas left Typaneae, after plundering some of the houses there, and retired to Lepreum. This was the reward which the allies of the Aetolians at that time usually got: not only to be deserted at the hour of utmost need in the most barefaced way, but, by being plundered as well as betrayed, to suffer at the hands of their allies exactly what they had a right to expect from a victorous enemy. But the people of Typaneae surrendered their city to Philip; as also did the inhabitants of Hypana. And the people of Phigalia , hearing of what had taken place in Triphylia, and disliking the alliance with the Aetolians, rose in arms and seized the space round the Polemarchium.¹⁶³ The Aetolian pirates who were residing in this city, for the purpose of plundering Messene , were able at first to keep down and overawe the people; but when they saw that the whole town was mustering to the rescue, they desisted from the attempt. Having made terms with them, they took their baggage and evacuated the town; whereupon the inhabitants sent an embassy to Philip, and delivered themselves and their town into his hands.

The People of Lepreum Evict the Garrisons

While these things were going on, the people of ¹⁶⁴ Lepreum, having seized a certain quarter of their town, demanded that the Elean, Aetolian, and Lacedaemonian garrisons (for a reinforcement had come from Sparta also) should all alike evacuate the citadel and city. At first Phillidas refused, and stayed on, hoping to overawe the citizens; but when the king, despatching Taurion with a guard of soldiers to Phigalia , advanced in person towards Lepreum, and was now close to the town, Phillidas lowered his tone, and the Lepreates were encouraged in their determination. It was indeed a glorious act of gallantry on their part. Though there was a garrison within their walls of a thousand Eleans, a thousand Aetolians with the pirates, five hundred mercenaries, and two hundred Lacedaemonians, and though too their citadel was in the occupation of these troops, yet they ventured to make a stand for the freedom of their native city, and would not give up hope of deliverance. Phillidas therefore, seeing that the Lepreates were prepared to offer a stout resistance, and that the Macedonians were approaching, evacuated the town with the Eleans and Lacedaemonians. The Cretans, who had been sent by the Spartans, made their way home through Messenia ; but Phillidas departed for Samicum. The people of Lepreum, having thus got control of their own town, sent ambassadors to place it in the power of Philip. Hearing the news, Philip sent all his army, except the peltasts and light-armed troops, to Lepreum; and taking the latter with him, he made all the haste he could to catch Phillidas. He succeeded so far as to capture all his baggage; but Phillidas himself managed to outstrip him and throw himself into Samicum. ¹⁶⁵ The king therefore sat down before this place: and having sent for the rest of his army from Lepreum, made the garrison believe that he meant to besiege the town. But the Aetolians and Eleans within it, having nothing ready for sustaining a siege beyond their bare hands, alarmed at their situation, held a parley with Philip to secure their lives; and having obtained leave from him to march out with their arms, they departed into Elis . Thus the king became master of Samicum on the spot: and this was followed by deputations from other towns to him, with entreaties for protection; in virtue of which he took over Phrixa , Stylangium, Aepium, Bolax, Pyrgos , and Epitalium. ¹⁶⁶ Having settled these things, and reduced all Triphylia into his power in six days, he returned to Lepreum; and having addressed the necessary warnings to the Lepreates, and put a garrison into the citadel, he departed with his army towards Heraea , leaving Ladicus of Acarnania in command of Triphylia. When he arrived at Heraea , he made a distribution of all the booty; and taking up again his baggage from Heraea , arrived about the middle of the winter at Megalopolis .

Chilon’s Fruitless Attempts In Sparta

While Philip was thus engaged in Triphylia, Chilon ¹⁶⁷ the Lacedaemonian, holding that the kingship belonged to him in virtue of birth, and annoyed at the neglect of his claims by the Ephors in selecting Lycurgus, determined to stir up a revolution: and believing that if he took the same course as Cleomenes had done, and gave the common people hopes of land allotments and redivision of property, the masses would quickly follow him, he addressed himself to carrying out this policy. Having therefore agreed with his friends on this subject, and got as many as two hundred people to join his conspiracy, he entered upon the execution of his project. But perceiving that the chief obstacles in the way of the accomplishment of his design were Lycurgus, and those Ephors who had invested him with the crown, he directed his first efforts against them. The Ephors he seized while at dinner, and put them all to death on the spot,—chance thus inflicting upon them the punishment they deserved: for whether we regard the person at whose hands, or the person for whose sake they were thus destroyed, we cannot but say that they richly merited their fate.

After the successful accomplishment of this deed, Chilon went to the-house of Lycurgus, whom he found at home, but failed to seize. Assisted by slaves and neighbours Lycurgus was smuggled out of the house, and effected a secret escape; and thence got away by a cross-country route to the town of Pellene in Tripolis . Thus baffled in the most important point of his enterprise, Chilon was greatly discouraged; but was forced all the same to go on with what he had begun. Accordingly he made a descent upon the market-place, and laid violent hands upon those opposed to him; tried to rouse his relations and friends; and declared to the rest of the people there what hopes of success he had. But when nobody seemed inclined to join him, but on the contrary a mob began to collect with threatening looks, he saw how it was, and found a secret way of leaving the town; and, making his way across Laconia , arrived in Achaia alone and an exile. But the Lacedaemonians who were in the territory of Megalopolis , terrified by the arrival of Philip, stowed away all the goods they had got from the country, and first demolished and then abandoned the Athenaeum.

The fact is that the Lacedaemonians enjoyed a most¹⁶⁸ excellent constitution, and had a most extensive power, from the time of the legislation of Lycurgus to that of the battle of Leuctra. ¹⁶⁹ But after that event their fortune took an unfavourable turn; and their political state continued ever growing worse and worse, until they finally suffered from a long succession of internal struggles and partisan warfare; were repeatedly agitated by schemes for the redivision of lands and the banishment of one party or another; and were subjected to the severest possible slavery, culminating in the tyrannical government of Nabis: though the word tyrant was one which they had in old times scarcely endured to hear mentioned. However, the ancient history of Sparta as well as the great part of it since, has been recorded by many in terms of eulogy or the reverse; but the part of that history which admits of the least controversy is that which followed the entire destruction of the ancient constitution by Cleomenes;¹⁷⁰ and that shall be narrated by me in the order of events as they occur. ¹⁷¹

Intrigue of Apelles Against Aratus

Meanwhile Philip left Megalopolis , and marching by ¹⁷² way of Tegea arrived at Argos , and there spent the rest of the winter, having gained in this campaign an admiration beyond his years for his general conduct and his brilliant achievements. But, in spite of all that had happened, Apelles was by no means inclined to desist from the policy on which he had entered; but was resolved little by little to bring the Achaeans under the yoke. He saw that the most determined opponents of his scheme were the elder and younger Aratus; and that Philip was inclined to listen to them, and especially to the elder, both on account of his former intimacy with Antigonus, and his pre-eminent influence in Achaia , and, most of all, because of his readiness of resource and practical ability: he therefore determined to devote his attention to them, and enter upon the intrigue against them which I shall proceed to describe. He sought out in the several cities all such as were opposed to Aratus, and invited them to visit him: and having got them into his hands he tried all he could to win their affections, encouraged them to look upon him as a friend, and introduced them to Philip. To the king he was always pointing out that, if he listened to Aratus, he would have to treat the Achaeans according to the letter of the treaty of alliance; but that, if he would listen to him, and take men like those which he had introduced to him into favour, he would have the whole of the Peloponnese at his own unfettered disposal. But what he was most anxious about was the election; being desirous to secure the office of Strategus for one of this party, and to oust Aratus in accordance with his settled plan. ¹⁷³ With this purpose, he persuaded Philip to be at Aegium at the time of the Achaean election, on the pretext of being on his way to Elis . ¹⁷⁴ The king’s consent to this enabled Apelles himself to be there at the right time; and though he found great difficulty, in spite of entreaties and threats, in carrying his point; yet he did eventually succeed in getting Eperatus of Pharae elected Strategus, and Timoxenus, the candidate proposed by Aratus, rejected.

Philip Captures the Wall

This over, the king departed by way of Patrae and ¹⁷⁵ Dyme , and arrived with his army before the fortress called the Wall, which is situated on the frontier of the territory of Dyme , and had a short time before, as I mentioned above,¹⁷⁶ been occupied by Euripidas. The king, being anxious at all hazards to recover this place for the Dymaeans, encamped under its walls with his full force: and thereupon the Elean garrison in alarm surrendered the place to Philip, which, though not large, had been fortified with extraordinary care. For though the circumference of its walls was not more than a stade and a half, its height was nowhere less than thirty cubits. Having handed the place over to the Dymaeans, Philip continued his advance, plundering the territory of Elis : and when he had thoroughly devastated it, and acquired a large booty, he returned with his army to Dyme .

Aratus Defends Himself

Meanwhile Apelles, thinking that, by the election ¹⁷⁷ of the Achaean Strategus through his influence, he had partly succeeded in his policy, began once more attacking Aratus, with the view of entirely detaching Philip from his friendship: and he accordingly determined to make up an accusation against him grounded on the following circumstance: When Amphidamus, the Elean Strategus, had been, with the other refugees, made prisoner at Thalamae , and had been brought among other captives to Olympia , he made earnest efforts by the agency of certain individuals to be allowed an interview with the king. This favour having been accorded him, he made a statement to the effect that it was in his power to bring over the Eleans to the king’s side, and induce them to enter into alliance with him. Philip believed him; and accordingly dismissed Amphidamus without ransom, with instructions to promise the Eleans, that, if they would join the king, he would restore their captive citizens without ransom, and would himself secure their territory safely from all outside attacks: and besides this would maintain them in freedom, without impost or foreign garrison, and in enjoyment of their several constitutions.

But the Eleans refused to listen to the proposal, although the offer was thought attractive and substantial. Apelles therefore used this circumstance to found the false accusation which he now brought before Philip, alleging that Aratus was not a loyal friend to the Macedonians, nor sincere in his feelings towards them: He was responsible for this alienation of the Eleans; for when the king despatched Amphidamus from Olympia into Elis , Aratus took him aside and talked to him, asserting that it was by no means to the interest of the Peloponnesians that Philip should become supreme in Elis : and this was the reason of the Eleans despising the king’s offers, and clinging to the friendship of the Aetolians, and persisting in war against the Macedonians.

Apelles Repeats his Accusation to Aratus Before Philip

Regarding the matter as important, the first step the ¹⁷⁸ king took was to summon the elder and younger Aratus, and order Apelles to repeat these assertions in their presence: which he thereupon did in a bold and threatening tone. And upon the king still not saying a word, he added: Since his Majesty finds you, Aratus, so ungrateful and so exceedingly adverse to his interests, he is determined to summon a meeting of the Achaeans, and, after making a statement of his reasons, forthwith to return to Macedonia . Aratus the elder answered him with a general exhortation to Philip, never to give a hasty or inconsiderate credit to any thing which might be alleged before him against his friends and allies: but when any such allegation were made, to test its truth before accepting it; for that was the conduct which became a king, and was in every way to his interest. Wherefore he said, I claim that you should, in the present instance of these accusations of Apelles, summon those who heard my words; and openly produce the man that informed Apelles of them, and omit no means of ascertaining the real truth, before making any statement in regard to these matters to the Achaeans.

Aratus is Cleared

The king approved of this speech, and said that he would not neglect the matter, but would thoroughly investigate it. And so for the present the audience was dissolved. But during the following days, while Apelles failed to bring any proof of his allegations, Aratus was favoured by the following combination of circumstances. While Philip was laying waste their territory, the Eleans, suspecting Amphidamus of treachery, determined to arrest him and send him in chains to Aetolia . But getting intelligence of their purpose, he escaped first to Olympia ; and there, hearing that Philip was at Dyme engaged in the division of his spoils, he followed him to that town in great haste. When Aratus heard that Amphidamus had been driven from Elis and was come to Dyme , he was delighted, because his conscience was quite clear in the matter; and going to the king demanded that he should summon Amphidamus to his presence; on the ground that the man to whom the words were alleged to have been spoken would best know about the accusations, and would declare the truth; for he had become an exile from his home from Philip’s sake, and had now no hope of safety except in him. These arguments satisfied the king, who thereupon sent for Amphidamus and ascertained that the accusation was false. The result was that from that day forward his liking and respect for Aratus continually increased, while he began to regard Apelles with suspicion; though being still under the influence of his old ascendency, he was compelled to connive at many of his actions.

Further Intrigues of Apelles

Apelles however by no means abandoned his policy. He began undermining the position of Taurion also, who had been placed in command of the Peloponnese by Antigonus, not indeed openly attacking him, but rather praising his character, and asserting that he was a proper person to be with the king on a campaign; his object being to get some one else appointed to conduct the government of the Peloponnese . This was indeed a novel method of defamation,—to damage one’s neighbours, not by attacking, but by praising their characters; and this method of wreaking one’s malice, envy, and treachery may be regarded as primarily and specially the invention of the jealousy and selfish ambition of courtiers. In the same spirit he began making covert attacks upon Alexander, the captain of the bodyguard, whenever he got an opportunity; being bent on reconstituting by his own authority even the personal attendants of the king, and on making a clean sweep of all arrangements left existing by Antigonus. For as in his life Antigonus had managed his kingdom and his son with wisdom, so at his death he made wise provisions for every department of the State. For in his will he explained to the Macedonians the nature of these arrangements; and also gave definite instructions for the future, how and by whom each of these arrangements was to be carried out: being desirous of leaving no vantage-ground to the courtiers for mutual rivalry and strife. Among these arrangements was one selecting Apelles from among his companions in arms to be one of the guardians of his son; Leontius to command the peltasts; Megaleas to be chief secretary; Taurion to be governor of the Peloponnese ; and Alexander to be captain of the bodyguard. Apelles had already got Leontius and Megaleas completely under his influence: and he was now desirous to remove Alexander and Taurion from their offices, and so to control these, as well as all other departments of the government, by the agency of his own friends. And he would have easily succeeded in doing so, had he not raised up an opponent in the person of Aratus. As it was, he quickly reaped the fruits of his own blind selfishness and ambition; for that which he purposed inflicting on his neighbours he had to endure himself, and that within a very brief space. How and by what means this was brought about, I must forbear to tell for the present, and must bring this book to an end: but in subsequent parts of my work I will endeavour to make every detail of these transactions clear.

For the present, after concluding the business which I have described, Philip returned to Argos , and there spent the rest of the winter season with his friends, while he sent back his forces to Macedonia .

Histories. Polybius. Evelyn S. Shuckburgh (Translator). London. 1889.

Sponsored by Perseus Project, Tufts University.

Funding provided by Robert B. Strassler.

Current edition Perseus

The Histories (English) (Polybius. Vols. 1-2. Shuckburgh, Evelyn S., translator. London, New York, NY: Macmillan and Co., 1889.)

Editions (1)

Ἱστορίαι Perseus (Polybius. Vols. 1-4. Büttner-Wobst, Theodor, editor. Leipzig: Teubner, 1893.) — 4.1 focus

[1] ἐν μὲν τῇ πρὸ ταύτης βύβλῳ τὰς αἰτίας ἐδηλώσαμεν τοῦ δευτέρου συστάντος Ῥωμαίοις καὶ Καρχηδονίοις πολέμου καὶ τὰ περὶ τῆς εἰσβολῆς τῆς εἰς Ἰταλίαν Ἀννίβου διήλθομεν,

[2] πρὸς δὲ τούτοις ἐξηγησάμεθα τοὺς γενομένους αὐτοῖς ἀγῶνας πρὸς ἀλλήλους μέχρι τῆς μάχης τῆς περὶ τὸν Αὔφιδον ποταμὸν καὶ πόλιν Κάνναν γενομένης.

[3] νῦν δὲ τὰς Ἑλληνικὰς διέξιμεν πράξεις τὰς κατὰ τοὺς αὐτοὺς καιροὺς ἐπιτελεσθείσας τοῖς προειρημένοις καὶ ἀπὸ τῆς ἑκατοστῆς καὶ τετταρακοστῆς ὀλυμπιάδος,

[4] πρότερον ἀναμνήσαντες διὰ βραχέων τοὺς ἐντυγχάνοντας τῇ πραγματείᾳ τῆς κατασκευῆς, ἣν ἐν τῇ δευτέρᾳ βύβλῳ περὶ τῶν Ἑλληνικῶν ἐποιησάμεθα, καὶ μάλιστα περὶ τοῦ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν ἔθνους, διὰ τὸ καὶ τοῦτο τὸ πολίτευμα παράδοξον ἐπίδοσιν λαβεῖν εἴς τε τοὺς πρὸ ἡμῶν καὶ καθʼ ἡμᾶς καιρούς.

[5] ἀρξάμενοι γὰρ ἀπὸ Τισαμενοῦ τῶν Ὀρέστου παίδων ἑνός, καὶ φήσαντες αὐτοὺς ἀπὸ μὲν τούτου βασιλευθῆναι κατὰ γένος ἕως εἰς Ὤγυγον, μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα καλλίστῃ προαιρέσει χρησαμένους δημοκρατικῆς πολιτείας τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ὑπὸ τῶν ἐκ Μακεδονίας βασιλέων διασπασθῆναι κατὰ πόλεις καὶ κώμας,

[6] ἑξῆς δὲ τούτοις ἐπεβαλόμεθα λέγειν πῶς αὖθις ἤρξαντο συμφρονεῖν καὶ πότε καὶ τίνες αὐτοῖς πρῶτοι συνέστησαν.

[7] τούτοις δʼ ἑπομένως ἐδηλώσαμεν τίνι τρόπῳ καὶ ποίᾳ προαιρέσει προσαγόμενοι τὰς πόλεις ἐπεβάλοντο Πελοποννησίους πάντας ὑπὸ τὴν αὐτὴν ἄγειν ὀνομασίαν καὶ πολιτείαν.

[8] καθολικῶς δὲ περὶ τῆς προειρημένης ἐπιβολῆς ἀποφηνάμενοι, μετὰ ταῦτα τῶν κατὰ μέρος ἔργων κατὰ τὸ συνεχὲς ἐπιψαύοντες εἰς τὴν Κλεομένους τοῦ Λακεδαιμονίων βασιλέως ἔκπτωσιν κατηντήσαμεν.

[9] συγκεφαλαιωσάμενοι δὲ τὰς ἐκ τῆς προκατασκευῆς πράξεις ἕως τῆς Ἀντιγόνου καὶ Σελεύκου καὶ Πτολεμαίου τελευτῆς, ἐπειδὴ περὶ τοὺς αὐτοὺς καιροὺς πάντες οὗτοι μετήλλαξαν, λοιπὸν ἐπηγγειλάμεθα τῆς αὑτῶν πραγματείας ἀρχὴν ποιήσασθαι τὰς ἑξῆς τοῖς προειρημένοις πράξεις,

[1] καλλίστην ὑπόστασιν ὑπολαμβάνοντες εἶναι ταύτην διὰ τὸ πρῶτον μὲν τὴν Ἀράτου σύνταξιν ἐπὶ τούτους καταστρέφειν τοὺς καιρούς, οἷς συνάπτοντες τὴν διήγησιν τὸν ἀκόλουθον ὑπὲρ τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἀποδιδόναι προῃρήμεθα λόγον,

[2] δεύτερον δὲ διὰ τὸ καὶ τοὺς χρόνους οὕτως συντρέχειν τοὺς ἑξῆς καὶ τοὺς πίπτοντας ὑπὸ τὴν ἡμετέραν ἱστορίαν ὥστε τοὺς μὲν καθʼ ἡμᾶς εἶναι, τοὺς δὲ κατὰ τοὺς πατέρας ἡμῶν· ἐξ οὗ συμβαίνει τοῖς μὲν αὐτοὺς ἡμᾶς παραγεγονέναι, τὰ δὲ παρὰ τῶν ἑωρακότων ἀκηκοέναι.

[3] τὸ γὰρ ἀνωτέρω προσλαμβάνειν τοῖς χρόνοις, ὡς ἀκοὴν ἐξ ἀκοῆς γράφειν, οὐκ ἐφαίνεθʼ ἡμῖν ἀσφαλεῖς ἔχειν οὔτε τὰς διαλήψεις οὔτε τὰς ἀποφάσεις.

[4] μάλιστα δʼ ἀπὸ τούτων ἠρξάμεθα τῶν καιρῶν διὰ τὸ καὶ τὴν τύχην ὡς ἂν εἰ κεκαινοποιηκέναι πάντα τὰ κατὰ τὴν οἰκουμένην ἐν τοῖς προειρημένοις καιροῖς.

[5] Φίλιππος μὲν γὰρ ὁ Δημητρίου κατὰ φύσιν υἱὸς ἔτι παῖς ὢν ἄρτι παρελάμβανε τὴν Μακεδόνων ἀρχήν·

[6] Ἀχαιὸς δὲ τῆς ἐπὶ τάδε τοῦ Ταύρου δυναστεύων οὐ μόνον προστασίαν εἶχε βασιλικήν, ἀλλὰ καὶ δύναμιν·

[7] ὁ δὲ Μέγας ἐπικληθεὶς Ἀντίοχος μικροῖς ἀνώτερον χρόνοις, τἀδελφοῦ Σελεύκου μετηλλαχότος, ἔτι κομιδῇ νέος ὢν τὴν ἐν Συρίᾳ διεδέδεκτο βασιλείαν.

[8] ἅμα δὲ τούτοις Ἀριαράθης παρέλαβε τὴν Καππαδοκῶν ἀρχήν. ὁ δὲ Φιλοπάτωρ Πτολεμαῖος ἐν τοῖς αὐτοῖς καιροῖς τῶν κατʼ Αἴγυπτον ἐγεγόνει κύριος.

[9] Λυκοῦργος δὲ Λακεδαιμονίων μετʼ οὐ πολὺ κατεστάθη βασιλεύς. ᾕρηντο δὲ Καρχηδόνιοι προσφάτως ἐπὶ τὰς προειρημένας πράξεις στρατηγὸν αὑτῶν Ἀννίβαν.

[10] οὕτως δὲ τοιαύτης περὶ πάσας τὰς δυναστείας καινοποιίας οὔσης, ἔμελλε πραγμάτων ἔσεσθαι καινῶν ἀρχή. τοῦτο γὰρ δὴ πέφυκε καὶ φιλεῖ συμβαίνειν κατὰ φύσιν· ὃ καὶ τότε συνέβη γενέσθαι.

[11] Ῥωμαῖοι μὲν γὰρ καὶ Καρχηδόνιοι τὸν προειρημένον ἐνεστήσαντο πόλεμον, Ἀντίοχος δὲ καὶ Πτολεμαῖος ἅμα τούτοις τὸν ὑπὲρ τῆς Κοίλης Συρίας, Ἀχαιοὶ δὲ καὶ Φίλιππος τὸν πρὸς Αἰτωλοὺς καὶ Λακεδαιμονίους· οὗ τὰς αἰτίας συνέβη γενέσθαι τοιαύτας.

[1] Αἰτωλοὶ πάλαι μὲν δυσχερῶς ἔφερον τὴν εἰρήνην καὶ τὰς ἀπὸ τῶν ἰδίων ὑπαρχόντων δαπάνας, ὡς ἂν εἰθισμένοι μὲν ζῆν ἀπὸ τῶν πέλας, δεόμενοι δὲ πολλῆς χορηγίας διὰ τὴν ἔμφυτον ἀλαζονείαν, ᾗ δουλεύοντες ἀεὶ πλεονεκτικὸν καὶ θηριώδη ζῶσι βίον, οὐδὲν οἰκεῖον, πάντα δʼ ἡγούμενοι πολέμια.

[2] οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ τὸν πρὸ τοῦ χρόνον, ἕως Ἀντίγονος ἔζη, δεδιότες Μακεδόνας ἦγον ἡσυχίαν.

[3] ἐπειδὴ δʼ ἐκεῖνος μετήλλαξε τὸν βίον, παῖδα καταλιπὼν Φίλιππον, καταφρονήσαντες ἐζήτουν ἀφορμὰς καὶ προφάσεις τῆς εἰς Πελοπόννησον ἐπιπλοκῆς, ἀγόμενοι κατὰ τὸ παλαιὸν ἔθος ἐπὶ τὰς ἐκ ταύτης ἁρπαγάς, ἅμα δὲ καὶ νομίζοντες ἀξιόχρεως εἶναι σφᾶς πρὸς τὸ πολεμεῖν αὐτοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς.

[4] ὄντες δʼ ἐπὶ ταύτης τῆς προθέσεως, βραχέα ταὐτομάτου σφίσι συνεργήσαντος ἔλαβον ἀφορμὰς πρὸς τὴν ἐπιβολὴν τοιαύτας.

[5] Δωρίμαχος ὁ Τριχωνεὺς ἦν μὲν υἱὸς Νικοστράτου τοῦ παρασπονδήσαντος τὴν τῶν Παμβοιωτίων πανήγυριν, νέος δʼ ὢν καὶ πλήρης Αἰτωλικῆς ὁρμῆς καὶ πλεονεξίας ἐξαπεστάλη κατὰ κοινὸν εἰς τὴν τῶν Φιγαλέων πόλιν,

[6] ἥτις ἐστὶ μὲν ἐν Πελοποννήσῳ, κεῖται δὲ πρὸς τοῖς τῶν Μεσσηνίων ὅροις, ἐτύγχανε δὲ τότε συμπολιτευομένη τοῖς Αἰτωλοῖς,

[7] λόγῳ μὲν παραφυλάξων τήν τε χώραν καὶ τὴν πόλιν τῶν Φιγαλέων, ἔργῳ δὲ κατασκόπου τάξιν ἔχων τῶν ἐν Πελοποννήσῳ πραγμάτων.

[8] συνδραμόντων δὲ πειρατῶν, καὶ παραγενομένων πρὸς αὐτὸν εἰς τὴν Φιγάλειαν, οὐκ ἔχων τούτοις ἀπὸ τοῦ δικαίου συμπαρασκευάζειν ὠφελείας, διὰ τὸ μένειν ἔτι τότε τὴν κοινὴν εἰρήνην τοῖς Ἕλλησι τὴν ὑπʼ Ἀντιγόνου συντελεσθεῖσαν,

[9] τέλος ἀπορούμενος ἐπέτρεψε τοῖς πειραταῖς λῄζεσθαι τὰ τῶν Μεσσηνίων θρέμματα, φίλων ὄντων καὶ συμμάχων.

[10] τὸ μὲν οὖν πρῶτον ἠδίκουν τὰ περὶ τὰς ἐσχατιὰς ποίμνια, μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα, προβαινούσης τῆς ἀπονοίας, ἐνεχείρησαν καὶ τὰς ἐπὶ τῶν ἀγρῶν οἰκίας ἐκκόπτειν, ἀνυπονοήτως τὰς νύκτας ἐπιφαινόμενοι.

[11] τῶν δὲ Μεσσηνίων ἐπὶ τούτοις ἀγανακτούντων καὶ διαπρεσβευομένων πρὸς τὸν Δωρίμαχον, τὰς μὲν ἀρχὰς παρήκουε, βουλόμενος τὰ μὲν ὠφελεῖν τοὺς ὑπʼ αὐτὸν ταττομένους, τὰ δʼ αὐτὸς ὠφελεῖσθαι, μερίτης γινόμενος τῶν λαμβανομένων.

[12] πλεοναζούσης δὲ τῆς παρουσίας τῶν πρεσβειῶν διὰ τὴν συνέχειαν τῶν ἀδικημάτων, αὐτὸς ἥξειν ἐπὶ τὴν Μεσσήνην ἔφη, δικαιολογησόμενος πρὸς τοὺς ἐγκαλοῦντας τοῖς Αἰτωλοῖς.

[13] ἐπειδὴ δὲ παρεγένετο, προσπορευομένων αὐτῷ τῶν ἠδικημένων, τοὺς μὲν διέσυρε χλευάζων, τῶν δὲ κατανίστατο, τοὺς δʼ ἐξέπληττε λοιδορῶν.

[1] ἔτι δʼ αὐτοῦ παρεπιδημοῦντος ἐν τῇ Μεσσήνῃ, συνεγγίσαντες τῇ πόλει νυκτὸς οἱ πειραταὶ καὶ προσβαλόντες κλίμακας ἐξέκοψαν τὸ Χυρῶνος καλούμενον ἐπαύλιον, καὶ τοὺς μὲν ἀμυνομένους ἀπέσφαξαν, τοὺς δὲ λοιποὺς τῶν οἰκετῶν δήσαντες καὶ τὰ κτήνη μετʼ αὐτῶν ἀπήγαγον.

[2] οἱ δὲ τῶν Μεσσηνίων ἔφοροι, πάλαι μὲν ἐπί τε τοῖς γινομένοις καὶ τῇ παρεπιδημίᾳ τοῦ Δωριμάχου διαλγοῦντες, τότε δὲ καὶ προσενυβρίζεσθαι δόξαντες, ἀνεκαλοῦντʼ αὐτὸν εἰς τὰς συναρχίας.

[3] ἐν ᾧ καιρῷ Σκύρων, ὃς ἦν μὲν ἔφορος τότε τῶν Μεσσηνίων, εὐδοκίμει δὲ καὶ κατὰ τὸν ἄλλον βίον παρὰ τοῖς πολίταις, συνεβούλευε μὴ προίεσθαι τὸν Δωρίμαχον ἐκ τῆς πόλεως, ἐὰν μὴ τὰ μὲν ἀπολωλότα πάντα τοῖς Μεσσηνίοις ἀποκαταστήσῃ, περὶ δὲ τῶν τεθνεώτων δωσιδίκους παράσχῃ τοὺς ἠδικηκότας.

[4] πάντων δʼ ἐπισημηναμένων ὡς δίκαια λέγοντος τοῦ Σκύρωνος, διοργισθεὶς ὁ Δωρίμαχος εὐήθεις αὐτοὺς ἔφη τελέως ὑπάρχειν, εἰ Δωρίμαχον οἴονται νῦν προπηλακίζειν, ἀλλʼ οὐ τὸ κοινὸν τῶν Αἰτωλῶν· καὶ καθόλου δεινὸν ἡγεῖτο τὸ γινόμενον, καὶ κοινῆς αὐτοὺς ἐπιστροφῆς ἔφη τεύξεσθαι, καὶ τοῦτο πείσεσθαι δικαίως.

[5] ἦν δέ τις κατʼ ἐκείνους τοὺς καιροὺς ἄνθρωπος ἀσυρὴς ἐν τῇ Μεσσήνῃ, τῶν ἐξηρμένων τὸν ἄνδρα κατὰ πάντα τρόπον, ὄνομα Βαβύρτας, ᾧ τις εἰ περιέθηκε τὴν καυσίαν καὶ χλαμύδα τοῦ Δωριμάχου, μὴ οἷόν τʼ εἶναι διαγινώσκειν·

[6] ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον ἐξωμοίωτο κατά τε τὴν φωνὴν καὶ τἄλλα μέρη τοῦ σώματος τῷ προειρημένῳ. καὶ τοῦτʼ οὐκ ἐλάνθανε τὸν Δωρίμαχον.

[7] ὁμιλοῦντος οὖν [αὐτοῦ] ἀνατατικῶς τότε καὶ μάλʼ ὑπερηφάνως τοῖς Μεσσηνίοις, περιοργισθεὶς ὁ Σκύρων "νομίζεις γὰρ ἡμῖν" ἔφη "σοῦ μέλειν ἢ τῆς σῆς ἀνατάσεως, Βαβύρτα;" ῥηθέντος δὲ τούτου,

[8] παραυτίκα μὲν εἴξας ὁ Δωρίμαχος τῇ περιστάσει συνεχώρησε πάντων ἐπιστροφὴν ποιήσεσθαι τῶν γεγονότων ἀδικημάτων τοῖς Μεσσηνίοις·

[9] ἐπανελθὼν δʼ εἰς τὴν Αἰτωλίαν οὕτω πικρῶς ἤνεγκε καὶ βαρέως τὸ ῥηθὲν ὡς οὐδεμίαν ἄλλην ἔχων εὔλογον πρόφασιν διʼ αὐτὸ τοῦτο τοῖς Μεσσηνίοις ἐξέκαυσε τὸν πόλεμον.

[1] στρατηγὸς μὲν οὖν ὑπῆρχε τῶν Αἰτωλῶν Ἀρίστων· οὗτος δὲ διά τινας σωματικὰς ἀσθενείας ἀδύνατος ὢν πρὸς πολεμικὴν χρείαν, ἅμα δὲ καὶ συγγενὴς ὑπάρχων Δωριμάχου καὶ Σκόπα, τρόπον τινὰ παρακεχωρήκει τούτῳ τῆς ὅλης ἀρχῆς.

[2] ὁ δὲ Δωρίμαχος κατὰ κοινὸν μὲν οὐκ ἐτόλμα παρακαλεῖν τοὺς Αἰτωλοὺς εἰς τὸν κατὰ τῶν Μεσσηνίων πόλεμον διὰ τὸ μηδεμίαν ἔχειν ἀξίαν λόγου πρόφασιν, ἀλλʼ ὁμολογουμένως ἐκ παρανομίας καὶ σκώμματος γεγονέναι τὴν ὁρμήν·

[3] ἀφέμενος δὲ τῆς ἐπινοίας ταύτης ἰδίᾳ προετρέπετο τὸν Σκόπαν κοινωνῆσαι τῆς ἐπιβολῆς αὐτῷ τῆς κατὰ τῶν Μεσσηνίων, ὑποδεικνύων μὲν τὴν ἀπὸ Μακεδόνων ἀσφάλειαν διὰ τὴν ἡλικίαν τοῦ προεστῶτος — οὐ γὰρ εἶχε πλεῖον ἐτῶν τότε Φίλιππος ἑπτακαίδεκα —

[4] παρατιθεὶς δὲ τὴν Λακεδαιμονίων ἀλλοτριότητα πρὸς τοὺς Μεσσηνίους, ἀναμιμνήσκων δὲ τῆς Ἠλείων πρὸς σφᾶς εὐνοίας καὶ συμμαχίας· ἐξ ὧν ἀσφαλῆ τὴν εἰσβολὴν τὴν εἰς τὴν Μεσσηνίαν ἐσομένην αὐτοῖς ἀπέφαινεν.

[5] τὸ δὲ συνέχον τῆς Αἰτωλικῆς προτροπῆς, ὑπὸ τὴν ὄψιν ἐτίθει τὰς ἐσομένας ὠφελείας ἐκ τῆς τῶν Μεσσηνίων χώρας, οὔσης ἀπρονοήτου καὶ διαμεμενηκυίας ἀκεραίου μόνης τῶν ἐν Πελοποννήσῳ κατὰ τὸν Κλεομενικὸν πόλεμον.

[6] ἐπὶ δὲ πᾶσι τούτοις συνίστανε τὴν ἐξακολουθήσουσαν εὔνοιαν σφίσι παρὰ τοῦ τῶν Αἰτωλῶν πλήθους.

[7] Ἀχαιοὺς δʼ, ἂν μὲν κωλύσωσι τὴν δίοδον, οὐκ ἐρεῖν ἐγκλήματα τοῖς ἀμυνομένοις· ἐὰν δʼ ἀγάγωσι τὴν ἡσυχίαν, οὐκ ἐμποδιεῖν αὐτοῖς πρὸς τὴν ἐπιβολήν.

[8] πρὸς δὲ Μεσσηνίους προφάσεως οὐκ ἀπορήσειν ἔφη· πάλαι γὰρ αὐτοὺς ἀδικεῖν Ἀχαιοῖς καὶ Μακεδόσιν ἐπηγγελμένους κοινωνήσειν τῆς συμμαχίας.

[9] ταῦτα δʼ εἰπὼν καὶ παραπλήσια τούτοις ἕτερα πρὸς τὴν αὐτὴν ὑπόθεσιν, τοιαύτην ὁρμὴν παρέστησε τῷ Σκόπᾳ καὶ τοῖς τούτου φίλοις ὥστʼ οὔτε κοινὴν τῶν Αἰτωλῶν προσδεξάμενοι σύνοδον οὔτε τοῖς ἀποκλήτοις συμμεταδόντες, οὐδὲ μὴν ἄλλο τῶν καθηκόντων οὐδὲν πράξαντες,

[10] κατὰ δὲ τὰς αὑτῶν ὁρμὰς καὶ κρίσεις διαλαβόντες ἅμα Μεσσηνίοις, Ἠπειρώταις, Ἀχαιοῖς, Ἀκαρνᾶσι, Μακεδόσι πόλεμον ἐξήνεγκαν.

[1] καὶ κατὰ μὲν θάλατταν παραχρῆμα πειρατὰς ἐξέπεμψαν, οἳ περιτυχόντες πλοίῳ βασιλικῷ τῶν ἐκ Μακεδονίας περὶ Κύθηρα, τοῦτό τʼ εἰς Αἰτωλίαν καταγαγόντες αὔτανδρον, τούς τε ναυκλήρους καὶ τοὺς ἐπιβάτας, σὺν δὲ τούτοις τὴν ναῦν ἀπέδοντο. τῆς δʼ Ἠπείρου τὴν παραλίαν ἐπόρθουν,

[2] συγχρώμενοι πρὸς τὴν ἀδικίαν ταῖς τῶν Κεφαλλήνων ναυσίν· ἐπεβάλοντο δὲ καὶ τῆς Ἀκαρνανίας Θύριον καταλαβέσθαι.

[3] ἅμα δὲ τούτοις λάθρᾳ διὰ Πελοποννήσου τινὰς πέμψαντες ἐν μέσῃ τῇ τῶν Μεγαλοπολιτῶν χώρᾳ κατέσχον τὸ καλούμενον ὀχύρωμα Κλάριον· ᾧ λαφυροπωλείῳ χρησάμενοι διῆγον ἐν τούτῳ πρὸς τὰς ἁρπαγάς.

[4] οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ τοῦτο μὲν Τιμόξενος ὁ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν στρατηγός, παραλαβὼν Ταυρίωνα τὸν ἐπὶ τῶν ἐν Πελοποννήσῳ βασιλικῶν πραγμάτων ὑπʼ Ἀντιγόνου καταλελειμμένον, ἐξεπολιόρκησε τελέως ἐν ὀλίγαις ἡμέραις.

[5] ὁ γὰρ βασιλεὺς Ἀντίγονος Κόρινθον μὲν εἶχε κατὰ τὸ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν συγχώρημα διὰ τοὺς Κλεομενικοὺς καιρούς, Ὀρχομενὸν δὲ κατὰ κράτος ἑλὼν οὐκ ἀποκατέστησε τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς, ἀλλὰ σφετερισάμενος κατεῖχε, βουλόμενος,

[6] ὥς γʼ ἐμοὶ δοκεῖ, μὴ μόνον τῆς εἰσόδου κυριεύειν τῆς εἰς Πελοπόννησον, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὴν μεσόγαιαν αὐτῆς παραφυλάττειν διὰ τῆς ἐν Ὀρχομενῷ φρουρᾶς καὶ παρασκευῆς.

[7] οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Δωρίμαχον καὶ Σκόπαν παρατηρήσαντες τὸν καιρόν, ἐν ᾧ λοιπὸς ἦν Τιμοξένῳ μὲν ὀλίγος ἔτι χρόνος τῆς ἀρχῆς, Ἄρατος δὲ καθίστατο μὲν εἰς τὸν ἐνιαυτὸν τὸν ἐπιόντα στρατηγὸς ὑπὸ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν, οὔπω δʼ ἔμελλε τὴν ἀρχὴν ἕξειν,

[8] συναθροίσαντες πανδημεὶ τοὺς Αἰτωλοὺς ἐπὶ τὸ Ῥίον, καὶ παρασκευασάμενοι πορθμεῖα καὶ τὰς Κεφαλλήνων ἑτοιμάσαντες ναῦς, διεβίβασαν τοὺς ἄνδρας εἰς Πελοπόννησον καὶ προῆγον ἐπὶ τὴν Μεσσηνίαν.

[9] ποιούμενοι δὲ τὴν πορείαν διὰ τῆς Πατρέων καὶ Φαραιέων καὶ Τριταιέων χώρας ὑπεκρίνοντο μὲν βούλεσθαι μηδὲν ἀδίκημα ποιεῖν εἰς τοὺς Ἀχαιούς,

[10] οὐ δυναμένου δὲ τοῦ πλήθους ἀπέχεσθαι τῆς χώρας διὰ τὴν πρὸς τὰς ὠφελείας ἀκρασίαν, κακοποιοῦντες αὐτὴν καὶ λυμαινόμενοι διῄεσαν, μέχρι παρεγενήθησαν εἰς τὴν Φιγάλειαν.

[11] ποιησάμενοι δὲ τὴν ὁρμὴν ἐντεῦθεν αἰφνιδίως καὶ θρασέως, ἐνέβαλον εἰς τὴν τῶν Μεσσηνίων χώραν, οὔτε τῆς ὑπαρχούσης αὐτοῖς ἐκ παλαιῶν χρόνων πρὸς τοὺς Μεσσηνίους φιλίας καὶ συμμαχίας οὐδʼ ἡντινοῦν ποιησάμενοι πρόνοιαν οὔτε τῶν κατὰ κοινὸν ὡρισμένων δικαίων παρʼ ἀνθρώποις.

[12] ἅπαντα δʼ ἐν ἐλάττονι θέμενοι τῆς σφετέρας πλεονεξίας ἀδεῶς ἐπόρθουν, οὐ τολμώντων ἐπεξιέναι καθόλου τῶν Μεσσηνίων.

[1] οἱ δʼ Ἀχαιοί, καθηκούσης αὐτοῖς ἐκ τῶν νόμων συνόδου κατὰ τὸν καιρὸν τοῦτον, ἧκον εἰς Αἴγιον. συνελθόντες δʼ εἰς τὴν ἐκκλησίαν,

[2] καὶ τῶν τε Πατρέων καὶ Φαραιέων ἀπολογιζομένων τὰ γεγονότα περὶ τὴν χώραν αὐτῶν ἀδικήματα κατὰ τὴν τῶν Αἰτωλῶν δίοδον, τῶν τε Μεσσηνίων παρόντων κατὰ πρεσβείαν καὶ δεομένων σφίσι βοηθεῖν ἀδικουμένοις καὶ παρασπονδουμένοις,

[3] διακούσαντες τῶν λεγομένων, καὶ συναγανακτοῦντες μὲν τοῖς Πατρεῦσι καὶ Φαραιεῦσι, συμπάσχοντες δὲ ταῖς τῶν Μεσσηνίων ἀτυχίαις,

[4] μάλιστα δὲ νομίζοντες εἶναι δεινὸν εἰ μήτε συγχωρήσαντος τοῖς Αἰτωλοῖς μηδενὸς τὴν δίοδον μήτε καθάπαξ ἐπιβαλόμενοι παραιτεῖσθαι κατετόλμησαν ἐπιβῆναι στρατοπέδῳ τῆς Ἀχαΐας παρὰ τὰς συνθήκας,

[5] ἐπὶ πᾶσι τούτοις παροξυνθέντες ἐψηφίσαντο βοηθεῖν τοῖς Μεσσηνίοις καὶ συνάγειν τὸν στρατηγὸν τοὺς Ἀχαιοὺς ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις· ὃ δʼ ἂν τοῖς συνελθοῦσι βουλευομένοις δόξῃ, τοῦτʼ εἶναι κύριον.

[6] ὁ μὲν οὖν Τιμόξενος ὁ τότʼ ἔθʼ ὑπάρχων στρατηγός, ὅσον οὔπω ληγούσης τῆς ἀρχῆς, ἅμα δὲ τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς ἀπιστῶν διὰ τὸ ῥᾳθύμως αὐτοὺς ἐσχηκέναι κατὰ τὸ παρὸν περὶ τὴν ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις γυμνασίαν, ἀνεδύετο τὴν ἔξοδον καὶ καθόλου τὴν συναγωγὴν τῶν ὄχλων.

[7] μετὰ γὰρ τὴν Κλεομένους τοῦ Σπαρτιατῶν βασιλέως ἔκπτωσιν, κάμνοντες μὲν τοῖς προγεγονόσι πολέμοις, πιστεύοντες δὲ τῇ παρούσῃ καταστάσει, πάντες ὠλιγώρησαν Πελοποννήσιοι τῆς περὶ τὰ πολεμικὰ παρασκευῆς.

[8] ὁ δʼ Ἄρατος, σχετλιάζων καὶ παροξυνόμενος ἐπὶ τῇ τόλμῃ τῶν Αἰτωλῶν, θυμικώτερον ἐχρῆτο τοῖς πράγμασιν, ἅτε καὶ προϋπαρχούσης αὐτοῖς ἀλλοτριότητος ἐκ τῶν ἐπάνω χρόνων.

[9] διὸ καὶ συνάγειν ἔσπευδε τοὺς Ἀχαιοὺς ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις καὶ συμβαλεῖν πρόθυμος ἦν τοῖς Αἰτωλοῖς.

[10] τέλος δὲ πένθʼ ἡμέραις πρότερον τοῦ καθήκοντος αὐτῷ χρόνου παραλαβὼν παρὰ τοῦ Τιμοξένου τὴν δημοσίαν σφραγῖδα, πρός τε τὰς πόλεις ἔγραφε καὶ συνῆγε τοὺς ἐν ταῖς ἡλικίαις μετὰ τῶν ὅπλων εἰς τὴν Μεγάλην πόλιν.

[11] ὑπὲρ οὗ δοκεῖ μοι πρέπον εἶναι βραχέα προειπεῖν διὰ τὴν ἰδιότητα τῆς φύσεως.

[1] Ἄρατος γὰρ ἦν τὰ μὲν ἄλλα τέλειος ἀνὴρ εἰς τὸν πραγματικὸν τρόπον·

[2] καὶ γὰρ εἰπεῖν καὶ διανοηθῆναι καὶ στέξαι τὸ κριθὲν δυνατός, καὶ μὴν ἐνεγκεῖν τὰς πολιτικὰς διαφορὰς πρᾴως καὶ φίλους ἐνδήσασθαι καὶ συμμάχους προσλαβεῖν οὐδενὸς δεύτερος,

[3] ἔτι δὲ πράξεις, ἀπάτας, ἐπιβουλὰς συστήσασθαι κατὰ τῶν πολεμίων, καὶ ταύτας ἐπὶ τέλος ἀγαγεῖν διὰ τῆς αὑτοῦ κακοπαθείας καὶ τόλμης, δεινότατος.

[4] ἐναργῆ δὲ τῶν τοιούτων μαρτύρια καὶ πλείω μέν, ἐκφανέστατα δὲ τοῖς ἱστορηκόσι κατὰ μέρος περί τε τῆς Σικυῶνος καὶ Μαντινείας καταλήψεως καὶ περὶ τῆς Αἰτωλῶν ἐκ τῆς Πελληνέων πόλεως ἐκβολῆς, τὸ δὲ μέγιστον, περὶ τῆς κατὰ τὸν Ἀκροκόρινθον πράξεως.

[5] ὁ δʼ αὐτὸς οὗτος, ὅτε τῶν ὑπαίθρων ἀντιποιήσασθαι βουληθείη, νωθρὸς μὲν ἐν ταῖς ἐπινοίαις, ἄτολμος δʼ ἐν ταῖς ἐπιβολαῖς, ἐν ὄψει δʼ οὐ μένων τὸ δεινόν.

[6] διὸ καὶ τροπαίων ἐπʼ αὐτὸν βλεπόντων ἐπλήρωσε τὴν Πελοπόννησον, καὶ τῇδέ πῃ τοῖς πολεμίοις ἀεί ποτʼ ἦν εὐχείρωτος.

[7] οὕτως αἱ τῶν ἀνθρώπων φύσεις οὐ μόνον τοῖς σώμασιν ἔχουσί τι πολυειδές, ἔτι δὲ μᾶλλον ταῖς ψυχαῖς, ὥστε τὸν αὐτὸν ἄνδρα μὴ μόνον ἐν τοῖς διαφέρουσι τῶν ἐνεργημάτων πρὸς ἃ μὲν εὐφυῶς ἔχειν, πρὸς ἃ δʼ ἐναντίως, ἀλλὰ καὶ περί τινα τῶν ὁμοειδῶν πολλάκις τὸν αὐτὸν καὶ συνετώτατον εἶναι καὶ βραδύτατον, ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ τολμηρότατον καὶ δειλότατον.

[8] οὐ παράδοξα ταῦτά γε, συνήθη δὲ καὶ γνώριμα τοῖς βουλομένοις συνεφιστάνειν.

[9] τινὲς μὲν γὰρ ἐν ταῖς κυνηγίαις εἰσὶ τολμηροὶ πρὸς τὰς τῶν θηρίων συγκαταστάσεις, οἱ δʼ αὐτοὶ πρὸς ὅπλα καὶ πολεμίους ἀγεννεῖς, καὶ τῆς γε πολεμικῆς χρείας τῆς κατʼ ἄνδρα μὲν καὶ κατʼ ἰδίαν εὐχερεῖς καὶ πρακτικοί, κοινῇ δὲ καὶ μετὰ πολεμικῆς ἐπʼ ἴσον συντάξεως ἄπρακτοι.

[10] Θετταλῶν γοῦν ἱππεῖς κατʼ ἴλην μὲν καὶ φαλαγγηδὸν ἀνυπόστατοι, χωρὶς δὲ παρατάξεως πρὸς καιρὸν καὶ τόπον κατʼ ἄνδρα κινδυνεῦσαι δύσχρηστοι καὶ βραδεῖς· Αἰτωλοὶ δὲ τούτων τἀναντία.

[11] Κρῆτες δὲ καὶ κατὰ γῆν καὶ κατὰ θάλατταν πρὸς μὲν ἐνέδρας καὶ λῃστείας καὶ κλοπὰς πολεμίων καὶ νυκτερινὰς ἐπιθέσεις καὶ πάσας τὰς μετὰ δόλου καὶ κατὰ μέρος χρείας ἀνυπόστατοι, πρὸς δὲ τὴν ἐξ ὁμολόγου καὶ κατὰ πρόσωπον φαλαγγηδὸν ἔφοδον ἀγεννεῖς καὶ πλάγιοι ταῖς ψυχαῖς· Ἀχαιοὶ δὲ καὶ Μακεδόνες τἀναντία τούτων.

[12] ταῦτα μὲν εἰρήσθω μοι χάριν τοῦ μὴ διαπιστεῖν τοὺς ἀναγινώσκοντας τοῖς λεγομένοις, ἐάν που περὶ τῶν αὐτῶν ἀνδρῶν ἐναντίας ἀποφάσεις ποιώμεθα περὶ τὰ παραπλήσια τῶν ἐπιτηδευμάτων.

[1] ἁθροισθέντων δὲ τῶν ἐν ταῖς ἡλικίαις μετὰ τῶν ὅπλων εἰς τὴν Μεγάλην πόλιν κατὰ δόγμα τῶν Ἀχαιῶν —

[2] ἀπὸ γὰρ τούτων παρεξέβημεν — καὶ τῶν Μεσσηνίων αὖθις ἐπιπορευθέντων ἐπὶ τὸ πλῆθος καὶ δεομένων μὴ περιιδεῖν σφᾶς οὕτω προφανῶς παρασπονδουμένους, βουλομένων δὲ καὶ τῆς κοινῆς συμμαχίας μετασχεῖν καὶ σπευδόντων ὁμοῦ τοῖς ἄλλοις ἐπιγραφῆναι,

[3] περὶ μὲν τῆς συμμαχίας οἱ προεστῶτες τῶν Ἀχαιῶν ἀπέλεγον, οὐ φάσκοντες δυνατὸν εἶναι χωρὶς Φιλίππου καὶ τῶν συμμάχων οὐδένα προσλαβεῖν·

[4] ἔτι γὰρ ἔνορκος ἔμενε πᾶσιν ἡ γεγενημένη συμμαχία διʼ Ἀντιγόνου κατὰ τοὺς Κλεομενικοὺς καιροὺς Ἀχαιοῖς, Ἠπειρώταις, Φωκεῦσι, Μακεδόσι, Βοιωτοῖς, Ἀκαρνᾶσι, Θετταλοῖς.

[5] ἐξελεύσεσθαι δὲ καὶ βοηθήσειν αὐτοῖς ἔφασαν, ἐὰν ὅμηρα δῶσιν οἱ παραγεγονότες τοὺς ἑαυτῶν υἱεῖς εἰς τὴν τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων πόλιν χάριν τοῦ μὴ διαλυθήσεσθαι πρὸς Αἰτωλοὺς χωρὶς τῆς τῶν Ἀχαιῶν βουλήσεως.

[6] ἐστρατοπέδευον δὲ καὶ Λακεδαιμόνιοι, κατὰ τὴν συμμαχίαν ἐξεληλυθότες, ἐπὶ τοῖς τῶν Μεγαλοπολιτῶν ὅροις, ἐφέδρων καὶ θεωρῶν μᾶλλον ἢ συμμάχων ἔχοντες τάξιν.

[7] Ἄρατος δὲ τὸν τρόπον τοῦτον τὰ πρὸς Μεσσηνίους διαπράξας, ἔπεμπε πρὸς τοὺς Αἰτωλούς, διασαφῶν τὰ δεδογμένα καὶ παρακελευόμενος ἐπανάγειν ἐκ τῆς τῶν Μεσσηνίων χώρας καὶ τῆς Ἀχαΐας μὴ ψαύειν· εἰ δὲ μή, διότι χρήσεται τοῖς ἐπιβαίνουσιν ὡς πολεμίοις.

[8] Σκόπας δὲ καὶ Δωρίμαχος ἀκούσαντες τὰ λεγόμενα καὶ γνόντες ἡθροισμένους τοὺς Ἀχαιούς, ἡγοῦντο συμφέρειν σφίσι τότε τίθεσθαι τοῖς παραγγελλομένοις.

[9] παραυτίκα μὲν οὖν ἐξαπέστελλον γραμματοφόρους εἴς τε Κυλλήνην καὶ πρὸς Ἀρίστωνα τὸν τῶν Αἰτωλῶν στρατηγόν, ἀξιοῦντες κατὰ σπουδὴν αὑτοῖς ἀποστέλλειν τὰ πορθμεῖα τῆς Ἠλείας εἰς τὴν Φειάδα καλουμένην νῆσον.

[10] αὐτοὶ δὲ μετὰ δύʼ ἡμέρας ἀνέζευξαν γέμοντες τῆς λείας, καὶ προῆγον ὡς ἐπὶ τὴν Ἠλείαν. ἀεὶ γάρ ποτε τῆς τῶν Ἠλείων ἀντείχοντο φιλίας Αἰτωλοὶ χάριν τοῦ διὰ τούτων ἐπιπλοκὰς λαμβάνειν πρὸς τὰς ἁρπαγὰς τὰς ἐκ Πελοποννήσου καὶ λῃστείας.

[1] ὁ δʼ Ἄρατος ἐπιμείνας δύʼ ἡμέρας, καὶ πιστεύσας εὐήθως ὅτι ποιήσονται τὴν ἐπάνοδον, καθάπερ ὑπεδείκνυσαν, τοὺς μὲν λοιποὺς Ἀχαιοὺς καὶ τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους διαφῆκε πάντας εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν,

[2] τρισχιλίους δʼ ἔχων πεζοὺς καὶ τριακοσίους ἱππεῖς καὶ τοὺς ἅμα τῷ Ταυρίωνι στρατιώτας, προῆγε τὴν ἐπὶ Πάτρας, ἀντιπαράγειν τοῖς Αἰτωλοῖς προαιρούμενος.

[3] οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Δωρίμαχον, πυνθανόμενοι τοὺς περὶ τὸν Ἄρατον ἀντιπαράγειν αὐτοῖς καὶ συμμένειν, τὰ μὲν διαγωνιάσαντες μὴ κατὰ τὴν εἰς τὰς ναῦς ἔμβασιν ἐπίθωνται σφίσι περισπωμένοις, τὰ δὲ σπουδάζοντες συγχέαι τὸν πόλεμον,

[4] τὴν μὲν λείαν ἀπέστειλαν ἐπὶ τὰ πλοῖα, συστήσαντες τοὺς ἱκανοὺς καὶ τοὺς ἐπιτηδείους πρὸς τὴν διακομιδήν, προσεντειλάμενοι τοῖς ἐκπεμπομένοις ταῦτα πρὸς τὸ Ῥίον ἀπαντᾶν, ὡς ἐντεῦθεν ποιησόμενοι τὴν ἔμβασιν,

[5] αὐτοὶ δὲ τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ἐφήδρευον τῇ τῆς λείας ἐξαποστολῇ περιέποντες, μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα προῆγον ἐκ μεταβολῆς ὡς ἐπʼ Ὀλυμπίας.

[6] ἀκούοντες δὲ τοὺς περὶ τὸν Ταυρίωνα μετὰ τοῦ προειρημένου πλήθους περὶ τὴν Κλειτορίαν εἶναι, καὶ νομίζοντες οὐδʼ ὣς δυνήσεσθαι τὴν ἀπὸ τοῦ Ῥίου διάβασιν ἄνευ κινδύνου ποιήσασθαι καὶ συμπλοκῆς,

[7] ἔκριναν συμφέρειν τοῖς σφετέροις πράγμασιν ὡς τάχιστα συμμῖξαι τοῖς περὶ τὸν Ἄρατον, ἀκμὴν ὀλίγοις οὖσι καὶ τοῦ μέλλοντος ἀνυπονοήτοις,

[8] ὑπολαβόντες, ἂν μὲν τρέψωνται τούτους, προκατασύραντες τὴν χώραν ἀσφαλῆ ποιήσεσθαι τὴν ἀπὸ τοῦ Ῥίου διάβασιν, ἐν ᾧ μέλλει καὶ βουλεύεται συναθροίζεσθαι πάλιν τὸ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν πλῆθος,

[9] ἂν δὲ καταπλαγέντες φυγομαχῶσι καὶ μὴ βούλωνται συμβάλλειν οἱ περὶ τὸν Ἄρατον, ἄνευ κινδύνου ποιήσεσθαι τὴν ἀπόλυσιν, ὁπόταν αὐτοῖς δοκῇ συμφέρειν.

[10] οὗτοι μὲν οὖν τοιούτοις χρησάμενοι λογισμοῖς προῆγον, καὶ κατεστρατοπέδευσαν περὶ

[1] Μεθύδριον τῆς Μεγαλοπολίτιδος· οἱ δὲ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν ἡγεμόνες, συνέντες τὴν παρουσίαν τῶν Αἰτωλῶν, οὕτως κακῶς ἐχρήσαντο τοῖς πράγμασιν ὥσθʼ ὑπερβολὴν ἀνοίας μὴ καταλιπεῖν.

[2] ἀναστρέψαντες γὰρ ἐκ τῆς Κλειτορίας κατεστρατοπέδευσαν περὶ Καφύας.

[3] τῶν δʼ Αἰτωλῶν ποιουμένων τὴν πορείαν ἀπὸ Μεθυδρίου παρὰ τὴν τῶν Ὀρχομενίων πόλιν, ἐξάγοντες τοὺς Ἀχαιοὺς ἐν τῷ τῶν Καφυέων πεδίῳ παρενέβαλον, πρόβλημα ποιούμενοι τὸν διʼ αὐτοῦ ῥέοντα ποταμόν.

[4] οἱ δʼ Αἰτωλοὶ καὶ διὰ τὰς μεταξὺ δυσχωρίας — ἦσαν γὰρ ἔτι πρὸ τοῦ ποταμοῦ τάφροι καὶ πλείους δύσβατοι — καὶ διὰ τὴν ἐπίφασιν τῆς ἑτοιμότητος τῶν Ἀχαιῶν πρὸς τὸν κίνδυνον τοῦ μὲν ἐγχειρεῖν τοῖς ὑπεναντίοις κατὰ τὴν ἐξ ἀρχῆς πρόθεσιν ἀπεδειλίασαν,

[5] μετὰ δὲ πολλῆς εὐταξίας ἐποιοῦντο τὴν πορείαν ὡς ἐπὶ τὰς ὑπερβολὰς ἐπὶ τὸν Ὀλύγυρτον, ἀσμενίζοντες, εἰ μή τις αὐτοῖς ἐγχειροίη καὶ βιάζοιτο κινδυνεύειν.

[6] οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Ἄρατον, τῆς μὲν πρωτοπορείας τῶν Αἰτωλῶν ἤδη προσβαινούσης πρὸς τὰς ὑπερβολάς, τῶν δʼ ἱππέων οὐραγούντων διὰ τοῦ πεδίου καὶ συνεγγιζόντων τῷ προσαγορευομένῳ Πρόποδι τῆς παρωρείας, ἐξαποστέλλουσι τοὺς ἱππεῖς καὶ τοὺς εὐζώνους, Ἐπίστρατον ἐπιστήσαντες τὸν Ἀκαρνᾶνα, καὶ συντάξαντες ἐξάπτεσθαι τῆς οὐραγίας καὶ καταπειράζειν τῶν πολεμίων.

[7] καίτοι γʼ εἰ μὲν ἦν κινδυνευτέον, οὐ πρὸς τὴν οὐραγίαν ἐχρῆν συμπλέκεσθαι, διηνυκότων ἤδη τῶν πολεμίων τοὺς ὁμαλοὺς τόπους, πρὸς δὲ τὴν πρωτοπορείαν, εὐθέως ἐμβαλόντων εἰς τὸ πεδίον.

[8] οὕτως γὰρ ἂν τὸν ἀγῶνα συνέβη γενέσθαι τὸν ὅλον ἐν τοῖς ἐπιπέδοις καὶ πεδινοῖς τόποις, οὗ τοὺς μὲν Αἰτωλοὺς δυσχρηστοτάτους εἶναι συνέβαινε διά τε τὸν καθοπλισμὸν καὶ τὴν ὅλην σύνταξιν, τοὺς δʼ Ἀχαιοὺς εὐχρηστοτάτους καὶ δυναμικωτάτους διὰ τἀναντία τῶν προειρημένων.

[9] νῦν δʼ ἀφέμενοι τῶν οἰκείων τόπων καὶ καιρῶν εἰς τὰ τῶν πολεμίων προτερήματα συγκατέβησαν. τοιγαροῦν ἀκόλουθον

[1] τὸ τέλος ἐξέβη τοῦ κινδύνου ταῖς ἐπιβολαῖς. ἐξαπτομένων γὰρ τῶν εὐζώνων τηροῦντες οἱ τῶν Αἰτωλῶν ἱππεῖς τὴν τάξιν ἀπεχώρουν εἰς τὴν παρώρειαν, σπεύδοντες συνάψαι τοῖς παρʼ αὑτῶν πεζοῖς.

[2] οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Ἄρατον, οὔτε κατιδόντες καλῶς τὸ γινόμενον οὔτʼ ἐκλογισάμενοι δεόντως τὸ μετὰ ταῦτα συμβησόμενον, ἅμα τῷ τοὺς ἱππεῖς ἰδεῖν ὑποχωροῦντας ἐλπίσαντες αὐτοὺς φεύγειν,

[3] τοὺς μὲν ἀπὸ τῶν κεράτων θωρακίτας ἐξαπέστειλαν, παραγγείλαντες βοηθεῖν καὶ συνάπτειν τοῖς παρʼ αὑτῶν εὐζώνοις, αὐτοὶ δʼ ἐπὶ κέρας κλίναντες τὴν δύναμιν ἦγον μετὰ δρόμου καὶ σπουδῆς.

[4] οἱ δὲ τῶν Αἰτωλῶν ἱππεῖς, διανύσαντες τὸ πεδίον, ἅμα τῷ συνάψαι τοῖς πεζοῖς αὐτοὶ μὲν ὑπὸ τὴν παρώρειαν ὑποστείλαντες ἔμενον,

[5] τοὺς δὲ πεζοὺς ἥθροιζον πρὸς τὰ πλάγια καὶ παρεκάλουν, ἑτοίμως πρὸς τὴν κραυγὴν ἀνατρεχόντων καὶ παραβοηθούντων ἀεὶ τῶν ἐκ τῆς πορείας.

[6] ἐπεὶ δʼ ἀξιομάχους ὑπέλαβον εἶναι σφᾶς αὐτοὺς κατὰ τὸ πλῆθος, συστραφέντες ἐνέβαλον τοῖς προμαχομένοις τῶν Ἀχαϊκῶν ἱππέων καὶ ψιλῶν. ὄντες δὲ πλείους, καὶ ποιούμενοι τὴν ἔφοδον ἐξ ὑπερδεξίου, πολὺν μὲν χρόνον ἐκινδύνευσαν, τέλος δʼ ἐτρέψαντο τοὺς συγκαθεστῶτας.

[7] ἐν δὲ τῷ τούτους ἐγκλίναντας φεύγειν οἱ προσβοηθοῦντες θωρακῖται κατὰ πορείαν ἀτάκτως ἐπιπαραγενόμενοι καὶ σποράδην, οἱ μὲν ἀποροῦντες ἐπὶ τοῖς γινομένοις, οἱ δὲ συμπίπτοντες ἀντίοις τοῖς φεύγουσι κατὰ τὴν ἀποχώρησιν, ἀναστρέφειν ἠναγκάζοντο καὶ τὸ παραπλήσιον ποιεῖν.

[8] ἐξ οὗ συνέβαινε τοὺς μὲν ἐκ τῆς συγκαταστάσεως ἡττηθέντας μὴ πλείους εἶναι πεντακοσίων, τοὺς δὲ φεύγοντας πλείους δισχιλίων.

[9] τοῦ δὲ πράγματος αὐτοῦ διδάσκοντος τοὺς Αἰτωλοὺς ὃ δεῖ ποιεῖν, εἵποντο κατόπιν, ἐπιπολαστικῶς καὶ κατακόρως χρώμενοι τῇ κραυγῇ.

[10] ποιουμένων δὲ τῶν Ἀχαϊκῶν τὴν ἀποχώρησιν πρὸς τὰ βαρέα τῶν ὅπλων, ὡς μενόντων ὑπὸ ταῖς ἀσφαλείαις ἐπὶ τῆς ἐξ ἀρχῆς τάξεως, τὸ μὲν πρῶτον εὐσχήμων ἐγένεθʼ ἡ φυγὴ καὶ σωτήριος·

[11] συνθεασάμενοι δὲ καὶ τούτους λελοιπότας τὰς τῶν τόπων ἀσφαλείας καὶ μακροὺς ὄντας ἐν πορείᾳ καὶ διαλελυμένους, οἱ μὲν αὐτῶν εὐθέως διαρρέοντες ἀτάκτως ἐποιήσαντο τὴν ἀποχώρησιν ἐπὶ τὰς παρακειμένας πόλεις,

[12] οἱ δὲ συμπίπτοντες ἀντίοις τοῖς ἐπιφερομένοις φαλαγγίταις οὐ προσεδέοντο τῶν πολεμίων, αὐτοὶ δὲ σφᾶς αὐτοὺς ἐκπλήττοντες ἠνάγκαζον φεύγειν προτροπάδην. ἐχρῶντο δὲ τῇ φυγῇ κατὰ τὴν ἀποχώρησιν,

[13] ὡς προείπομεν, ἐπὶ τὰς πόλεις· ὅ τε γὰρ Ὀρχομενὸς αἵ τε Καφύαι σύνεγγυς οὖσαι πολλοὺς ὤνησαν. μὴ γὰρ τούτου συμβάντος ἅπαντες ἂν ἐκινδύνευσαν διαφθαρῆναι παραλόγως.

[14] ὁ μὲν οὖν περὶ Καφύας γενόμενος κίνδυνος τοῦ

[1] τον ἀπέβη τὸν τρόπον. οἱ δὲ Μεγαλοπολῖται, συνέντες τοὺς Αἰτωλοὺς περὶ τὸ Μεθύδριον ἐστρατοπεδευκότας, ἧκον ἀπὸ σάλπιγγος πανδημεὶ βοηθοῦντες τῇ κατὰ πόδας ἡμέρᾳ τῆς μάχης,

[2] καὶ μεθʼ ὧν ζώντων ἤλπισαν κινδυνεύσειν πρὸς τοὺς ὑπεναντίους, τούτους ἠναγκάζοντο θάπτειν ὑπὸ τῶν ἐχθρῶν τετελευτηκότας.

[3] ὀρύξαντες δὲ τάφρον ἐν τῷ τῶν Καφυέων πεδίῳ, καὶ συναθροίσαντες τοὺς νεκρούς, ἐκήδευσαν μετὰ πάσης φιλοτιμίας τοὺς ἠτυχηκότας.

[4] οἱ δʼ Αἰτωλοὶ παραδόξως διʼ αὐτῶν τῶν ἱππέων καὶ τῶν ψιλῶν ποιήσαντες τὸ προτέρημα, λοιπὸν ἤδη μετʼ ἀσφαλείας διὰ μέσης Πελοποννήσου διῄεσαν.

[5] ἐν ᾧ καιρῷ καταπειράσαντες μὲν τῆς Πελληνέων πόλεως, κατασύραντες δὲ τὴν Σικυωνίαν χώραν, τέλος κατὰ τὸν Ἰσθμὸν ἐποιήσαντο τὴν ἀπόλυσιν.

[6] τὴν μὲν οὖν αἰτίαν καὶ τὴν ἀφορμὴν ὁ συμμαχικὸς πόλεμος ἔσχεν ἐκ τούτων, τὴν δʼ ἀρχὴν ἐκ τοῦ μετὰ ταῦτα γενομένου δόγματος ἁπάντων τῶν συμμάχων·

[7] οἳ συνελθόντες εἰς τὴν τῶν Κορινθίων πόλιν ἐπεκύρωσαν τὸ διαβούλιον διαπροστατεύσαντος Φι

[1] λίππου τοῦ βασιλέως. τὸ δὲ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν πλῆθος μετά τινας ἡμέρας ἁθροισθὲν εἰς τὴν καθήκουσαν σύνοδον, πικρῶς διέκειτο καὶ κοινῇ καὶ κατʼ ἰδίαν πρὸς τὸν Ἄρατον, ὡς τοῦτον ὁμολογουμένως αἴτιον γεγονότα τοῦ προειρημένου συμπτώματος.

[2] διὸ καὶ τῶν ἀντιπολιτευομένων κατηγορούντων αὐτοῦ καὶ φερόντων ἀπολογισμοὺς ἐναργεῖς, ἔτι μᾶλλον ἠγανάκτει καὶ παρωξύνετο τὸ πλῆθος.

[3] ἐδόκει γὰρ πρῶτον ἁμάρτημα προφανὲς εἶναι τὸ μηδέπω τῆς ἀρχῆς αὐτῷ καθηκούσης προλαβόντα τὸν ἀλλότριον καιρὸν ἀναδέχεσθαι τοιαύτας πράξεις ἐν αἷς συνῄδει πολλάκις αὑτῷ διεσφαλμένῳ·

[4] δεύτερον δὲ καὶ μεῖζον τούτου τὸ διαφεῖναι τοὺς Ἀχαιοὺς ἀκμὴν ἐν μέσῳ Πελοποννήσου τῶν Αἰτωλῶν ὑπαρχόντων, ἄλλως τε καὶ προδιειληφότα διότι σπεύδουσιν οἱ περὶ τὸν Σκόπαν καὶ Δωρίμαχον κινεῖν τὰ καθεστῶτα καὶ συνταράξαι τὸν πόλεμον·

[5] τρίτον δὲ τὸ συμβαλεῖν τοῖς ὑπεναντίοις οὕτω μετʼ ὀλίγων μηδεμιᾶς κατεπειγούσης ἀνάγκης, δυνάμενον ἀσφαλῶς εἰς τὰς παρακειμένας πόλεις ἀποχωρῆσαι καὶ συναγαγεῖν τοὺς Ἀχαιοὺς καὶ τότε συμβαλεῖν τοῖς πολεμίοις, εἰ τοῦτο πάντως ἡγεῖτο συμφέρειν·

[6] τελευταῖον καὶ μέγιστον τὸ προθέμενον καὶ συμβαλεῖν οὕτως εἰκῇ καὶ ἀσκόπως χρήσασθαι τοῖς πράγμασιν ὥστε παρέντα τὰ πεδία καὶ τὴν τῶν ὁπλιτῶν χρείαν διʼ αὐτῶν τῶν εὐζώνων ταῖς παρωρείαις πρὸς Αἰτωλοὺς ποιήσασθαι τὸν κίνδυνον, οἷς οὐδὲν ἦν τούτου προυργιαίτερον οὐδʼ οἰκειότερον.

[7] οὐ μὴν ἀλλʼ ἅμα τῷ προελθόντα τὸν Ἄρατον ἀναμνῆσαι μὲν τῶν προπεπολιτευμένων καὶ πεπραγμένων πρότερον αὑτῷ, φέρειν δʼ ἀπολογισμοὺς περὶ τῶν ἐγκαλουμένων ὡς οὐ γέγονεν αἴτιος τῶν συμβεβηκότων, αἰτεῖσθαι δὲ συγγνώμην, εἰ καί τι παρεώρακε κατὰ τὸν γενόμενον κίνδυνον, οἴεσθαι δὲ δεῖν καὶ καθόλου σκοπεῖσθαι τὰ πράγματα μὴ πικρῶς,

[8] ἀλλʼ ἀνθρωπίνως, οὕτως ταχέως καὶ μεγαλοψύχως μετεμελήθη τὸ πλῆθος ὥστε καὶ τοῖς συνεπιτιθεμένοις αὐτῷ τῶν ἀντιπολιτευομένων ἐπὶ πολὺ δυσαρεστῆσαι καὶ περὶ τῶν ἑξῆς πάντα βουλεύεσθαι κατὰ τὴν Ἀράτου γνώμην. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν εἰς τὴν προτέραν ἔπεσεν ὀλυμπιάδα,

[9] τὰ δʼ ἑξῆς εἰς τὴν τετταρακοστὴν ἐπὶ ταῖς ἑκατόν.

[1] ἦν δὲ τὰ δόξαντα τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς ταῦτα· πρεσβεύειν πρὸς Ἠπειρώτας, Βοιωτούς, Φωκέας, Ἀκαρνᾶνας,

[2] Φίλιππον, καὶ διασαφεῖν τίνα τρόπον Αἰτωλοὶ παρὰ τὰς συνθήκας μεθʼ ὅπλων ἤδη δὶς εἰσβεβληκότες εἴησαν εἰς τὴν Ἀχαΐαν, καὶ παρακαλεῖν αὐτοὺς βοηθεῖν κατὰ τὰς ὁμολογίας, προσδέξασθαι δὲ καὶ τοὺς Μεσσηνίους εἰς τὴν συμμαχίαν,

[3] τὸν δὲ στρατηγὸν ἐπιλέξαι τῶν Ἀχαιῶν πεζοὺς μὲν πεντακισχιλίους, ἱππεῖς δὲ πεντακοσίους, καὶ βοηθεῖν τοῖς Μεσσηνίοις, ἐὰν ἐπιβαίνωσιν Αἰτωλοὶ τῆς χώρας αὐτῶν·

[4] συντάξασθαι δὲ καὶ πρὸς Λακεδαιμονίους καὶ πρὸς Μεσσηνίους ὅσους δεήσοι παρʼ ἀμφοῖν ὑπάρχειν ἱππεῖς καὶ πεζοὺς πρὸς τὰς κοινὰς χρείας. δοξάντων δὲ τούτων,

[5] οἱ μὲν Ἀχαιοὶ φέροντες γενναίως τὸ γεγονὸς οὔτε τοὺς Μεσσηνίους ἐγκατέλιπον οὔτε τὴν αὑτῶν πρόθεσιν, οἱ δὲ πρὸς τοὺς συμμάχους καθεσταμένοι τὰς πρεσβείας ἐπετέλουν,

[6] ὁ δὲ στρατηγὸς τοὺς μὲν ἐκ τῆς Ἀχαΐας ἄνδρας ἐπέλεγε κατὰ τὸ δόγμα, πρὸς δὲ τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους καὶ Μεσσηνίους συνετάττετο πεζοὺς μὲν παρʼ ἑκατέρων ὑπάρχειν δισχιλίους καὶ πεντακοσίους, ἱππεῖς δὲ πεντήκοντα καὶ διακοσίους,

[7] ὥστʼ εἶναι τὸ πᾶν σύστημα πρὸς τὰς ἐπιγινομένας χρείας πεζοὺς μὲν μυρίους, ἱππεῖς δὲ χιλίους.

οἱ δʼ Αἰτωλοί,

[8] παραγενομένης αὐτοῖς τῆς καθηκούσης ἐκκλησίας, συνελθόντες ἐβουλεύσαντο πρός τε Λακεδαιμονίους καὶ Μεσσηνίους καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους πάντας εἰρήνην ἄγειν, κακοπραγμονοῦντες καὶ βουλόμενοι φθείρειν καὶ λυμαίνεσθαι τοὺς τῶν Ἀχαιῶν συμμάχους·

[9] πρὸς αὐτοὺς δὲ τοὺς Ἀχαιούς, ἐὰν μὲν ἀφιστῶνται τῆς τῶν Μεσσηνίων συμμαχίας, ἄγειν ἐψηφίσαντο τὴν εἰρήνην, εἰ δὲ μή, πολεμεῖν, πρᾶγμα πάντων ἀλογώτατον.

[10] ὄντες γὰρ αὐτοὶ σύμμαχοι καὶ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν καὶ τῶν Μεσσηνίων, εἰ μὲν οὗτοι πρὸς ἀλλήλους φιλίαν ἄγοιεν καὶ συμμαχίαν, τὸν πόλεμον τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς ἐπήγγελλον· εἰ δʼ ἔχθραν ἕλοιντο πρὸς τοὺς Μεσσηνίους, τὴν εἰρήνην αὐτοῖς ἐποίουν κατὰ μόνας,

[11] ὥστε μηδʼ ὑπὸ λόγον πίπτειν τὴν ἀδικίαν αὐτῶν διὰ τὸ παρηλλαγμένον αὐτῶν τῶν ἐγχειρημάτων.

[1] οἱ δʼ Ἠπειρῶται καὶ Φίλιππος ὁ βασιλεὺς ἀκούσαντες τῶν πρέσβεων τοὺς μὲν Μεσσηνίους εἰς τὴν συμμαχίαν προσέλαβον,

[2] ἐπὶ δὲ τοῖς ὑπὸ τῶν Αἰτωλῶν πεπραγμένοις παραυτίκα μὲν ἠγανάκτησαν, οὐ μὴν ἐπὶ πλεῖον ἐθαύμασαν, διὰ τὸ μηδὲν παράδοξον, τῶν εἰθισμένων δέ τι πεποιηκέναι τοὺς Αἰτωλούς.

[3] διόπερ οὐδʼ ὠργίσθησαν ἐπὶ πλεῖον, ἀλλʼ ἐψηφίσαντο τὴν εἰρήνην ἄγειν πρὸς αὐτούς· οὕτως ἡ συνεχὴς ἀδικία συγγνώμης τυγχάνει μᾶλλον τῆς σπανίου καὶ παραδόξου πονηρίας.

[4] Αἰτωλοὶ γοῦν τούτῳ τῷ τρόπῳ χρώμενοι, καὶ λῃστεύοντες συνεχῶς τὴν Ἑλλάδα, καὶ πολέμους ἀνεπαγγέλτους φέροντες πολλοῖς, οὐδʼ ἀπολογίας ἔτι κατηξίουν τοὺς ἐγκαλοῦντας, ἀλλὰ καὶ προσεχλεύαζον, εἴ τις αὐτοὺς εἰς δικαιοδοσίας προκαλοῖτο περὶ τῶν γεγονότων ἢ καὶ νὴ Δία τῶν μελλόντων.

[5] οἱ δὲ Λακεδαιμόνιοι, προσφάτως μὲν ἠλευθερωμένοι διʼ Ἀντιγόνου καὶ διὰ τῆς τῶν Ἀχαιῶν φιλοτιμίας, ὀφείλοντες δὲ Μακεδόσι καὶ Φιλίππῳ μηδὲν ὑπεναντίον πράττειν, διαπεμψάμενοι λάθρᾳ πρὸς τοὺς Αἰτωλοὺς φιλίαν διʼ ἀπορρήτων ἔθεντο καὶ συμμαχίαν.

[6] ἤδη δʼ ἐπιλελεγμένων τῶν Ἀχαϊκῶν νεανίσκων καὶ συντεταγμένων ὑπὲρ τῆς βοηθείας τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων καὶ Μεσσηνίων, Σκερδιλαΐδας ὁμοῦ καὶ Δημήτριος ὁ Φάριος ἔπλευσαν ἐκ τῆς Ἰλλυρίδος ἐν ἐνενήκοντα λέμβοις ἔξω τοῦ Λίσσου παρὰ τὰς πρὸς Ῥωμαίους συνθήκας.

[7] οἳ τὸ μὲν πρῶτον τῇ Πύλῳ προσμίξαντες καὶ ποιησάμενοι προσβολὰς ἀπέπεσον·

[8] μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα Δημήτριος μὲν ἔχων τοὺς πεντήκοντα τῶν λέμβων ὥρμησεν ἐπὶ νήσων, καὶ περιπλέων τινὰς μὲν ἠργυρολόγει, τινὰς δʼ ἐπόρθει τῶν Κυκλάδων·

[9] Σκερδιλαΐδας δὲ ποιούμενος τὸν πλοῦν ὡς ἐπʼ οἴκου προσεῖχε πρὸς Ναύπακτον μετὰ τετταράκοντα λέμβων, πεισθεὶς Ἀμυνᾷ τῷ βασιλεῖ τῶν Ἀθαμάνων, ὃς ἐτύγχανε κηδεστὴς ὑπάρχων αὐτοῦ.

[10] ποιησάμενος δὲ συνθήκας πρὸς Αἰτωλοὺς διʼ Ἀγελάου περὶ τοῦ μερισμοῦ τῶν λαφύρων, ὑπέσχετο συνεμβαλεῖν ὁμόσε τοῖς Αἰτωλοῖς εἰς τὴν Ἀχαΐαν.

[11] συνθέμενοι δὲ ταῦτα πρὸς τὸν Σκερδιλαΐδαν οἱ περὶ τὸν Ἀγέλαον καὶ Δωρίμαχον καὶ Σκόπαν, πραττομένης αὐτοῖς τῆς τῶν Κυναιθέων πόλεως, συναθροίσαντες πανδημεὶ τοὺς Αἰτωλοὺς ἐνέβαλον εἰς

[1] τὴν Ἀχαΐαν μετὰ τῶν Ἰλλυριῶν. ἀρίστων δʼ ὁ τῶν Αἰτωλῶν στρατηγός, οὐ προσποιούμενος οὐδὲν τῶν γινομένων, ἦγε τὴν ἡσυχίαν ἐπὶ τῆς οἰκείας, φάσκων οὐ πολεμεῖν τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς, ἀλλὰ διατηρεῖν τὴν εἰρήνην, εὔηθες καὶ παιδικὸν πρᾶγμα ποιῶν·

[2] δῆλον γὰρ ὡς εὐήθη καὶ μάταιον εἰκὸς φαίνεσθαι τὸν τοιοῦτον, ὅταν ὑπολαμβάνῃ τοῖς λόγοις ἐπικρύψασθαι τὰς τῶν πραγμάτων ἐναργείας.

[3] οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Δωρίμαχον διὰ τῆς Ἀχαιάτιδος ποιησάμενοι τὴν πορείαν, ἧκον ἄφνω πρὸς τὴν Κύναιθαν.

[4] συνέβαινε δὲ τοὺς Κυναιθεῖς, ὄντας Ἀρκάδας, ἐκ πολλῶν χρόνων ἐν ἀκαταπαύστοις καὶ μεγάλαις συνεσχῆσθαι στάσεσι, καὶ πολλὰς μὲν κατʼ ἀλλήλων πεποιῆσθαι σφαγὰς καὶ φυγάς, πρὸς δὲ τούτοις ἁρπαγὰς ὑπαρχόντων,

[5] ἔτι δὲ γῆς ἀναδασμούς, τέλος δʼ ἐπικρατῆσαι τοὺς τὰ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν αἱρουμένους καὶ κατασχεῖν τὴν πόλιν, φυλακὴν ἔχοντας τῶν τειχῶν καὶ στρατηγὸν τῆς πόλεως ἐξ Ἀχαΐας.

[6] τούτων δʼ οὕτως ἐχόντων, ὀλίγοις ἔμπροσθεν χρόνοις τῆς τῶν Αἰτωλῶν παρουσίας διαπεμπομένων τῶν φυγάδων πρὸς τοὺς ἐν τῇ πόλει, καὶ δεομένων διαλυθῆναι πρὸς αὑτοὺς καὶ κατάγειν σφᾶς εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν,

[7] πεισθέντες οἱ κατέχοντες τὴν πόλιν ἐπρέσβευον πρὸς τὸ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν ἔθνος, βουλόμενοι μετὰ τῆς ἐκείνων γνώμης ποιεῖσθαι τὰς διαλύσεις.

[8] [τῶν Ἀχαιῶν] ἐπιχωρησάντων δʼ ἑτοίμως διὰ τὸ πεπεῖσθαι σφίσιν ἀμφοτέρους εὐνοήσειν, ἅτε τῶν μὲν κατεχόντων τὴν πόλιν ἐν τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς ἐχόντων πάσας τὰς ἐλπίδας, τῶν δὲ καταπορευομένων μελλόντων τυγχάνειν τῆς σωτηρίας διὰ τὴν τῶν Ἀχαιῶν συγκατάθεσιν,

[9] οὕτως ἀποστείλαντες τὴν παραφυλακὴν καὶ τὸν στρατηγὸν ἐκ τῆς πόλεως οἱ Κυναιθεῖς διελύσαντο καὶ κατήγαγον τοὺς φυγάδας, ὄντας σχεδὸν εἰς τριακοσίους, λαβόντες πίστεις τῶν παρʼ ἀνθρώποις νομιζομένων τὰς ἰσχυροτάτας.

[10] οἱ δὲ κατανοστήσαντες οὐχ ὡς αἰτίας ἢ προφάσεως ἐπιγενομένης τοῦ δοκεῖν ἄλλης διαφορᾶς ἀρχὴν αὐτοῖς τινα γεγενῆσθαι, τὸ δʼ ἐναντίον παραχρῆμα κατελθόντες εὐθέως ἐπεβούλευον τῇ πατρίδι καὶ τοῖς σώσασι.

[11] καί μοι δοκοῦσι, καθʼ ὃν καιρὸν ἐπὶ τῶν σφαγίων τοὺς ὅρκους καὶ τὰς πίστεις ἐδίδοσαν ἀλλήλοις, τότε μάλιστα διανοεῖσθαι περί τε τῆς εἰς τὸ θεῖον καὶ τοὺς πιστεύσαντας ἀσεβείας.

[12] ἅμα γὰρ τῷ μετασχεῖν τῆς πολιτείας εὐθέως ἐπεσπῶντο τοὺς Αἰτωλοὺς καὶ τούτοις ἔπραττον τὴν πόλιν, σπεύδοντες τοὺς σώσαντας ἅμα καὶ τὴν θρέ

[1] ψασαν ἄρδην ἀπολέσαι. τὴν δὲ πρᾶξιν τοιᾷδέ τινι τόλμῃ καὶ τοιούτῳ τρόπῳ συνεστήσαντο.

[2] πολέμαρχοι τῶν κατεληλυθότων τινὲς ἐγεγόνεισαν· ταύτην δὲ συμβαίνει τὴν ἀρχὴν κλείειν τὰς πύλας καὶ τὸν μεταξὺ χρόνον κυριεύειν τῶν κλειδῶν, ποιεῖσθαι δὲ καὶ τὸ καθʼ ἡμέραν τὴν δίαιταν ἐπὶ τῶν πυλώνων.

[3] οἱ μὲν οὖν Αἰτωλοὶ διεσκευασμένοι καὶ τὰς κλίμακας ἑτοίμας ἔχοντες ἐπετήρουν τὸν καιρόν·

[4] οἱ δὲ πολεμαρχοῦντες τῶν φυγάδων κατασφάξαντες τοὺς συνάρχοντας ἐπὶ τοῦ πυλῶνος ἀνέῳξαν τὴν πύλην.

[5] οὗ συμβάντος τινὲς μὲν τῶν Αἰτωλῶν διὰ ταύτης εἰσέπιπτον, τινὲς δὲ τὰς κλίμακας προσερείσαντες ἐβιάσαντο διὰ τούτων καὶ κατελάμβανον τὸ τεῖχος. οἱ δʼ ἐν τῇ πόλει πάντες,

[6] ἐκπλαγεῖς ὄντες ἐπὶ τοῖς συντελουμένοις, ἀπόρως καὶ δυσχρήστως εἶχον πρὸς τὸ συμβαῖνον· οὔτε γὰρ πρὸς τοὺς διὰ τῆς πύλης εἰσπίπτοντας οἷοί τʼ ἦσαν βοηθεῖν ἀπερισπάστως διὰ τοὺς πρὸς τὰ τείχη προσβάλλοντας, οὐδὲ μὴν τοῖς τείχεσιν ἐπαμύνειν διὰ τοὺς τῇ πύλῃ βιαζομένους.

[7] οἱ δʼ Αἰτωλοὶ διὰ ταύτας τὰς αἰτίας ταχέως ἐγκρατεῖς γενόμενοι τῆς πόλεως, τῶν ἀδίκων ἔργων ἓν τοῦτʼ ἔπραξαν δικαιότατον· πρώτους γὰρ τοὺς εἰσαγαγόντας καὶ προδόντας αὐτοῖς τὴν πόλιν κατασφάξαντες διήρπασαν τοὺς τούτων βίους.

[8] ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις ἐχρήσαντο πᾶσι· τὸ δὲ τελευταῖον ἐπισκηνώσαντες ἐπὶ τὰς οἰκίας ἐξετοιχωρύχησαν μὲν τοὺς βίους, ἐστρέβλωσαν δὲ πολλοὺς τῶν Κυναιθέων, οἷς ἠπίστησαν ἔχειν κεκρυμμένα διάφορον ἢ κατασκευάσματʼ ἤπερ ἄλλο τι τῶν πλείονος ἀξίων.

[9] τοῦτον δὲ τὸν τρόπον λωβησάμενοι τοὺς Κυναιθεῖς ἀνεστρατοπέδευσαν, ἀπολιπόντες φυλακὴν τῶν τειχῶν, καὶ προῆγον ὡς ἐπὶ Λούσων·

[10] καὶ παραγενόμενοι πρὸς τὸ τῆς Ἀρτέμιδος ἱερόν, ὃ κεῖται μὲν μεταξὺ Κλείτορος καὶ Κυναίθης, ἄσυλον δὲ νενόμισται παρὰ τοῖς Ἕλλησιν, ἀνετείνοντο διαρπάσειν τὰ θρέμματα τῆς θεοῦ καὶ τἄλλα τὰ περὶ τὸν ναόν.

[11] οἱ δὲ Λουσιᾶται νουνεχῶς δόντες τινὰ τῶν κατασκευασμάτων τῆς θεοῦ, παρῃτήσαντο τὴν τῶν Αἰτωλῶν ἀσέβειαν τοῦ μηδὲν παθεῖν ἀνήκεστον.

[12] οἱ δὲ δεξάμενοι παραχρῆμʼ ἀναζεύξαντες προσεστρατοπέδευσαν τῇ τῶν Κλειτορίων πόλει.

[1] κατὰ δὲ τοὺς καιροὺς τούτους ὁ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν στρατηγὸς Ἄρατος ἐξαπέστειλε μὲν πρὸς Φίλιππον παρακαλῶν βοηθεῖν, συνῆγε δὲ τοὺς ἐπιλέκτους, μετεπέμπετο δὲ παρὰ Λακεδαιμονίων καὶ Μεσσηνίων τοὺς διατεταγμένους κατὰ τὰς ὁμολογίας.

[2] οἱ δʼ Αἰτωλοὶ τὸ μὲν πρῶτον παρεκάλουν τοὺς Κλειτορίους ἀποστάντας τῶν Ἀχαιῶν αἱρεῖσθαι τὴν πρὸς αὑτοὺς συμμαχίαν.

[3] τῶν δὲ Κλειτορίων ἁπλῶς οὐ προσιεμένων τοὺς λόγους, προσβολὰς ἐποιοῦντο, καὶ προσερείδοντες τὰς κλίμακας τοῖς τείχεσι κατεπείραζον τῆς πόλεως.

[4] ἀμυνομένων δὲ γενναίως καὶ τολμηρῶς τῶν ἔνδον, εἴξαντες τοῖς πράγμασιν ἀνεστρατοπέδευσαν, καὶ προαγαγόντες αὖθις ὡς ἐπὶ τὴν Κύναιθαν, ὅμως τὰ θρέμματα τῆς θεοῦ περισύραντες ἀπήγαγον.

[5] καὶ τὸ μὲν πρῶτον παρεδίδοσαν τοῖς Ἠλείοις τὴν Κύναιθαν· οὐ βουλομένων δὲ προσδέξασθαι τῶν Ἠλείων, ἐπεβάλοντο μὲν διʼ αὑτῶν κατέχειν τὴν πόλιν, στρατηγὸν ἐπιστήσαντες Εὐριπίδαν,

[6] μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα πάλιν δείσαντες ἐκ τῶν προσαγγελλομένων τὴν ἐκ Μακεδονίας βοήθειαν, ἐμπρήσαντες τὴν πόλιν ἀπηλλάγησαν, καὶ προῆγον αὖτις ὡς ἐπὶ τὸ Ῥίον, ταύτῃ κρίνοντες ποιεῖσθαι τὴν διάβασιν.

[7] ὁ δὲ Ταυρίων, πυνθανόμενος τὴν τῶν Αἰτωλῶν εἰσβολὴν καὶ τὰ περὶ τὴν Κύναιθαν πεπραγμένα, θεωρῶν δὲ τὸν Δημήτριον τὸν Φάριον ἀπὸ τῶν νήσων εἰς τὰς Κεγχρεὰς καταπεπλευκότα, παρεκάλει τοῦτον βοηθῆσαι τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς καὶ διισθμίσαντα τοὺς λέμβους ἐπιτίθεσθαι τῇ τῶν Αἰτωλῶν διαβάσει.

[8] ὁ δὲ Δημήτριος λυσιτελῆ μέν, οὐκ εὐσχήμονα δὲ πεποιημένος τὴν ἀπὸ τῶν νήσων ἐπάνοδον, διὰ τὸν τῶν Ῥοδίων ἐπʼ αὐτὸν ἀνάπλουν, ἄσμενος ὑπήκουσε τῷ Ταυρίωνι, προσδεξαμένου ʼκείνου τὴν εἰς τὴν ὑπέρβασιν τῶν λέμβων δαπάνην.

[9] οὗτος μὲν οὖν ὑπερισθμίσας, καὶ δυσὶ καθυστερήσας ἡμέραις τῆς τῶν Αἰτωλῶν διαβάσεως, προκατασύρας τινὰς τόπους τῆς παραλίας τῆς τῶν Αἰτωλῶν κατήχθη πάλιν εἰς τὴν Κόρινθον.

[10] Λακεδαιμόνιοι δὲ τὸ μὲν πέμπειν τὰς βοηθείας κατὰ τὴν διάταξιν ἐνεκάκησαν, βραχεῖς δέ τινας παντελῶς ἱππεῖς καὶ πεζούς, στοχαζόμενοι τοῦ δοκεῖν μόνον, ἐξέπεμψαν.

[11] Ἄρατος δὲ τοὺς Ἀχαιοὺς ἔχων πολιτικώτερον ἢ στρατηγικώτερον ὑπὲρ τῶν παρόντων ἐβουλεύσατο·

[12] μέχρι γὰρ τούτου τὴν ἡσυχίαν ἦγε, προσανέχων καὶ μεμνημένος τῆς προγεγενημένης συμφορᾶς, ἕως οὗ πάντα διαπραξάμενοι κατὰ τὰς αὑτῶν προαιρέσεις οἱ περὶ τὸν Σκόπαν καὶ Δωρίμαχον ἐπανῆλθον εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν, καίπερ διὰ τόπων ποιούμενοι τὰς πορείας εὐεπιθέτων καὶ στενῶν καὶ μόνον σαλπιγκτοῦ δεομένων.

[13] Κυναιθεῖς δὲ μεγάλοις ἀτυχήμασιν ὑπʼ Αἰτωλῶν καὶ μεγάλαις συμφοραῖς περιπεσόντες ὅμως πάντων ἀνθρώπων ἔδοξαν ἠτυχηκέναι δικαιότατα.

[1] ἐπειδὴ δὲ κοινῇ τὸ τῶν Ἀρκάδων ἔθνος ἔχει τινὰ παρὰ πᾶσι τοῖς Ἕλλησιν ἐπʼ ἀρετῇ φήμην, οὐ μόνον διὰ τὴν ἐν τοῖς ἤθεσι καὶ βίοις φιλοξενίαν καὶ φιλανθρωπίαν, μάλιστα δὲ διὰ τὴν εἰς τὸ θεῖον εὐσέβειαν,

[2] ἄξιον βραχὺ διαπορῆσαι περὶ τῆς Κυναιθέων ἀγριότητος, πῶς ὄντες ὁμολογουμένως Ἀρκάδες τοσοῦτο κατʼ ἐκείνους τοὺς καιροὺς διήνεγκαν τῶν ἄλλων Ἑλλήνων ὠμότητι καὶ παρανομίᾳ.

[3] δοκοῦσι δέ μοι, διότι τὰ καλῶς ὑπὸ τῶν ἀρχαίων ἐπινενοημένα καὶ φυσικῶς συντεθεωρημένα περὶ πάντας τοὺς κατοικοῦντας τὴν Ἀρκαδίαν, ταῦτα δὴ πρῶτοι καὶ μόνοι τῶν Ἀρκάδων ἐγκατέλιπον. μουσικὴν γάρ,

[4] τήν γʼ ἀληθῶς μουσικήν, πᾶσι μὲν ἀνθρώποις ὄφελος ἀσκεῖν, Ἀρκάσι δὲ καὶ ἀναγκαῖον. οὐ γὰρ ἡγητέον μουσικήν,

[5] ὡς Ἔφορός φησιν ἐν τῷ προοιμίῳ τῆς ὅλης πραγματείας, οὐδαμῶς ἁρμόζοντα λόγον αὑτῷ ῥίψας, ἐπʼ ἀπάτῃ καὶ γοητείᾳ παρεισῆχθαι τοῖς ἀνθρώποις,

[6] οὐδὲ τοὺς παλαιοὺς Κρητῶν καὶ Λακεδαιμονίων αὐλὸν καὶ ῥυθμὸν εἰς τὸν πόλεμον ἀντὶ σάλπιγγος εἰκῇ νομιστέον εἰσαγαγεῖν,

[7] οὐδὲ τοὺς πρώτους Ἀρκάδων εἰς τὴν ὅλην πολιτείαν τὴν μουσικὴν παραλαβεῖν ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον ὥστε μὴ μόνον παισὶν οὖσιν, ἀλλὰ καὶ νεανίσκοις γενομένοις ἕως τριάκοντʼ ἐτῶν κατʼ ἀνάγκην σύντροφον ποιεῖν αὐτήν, τἄλλα τοῖς βίοις ὄντας αὐστηροτάτους.

[8] ταῦτα γὰρ πᾶσίν ἐστι γνώριμα καὶ συνήθη, διότι σχεδὸν παρὰ μόνοις Ἀρκάσι πρῶτον μὲν οἱ παῖδες ἐκ νηπίων ᾄδειν ἐθίζονται κατὰ νόμους τοὺς ὕμνους καὶ παιᾶνας, οἷς ἕκαστοι κατὰ τὰ πάτρια τοὺς ἐπιχωρίους ἥρωας καὶ θεοὺς ὑμνοῦσι·

[9] μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα τοὺς Φιλοξένου καὶ Τιμοθέου νόμους μανθάνοντες πολλῇ φιλοτιμίᾳ χορεύουσι κατʼ ἐνιαυτὸν τοῖς Διονυσιακοῖς αὐληταῖς ἐν τοῖς θεάτροις, οἱ μὲν παῖδες τοὺς παιδικοὺς ἀγῶνας, οἱ δὲ νεανίσκοι τοὺς τῶν ἀνδρῶν λεγομένους.

[10] ὁμοίως γε μὴν καὶ παρʼ ὅλον τὸν βίον τὰς ἀγωγὰς τὰς ἐν ταῖς συνουσίαις οὐχ οὕτως ποιοῦνται διὰ τῶν ἐπεισάκτων ἀκροαμάτων ὡς διʼ αὑτῶν, ἀνὰ μέρος ᾄδειν ἀλλήλοις προστάττοντες.

[11] καὶ τῶν μὲν ἄλλων μαθημάτων ἀρνηθῆναί τι μὴ γινώσκειν οὐδὲν αἰσχρὸν ἡγοῦνται, τήν γε μὴν ᾠδὴν οὔτʼ ἀρνηθῆναι δύνανται διὰ τὸ κατʼ ἀνάγκην πάντας μανθάνειν, οὔθʼ ὁμολογοῦντες ἀποτρίβεσθαι διὰ τὸ τῶν αἰσχρῶν παρʼ αὐτοῖς νομίζεσθαι τοῦτο.

[12] καὶ μὴν ἐμβατήρια μετʼ αὐλοῦ καὶ τάξεως ἀσκοῦντες, ἔτι δʼ ὀρχήσεις ἐκπονοῦντες μετὰ κοινῆς ἐπιστροφῆς καὶ δαπάνης κατʼ ἐνιαυτὸν ἐν τοῖς θεάτροις ἐπιδείκνυνται τοῖς αὑτῶν πολίταις

[1] οἱ νέοι. ταῦτά τέ μοι δοκοῦσιν οἱ πάλαι παρεισαγαγεῖν οὐ τρυφῆς καὶ περιουσίας χάριν, ἀλλὰ θεωροῦντες μὲν τὴν ἑκάστων αὐτουργίαν καὶ συλλήβδην τὸ τῶν βίων ἐπίπονον καὶ σκληρόν, θεωροῦντες δὲ τὴν τῶν ἠθῶν αὐστηρίαν, ἥτις αὐτοῖς παρέπεται διὰ τὴν τοῦ περιέχοντος ψυχρότητα καὶ στυγνότητα τὴν κατὰ τὸ πλεῖστον ἐν τοῖς τόποις ὑπάρχουσαν, ᾧ συνεξομοιοῦσθαι πεφύκαμεν πάντες ἄνθρωποι κατʼ ἀνάγκην·

[2] οὐ γὰρ διʼ ἄλλην, διὰ δὲ ταύτην τὴν αἰτίαν κατὰ τὰς ἐθνικὰς καὶ τὰς ὁλοσχερεῖς διαστάσεις πλεῖστον ἀλλήλων διαφέρομεν ἤθεσί τε καὶ μορφαῖς καὶ χρώμασιν, ἔτι δὲ τῶν ἐπιτηδευμάτων τοῖς πλείστοις.

[3] βουλόμενοι δὲ μαλάττειν καὶ κιρνᾶν τὸ τῆς φύσεως αὔθαδες καὶ σκληρόν, τά τε προειρημένα πάντα παρεισήγαγον, καὶ πρὸς τούτοις συνόδους κοινὰς καὶ θυσίας πλείστας ὁμοίως ἀνδράσι καὶ γυναιξὶ κατείθισαν, ἔτι δὲ χοροὺς παρθένων ὁμοῦ καὶ παίδων,

[4] καὶ συλλήβδην πᾶν ἐμηχανήσαντο, σπεύδοντες τὸ τῆς ψυχῆς ἀτέραμνον διὰ τῆς τῶν ἐθισμῶν κατασκευῆς ἐξημεροῦν καὶ πραΰνειν.

[5] ὧν Κυναιθεῖς ὀλιγωρήσαντες εἰς τέλος, καὶ ταῦτα. πλείστης δεόμενοι τῆς τοιαύτης ἐπικουρίας διὰ τὸ σκληρότατον παρὰ πολὺ τῆς Ἀρκαδίας ἔχειν ἀέρα καὶ τόπον, πρὸς αὐτὰς δὲ τὰς ἐν ἀλλήλοις διατριβὰς καὶ φιλοτιμίας ὁρμήσαντες,

[6] τέλος ἀπεθηριώθησαν οὕτως ὥστε μηδʼ ἐν ὁποίᾳ γεγονέναι τῶν Ἑλληνίδων πόλεων ἀσεβήματα μείζονα καὶ συνεχέστερα.

[7] σημεῖον δὲ τῆς Κυναιθέων ἀτυχίας περὶ τοῦτο τὸ μέρος καὶ τῆς τῶν ἄλλων Ἀρκάδων τοῖς τοιούτοις τῶν ἐπιτηδευμάτων δυσαρεστήσεως·

[8] καθʼ οὓς γὰρ καιροὺς τὴν μεγάλην σφαγὴν ποιήσαντες Κυναιθεῖς ἐπρέσβευσαν πρὸς Λακεδαιμονίους, εἰς ἃς πόλεις ποτʼ Ἀρκαδικὰς εἰσῆλθον κατὰ τὴν ὁδόν, οἱ μὲν ἄλλοι παραχρῆμα πάντες αὐτοὺς ἐξεκήρυξαν,

[9] Μαντινεῖς δὲ μετὰ τὴν ἀπαλλαγὴν αὐτῶν καὶ καθαρμὸν ἐποιήσαντο καὶ σφάγια περιήνεγκαν τῆς τε πόλεως κύκλῳ καὶ τῆς χώρας πάσης.

[10] ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ἡμῖν εἰρήσθω χάριν τοῦ μὴ διὰ μίαν πόλιν τὸ κοινὸν ἦθος διαβάλλεσθαι τῶν Ἀρκάδων, ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ τοῦ μὴ νομίσαντας ἐνίους τῶν κατοικούντων τὴν Ἀρκαδίαν περιουσίας χάριν τὰ κατὰ μουσικὴν ἐπὶ πλεῖον ἀσκεῖσθαι παρʼ αὑτοῖς ὀλιγωρεῖν ἐγχειρῆσαι τούτου τοῦ μέρους,

[11] ἔτι δὲ καὶ Κυναιθέων ἕνεκεν, ἵνʼ ἄν ποτʼ αὐτοῖς ὁ θεὸς εὖ δῷ, τραπέντες πρὸς παιδείαν ἡμερῶσιν αὑτούς, καὶ μάλιστα ταύτης πρὸς μουσικήν· οὕτως γὰρ μόνως ἂν λήξαιεν τῆς τότε περὶ αὐτοὺς γενομένης ἀγριότητος.

[12] ἡμεῖς δʼ ἐπειδὴ τὰ περὶ Κυναιθέων ὑποπίπτοντα δεδηλώκαμεν, αὖτις ἐπὶ τὴν ἐκτροπὴν ἐπάνιμεν.

[1] Αἰτωλοὶ μὲν οὖν τοιαῦτα διεργασάμενοι κατὰ τὴν Πελοπόννησον ἧκον εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν ἀσφαλῶς.

[2] Φίλιππος δὲ μετὰ δυνάμεως βοηθῶν τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς παρῆν εἰς Κόρινθον· ὑστερήσας δὲ τοῦ καιροῦ διαπέστειλε βιβλιαφόρους πρὸς πάντας τοὺς συμμάχους, παρακαλῶν πέμπειν ἑκάστους παρʼ αὑτῶν κατὰ σπουδὴν εἰς Κόρινθον τοὺς βουλευσομένους ὑπὲρ τῶν κοινῇ συμφερόντων.

[3] αὐτὸς δʼ ἀναζεύξας ὡς ἐπὶ Τεγέας προῆγε, πυνθανόμενος τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους εἰς σφαγὰς καὶ ταραχὰς ἐμπεπτωκέναι πρὸς ἀλλήλους.

[4] οἱ γὰρ Λακεδαιμόνιοι συνήθεις ὄντες βασιλεύεσθαι καὶ πάντως τοῖς προεστῶσι πειθαρχεῖν, τότε προσφάτως μὲν ἠλευθερωμένοι διʼ Ἀντιγόνου, βασιλέως δʼ οὐχ ὑπάρχοντος παρʼ αὐτοῖς, ἐστασίαζον πρὸς σφᾶς, πάντες ὑπολαμβάνοντες ἴσον αὑτοῖς μετεῖναι τῆς πολιτείας.

[5] τὰς μὲν οὖν ἀρχὰς οἱ μὲν δύο τῶν ἐφόρων ἄδηλον εἶχον τὴν γνώμην, οἱ δὲ τρεῖς ἐκοινώνουν τοῖς Αἰτωλοῖς τῶν πραγμάτων, πεπεισμένοι διὰ τὴν ἡλικίαν τὸν Φίλιππον οὐδέπω δυνήσεσθαι τοῖς κατὰ τὴν Πελοπόννησον πράγμασιν ἐπαρκεῖν.

[6] ἐπεὶ δʼ οἱ μὲν Αἰτωλοὶ παρὰ τὴν προσδοκίαν αὐτῶν ἐκ Πελοποννήσου ταχεῖαν ἐποιήσαντο τὴν ἐπάνοδον, ὁ δὲ Φίλιππος ἐκ Μακεδονίας ἔτι θάττω τὴν παρουσίαν,

[7] ἀπιστοῦντες οἱ τρεῖς ἑνὶ τῶν δυεῖν Ἀδειμάντῳ διὰ τὸ συνειδέναι μὲν σφίσι πάσας τὰς ἐπιβολάς, μὴ λίαν δὲ τοῖς γινομένοις εὐδοκεῖν, ἠγωνίων μὴ συνεγγίσαντος τοῦ βασιλέως πάντα τὰ πραττόμενα πρὸς τὸν Φίλιππον ἐξηγήσηται.

[8] διʼ ἃ δὴ συλλαλήσαντές τισι τῶν νέων ἐκήρυττον εἰς τὸ τῆς Χαλκιοίκου τέμενος μετὰ τῶν ὅπλων ἰέναι τοὺς ἐν ταῖς ἡλικίαις, ὡς τῶν Μακεδόνων ἐπὶ τὴν πόλιν παραγινομένων.

[9] ταχὺ δὲ διὰ τὸ παράδοξον ἁθροισθέντων, δυσαρεστῶν Ἀδείμαντος τοῖς γινομένοις ἐπειρᾶτο προπορευθεὶς παρακαλεῖν καὶ διδάσκειν διότι "

[10] πρῴην ἔδει τὰ κηρύγματα ταῦτα καὶ τοὺς ἁθροισμοὺς τοὺς ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις παραγγέλλειν, καθʼ ὃν καιρὸν τοὺς Αἰτωλοὺς πολεμίους ὄντας ἠκούομεν τοῖς ὅρους τῆς χώρας ἡμῶν συνεγγίζειν, οὐ νῦν, ὅτε Μακεδόνας τοὺς εὐεργέτας καὶ σωτῆρας πυνθανόμεθα πλησιάζειν μετὰ τοῦ βασιλέωσ"

[11] . ἔτι δʼ αὐτοῦ ταῦτʼ ἀνακρουομένου, προσπεσόντες οἱ παρακεκλημένοι τῶν νέων τοῦτόν τε συνεκέντησαν καὶ μετὰ τούτου Σθενέλαον, Ἀλκαμένη, Θυέστην, Βιωνίδαν, ἑτέρους τῶν πολιτῶν καὶ πλείους.

[12] οἱ δὲ περὶ Πολυφόνταν καί τινες ἅμα τούτοις ἐμφρόνως προϊδόμενοι τὸ μέλλον,

[1] ἀπεχώρησαν πρὸς τὸν Φίλιππον. ταῦτα δὲ πράξαντες εὐθέως ἔπεμπον οἱ προεστῶτες ἔφοροι τῶν πραγμάτων τοὺς κατηγορήσοντας πρὸς τὸν Φίλιππον τῶν ἀνῃρημένων καὶ παρακαλέσοντας αὐτὸν ἐπισχεῖν τὴν παρουσίαν, ἕως ἂν ἐκ τοῦ γεγονότος κινήματος εἰς τὴν ἀποκατάστασιν ἔλθῃ τὰ κατὰ τὴν πόλιν· γινώσκειν δὲ διότι πρόκειται διατηρεῖν αὐτοῖς πάντα τὰ δίκαια καὶ φιλάνθρωπα πρὸς Μακεδόνας·

[2] οἳ καὶ συμμίξαντες ἤδη περὶ τὸ Παρθένιον ὄρος ὄντι τῷ βασιλεῖ διελέχθησαν ἀκολούθως ταῖς ἐντολαῖς.

[3] ὁ δὲ διακούσας παρεκάλεσε τοὺς ἥκοντας κατὰ σπουδὴν ποιήσασθαι τὴν εἰς οἶκον ἐπάνοδον καὶ δηλοῦν τοῖς ἐφόροις ὅτι κατὰ τὸ συνεχὲς πορευθεὶς αὐτὸς μὲν ἐν Τεγέᾳ ποιήσεται τὴν στρατοπεδείαν, ἐκείνους δʼ οἴεται δεῖν τὴν ταχίστην ἐκπέμπειν ἄνδρας ἀξιοχρέους τοὺς κοινολογησομένους πρὸς αὑτὸν ὑπὲρ τῶν ἐνεστώτων.

[4] ποιησάντων δὲ τὸ προσταχθὲν τῶν ἀπαντησάντων, διακούσαντες τὰ παρὰ τοῦ βασιλέως οἱ προεστῶτες τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων

[5] ἐξέπεμψαν ἄνδρας δέκα πρὸς τὸν Φίλιππον οἳ καὶ πορευθέντες εἰς τὴν Τεγέαν καὶ παρελθόντες εἰς τὸ τοῦ βασιλέως συνέδριον, Ὠμίου προεστῶτος αὐτῶν, κατηγόρησαν μὲν τῶν περὶ τὸν Ἀδείμαντον ὡς αἰτίων γεγονότων τῆς κινήσεως,

[6] πάντα δʼ ὑπισχνοῦνται ποιήσειν αὐτοὶ τῷ Φιλίππῳ τὰ κατὰ τὴν συμμαχίαν, καὶ μηδενὸς ἐν μηδενὶ φανήσεσθαι δεύτεροι κατὰ τὴν πρὸς αὐτὸν εὔνοιαν τῶν δοκούντων ἀληθινῶν αὐτῷ φίλων ὑπάρχειν.

[7] οἱ μὲν οὖν Λακεδαιμόνιοι ταῦτα καὶ τούτοις παραπλήσια διαλεχθέντες μετέστησαν, οἱ δὲ μετέχοντες τοῦ συνεδρίου διεφέροντο πρὸς ἀλλήλους ταῖς γνώμαις.

[8] καὶ τινὲς μέν, εἰδότες τὴν κακοπραγμοσύνην τῶν ἐν τῇ Σπάρτῃ, καὶ πεπεισμένοι τοὺς περὶ τὸν Ἀδείμαντον ἀπολωλέναι διὰ τὴν πρὸς αὑτοὺς εὔνοιαν, τούς τε Λακεδαιμονίους ἐπιβεβλῆσθαι κοινοπραγεῖν τοῖς Αἰτωλοῖς, συνεβούλευον τῷ Φιλίππῳ παράδειγμα ποιῆσαι τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους, χρησάμενον αὐτοῖς τὸν αὐτὸν τρόπον ὅνπερ Ἀλέξανδρος ἐχρήσατο Θηβαίοις εὐθέως παραλαβὼν τὴν ἀρχήν·

[9] ἕτεροι δὲ τῶν πρεσβυτέρων τὴν μὲν τοιαύτην ὀργὴν βαρυτέραν ἀπέφαινον εἶναι τῶν γεγονότων, ἐπιτιμῆσαι δὲ δεῖν τοῖς αἰτίοις, καὶ μεταστησάμενον τούτους ἐγχειρίσαι τὸ πολίτευμα καὶ τὰς ἀρχὰς τοῖς αὑτοῦ

[1] φίλοις. ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς ἐπὶ πᾶσιν, εἰ χρὴ τοῦ βασιλέως λέγειν τὰς τότε γνώμας· οὐ γὰρ εἰκὸς ἑπτακαιδεκαέτη παῖδα περὶ τηλικούτων δύνασθαι πραγμάτων διευκρινεῖν.

[2] ἀλλʼ ἡμῖν μὲν καθήκει τοῖς γράφουσι τὰς κυρούσας τὰ διαβούλια γνώμας ἀνατιθέναι τοῖς προεστῶσι τῶν ὅλων· τοὺς μέντοι γʼ ἀκούοντας αὐτοὺς χρὴ συνυπονοεῖν διότι τῶν συνόντων καὶ μάλιστα τῶν παρακειμένων εἰκός ἐστιν εἶναι τὰς τοιαύτας ὑποθέσεις καὶ διαλήψεις·

[3] ὧν Ἀράτῳ τις ἐπιεικέστατʼ ἂν προσάπτοι τὴν τότε ῥηθεῖσαν ὑπὸ τοῦ βασιλέως γνώμην.

[4] ὁ γὰρ Φίλιππος τὰ μὲν κατʼ ἰδίαν τῶν συμμάχων εἰς αὑτοὺς ἀδικήματα καθήκειν ἔφησεν αὑτῷ μέχρι λόγου καὶ γραμμάτων διορθοῦν καὶ συνεπισημαίνεσθαι,

[5] τὰ δὲ πρὸς τὴν κοινὴν ἀνήκοντα συμμαχίαν, ταῦτʼ ἔφη μόνα δεῖν κοινῆς ἐπιστροφῆς καὶ διορθώσεως τυγχάνειν ὑπὸ πάντων.

[6] Λακεδαιμονίων δὲ μηδὲν εἰς τὴν κοινὴν συμμαχίαν ἐκφανὲς ἡμαρτηκότων, ἐπαγγελλομένων δὲ πάντα καὶ ποιεῖν τὰ δίκαια πρὸς ἡμᾶς, οὐ καλῶς ἔχον εἶναι τὸ βουλεύεσθαί τι περὶ αὐτῶν ἀπαραίτητον·

[7] καὶ γὰρ ἄτοπον τὸν μὲν πατέρα πολεμίων ὄντων κρατήσαντα μηδὲν ποιῆσαι δεινόν, αὐτὸν δʼ ἐφʼ οὕτω μικρᾶς αἰτίας ἀνήκεστόν τι βουλεύεσθαι περὶ αὐτῶν.

[8] ἐπικυρωθείσης δὲ ταύτης τῆς γνώμης, ὅτι δεῖ παριδεῖν τὸ γεγονός, εὐθέως ὁ βασιλεὺς Πετραῖον τῶν αὑτοῦ φίλων ἅμα τοῖς περὶ τὸν Ὠμίαν ἐξαπέστελλε παρακαλέσοντα τοὺς πολλοὺς ἀντέχεσθαι τῆς πρὸς αὑτὸν καὶ Μακεδόνας εὐνοίας, ἅμα δὲ δώσοντα καὶ ληψόμενον τοὺς ὅρκους περὶ συμμαχίαν.

[9] αὐτὸς δὲ μετὰ τῆς δυνάμεως ἀναζεύξας προῆγε πάλιν ὡς ἐπὶ Κορίνθου, καλὸν δεῖγμα τῆς ἑαυτοῦ προαιρέσεως τοῖς συμμάχοις ἐκτιθέμενος ἐν τῇ πρὸς τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους ἀποφάσει.

[1] καταλαβὼν δὲ τοὺς ἀπὸ τῶν συμμαχίδων παραγεγονότας εἰς τὴν Κόρινθον, συνήδρευε καὶ διελάμβανε μετὰ τούτων τί δεῖ ποιεῖν καὶ πῶς χρήσασθαι τοῖς Αἰτωλοῖς.

[2] ἐγκαλούντων δὲ Βοιωτῶν μὲν ὅτι συλήσαιεν τὸ τῆς Ἀθηνᾶς τῆς Ἰτωνίας ἱερὸν εἰρήνης ὑπαρχούσης, Φωκέων δὲ διότι στρατεύσαντες ἐπʼ Ἄμβρυσον καὶ Δαύλιον ἐπιβάλοιντο καταλαβέσθαι τὰς πόλεις,

[3] Ἠπειρωτῶν δὲ καθότι πορθήσαιεν αὐτῶν τὴν χώραν, Ἀκαρνάνων δὲ παραδεικνυόντων τίνα τρόπον συστησάμενοι πρᾶξιν ἐπὶ Θύριον νυκτὸς ἔτι καὶ προσβαλεῖν τολμήσαιεν τῇ πόλει,

[4] πρὸς δὲ τούτοις Ἀχαιῶν ἀπολογιζομένων ὡς καταλάβοιντο μὲν τῆς Μεγαλοπολίτιδος Κλάριον, πορθήσαιεν δὲ διεξιόντες τὴν Πατρέων καὶ Φαραιέων χώραν, διαρπάσαιεν δὲ Κύναιθαν, συλήσαιεν δὲ τὸ τῆς ἐν Λούσοις Ἀρτέμιδος ἱερόν, πολιορκήσαιεν δὲ Κλειτορίους, ἐπιβουλεύσαιεν δὲ κατὰ μὲν θάλατταν Πύλῳ, κατὰ δὲ γῆν ἄρτι συνοικιζομένῃ τῇ Μεγαλοπολιτῶν πόλει σπεύδοντες μετὰ τῶν Ἰλλυριῶν ἀνάστατον αὐτὴν ποιῆσαι,

[5] διακούσαντες τούτων οἱ τῶν συμμάχων σύνεδροι πάντες ὁμοθυμαδὸν ἐκφέρειν ἐβουλεύσαντο τοῖς Αἰτωλοῖς τὸν πόλεμον.

[6] προθέμενοι δὲ τὰς προειρημένας αἰτίας ἐν τῷ δόγματι παρακατεβάλοντο ψήφισμα, προσδιασαφοῦντες ὅτι συνανασώσουσι τοῖς συμμάχοις, εἴ τινα κατέχουσιν αὐτῶν Αἰτωλοὶ χώραν ἢ πόλιν ἀφʼ οὗ Δημήτριος ὁ Φιλίππου κατὰ φύσιν πατὴρ μετήλλαξε·

[7] παραπλησίως δὲ καὶ τοὺς ὑπὸ τῶν καιρῶν ἠναγκασμένους ἀκουσίως μετέχειν τῆς Αἰτωλῶν συμπολιτείας, ὅτι πάντας τούτους ἀποκαταστήσουσιν εἰς τὰ πάτρια πολιτεύματα, χώραν ἔχοντας καὶ πόλεις τὰς αὑτῶν, ἀφρουρήτους, ἀφορολογήτους, ἐλευθέρους ὄντας, πολιτείαις καὶ νόμοις χρωμένους τοῖς πατρίοις.

[8] συνανακομιεῖσθαι δὲ καὶ τοῖς Ἀμφικτύοσιν ἔγραψαν τοὺς νόμους καὶ τὴν περὶ τὸ ἱερὸν ἐξουσίαν, ἣν Αἰτωλοὶ παρῄρηνται νῦν, βουλόμενοι τῶν κατὰ τὸ ἱερὸν ἐπικρατεῖν αὐτοί.

[1] τούτου δὲ τοῦ δόγματος κυρωθέντος κατὰ τὸ πρῶτον ἔτος τῆς ἑκατοστῆς καὶ τετταρακοστῆς ὀλυμπιάδος ὁ μὲν συμμαχικὸς προσαγορευόμενος πόλεμος ἀρχὴν εἰλήφει δικαίαν καὶ πρέπουσαν τοῖς γεγονόσιν ἀδικήμασιν.

[2] οἱ δὲ σύνεδροι παραχρῆμα πρεσβευτὰς ἐξαπέστελλον πρὸς τοὺς συμμάχους, ἵνα παρʼ ἑκάστοις διὰ τῶν πολλῶν ἐπικυρωθέντος τοῦ δόγματος ἐκφέρωσι πάντες τοῖς Αἰτωλοῖς τὸν ἀπὸ τῆς χώρας πόλεμον.

[3] ἔπεμψε δὲ καὶ τοῖς Αἰτωλοῖς ἐπιστολὴν ὁ Φίλιππος, διασαφῶν ἵνʼ εἴ τι λέγειν ἔχουσι δίκαιον ὑπὲρ τῶν ἐγκαλουμένων, ἔτι καὶ νῦν συνελθόντες διὰ λόγου ποιῶνται τὴν διεξαγωγήν· εἰ δʼ ὑπειλήφασι,

[4] διότι χωρὶς κοινοῦ δόγματος λεηλατοῦσι καὶ πορθοῦσι πάντας, οὐκ ἀμύνεσθαι τοὺς ἀδικουμένους, ἐὰν δʼ ἀμύνωνται, νομισθήσεσθαι τούτους κατάρχειν τοῦ πολέμου, πάντων αὐτοὺς εὐηθεστάτους εἶναι.

[5] κομισάμενοι δʼ οἱ τῶν Αἰτωλῶν ἄρχοντες τὴν ἐπιστολὴν ταύτην, τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ἐλπίσαντες οὐχ ἥξειν τὸν Φίλιππον, συνέθεντο ῥητὴν ἡμέραν ἐν ᾗ πρὸς τὸ Ῥίον ἀπαντήσουσι.

[6] γνόντες δὲ παραγινόμενον, ἀπέστειλαν γραμματοφόρον διασαφοῦντες ὡς οὐ δύνανται πρὸ τῆς τῶν Αἰτωλῶν συνόδου διʼ αὑτῶν οὐδὲν ὑπὲρ τῶν ὅλων οἰκονομεῖν.

[7] οἱ δʼ Ἀχαιοὶ συνελθόντες εἰς τὴν καθήκουσαν σύνοδον τό τε δόγμα πάντες ἐπεκύρωσαν καὶ τὸ λάφυρον ἐπεκήρυξαν κατὰ τῶν Αἰτωλῶν.

[8] προσελθόντος δὲ καὶ τοῦ βασιλέως πρὸς τὴν βουλὴν ἐν Αἰγίῳ καὶ διαλεχθέντος διὰ πλειόνων, τὰ ῥηθέντα μετʼ εὐνοίας ἀπεδέξαντο καὶ τὰ προϋπάρχοντα φιλάνθρωπα τοῖς προγόνοις ἀνενεώσαντο πρὸς αὐτὸν τὸν Φίλιππον.

[1] κατὰ δὲ τοὺς αὐτοὺς καιροὺς Αἰτωλοί, συνάψαντος τοῦ τῶν ἀρχαιρεσίων χρόνου, στρατηγὸν αὑτῶν εἵλοντο Σκόπαν, ὃς ἐγεγόνει πάντων τῶν προειρημένων ἀδικημάτων αἴτιος.

[2] ὑπὲρ ὧν οὐκ οἶδα πῶς χρὴ λέγειν. τὸ γὰρ κοινῷ μὲν δόγματι μὴ πολεμεῖν, πανδημεὶ δὲ στρατεύοντας ἄγειν καὶ φέρειν τὰ τῶν πέλας, καὶ κολάζειν μὲν μηδένα τῶν αἰτίων, στρατηγοὺς δʼ αἱρεῖσθαι καὶ τιμᾶν τοὺς προεστῶτας τῶν τοιούτων ἔργων, ἐμοὶ μὲν δοκεῖ τῆς πάσης γέμειν κακοπραγμοσύνης·

[3] τί γὰρ ἂν ἄλλο τις τὰς τοιαύτας κακίας ὀνομάσειε; δῆλον δʼ ἔσται τὸ λεγόμενον ἐκ τούτων.

[4] Λακεδαιμόνιοι τὴν Καδμείαν Φοιβίδου παρασπονδήσαντος τὸν μὲν αἴτιον ἐζημίωσαν, τὴν δὲ φρουρὰν οὐκ ἐξήγαγον, ὥσπερ λυομένης τῆς ἀδικίας διὰ τῆς τοῦ πράξαντος βλάβης, παρὸν τἀναντία ποιεῖν· τοῦτο γὰρ διέφερε τοῖς Θηβαίοις.

[5] πάλιν ἐκήρυττον ἀφιέντες τὰς πόλεις ἐλευθέρας καὶ αὐτονόμους κατὰ τὴν ἐπʼ Ἀνταλκίδου γενομένην εἰρήνην, τοὺς δʼ ἁρμοστὰς οὐκ ἐξῆγον ἐκ τῶν πόλεων.

[6] Μαντινεῖς φίλους ὄντας καὶ συμμάχους ἀναστάτους ποιήσαντες οὐκ ἔφασαν ἀδικεῖν, ἐκ μιᾶς πόλεως εἰς πλείους αὐτοὺς διοικίσαντες,

[7] ἀνοίᾳ μετὰ κακίας χρησάμενοι προφανῶς διὰ τὸ δοκεῖν, ἐάν τις αὐτὸς ἐπιμύῃ, μηδὲ τοὺς πέλας ὁρᾶν.

[8] ἀμφοτέροις τοίνυν ὁ ζῆλος οὗτος τῆς πολιτείας αἴτιος κατέστη τῶν μεγίστων συμπτωμάτων· ὃν οὐδαμῶς οὐδαμῇ ζηλωτέον οὔτε κατʼ ἰδίαν οὔτε κοινῇ τοὺς ὀρθῶς βουλευομένους.

[9] ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς Φίλιππος χρηματίσας τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς ἀνέζευξε μετὰ τῆς δυνάμεως ἐπὶ Μακεδονίας, σπεύδων ἐπὶ τὴν παρασκευὴν τῶν πρὸς τὴν πόλεμον, οὐ μόνον τοῖς συμμάχοις,

[10] ἀλλὰ πᾶσι τοῖς Ἕλλησι διὰ τοῦ προειρημένου ψηφίσματος καλὰς ἐλπίδας ὑποδεικνύων πρᾳότητος καὶ μεγαλοψυχίας βασιλικῆς.

[1] ταῦτα δʼ ἐπράττετο κατὰ τοὺς αὐτοὺς καιροὺς καθʼ οὓς Ἀννίβας, γεγονὼς ἤδη κύριος τῶν ἐντὸς Ἴβηρος ποταμοῦ πάντων, ἐποιεῖτο τὴν ὁρμὴν ἐπὶ τὴν Ζακανθαίων πόλιν.

[2] εἰ μὲν οὖν τὰς πρώτας ἐπιβολὰς τὰς Ἀννίβου ταῖς Ἑλληνικαῖς πράξεσιν ἀπʼ ἀρχῆς εὐθέως ἐπιπεπλέχθαι συνέβαινε, δῆλον ὡς ἐν τῇ προτέρᾳ βύβλῳ περὶ τούτων ἂν ἡμᾶς ἐναλλὰξ ἔδει καὶ κατὰ παράθεσιν τοῖς Ἰβηρικοῖς πεποιῆσθαι τὴν ἐξήγησιν, ἀκολουθοῦντας τοῖς καιροῖς·

[3] ἐπεὶ δὲ τά τε κατὰ τὴν Ἰταλίαν καὶ κατὰ τὴν Ἑλλάδα καὶ κατὰ τὴν Ἀσίαν τὰς μὲν ἀρχὰς τῶν πολέμων τούτων ἰδίας εἰλήφει, τὰς δὲ συντελείας κοινάς, καὶ τὴν ἐξήγησιν περὶ αὐτῶν ἐκρίναμεν ποιήσασθαι κατʼ ἰδίαν, ἕως ἂν ἐπὶ τὸν καιρὸν ἔλθωμεν τοῦτον ἐν ᾧ συνεπλάκησαν αἱ προειρημέναι πράξεις ἀλλήλαις καὶ πρὸς ἓν τέλος ἤρξαντο τὴν ἀναφορὰν ἔχειν —

[4] οὕτως γὰρ ἥ τε περὶ τὰς ἀρχὰς ἑκάστων ἔσται διήγησις σαφὴς ἥ τε συμπλοκὴ καταφανής, περὶ ἧς ἐν ἀρχαῖς ἐνεδειξάμεθα, παραδείξαντες πότε καὶ πῶς καὶ διʼ ἃς αἰτίας γέγονε — λοιπὸν ἤδη κοινὴν ποιήσασθαι περὶ πάντων τὴν ἱστορίαν.

[5] ἐγένετο δʼ ἡ συμπλοκὴ τῶν πράξεων περὶ τὴν τοῦ πολέμου συντέλειαν κατὰ τὸ τρίτον ἔτος τῆς ἑκατοστῆς καὶ τετταρακοστῆς ὀλυμπιάδος. διὸ καὶ τὰ μετὰ ταῦτα κοινῇ τοῖς καιροῖς ἀκολουθοῦντες ἐξηγησόμεθα, τὰ δὲ πρὸ τοῦ κατʼ ἰδίαν,

[6] ὡς εἶπα, προσαναμιμνήσκοντες μόνον τῶν κατὰ τοὺς αὐτοὺς καιροὺς ἐν τῇ προτέρᾳ βύβλῳ δεδηλωμένων, ἵνα μὴ μόνον εὐπαρακολούθητος, ἀλλὰ καὶ καταπληκτικὴ γίνηται τοῖς προσέχουσιν ἡ διήγησις.

[1] Φίλιππος δὲ παραχειμάζων ἐν Μακεδονίᾳ κατέγραφε τὰς δυνάμεις πρὸς τὴν μέλλουσαν χρείαν ἐπιμελῶς, ἅμα δὲ τούτοις ἠσφαλίζετο τὰ πρὸς τοὺς ὑπερκειμένους τῆς Μακεδονίας βαρβάρους.

[2] μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα συνελθὼν πρὸς Σκερδιλαΐδαν καὶ τολμηρῶς δοὺς αὑτὸν εἰς τὰς χεῖρας, διελέγετο περὶ φιλίας καὶ συμμαχίας,

[3] καὶ τὰ μὲν ὑπισχνούμενος αὐτῷ συγκατασκευάσειν τῶν κατὰ τὴν Ἰλλυρίδα πραγμάτων, τὰ δὲ κατηγορῶν τῶν Αἰτωλῶν, ὄντων εὐκατηγορήτων, ῥᾳδίως ἔπεισε συγχωρεῖν τοῖς παρακαλουμένοις.

[4] μήποτε γὰρ οὐδὲν διαφέρει τὰ κατʼ ἰδίαν ἀδικήματα τῶν κοινῶν, ἀλλὰ πλήθει μόνον καὶ μεγέθει τῶν συμβαινόντων. καὶ γὰρ κατʼ ἰδίαν τὸ τῶν ῥᾳδιουργῶν καὶ κλεπτῶν φῦλον τούτῳ μάλιστα τῷ τρόπῳ σφάλλεται, τῷ μὴ ποιεῖν ἀλλήλοις τὰ δίκαια καὶ συλλήβδην διὰ τὰς εἰς αὑτοὺς ἀθεσίας. ὃ καὶ τότε συνέβη γενέσθαι περὶ τοὺς Αἰτωλούς.

[5] συνθέμενοι γὰρ τῷ Σκερδιλαΐδᾳ δώσειν μέρος τι τῆς λείας, ἐὰν συνεισβάλῃ μετʼ αὐτῶν εἰς τὴν Ἀχαΐαν, πεισθέντος καὶ ποιήσαντος τοῦτο,

[6] διαρπάσαντες τὴν τῶν Κυναιθέων πόλιν, καὶ πολλὰ περιελασάμενοι σώματα καὶ θρέμματα, τὸν Σκερδιλαΐδαν οὐδενὸς μερίτην ἐποίησαν τῶν ἁλόντων.

[7] διόπερ ὑποκαθημένης ἐκ τούτων αὐτῷ τῆς ὀργῆς, βραχέα προσαναμνήσαντος τοῦ Φιλίππου, ταχέως ὑπήκουσε καὶ συνέθετο μεθέξειν τῆς κοινῆς συμμαχίας, ἐφʼ ᾧ λαμβάνειν μὲν εἴκοσι τάλαντα κατʼ ἐνιαυτόν, πλεῖν δὲ λέμβοις τριάκοντα καὶ πολεμεῖν τοῖς Αἰτωλοῖς κατὰ θάλατταν.

[1] ὁ μὲν οὖν Φίλιππος περὶ ταῦτα διέτριβεν. οἱ δʼ ἐξαποσταλέντες πρέσβεις πρὸς τοὺς συμμάχους, ἀφικόμενοι πρῶτον εἰς Ἀκαρνανίαν ἐνετύγχανον τούτοις.

[2] οἱ δʼ Ἀκαρνᾶνες τό τε δόγμα γνησίως συνεπεκύρωσαν καὶ τὸν ἀπὸ χώρας πόλεμον ἐξήνεγκαν τοῖς Αἰτωλοῖς· καίπερ τούτοις, εἰ καί τισιν ἑτέροις, δίκαιον ἦν συγγνώμην ἔχειν, ὑπερτιθεμένοις καὶ καταμέλλουσι καὶ καθόλου δεδιόσι τὸν ἀπὸ τῶν ἀστυγειτόνων πόλεμον,

[3] καὶ διὰ τὸ παρακεῖσθαι μὲν συντερμονοῦντας τῇ τῶν Αἰτωλῶν χώρᾳ, πολὺ δὲ μᾶλλον διὰ τὸ κατʼ ἰδίαν εὐχειρώτους ὑπάρχειν, τὸ δὲ μέγιστον διὰ τὸ μικροῖς ἔμπροσθεν χρόνοις πεῖραν εἰληφέναι τῶν δεινοτάτων διὰ τὴν πρὸς Αἰτωλοὺς ἀπέχθειαν.

[4] ἀλλά μοι δοκοῦσιν οἱ γνήσιοι τῶν ἀνδρῶν καὶ κοινῇ καὶ κατʼ ἰδίαν οὐδέποτε περὶ πλείονος οὐθὲν ποιεῖσθαι τοῦ καθήκοντος· ὅπερ Ἀκαρνᾶνες ἐν τοῖς πλείστοις καιροῖς οὐδενὸς τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἧττον εὑρίσκονται διατετηρηκότες, καίπερ ἀπὸ μικρᾶς ὁρμώμενοι δυνάμεως.

[5] οἷς οὐκ ὀκνητέον κατὰ τὰς περιστάσεις κοινωνεῖν πραγμάτων, σπευστέον δὲ μᾶλλον, εἰ καί τισιν ἑτέροις τῶν Ἑλλήνων· καὶ γὰρ ἰδίᾳ καὶ κοινῇ στάσιμον ἔχουσί τι καὶ φιλελεύθερον.

[6] Ἠπειρῶται δʼ ἐκ παραθέσεως διακούσαντες τῶν πρέσβεων τὸ μὲν δόγμα παραπλησίως ἐπεκύρωσαν, τὸν δὲ πόλεμον ἐκφέρειν ἐψηφίσαντο τοῖς Αἰτωλοῖς, ἐπειδὰν καὶ Φίλιππος ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐξενέγκῃ.

[7] τοῖς δὲ παρὰ τῶν Αἰτωλῶν πρεσβευταῖς ἀπεκρίθησαν ὅτι δέδοκται τοῖς Ἠπειρώταις διατηρεῖν πρὸς αὐτοὺς τὴν εἰρήνην, ἀγεννῶς καὶ ποικίλως χρώμενοι τοῖς πράγμασιν.

[8] ἀπεστάλησαν δὲ καὶ πρὸς βασιλέα Πτολεμαῖον πρέσβεις οἱ παρακαλέσοντες αὐτὸν μήτε χρήματα πέμπειν τοῖς Αἰτωλοῖς μήτʼ ἄλλο μηδὲν χορηγεῖν κατὰ Φιλίππου καὶ τῶν

[1] συμμάχων. Μεσσήνιοι δέ, διʼ οὓς ὁ πόλεμος τὴν ἀρχὴν ἔλαβε, τοῖς παραγενομένοις πρὸς αὐτοὺς ἀπεκρίθησαν ὅτι τῆς Φιγαλείας κειμένης ἐπὶ τοῖς ὅροις αὐτῶν καὶ ταττομένης ὑπʼ Αἰτωλοὺς οὐκ ἂν ἐπιδέξαιντο τὸν πόλεμον, πρὶν ἢ ταύτην ἀπʼ Αἰτωλῶν ἀποσπασθῆναι τὴν πόλιν.

[2] περὶ δὲ τῆς ἀποφάσεως ταύτης κατίσχυσαν, οὐδαμῶς εὐδοκούντων τῶν πολλῶν, Αἰτωλῶν δεδιότες τὴν τόλμαν ἐφορεύοντες Οἶνις καὶ Νίκιππος καί τινες ἕτεροι τῶν ὀλιγαρχικῶν, ἀγνοοῦντες καὶ πολὺ παραπαίοντες τοῦ δέοντος κατά γε τὴν ἐμὴν γνώμην.

[3] ἐγὼ γὰρ φοβερὸν μὲν εἶναί φημι τὸν πόλεμον, οὐ μὴν οὕτω γε φοβερὸν ὥστε πᾶν ὑπομένειν χάριν τοῦ μὴ προσδέξασθαι πόλεμον.

[4] ἐπεὶ τί καὶ θρασύνομεν τὴν ἰσηγορίαν καὶ παρρησίαν καὶ τὸ τῆς ἐλευθερίας ὄνομα πάντες, εἰ μηδὲν ἔσται προυργιαίτερον τῆς εἰρήνης;

[5] οὐδὲ γὰρ Θηβαίους ἐπαινοῦμεν κατὰ τὰ Μηδικά, διότι τῶν ὑπὲρ τῆς Ἑλλάδος ἀποστάντες κινδύνων τὰ Περσῶν εἵλοντο διὰ τὸν φόβον, οὐδὲ Πίνδαρον τὸν συναποφηνάμενον αὐτοῖς ἄγειν τὴν ἡσυχίαν διὰ τῶνδε τῶν ποιημάτων,

[6] τὸ κοινόν τις ἀστῶν ἐν εὐδίᾳ τιθεὶς ἐρευνασάτω μεγαλάνορος ἡσυχίας τὸ φαιδρὸν φάος. δόξας γὰρ παραυτίκα πιθανῶς εἰρηκέναι,

[7] μετʼ οὐ πολὺ πάντων αἰσχίστην εὑρέθη καὶ βλαβερωτάτην πεποιημένος ἀπόφασιν·

[8] εἰρήνη γὰρ μετὰ μὲν τοῦ δικαίου καὶ πρέποντος κάλλιστόν ἐστι κτῆμα καὶ λυσιτελέστατον, μετὰ δὲ κακίας ἢ δειλίας ἐπονειδίστου πάντων αἴσχιστον καὶ βλαβερώτατον.

[1] οἱ δὲ τῶν Μεσσηνίων προεστῶτες ὀλιγαρχικοί, [καὶ] στοχαζόμενοι τοῦ παραυτὰ κατʼ ἰδίαν λυσιτελοῦς, φιλοτιμότερον τοῦ δέοντος ἀεὶ διέκειντο πρὸς τὴν εἰρήνην.

[2] διὸ πολλὰς μὲν περιστάσεις καὶ καιροὺς ἔχοντες, ἐνίοτε δὲ φόβους καὶ κινδύνους διωλίσθανον· ἡθροίζετο δὲ κατὰ τὴν πρόθεσιν ταύτην ἀεὶ τὸ κεφάλαιον αὐτοῖς καὶ μεγίσταις ἐποίουν παλαίειν τὴν πατρίδα συμφοραῖς.

[3] δοκῶ δʼ ἔγωγε τὴν αἰτίαν εἶναι ταύτην, ὅτι δυσὶ γειτνιῶντες ἔθνεσι τοῖς μεγίστοις τῶν κατὰ Πελοπόννησον, μᾶλλον δὲ σχεδὸν καὶ τῶν Ἑλληνικῶν, λέγω δὲ τῷ τε τῶν Ἀρκάδων καὶ τῷ τῶν Λακώνων,

[4] καὶ τοῦ μὲν ἐχθρῶς καὶ ἀκαταλλάκτως ἀεί ποτε πρὸς αὐτοὺς ἔχοντος, ἐξ οὗ καὶ κατέσχον τὴν χώραν, τοῦ δὲ φιλικῶς καὶ κηδεμονικῶς, οὔτε τὴν πρὸς Λακεδαιμονίους ἔχθραν εὐγενῶς ἀνελάμβανον οὔτε τὴν πρὸς Ἀρκάδας φιλίαν.

[5] λοιπὸν ὅταν μὲν οὗτοι πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἢ πρὸς ἑτέρους πολεμοῦντες ἐν περισπασμοῖς ἦσαν, ἐγίνετο τὸ δέον αὐτοῖς· ἦγον γὰρ τὴν εἰρήνην ἀεὶ παρευδιαζόμενοι διὰ τὴν τοῦ τόπου παράπτωσιν·

[6] ὅταν δʼ εὔσχολοι καὶ ἀπερίσπαστοι Λακεδαιμόνιοι γενηθέντες ἐτράπησαν πρὸς τὸ βλάπτειν αὐτούς,

[7] οὔτʼ αὐτοὶ διʼ αὑτῶν ἀντοφθαλμεῖν ἐδύναντο πρὸς τὸ βάρος τὸ Λακεδαιμονίων οὔτε προκατεσκευασμένοι φίλους τοὺς ἀληθινῶς αὐτοῖς πάντα συνυποστησομένους ἢ δουλεύειν ἠναγκάζοντο τούτοις ἀχθοφοροῦντες ἢ φεύγοντας τὴν δουλείαν ἀναστάτους γίνεσθαι, λείποντας τὴν χώραν μετὰ τέκνων καὶ γυναικῶν·

[8] ὅπερ ἤδη πλεονάκις αὐτοῖς συνέβη παθεῖν οὐ πάνυ πολλοῖς χρόνοις.

[9] εἴη μὲν οὖν οἷον εἰ συμφῦναι τὴν νῦν ὑπάρχουσαν κατάστασιν Πελοποννησίοις, ἵνα μηδενὸς δέῃ τῶν λέγεσθαι μελλόντων·

[10] ἐὰν δέ ποτε κίνησιν καὶ μετάστασιν σχῇ ταῦτα, μίαν ὁρῶ Μεσσηνίοις καὶ Μεγαλοπολίταις ἐλπίδα τοῦ δύνασθαι νέμεσθαι τὴν αὑτῶν χώραν τὸν πλείω χρόνον, ἐὰν συμφρονήσαντες κατὰ τὴν Ἐπαμινώνδου γνώμην παντὸς καιροῦ καὶ πράγματος ἕλωνται κοινωνεῖν ἀλλήλοις ἀληθινῶς.

[1] ὁ δὲ λόγος οὗτος ἔχει μὲν ἴσως καὶ διὰ τῶν πάλαι γεγονότων πίστιν.

[2] οἱ γὰρ Μεσσήνιοι πρὸς ἄλλοις πολλοῖς καὶ παρὰ τὸν τοῦ Διὸς τοῦ Λυκαίου βωμὸν ἀνέθεσαν στήλην ἐν τοῖς κατʼ Ἀριστομένην καιροῖς, καθάπερ καὶ Καλλισθένης φησί, γράψαντες τὸ γράμμα τοῦτο· πάντως ὁ χρόνος εὗρε δίκην ἀδίκῳ βασιλῆι,

[3] εὗρε δὲ Μεσσήνη σὺν Διὶ τὸν προδότην ῥηιδίως. χαλεπὸν δὲ λαθεῖν θεὸν ἄνδρʼ ἐπίορκον.

χαῖρε, Ζεῦ βασιλεῦ, καὶ σάω Ἀρκαδίαν. ἐπεὶ γὰρ τῆς αὑτῶν ἐστερήθησαν,

[4] οἷον εἰ περὶ δευτέρας πατρίδος, ὥς γʼ ἐμοὶ δοκεῖ, τοῖς θεοῖς εὐχόμενοι σῴζειν τὴν Ἀρκαδίαν, τοῦτʼ ἀνέθεσαν τὸ γράμμα.

[5] καὶ τοῦτʼ εἰκότως ἐποίουν· οὐ γὰρ μόνον αὐτοὺς Ἀρκάδες ὑποδεξάμενοι κατὰ τὴν ἔκπτωσιν τὴν ἐκ τῆς ἰδίας ὑπὸ τὸν Ἀριστομένειον πόλεμον ὁμεστίους ἐποιήσαντο καὶ πολίτας, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰς θυγατέρας ἐψηφίσαντο τοῖς ἐν ἡλικίᾳ διδόναι τῶν Μεσσηνίων,

[6] πρὸς δὲ τούτοις ἀναζητήσαντες τὴν Ἀριστοκράτους τοῦ βασιλέως προδοσίαν ἐν τῇ μάχῃ τῇ καλουμένῃ περὶ Τάφρον αὐτόν τʼ ἀνεῖλον καὶ τὸ γένος αὐτοῦ πᾶν ἠφάνισαν.

[7] οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ χωρὶς τῶν πάλαι τὰ τελευταῖα γεγονότα μετὰ τὸν Μεγάλης πόλεως καὶ Μεσσήνης συνοικισμὸν ἱκανὴν ἂν παράσχοι πίστιν τοῖς ὑφʼ ἡμῶν εἰρημένοις.

[8] καθʼ οὓς γὰρ καιρούς, τῆς περὶ Μαντίνειαν μάχης τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἀμφιδήριτον ἐχούσης τὴν νίκην διὰ τὸν Ἐπαμινώνδου θάνατον, ἐκώλυον Λακεδαιμόνιοι μετέχειν τῶν σπονδῶν Μεσσηνίους, ἀκμὴν σφετεριζόμενοι ταῖς ἐλπίσι τὴν Μεσσηνίαν,

[9] ἐπὶ τοσοῦτο διέσπευσαν Μεγαλοπολῖται καὶ πάντες οἱ κοινωνοῦντες Ἀρκάδων τῆς αὐτῶν συμμαχίας ὥστε Μεσσηνίους μὲν ὑπὸ τῶν συμμάχων προσδεχθῆναι καὶ μετασχεῖν τῶν ὅρκων καὶ διαλύσεων, Λακεδαιμονίους δὲ μόνους ἐκσπόνδους γενέσθαι τῶν Ἑλλήνων.

[10] ἃ τίς οὐκ ἂν τῶν ἐπιγινομένων ἐν νῷ τιθέμενος νομίσειε καλῶς εἰρῆσθαι τὰ μικρῷ πρότερον ὑφʼ ἡμῶν δεδηλωμένα;

[11] ταῦτα μὲν οὖν εἰρήσθω μοι χάριν Ἀρκάδων καὶ Μεσσηνίων, ἵνα μνημονεύοντες τῶν συμβεβηκότων αὐτοῖς περὶ τὰς πατρίδας ἀτυχημάτων ὑπὸ Λακεδαιμονίων ἀληθινῶς ἀντέχωνται τῆς πρὸς αὑτοὺς εὐνοίας καὶ πίστεως,

[12] καὶ μήτε φόβον ὑφορώμενοι μήτʼ εἰρήνης ἐπιθυμοῦντες ἐγκαταλείπωσιν ἀλλήλους

[1] ἐν ταῖς ὁλοσχερέσι περιστάσεσι. Λακεδαιμόνιοι δὲ τῶν εἰθισμένων ἐποίησάν τι — τοῦτο γὰρ συνεχὲς ἦν τοῖς προειρημένοις — τέλος γὰρ τοὺς παρὰ τῶν συμμάχων πρέσβεις ἀναποκρίτους ἀπέστειλαν. οὕτως ἐξηπόρησαν ὑπὸ τῆς ἀλογίας καὶ κακίας τῆς αὑτῶν.

[2] καί μοι δοκεῖ τοῦτʼ ἀληθὲς εἶναι διότι πολλάκις τολμᾶν περιττὸν εἰς ἄνοιαν καὶ τὸ μηδὲν καταντᾶν εἴωθεν.

[3] οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ μετὰ ταῦτα, κατασταθέντων ἐφόρων ἄλλων, οἱ κινήσαντες ἐξ ἀρχῆς τὰ πράγματα καὶ γενόμενοι τῆς προειρημένης σφαγῆς αἴτιοι διεπέμποντο πρὸς τοὺς Αἰτωλούς, ἐπισπώμενοι πρεσβευτήν.

[4] τῶν δὲ καὶ μάλʼ ἀσμένως ὑπακουσάντων, ἧκε μετʼ ὀλίγον πρεσβεύων εἰς τὴν Λακεδαίμονα Μαχατᾶς.

[5] καὶ παραυτίκα προσῄει τοῖς ἐφόροις οἰόμενοι δεῖν τῷ τε Μαχατᾷ δίδοσθαι τὴν ἔφοδον ἐπὶ τοὺς πολλούς, καὶ βασιλέας καθιστάναι κατὰ τὰ πάτρια, καὶ μὴ περιορᾶν τὸν πλείω χρόνον παρὰ τοὺς νόμους καταλελυμένην τὴν τῶν Ἡρακλειδῶν ἀρχήν.

[6] οἱ δʼ ἔφοροι, δυσαρεστούμενοι μὲν τοῖς ὅλοις πράγμασιν, οὐ δυνάμενοι δὲ πρὸς τὴν ὁρμὴν ἀντοφθαλμεῖν, ἀλλὰ δεδιότες τὴν τῶν νέων συστροφήν, περὶ μὲν τῶν βασιλέων ἔφασαν μετὰ ταῦτα βουλεύσεσθαι, τῷ δὲ Μαχατᾷ συνεχώρησαν δώσειν τὴν ἐκκλησίαν.

[7] συναχθέντος δὲ τοῦ πλήθους παρελθὼν ὁ Μαχατᾶς παρεκάλει διὰ πλειόνων αὐτοὺς αἱρεῖσθαι τὴν πρὸς Αἰτωλοὺς συμμαχίαν, εἰκῇ μὲν καὶ θρασέως κατηγορῶν Μακεδόνων, ἀλόγως δὲ καὶ ψευδῶς ἐγκωμιάζων τοὺς Αἰτωλούς.

[8] μεταστάντος δὲ τούτου, πολλῆς ἀμφισβητήσεως ἐτύγχανε τὸ πρᾶγμα· τινὲς μὲν γὰρ συνηγόρουν τοῖς Αἰτωλοῖς καὶ συντίθεσθαι πρὸς αὐτοὺς παρῄνουν τὴν συμμαχίαν, ἔνιοι δὲ τούτοις ἀντέλεγον.

[9] οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ τῶν πρεσβυτέρων τινὲς ἐπιστήσαντες τὸ πλῆθος ἐπί τε τὰς Ἀντιγόνου καὶ Μακεδόνων εὐεργεσίας ἐπί τε τὰς διὰ Χαριξένου καὶ Τιμαίου βλάβας, ὅτε στρατεύσαντες Αἰτωλοὶ πανδημεὶ κατέφθειραν μὲν αὐτῶν τὴν χώραν, ἐξηνδραποδίσαντο δὲ τὰς περιοίκους, ἐπεβούλευσαν δὲ τῇ Σπάρτῃ, μετὰ δόλου καὶ βίας τοὺς φυγάδας ἐπαγαγόντες, ἐπʼ ἄλλης ἐγένοντο γνώμης,

[10] καὶ τέλος ἐπείσθησαν τηρεῖν τὴν πρὸς Φίλιππον καὶ Μακεδόνας συμμαχίας.

[11] γενομένων δὲ τούτων, ὁ μὲν Μαχατᾶς ἄπρακτος ἐπανῄει πάλιν

[1] εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν, οἱ δʼ ἐξ ἀρχῆς αἴτιοι γεγονότες τῆς κινήσεως, οὐδαμῶς εἶξαι δυνάμενοι τοῖς παροῦσιν, αὖτις ἐπεβάλοντο πρᾶγμα ποιεῖν πάντων ἀσεβέστατον, φθείραντές τινας τῶν νέων.

[2] κατὰ γάρ τινα θυσίαν πάτριον ἔδει τοὺς μὲν ἐν ταῖς ἡλικίαις μετὰ τῶν ὅπλων πομπεύειν ἐπὶ τὸν τῆς Ἀθηνᾶς τῆς Χαλκιοίκου νεών, τοὺς δʼ ἐφόρους συντελεῖν τὰ περὶ τὴν θυσίαν, αὐτοῦ περὶ τὸ τέμενος διατρίβοντας.

[3] ἐν τούτῳ τῷ καιρῷ τῶν πομπευόντων ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις τινὲς νεανίσκων ἄφνω προσπεσόντες θύουσι τοῖς ἐφόροις ἀπέσφαξαν αὐτούς. καίτοι πᾶσι τοῖς καταφυγοῦσι τὴν ἀσφάλειαν παρεσκεύαζε τὸ ἱερόν, κἂν θανάτου τις ᾖ κατακεκριμένος·

[4] τότε δὲ διὰ τὴν ὠμότητα τῶν τολμώντων εἰς τοῦτʼ ἦλθε καταφρονήσεως ὥστε περὶ τὸν βωμὸν καὶ τὴν τράπεζαν τῆς θεοῦ κατασφαγῆναι τοὺς ἐφόρους ἅπαντας.

[5] ἑξῆς δὲ τούτου τἀκόλουθον τῇ προθέσει ποιοῦντες ἀνεῖλον μὲν τοὺς περὶ Γυρίδαν τῶν γερόντων, ἐφυγάδευσαν δὲ τοὺς ἀντειπόντας τοῖς Αἰτωλοῖς, εἵλοντο δʼ ἐξ αὑτῶν ἐφόρους, συνέθεντο δὲ πρὸς τοὺς Αἰτωλοὺς τὴν συμμαχίαν.

[6] ἐποίουν δὲ ταῦτα, καὶ τήν τε πρὸς Ἀχαιοὺς ἀπέχθειαν καὶ τὴν πρὸς Μακεδόνας ἀχαριστίαν καὶ καθόλου τὴν πρὸς πάντας ἀλογίαν ὑπέμενον — οὐχ ἥκιστα δὲ διὰ Κλεομένη καὶ τὴν πρὸς ἐκεῖνον εὔνοιαν — ἐπελπίζοντες ἀεὶ καὶ προσδοκίαν ἔχοντες τῆς ἐκείνου παρουσίας ἅμα καὶ σωτηρίας.

[7] οὕτως οἱ δυνάμενοι τῶν ἀνθρώπων ἐπιδεξίως ὁμιλεῖν τοῖς συμπεριφερομένοις οὐ μόνον παρόντες, ἀλλὰ καὶ μακρὰν ἀφεστῶτες ἐγκαταλείπουσί τινα καὶ λίαν ἰσχυρὰ τῆς πρὸς αὑτοὺς εὐνοίας αἰθύγματα.

[8] οἵ γε χωρὶς τῶν ἄλλων καὶ τότε, πολιτευόμενοι κατὰ τὰ πάτρια σχεδὸν ἤδη τρεῖς ἐνιαυτοὺς μετὰ τὴν Κλεομένους ἔκπτωσιν, οὐδʼ ἐπενόησαν οὐδέποτε βασιλεῖς καταστῆσαι τῆς Σπάρτης·

[9] ἅμα δὲ τῷ τὴν φήμην ἀφικέσθαι περὶ τῆς Κλεομένους τελευτῆς εὐθέως ὥρμησαν ἐπὶ τὸ βασιλεῖς καθιστάναι τά τε πλήθη καὶ τὸ τῶν ἐφόρων ἀρχεῖον.

[10] καὶ κατέστησαν οἱ κοινωνοῦντες ἔφοροι τῆς αἱρέσεως τοῖς στασιώταις, οἱ καὶ τὴν πρὸς Αἰτωλοὺς συνθέμενοι συμμαχίαν, ὑπὲρ ὧν τὸν ἄρτι λόγον ἐποιησάμην, τὸν μὲν ἕνα νομίμως καὶ καθηκόντως, Ἀγησίπολιν, ὄντα μὲν παῖδα τὴν ἡλικίαν, υἱὸν δʼ Ἀγησιπόλιδος τοῦ Κλεομβρότου·

[11] τὸν δὲ συνέβαινε βεβασιλευκέναι καθʼ οὓς καιροὺς ἐξέπεσε Λεωνίδης ἐκ τῆς ἀρχῆς, διὰ τὸ κατὰ γένος ὑπάρχειν ἔγγιστα τῆς οἰκίας ταύτης.

[12] ἐπίτροπον δὲ τοῦ παιδὸς εἵλοντο Κλεομένη, Κλεομβρότου μὲν υἱόν, Ἀγησιπόλιδος δʼ ἀδελφόν.

[13] ἀπὸ δὲ τῆς ἑτέρας οἰκίας, ὄντων ἐκ τῆς Ἱππομέδοντος θυγατρὸς Ἀρχιδάμῳ δυεῖν παίδων, ὃς ἦν υἱὸς Εὐδαμίδου, ζῶντος δὲ καὶ Ἱππομέδοντος ἀκμήν, ὃς ἦν υἱὸς Ἀγησιλάου τοῦ Εὐδαμίδου, καὶ ἑτέρων δὲ πλειόνων ἀπὸ τῆς οἰκίας ὑπαρχόντων, ἀπωτέρω μὲν τῶν προειρημένων, προσηκόντων δὲ κατὰ γένος,

[14] τούτους μὲν ἅπαντας ὑπερεῖδον, Λυκοῦργον δὲ βασιλέα κατέστησαν, οὗ τῶν προγόνων οὐδεὶς ἐτετεύχει τῆς προσηγορίας· ὃς δοὺς ἑκάστῳ τῶν ἐφόρων τάλαντον Ἡρακλέους ἀπόγονος καὶ βασιλεὺς ἐγεγόνει τῆς Σπάρτης.

[15] οὕτως εὔωνα πανταχῇ τὰ καλὰ γέγονε. τοιγαροῦν οὐ παῖδες παίδων, ἀλλʼ αὐτοὶ πρῶτοι τῆς ἀνοίας ἀπέτισαν τοὺς μισθοὺς οἱ καταστήσαντες.

[1] ὁ δὲ Μαχατᾶς, πυθόμενος τὰ γεγονότα περὶ τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους, ἧκε πάλιν ὑποστρέψας εἰς τὴν Σπάρτην, καὶ παρεκάλει τοὺς ἐφόρους καὶ τοὺς βασιλέας ἐξανεγκεῖν τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς τὸν πόλεμον·

[2] μόνως γὰρ οὕτως ἔφη λῆξαι τὴν τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων φιλονεικίαν τῶν ἐκ παντὸς τρόπου διακοπτόντων τὴν πρὸς Αἰτωλοὺς συμμαχίαν τήν τε τῶν ἐν Αἰτωλίᾳ τὰ παραπλήσια τούτοις πραττόντων.

[3] πεισθέντων δὲ τῶν ἐφόρων καὶ τῶν βασιλέων, ὁ μὲν Μαχατᾶς ἐπανῆλθε, συντετελεσμένος τὴν πρόθεσιν διὰ τὴν ἄγνοιαν τῶν συμπραττόντων,

[4] ὁ δὲ Λυκοῦργος ἀναλαβὼν τοὺς στρατιώτας καί τινας τῶν πολιτικῶν ἐνέβαλεν εἰς τὴν Ἀργείαν, ἀφυλάκτως διακειμένων εἰς τέλος τῶν Ἀργείων διὰ τὴν προϋπάρχουσαν κατάστασιν.

[5] καὶ Πολίχναν μὲν καὶ Πρασίας καὶ Λεύκας καὶ Κύφαντα προσπεσὼν ἄφνω κατέσχε· Γλυμπέσι δὲ καὶ Ζάρακι προσπεσὼν ἀπέπεσε.

[6] τούτου δὲ ταῦτα πράξαντος, ἐπεκήρυξαν τὸ λάφυρον οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι κατὰ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν. ἔπεισαν δὲ καὶ τοὺς Ἠλείους οἱ περὶ τὸν Μαχατᾶν, παραπλήσια λέγοντες ἅπερ καὶ πρὸς τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους, ἐξενεγκεῖν τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς τὸν πόλεμον.

[7] παραδόξως δὲ καὶ κατὰ νοῦν τοῖς Αἰτωλοῖς τῶν πραγμάτων προκεχωρηκότων, οὗτοι μὲν εὐθαρσῶς ἐνέβαινον εἰς τὸν πόλεμον, οἱ δʼ Ἀχαιοὶ τἀναντία· Φίλιππος μὲν γάρ,

[8] ἐφʼ ᾧ τὰς ἐλπίδας εἶχον, ἀκμὴν ἐγίνετο περὶ παρασκευήν, Ἠπειρῶται δʼ ἔμελλον πολεμεῖν,

[9] Μεσσήνιοι δʼ ἡσυχίαν εἶχον, Αἰτωλοὶ δέ, προσειληφότες τὴν Ἠλείων καὶ Λακεδαιμονίων ἄγνοιαν, πανταχόθεν περιεῖχον αὐτοὺς τῷ πολέμῳ.

[1] Ἀράτῳ μὲν οὖν συνέβαινε κατὰ τὸν καιρὸν τοῦτον ἤδη λήγειν τὴν ἀρχήν, Ἄρατον δὲ τὸν υἱὸν αὐτοῦ καθεσταμένον ὑπὸ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν παραλαμβάνειν τὴν στρατηγίαν.

[2] Αἰτωλῶν δʼ ἐστρατήγει Σκόπας· ὁ δὲ χρόνος αὐτῷ τῆς ἀρχῆς μάλιστα τότε πως διῄρητο· τὰς γὰρ ἀρχαιρεσίας Αἰτωλοὶ μὲν ἐποίουν μετὰ τὴν φθινοπωρινὴν ἰσημερίαν εὐθέως, Ἀχαιοὶ δὲ τότε περὶ τὴν τῆς Πλειάδος ἐπιτολήν.

[3] ἤδη δὲ τῆς θερείας ἐνισταμένης, καὶ μετειληφότος Ἀράτου τοῦ νεωτέρου τὴν στρατηγίαν, ἅμα πάντα τὰ πράγματα τὰς ἐπιβολὰς ἐλάμβανε καὶ τὰς ἀρχάς.

[4] Ἀννίβας μὲν γὰρ ἐνεχείρει κατὰ τοὺς καιροὺς τούτους Ζάκανθαν πολιορκεῖν, Ῥωμαῖοι δὲ Λεύκιον Αἰμίλιον εἰς τὴν Ἰλλυρίδα μετὰ δυνάμεως ἐξαπέστελλον ἐπὶ Δημήτριον τὸν Φάριον· ὑπὲρ ὧν ἐν τῇ προτέρᾳ βύβλῳ δεδηλώκαμεν.

[5] Ἀντίοχος δέ, Πτολεμαΐδα καὶ Τύρον παραδόντος αὐτῷ Θεοδότου, τοῖς κατὰ Κοίλην Συρίαν ἐγχειρεῖν ἐπεβάλλετο· Πτολεμαῖος δὲ περὶ παρασκευὴν ἐγίνετο τοῦ πρὸς Ἀντίοχον πολέμου.

[6] Λυκοῦργος δʼ ἀπὸ τῶν ὁμοίων βουλόμενος ἄρχεσθαι Κλεομένει, τὸ τῶν Μεγαλοπολιτῶν Ἀθήναιον ἐπολιόρκει προσεστρατοπεδευκώς. Ἀχαιοὶ δὲ μισθοφόρους ἱππεῖς καὶ πεζοὺς ἥθροιζον εἰς τὸν περιεστῶτα πόλεμον·

[7] Φίλιππος δʼ ἐκ Μακεδονίας ἐκίνει μετὰ τῆς δυνάμεως, ἔχων Μακεδόνων φαλαγγίτας μὲν μυρίους, πελταστὰς δὲ πεντακισχιλίους, ἅμα δὲ τούτοις ἱππεῖς ὀκτακοσίους.

[8] ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ἅπαντʼ ἦν ἐν τοιαύταις ἐπιβολαῖς καὶ παρασκευαῖς. κατὰ δὲ τοὺς αὐτοὺς καιροὺς ἐξήνεγκαν Ῥόδιοι Βυζαντίοις πόλεμον διά τινας

[1] τοιαύτας αἰτίας. Βυζάντιοι κατὰ μὲν θάλατταν εὐκαιρότατον οἰκοῦσι τόπον καὶ πρὸς ἀσφάλειαν καὶ πρὸς εὐδαιμονίαν πάντη τῶν ἐν τῇ καθʼ ἡμᾶς οἰκουμένῃ, κατὰ δὲ γῆν πρὸς ἀμφότερα πάντων ἀφυέστατον.

[2] κατὰ μὲν γὰρ θάλατταν οὕτως ἐπίκεινται τῷ στόματι τοῦ Πόντου κυρίως ὥστε μήτʼ εἰσπλεῦσαι μήτʼ ἐκπλεῦσαι μηδένα δυνατὸν εἶναι τῶν ἐμπόρων χωρὶς τῆς ἐκείνων βουλήσεως.

[3] ἔχοντος δὲ τοῦ Πόντου πολλὰ τῶν πρὸς τὸν βίον εὐχρήστων τοῖς ἄλλοις ἀνθρώποις, πάντων εἰσὶ τούτων κύριοι Βυζάντιοι.

[4] πρὸς μὲν γὰρ τὰς ἀναγκαίας τοῦ βίου χρείας τά τε θρέμματα καὶ τὸ τῶν εἰς τὰς δουλείας ἀγομένων σωμάτων πλῆθος οἱ κατὰ τὸν Πόντον ἡμῖν τόποι παρασκευάζουσι δαψιλέστατον καὶ χρησιμώτατον ὁμολογουμένως· πρὸς δὲ περιουσίαν μέλι, κηρόν, τάριχος ἀφθόνως ἡμῖν χορηγοῦσι.

[5] δέχονται γε μὴν τῶν ἐν τοῖς παρʼ ἡμῖν τόποις περιττευόντων ἔλαιον καὶ πᾶν οἴνου γένος· σίτῳ δʼ ἀμείβονται, ποτὲ μὲν εὐκαίρως διδόντες, ποτὲ δὲ λαμβάνοντες.

[6] πάντων δὴ τούτων ἢ κωλύεσθαι δέον ἦν ὁλοσχερῶς τοὺς Ἕλληνας ἢ τελέως ἀλυσιτελῆ γίνεσθαι σφίσι τὴν ἀλλαγὴν αὐτῶν, Βυζαντίων ἤτοι βουλομένων ἐθελοκακεῖν καὶ συνδυάζειν ποτὲ μὲν Γαλάταις, τοτὲ δὲ πλείονα Θρᾳξὶν ἢ τὸ παράπαν μὴ κατοικούντων τοὺς τόπους·

[7] διά τε γὰρ τὴν στενότητα τοῦ πόρου καὶ τὸ παρακείμενον πλῆθος τῶν βαρβάρων ἄπλους ἂν ἡμῖν ἦν ὁμολογουμένως ὁ Πόντος.

[8] μέγιστα μὲν οὖν ἴσως αὐτοῖς ἐκείνοις περιγίνεται λυσιτελῆ πρὸς τοὺς βίους διὰ τὰς τῶν τόπων ἰδιότητας·

[9] ἅπαν γὰρ τὸ μὲν περιττεῦον παρʼ αὐτοῖς ἐξαγωγῆς, τὸ δὲ λεῖπον εἰσαγωγῆς ἑτοίμου τυγχάνει καὶ λυσιτελοῦς ἄνευ πάσης κακοπαθείας καὶ κινδύνου·

[10] πολλά γε μὴν καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις εὔχρηστα διʼ ἐκείνους, ὡς εἰρήκαμεν, ἀπαντᾷ. διὸ καὶ κοινοί τινες ὡς εὐεργέται πάντων ὑπάρχοντες εἰκότως ἂν οὐ μόνον χάριτος, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἐπικουρίας κοινῆς τυγχάνοιεν ὑπὸ τῶν Ἑλλήνων κατὰ τὰς ὑπὸ τῶν βαρβάρων περιστάσεις.

[11] ἐπεὶ δὲ παρὰ τοῖς πλείστοις ἀγνοεῖσθαι συνέβαινε τὴν ἰδιότητα καὶ τὴν εὐφυΐαν τοῦ τόπου, διὰ τὸ μικρὸν ἔξω κεῖσθαι τῶν ἐπισκοπουμένων μερῶν τῆς οἰκουμένης,

[12] βουλόμεθα δὲ πάντες εἰδέναι τὰ τοιαῦτα, καὶ μάλιστα μὲν αὐτόπται γίνεσθαι τῶν ἐχόντων παρηλλαγμένον τι καὶ διαφέρον τόπων, εἰ δὲ μὴ τοῦτο δυνατόν, ἐννοίας γε καὶ τύπους ἔχειν ἐν αὑτοῖς ὡς ἔγγιστα τῆς ἀληθείας,

[13] ῥητέον ἂν εἴη τί τὸ συμβαῖνόν ἐστι καὶ τί τὸ ποιοῦν τὴν τηλικαύτην καὶ τοιαύτην εὐπορίαν τῆς προειρημένης πόλεως.

[1] ὁ δὴ καλούμενος Πόντος ἔχει τὴν μὲν περίμετρον ἔγγιστα τῶν δισμυρίων καὶ δισχιλίων σταδίων, στόματα δὲ διττὰ κατὰ διάμετρον ἀλλήλοις κείμενα, τὸ μὲν ἐκ τῆς Προποντίδος, τὸ δʼ ἐκ τῆς Μαιώτιδος λίμνης, ἥτις αὐτὴ καθʼ αὑτὴν ὀκτακισχιλίων ἔχει σταδίων τὴν περιγραφήν.

[2] εἰς δὲ τὰ προειρημένα κοιλώματα πολλῶν μὲν καὶ μεγάλων ποταμῶν ἐκ τῆς Ἀσίας ἐκβαλλόντων, ἔτι δὲ μειζόνων καὶ πλειόνων ἐκ τῆς Εὐρώπης, συμβαίνει τὴν μὲν Μαιῶτιν ἀναπληρουμένην ὑπὸ τούτων ῥεῖν εἰς τὸν Πόντον διὰ τοῦ στόματος, τὸν δὲ Πόντον εἰς τὴν Προποντίδα.

[3] καλεῖται δὲ τὸ μὲν τῆς Μαιώτιδος στόμα Κιμμερικὸς Βόσπορος, ὃ τὸ μὲν πλάτος ἔχει περὶ τριάκοντα στάδια, τὸ δὲ μῆκος ἑξήκοντα, πᾶν δʼ ἐστὶν ἁλιτενές·

[4] τὸ δὲ τοῦ Πόντου παραπλησίως ὀνομάζεται μὲν Βόσπορος Θρᾴκιος, ἔστι δὲ τὸ μὲν μῆκος ἐφʼ ἑκατὸν καὶ εἴκοσι στάδια, τὸ δὲ πλάτος οὐ πάντη ταὐτόν.

[5] ἄρχει δὲ τοῦ στόματος ἀπὸ μὲν τῆς Προποντίδος τὸ κατὰ Καλχηδόνα διάστημα καὶ Βυζάντιον,

[6] ὃ δεκατεττάρων ἐστὶ σταδίων, ἀπὸ δὲ τοῦ Πόντου τὸ καλούμενον Ἱερόν, ἐφʼ οὗ τόπου φασὶ κατὰ τὴν ἐκ Κόλχων ἀνακομιδὴν Ἰάσονα θῦσαι πρῶτον τοῖς δώδεκα θεοῖς· ὃ κεῖται μὲν ἐπὶ τῆς Ἀσίας, ἀπέχει δὲ τῆς Εὐρώπης ἐπὶ δώδεκα στάδια πρὸς τὸ καταντικρὺ κείμενον Σαραπιεῖον τῆς Θρᾴκης.

[7] τοῦ δὲ ῥεῖν ἔξω κατὰ τὸ συνεχὲς τήν τε Μαιῶτιν καὶ τὸν Πόντον εἰσὶν αἰτίαι διτταί, μία μὲν αὐτόθεν καὶ πᾶσι προφανής, καθʼ ἥν, πολλῶν εἰσπιπτόντων ῥευμάτων εἰς περιγραφὴν ἀγγείων ὡρισμένων, πλεῖον ἀεὶ καὶ πλεῖον γίνεται τὸ ὑγρόν,

[8] ὃ μηδεμιᾶς μὲν ὑπαρχούσης ἐκρύσεως δέον ἂν ἦν προσαναβαῖνον ἀεὶ μείζω καὶ πλείω τοῦ κοιλώματος περιλαμβάνειν τόπον, ὑπαρχουσῶν δʼ ἐκρύσεων ἀνάγκη τὸ προσγινόμενον καὶ πλεονάζον ὑπερπῖπτον ἀπορρεῖν καὶ φέρεσθαι συνεχῶς διὰ τῶν ὑπαρχόντων στομάτων·

[9] δευτέρα δέ, καθʼ ἥν, πολὺν καὶ παντοδαπὸν χοῦν εἰσφερόντων εἰς τὰ προειρημένα κοιλώματα τῶν ποταμῶν κατὰ τὰς τῶν ὄμβρων ἐπιτάσεις, ἐκπιεζόμενον τὸ ὑγρὸν ὑπὸ τῶν συνισταμένων ἐγχωμάτων ἀεὶ προσαναβαίνει καὶ φέρεται κατὰ τὸν αὐτὸν λόγον διὰ τῶν ὑπαρχουσῶν ἐκρύσεων.

[10] τῆς δʼ ἐγχώσεως καὶ τῆς ἐπιρρύσεως ἀδιαπαύστου καὶ συνεχοῦς γινομένης ἐκ τῶν ποταμῶν, καὶ τὴν ἀπόρρυσιν ἀδιάπαυστον καὶ συνεχῆ γίνεσθαι διὰ τῶν στομάτων ἀναγκαῖον.

[11] αἱ μὲν οὖν ἀληθεῖς αἰτίαι τοῦ ῥεῖν ἔξω τὸν Πόντον αἵδʼ εἰσίν, οὐκ ἐξ ἐμπορικῶν ἔχουσαι διηγημάτων τὴν πίστιν, ἀλλʼ ἐκ τῆς κατὰ φύσιν θεω

[1] ρίας, ἧς ἀκριβεστέραν εὑρεῖν οὐ ῥᾴδιον· ἐπεὶ δʼ ἐπὶ τὸν τόπον ἐπέστημεν, οὐδὲν ἀφετέον ἀργὸν οὐδʼ ἐν αὐτῇ τῇ φάσει κείμενον, ὅπερ οἱ πλεῖστοι ποιεῖν εἰώθασι τῶν συγγραφέων, ἀποδεικτικῇ δὲ μᾶλλον τῇ διηγήσει χρηστέον, ἵνα μηδὲν ἄπορον ἀπολείπωμεν τῶν ζητουμένων τοῖς φιληκόοις.

[2] τοῦτο γὰρ ἴδιόν ἐστι τῶν νῦν καιρῶν, ἐν οἷς πάντων πλωτῶν καὶ πορευτῶν γεγονότων οὐκ ἂν ἔτι πρέπον εἴη ποιηταῖς καὶ μυθογράφοις χρῆσθαι μάρτυσι περὶ τῶν ἀγνοουμένων,

[3] ὅπερ οἱ πρὸ ἡμῶν πεποιήκασι περὶ τῶν πλείστων, ἀπίστους ἀμφισβητουμένων παρεχόμενοι βεβαιωτὰς κατὰ τὸν Ἡράκλειτον, πειρατέον δὲ διʼ αὐτῆς τῆς ἱστορίας ἱκανὴν παριστάναι πίστιν τοῖς ἀκούουσι.

[4] φαμὲν δὴ χώννυσθαι μὲν καὶ πάλαι καὶ νῦν τὸν Πόντον, χρόνῳ γε μὴν ὁλοσχερῶς ἐγχωσθήσεσθαι τήν τε Μαιῶτιν καὶ τοῦτον, μενούσης γε δὴ τῆς αὐτῆς τάξεως περὶ τοὺς τόπους, καὶ τῶν αἰτίων τῆς ἐγχώσεως ἐνεργούντων κατὰ τὸ συνεχές.

[5] ὅταν γὰρ ὁ μὲν χρόνος ἄπειρος ᾖ, τὰ δὲ κοιλώματα πάντη πάντως ὡρισμένα, δῆλον ὡς, κἂν τὸ τυχὸν εἰσφέρηται, πληρωθήσονται τῷ χρόνῳ.

[6] κατὰ φύσιν γὰρ τὸ πεπερασμένον ἐν ἀπείρῳ χρόνῳ συνεχῶς γινόμενον ἢ φθειρόμενον, κἂν κατʼ ἐλάχιστον γίνηται — τοῦτο γὰρ νοείσθω νῦν — ἀνάγκη τελειωθῆναι κατὰ τὴν πρόθεσιν.

[7] ὅταν δὲ μὴ τὸ τυχόν, ἀλλὰ καὶ λίαν πολύς τις εἰσφέρηται χοῦς, φανερὸν ὡς οὐ ποτέ, ταχέως δὲ συμβήσεται γενέσθαι τὸ νῦν δὴ λεγόμενον ὑφʼ ἡμῶν.

[8] ὃ δὴ καὶ φαίνεται γινόμενον. τὴν μὲν οὖν Μαιῶτιν ἤδη κεχῶσθαι συμβαίνει· τὸ γάρ τοι πλεῖστον αὐτῆς μέρος ἐν ἑπτὰ καὶ πέντε ὀργυιαῖς ἐστι· διὸ καὶ πλεῖν αὐτὴν οὐκέτι δύνανται ναυσὶ μεγάλαις χωρὶς καθηγεμόνος.

[9] οὖσά τʼ ἐξ ἀρχῆς θάλαττα σύρρους τῷ Πόντῳ, καθάπερ οἱ παλαιοὶ συμφωνοῦσι, νῦν ἐστι λίμνη γλυκεῖα, τῆς μὲν θαλάττης ἐκπεπιεσμένης ὑπὸ τῶν ἐγχωμάτων, τῆς δὲ τῶν ποταμῶν εἰσβολῆς ἐπικρατούσης.

[10] ἔσται δὲ καὶ περὶ τὸν Πόντον παραπλήσιον, καὶ γίνεται νῦν· ἀλλʼ οὐ λίαν τοῖς πολλοῖς ἐστι καταφανὲς διὰ τὸ μέγεθος τοῦ κοιλώματος. τοῖς μέντοι γε βραχέα συνεπιστήσασι καὶ νῦν

[1] ἐστι δῆλον τὸ γινόμενον. τοῦ γὰρ Ἴστρου πλείοσι στόμασιν ἀπὸ τῆς Εὐρώπης εἰς τὸν Πόντον εἰσβάλλοντος, συμβαίνει πρὸς τοῦτον σχεδὸν ἐπὶ χίλια στάδια συνεστάναι ταινίαν ἡμέρας δρόμον ἀπέχουσαν τῆς γῆς [ἥτις νῦν συνέστηκεν] ἐκ τῆς τοῖς στόμασιν εἰσφερομένης ἰλύος·

[2] ἐφʼ ἣν ἔτι πελάγιοι τρέχοντες οἱ πλέοντες τὸν Πόντον λανθάνουσιν ἐποκέλλοντες νυκτὸς ἐπὶ τοὺς τόπους. καλοῦσι δʼ αὐτοὺς οἱ ναυτικοὶ Στήθη.

[3] τοῦ δὲ μὴ παρʼ αὐτὴν συνίστασθαι τὴν γῆν, ἀλλʼ ἐπὶ τὸ πολὺ προωθεῖσθαι τὸν χοῦν, ταύτην νομιστέον εἶναι τὴν αἰτίαν.

[4] ἐφʼ ὅσον μὲν γὰρ αἱ ῥύσεις τῶν ποταμῶν διὰ τὴν βίαν τῆς φορᾶς ἐπικρατοῦσι καὶ διωθοῦνται τὴν θάλατταν, ἐπὶ τοσοῦτο καὶ τὴν γῆν καὶ πάντα τὰ φερόμενα τοῖς ῥεύμασιν ἀνάγκη προωθεῖσθαι καὶ μὴ λαμβάνειν μονὴν μηδὲ στάσιν ἁπλῶς·

[5] ὅταν δὲ διὰ τὸ βάθος ἤδη καὶ πλῆθος τῆς θαλάττης ἐκλύηται τὰ ῥεύματα, τότʼ εἰκὸς ἤδη κατὰ φύσιν φερόμενον κάτω μονὴν καὶ στάσιν λαμβάνειν τὸν χοῦν.

[6] διʼ ἃ δὴ τῶν μὲν λάβρων καὶ μεγάλων ποταμῶν τὰ μὲν χώματα μακρὰν συνίσταται, τὰ δὲ παρὰ τὴν χέρσον ἐστὶν ἀγχιβαθῆ, τῶν δʼ ἐλαττόνων καὶ πρᾴως ῥεόντων παρʼ αὐτὰς τὰς εἰσβολὰς οἱ θῖνες συνίστανται.

[7] μάλιστα δʼ ἔκδηλον γίνεται τοῦτο κατὰ τὰς τῶν ὄμβρων ἐπιφοράς· καὶ γὰρ τὰ τυχόντα τότε τῶν ῥείθρων, ἐπειδὰν ἐπικρατήσωσι τοῦ κύματος κατὰ τὴν εἰσβολήν, προωθοῦσι τὸν χοῦν εἰς θάλατταν ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον ὥστε πρὸς λόγον ἑκάστου γίνεσθαι τὴν ἀπόστασιν τῇ βίᾳ τῶν ἐμπιπτόντων ῥευμάτων.

[8] τῷ δὲ μεγέθει τῆς προειρημένης ταινίας καὶ καθόλου τῷ πλήθει τῶν εἰσφερομένων λίθων καὶ ξύλων καὶ γῆς ὑπὸ τῶν ποταμῶν οὐδαμῶς ἀπιστητέον —

[9] εὔηθες γάρ — θεωροῦντας ὑπὸ τὴν ὄψιν τὸν τυχόντα χειμάρρουν ἐν βραχεῖ χρόνῳ πολλάκις ἐκχαραδροῦντα μὲν καὶ διακόπτοντα τόπους ἠλιβάτους, φέροντα δὲ πᾶν γένος ὕλης καὶ γῆς καὶ λίθων, ἐπιχώσεις δὲ ποιούμενον τηλικαύτας ὥστʼ ἀλλοιοῦν ἐνίοτε καὶ μηδὲ γινώσκειν ἐν βραχεῖ χρόνῳ

[1] τοὺς αὐτοὺς τόπους. ἐξ ὧν οὐκ εἰκὸς θαυμάζειν πῶς οἱ τηλικοῦτοι καὶ τοιοῦτοι ποταμοὶ συνεχῶς ῥέοντες ἀπεργάζονταί τι τῶν προειρημένων καὶ τέλος ἐκπληροῦσι τὸν Πόντον.

[2] οὐ γὰρ εἰκός, ἀλλʼ ἀναγκαῖον γενέσθαι τοῦτό γε προφαίνεται κατὰ τὸν ὀρθὸν λόγον.

[3] σημεῖον δὲ τοῦ μέλλοντος· ὅσῳ γάρ ἐστι νῦν ἡ Μαιῶτις γλυκυτέρα τῆς Ποντικῆς θαλάττης, οὕτως θεωρεῖται διαφέρουσα προφανῶς ἡ Ποντικὴ τῆς καθʼ ἡμᾶς.

[4] ἐξ ὧν δῆλον ὡς, ὅταν ὁ χρόνος, ἐν ᾧ πεπληρῶσθαι συμβαίνει τὴν Μαιῶτιν, τοῦτον λάβῃ τὸν λόγον πρὸς τὸν χρόνον, ὃν ἔχει τὸ μέγεθος τοῦ κοιλώματος πρὸς τὸ κοίλωμα, τότε συμβήσεται καὶ τὸν Πόντον τεναγώδη καὶ γλυκὺν καὶ λιμνώδη γενέσθαι παραπλησίως τῇ Μαιώτιδι λίμνῃ.

[5] καὶ θᾶττον δὲ τοῦτον ὑποληπτέον. ὅσῳ μείζους καὶ πλείους εἰσὶν αἱ ῥύσεις τῶν εἰς τοῦτον ἐκπιπτόντων ποταμῶν.

[6] ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ἡμῖν εἰρήσθω πρὸς τοὺς ἀπίστως διακειμένους, εἰ δὴ χώννυσθαι νῦν καὶ χωσθήσεσθαί ποτε συμβήσεται τὸν Πόντον καὶ λίμνη καὶ τέναγος ἔσται τὸ τηλικοῦτον πέλαγος.

[7] ἔτι δὲ μᾶλλον εἰρήσθω καὶ τῆς τῶν πλοϊζομένων ψευδολογίας καὶ τερατείας χάριν, ἵνα μὴ παντὶ τῷ λεγομένῳ προσκεχηνέναι παιδικῶς ἀναγκαζώμεθα διὰ τὴν ἀπειρίαν, ἔχοντες δʼ ἴχνη τῆς ἀληθείας ἐπὶ ποσὸν ἐξ αὐτῶν ἐπικρίνειν δυνώμεθα τὸ λεγόμενον ὑπό τινων ἀληθῶς ἢ τοὐναντίον.

[8] ἐπὶ δὲ τὸ συνεχὲς τῆς εὐκαιρίας τῶν Βυζαντίων ἐπάνιμεν.

[1] τοῦ δὴ στόματος τοῦ τὸν Πόντον καὶ τὴν Προποντίδα συνάπτοντος ὄντος ἑκατὸν εἴκοσι σταδίων τὸ μῆκος, καθάπερ ἀρτίως εἶπον, καὶ τοῦ μὲν Ἱεροῦ τὸ πρὸς τὸν Πόντον πέρας ὁρίζοντος, τοῦ δὲ κατὰ Βυζάντιον διαστήματος τὸ πρὸς τὴν Προποντίδα,

[2] μεταξὺ τούτων ἐστὶν Ἑρμαῖον, τῆς Εὐρώπης ἐπὶ προοχῆς τινος ἀκρωτηριαζούσης ἐν τῷ στόματι κείμενον, ὃ τῆς μὲν Ἀσίας ἀπέχει περὶ πέντε στάδια, κατὰ τὸν στενώτατον δὲ τόπον ὑπάρχει τοῦ παντὸς στόματος· ᾗ καὶ Δαρεῖον ζεῦξαί φασι τὸν πόρον, καθʼ ὃν χρόνον ἐποιεῖτο τὴν ἐπὶ Σκύθας διάβασιν.

[3] κατὰ μὲν δὴ τὸν ἄλλον τόπον ἀπὸ τοῦ Πόντου παραπλήσιός ἐστιν ἡ φορὰ τοῦ ῥεύματος διὰ τὴν ὁμοιότητα τῶν παρʼ ἑκάτερον τὸ μέρος τῷ στόματι παρηκόντων τόπων·

[4] ἐπὰν δʼ εἰς τὸ τῆς Εὐρώπης Ἑρμαῖον, ᾗ στενώτατον ἔφαμεν εἶναι, φερόμενος ἐκ τοῦ Πόντου καὶ συγκλειόμενος ὁ ῥοῦς βίᾳ προσπέσῃ, τότε δὴ τραπεὶς ὥσπερ ἀπὸ πληγῆς ἐμπίπτει τοῖς ἀντιπέρας τῆς Ἀσίας τόποις.

[5] ἐκεῖθεν δὲ πάλιν, οἷον ἐξ ὑποστροφῆς, τὴν ἀνταπόδοσιν ποιεῖται πρὸς τὰ περὶ τὰς Ἑστίας ἄκρα καλούμενα τῆς Εὐρώπης.

[6] ὅθεν αὖθις ὁρμήσας προσπίπτει πρὸς τὴν Βοῦν καλουμένην, ὅς ἐστι τῆς Ἀσίας τόπος, ἐφʼ ὃν ἐπιστῆναί φασι πρῶτον οἱ μῦθοι τὴν Ἰὼ περαιωθεῖσαν.

[7] πλὴν ὅ γε ῥοῦς τὸ τελευταῖον ὁρμήσας ἀπὸ τῆς Βοὸς ἐπʼ αὐτὸ φέρεται τὸ Βυζάντιον, περισχισθεὶς δὲ περὶ τὴν πόλιν βραχὺ μὲν εἰς τὸν κόλπον αὑτοῦ διορίζει τὸν καλούμενον Κέρας, τὸ δὲ πλεῖον πάλιν ἀπονεύει.

[8] διευτονεῖν μὲν οὖν οὐκέτι δύναται πρὸς τὴν ἀντιπέρας χώραν, ἐφʼ ἧς ἐστι Καλχηδών·

[9] πλεονάκις γὰρ τὴν ἀνταπόδοσιν πεποιημένος, καὶ τοῦ πόρου πλάτος ἔχοντος, ἤδη περὶ τοῦτον τὸν τόπον ἐκλυόμενος ὁ ῥοῦς οὐκέτι βραχείας πρὸς ὀξεῖαν γωνίαν ποιεῖται τὰς ἀνακλάσεις ἐπὶ τὴν περαίαν, ἀλλὰ μᾶλλον πρὸς ἀμβλεῖαν·

[10] διόπερ ἀπολιπὼν τὴν τῶν Καλχηδονίων πόλιν φέρεται

[1] διὰ πόρου. καὶ τὸ ποιοῦν τὴν μὲν τῶν Βυζαντίων πόλιν εὐκαιροτάτην, τὴν δὲ τῶν Καλχηδονίων τἀναντία, τοῦτʼ ἔστι τὸ νῦν ὑφʼ ἡμῶν εἰρημένον, καίπερ ἀπὸ τῆς ὄψεως ὁμοίας ἀμφοτέραις δοκούσης εἶναι τῆς θέσεως πρὸς τὴν εὐκαιρίαν.

[2] ἀλλʼ ὅμως εἰς τὴν μὲν βουληθέντα καταπλεῦσʼ οὐ ῥᾴδιον, πρὸς ἣν δέ, κἂν μὴ βούλῃ, φέρει κατʼ ἀνάγκην ὁ ῥοῦς, καθάπερ ἀρτίως εἴπομεν.

[3] σημεῖον δὲ τούτου· ἐκ Καλχηδόνος γὰρ οἱ βουλόμενοι διαίρειν εἰς Βυζάντιον οὐ δύνανται πλεῖν κατʼ εὐθεῖαν διὰ τὸν μεταξὺ ῥοῦν, ἀλλὰ παράγουσιν ἐπί τε τὴν Βοῦν καὶ τὴν καλουμένην Χρυσόπολιν,

[4] ἣν Ἀθηναῖοι τότε κατασχόντες Ἀλκιβιάδου γνώμῃ παραγωγιάζειν ἐπεβάλοντο πρῶτον τοὺς εἰς Πόντον πλέοντας, τὸ δʼ ἔμπροσθεν ἀφιᾶσι κατὰ ῥοῦν, ᾧ φέρονται κατʼ ἀνάγκην πρὸς τὸ Βυζάντιον.

[5] ὅμοια δὲ τούτοις καὶ τὰ κατὰ τὸν ἐπὶ θάτερα πλοῦν ἐστι τῆς Βυζαντίων πόλεως·

[6] ἄν τε γὰρ ἀφʼ Ἑλλησπόντου τρέχῃ τις τοῖς νότοις ἄν τʼ ἐπὶ τὸν Ἑλλήσποντον ἐκ τοῦ Πόντου τοῖς ἐτησίοις, παρὰ μὲν τὴν Εὐρώπην ἐκ τῆς Βυζαντίων πόλεως ὀρθός, ἅμα δʼ εὐπαρακόμιστός ἐστιν ὁ πλοῦς ἐπὶ τὰ τῆς Προποντίδος στενὰ κατʼ Ἄβυδον καὶ Σηστόν, κἀκεῖθεν ὡσαύτως πάλιν ἐπὶ τὸ Βυζάντιον,

[7] ἀπὸ δὲ Καλχηδόνος παρὰ τὴν Ἀσίαν τἀναντία τούτοις διὰ τὸ κολπώδη τὸν παράπλουν ὑπάρχειν καὶ προτείνειν πολὺ τὴν τῶν Κυζικηνῶν χώραν.

[8] ἀφʼ Ἑλλησπόντου γὰρ φερόμενον εἰς Καλχηδόνα χρήσασθαι τῷ παρὰ τὴν Εὐρώπην πλῷ, κἄπειτα συνεγγίζοντα τοῖς κατὰ Βυζάντιον τόποις κάμπτειν καὶ προστρέχειν πρὸς τὴν Καλχηδόνα διὰ τὸν ῥοῦν καὶ τὰ προειρημένα δυσχερές.

[9] ὁμοίως δὲ πάλιν ἐκπλέοντα προστρέχειν εὐθέως τῇ Θρᾴκῃ τελέως ἀδύνατον διά τε τὸν μεταξὺ ῥοῦν καὶ διὰ τὸ τοὺς ἀνέμους ἑκατέρους ἀντιπίπτειν πρὸς ἀμφοτέρας τὰς ἐπιβολάς,

[10] ἐπειδήπερ εἰσάγει μὲν εἰς τὸν Πόντον νότος, ἐξάγει δὲ βορέας, καὶ τούτοις ἀνάγκη χρῆσθαι πρὸς ἑκάτερον τὸν δρόμον τοῖς ἀνέμοις.

[11] τὰ μὲν οὖν τὴν κατὰ θάλατταν εὐκαιρίαν ποιοῦντα Βυζαντίοις ταῦτʼ ἔστι, τὰ δὲ τὴν κατὰ γῆν

[1] ἀκαιρίαν τὰ μέλλοντα ῥηθήσεσθαι. τῆς γὰρ Θρᾴκης κύκλῳ περιεχούσης αὐτῶν τὴν χώραν οὕτως ὥστʼ ἐκ θαλάττης εἰς θάλατταν καθήκειν, ἀίδιον ἔχουσι πόλεμον καὶ δυσχερῆ πρὸς τούτους.

[2] οὔτε γὰρ παρασκευασάμενοι καὶ κρατήσαντες αὐτῶν εἰσάπαξ ἀποτρίψασθαι τὸν πόλεμον οἷοί τʼ εἰσὶ διὰ τὸ πλῆθος καὶ τῶν ὄχλων καὶ τῶν δυναστῶν·

[3] ἐὰν τοῦ γὰρ ἑνὸς περιγένωνται, τρεῖς ἐπιβαίνουσιν ἐπὶ τὴν τούτων χώραν ἄλλοι βαρύτεροι δυνάσται.

[4] καὶ μὴν οὐδʼ εἴξαντες καὶ συγκαταβάντες εἰς φόρους καὶ συνθήκας οὐδὲν ποιοῦσι πλέον· ἂν γὰρ ἑνὶ πρόωνταί τι, πενταπλασίους διʼ αὐτὸ τοῦτο πολεμίους εὑρίσκουσι.

[5] διόπερ ἀιδίῳ συνέχονται καὶ δυσχερεῖ πολέμῳ· τί γὰρ ἐπισφαλέστερον ἀστυγείτονος καὶ βαρβάρου πολέμου;

[6] τί δεινότερον; οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ τούτοις τὸ παράπαν κακοῖς παλαίοντες κατὰ γῆν, χωρὶς τῶν ἄλλων τῶν παρεπομένων τῷ πολέμῳ κακῶν, ὑπομένουσί τινα καὶ τιμωρίαν Ταντάλειον κατὰ τὸν ποιητήν·

[7] ἔχοντες γὰρ χώραν γενναιοτάτην, ὅταν διαπονήσωσι ταύτην καὶ γένηται τὸ τῶν καρπῶν πλῆθος τῷ κάλλει διαφέρον, κἄπειτα παραγενηθέντες οἱ βάρβαροι τοὺς μὲν καταφθείρωσι, τοὺς δὲ συναθροίσαντες ἀποφέρωσι,

[8] τότε δὴ χωρὶς τῶν ἔργων καὶ τῆς δαπάνης καὶ τὴν καταφθορὰν θεώμενοι διὰ τὸ κάλλος τῶν καρπῶν σχετλιάζουσι καὶ βαρέως φέρουσι τὸ συμβαῖνον.

[9] ἀλλʼ ὅμως τὸν μὲν ἀπὸ τῶν Θρᾳκῶν πόλεμον κατὰ τὴν συνήθειαν ἀναφέροντες ἔμενον ἐπὶ τῶν ἐξ ἀρχῆς δικαίων πρὸς τοὺς Ἕλληνας·

[10] προσεπιγενομένων δὲ Γαλατῶν αὐτοῖς τῶν περὶ Κομοντόριον

[1] εἰς πᾶν ἦλθον περιστάσεως. οὗτοι δʼ ἐκίνησαν μὲν ἅμα τοῖς περὶ Βρέννον ἐκ τῆς οἰκείας, διαφυγόντες δὲ τὸν περὶ Δελφοὺς κίνδυνον, καὶ παραγενόμενοι πρὸς τὸν Ἑλλήσποντον, εἰς μὲν τὴν Ἀσίαν οὐκ ἐπεραιώθησαν, αὐτοῦ δὲ κατέμειναν διὰ τὸ φιλοχωρῆσαι τοῖς περὶ τὸ Βυζάντιον τόποις.

[2] οἳ καὶ κρατήσαντες τῶν Θρᾳκῶν, καὶ κατασκευασάμενοι βασίλειον τὴν Τύλιν, εἰς ὁλοσχερῆ κίνδυνον ἦγον τοὺς Βυζαντίους.

[3] κατὰ μὲν οὖν τὰς ἀρχὰς ἐν ταῖς ἐφόδοις αὐτῶν ταῖς κατὰ Κομοντόριον τὸν πρῶτον βασιλεύσαντα δῶρα διετέλουν οἱ Βυζάντιοι διδόντες ἀνὰ τρισχιλίους καὶ πεντακισχιλίους, ποτὲ δὲ καὶ μυρίους χρυσοῦς, ἐφʼ ᾧ μὴ καταφθείρειν τὴν χώραν αὐτῶν.

[4] τέλος δʼ ἠναγκάσθησαν ὀγδοήκοντα τάλαντα συγχωρῆσαι φόρον τελεῖν κατʼ ἐνιαυτὸν ἕως εἰς Καύαρον, ἐφʼ οὗ κατελύθη μὲν ἡ βασιλεία, τὸ δὲ γένος αὐτῶν ἐξεφθάρη πᾶν, ὑπὸ Θρᾳκῶν ἐκ μεταβολῆς ἐπικρατηθέν.

[5] ἐν οἷς καιροῖς ὑπὸ τῶν φόρων πιεζούμενοι τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ἐπρέσβευον πρὸς τοὺς Ἕλληνας, δεόμενοι σφίσι βοηθεῖν καὶ συγχορηγεῖν εἰς τοὺς περιεστῶτας καιρούς·

[6] τῶν δὲ πλείστων παρολιγωρούντων, ἐνεχείρησαν ἀπαναγκασθέντες παρ

[1] αγωγιάζειν τοὺς εἰς τὸν Πόντον πλέοντας. μεγάλης δὲ γενομένης τῆς ἀλυσιτελείας καὶ δυσχρηστίας πᾶσιν ἐκ τοῦ τέλος πράττειν τοὺς Βυζαντίους τῶν ἐξαγομένων ἐκ τοῦ Πόντου, δεινὸν ἡγοῦντο, καὶ πάντες ἐνεκάλουν οἱ πλοϊζόμενοι τοῖς Ῥοδίοις διὰ τὸ δοκεῖν τούτους προεστάναι τῶν κατὰ θάλατταν. ἐξ οὗ συνέβη φῦναι τὸν πόλεμον,

[2] ὑπὲρ οὗ νῦν ἡμεῖς ἱστορεῖν μέλλομεν.

οἱ γὰρ Ῥόδιοι,

[3] συνεξεγερθέντες ἅμα μὲν διὰ τὴν σφετέραν βλάβην, ἅμα δὲ καὶ διὰ τὴν τῶν πέλας ἐλάττωσιν, τὸ μὲν πρῶτον παραλαβόντες τοὺς συμμάχους ἐπρέσβευον πρὸς τοὺς Βυζαντίους, ἀξιοῦντες καταλύσειν αὐτοὺς τὸ παραγώγιον·

[4] οὐκ ἐντρεπομένων δὲ τοῖς ὅλοις, ἀλλὰ πεπεισμένων δίκαια λέγειν ἐκ τῆς ἀντικαταστάσεως τῆς γενομένης παρʼ αὐτοῖς τῶν περὶ τὸν Ἑκατόδωρον καὶ Ὀλυμπιόδωρον πρὸς τοὺς τῶν Ῥοδίων πρεσβευτάς —

[5] οὗτοι γὰρ τότε προέστησαν τοῦ τῶν Βυζαντίων πολιτεύματος — τότε μὲν ἀπηλλάγησαν οἱ Ῥόδιοι περάναντες οὐδέν,

[6] ἐπανελθόντες δὲ τὸν πόλεμον ἐψηφίσαντο τοῖς Βυζαντίοις διὰ τὰς προειρημένας αἰτίας.

[7] καὶ παραυτίκα πρεσβευτὰς ἐξαπέστελλον πρὸς Προυσίαν, παρακαλοῦντες καὶ τοῦτον εἰς τὸν πόλεμον· ᾔδεσαν γὰρ τὸν Προυσίαν παρατριβόμενον ἔκ τινων πρὸς τοὺς

[1] Βυζαντίους. τὸ δὲ παραπλήσιον ἐποίουν καὶ Βυζάντιοι· πρός τε γὰρ Ἄτταλον καὶ πρὸς Ἀχαιὸν ἔπεμπον πρέσβεις, δεόμενοι σφίσι βοηθεῖν.

[2] ὁ μὲν οὖν Ἄτταλος ἦν πρόθυμος, εἶχε δὲ βραχεῖαν τότε ῥοπήν, ὡς ἂν ὑπʼ Ἀχαιοῦ συνεληλαμένος εἰς τὴν πατρῴαν ἀρχήν·

[3] ὁ δʼ Ἀχαιός, κρατῶν μὲν τῆς ἐπὶ τάδε τοῦ Ταύρου, βασιλέα δὲ προσφάτως αὑτὸν ἀναδεδειχώς, ἐπηγγέλλετο βοηθήσειν.

[4] ὑπάρχων δʼ ἐπὶ ταύτης τῆς προαιρέσεως, τοῖς μὲν Βυζαντίοις μεγάλην ἐλπίδα παρεσκεύαζε, τοῖς δὲ Ῥοδίοις καὶ Προυσίᾳ τἀναντία κατάπληξιν.

[5] Ἀχαιὸς γὰρ ἦν μὲν Ἀντιόχου συγγενὴς τοῦ παρειληφότος τὴν ἐν Συρίᾳ βασιλείαν, ἐγκρατὴς δʼ ἐγένετο τῆς προειρημένης δυναστείας διά τινας τοιαύτας αἰτίας.

[6] Σελεύκου μεταλλάξαντος τὸν βίον, ὃς ἦν Ἀντιόχου τοῦ προειρημένου πατήρ, διαδεξαμένου δὲ τὴν βασιλείαν Σελεύκου πρεσβυτάτου τῶν υἱῶν, ἅμα τούτῳ διὰ τὴν οἰκειότητα συνυπερέβαλε τὸν Ταῦρον, δυσὶ μάλιστά πως ἔτεσι πρότερον τῶν νῦν λεγομένων καιρῶν.

[7] Σέλευκος γὰρ ὁ νέος ὡς θᾶττον παρέλαβε τὴν βασιλείαν, πυνθανόμενος Ἄτταλον πᾶσαν ἤδη τὴν ἐπὶ τάδε τοῦ Ταύρου δυναστείαν ὑφʼ αὑτὸν πεποιῆσθαι, παρωρμήθη βοηθεῖν τοῖς σφετέροις πράγμασιν.

[8] ὑπερβαλὼν δὲ μεγάλῃ δυνάμει τὸν Ταῦρον, καὶ δολοφονηθεὶς ὑπό τʼ Ἀπατουρίου τοῦ Γαλάτου καὶ Νικάνορος, μετήλλαξε τὸν βίον.

[9] Ἀχαιὸς δὲ κατὰ τὴν ἀναγκαιότητα τὸν φόνον αὐτοῦ μετῆλθε παραχρῆμα, τοὺς περὶ τὸν Νικάνορα καὶ τὸν Ἀπατούριον ἀποκτείνας, τῶν τε δυνάμεων καὶ τῶν ὅλων πραγμάτων φρονίμως καὶ μεγαλοψύχως προέστη.

[10] τῶν γὰρ καιρῶν παρόντων αὐτῷ, καὶ τῆς τῶν ὄχλων ὁρμῆς συνεργούσης εἰς τὸ διάδημα περιθέσθαι, τοῦτο μὲν οὐ προείλετο ποιῆσαι, τηρῶν δὲ τὴν βασιλείαν Ἀντιόχῳ τῷ νεωτέρῳ τῶν υἱῶν, ἐνεργῶς ἐπιπορευόμενος ἀνεκτᾶτο τὴν ἐπὶ τάδε τοῦ Ταύρου πᾶσαν.

[11] τῶν δὲ πραγμάτων αὐτῷ παραδόξως εὐροούντων, ἐπεὶ τὸν μὲν Ἄτταλον εἰς αὐτὸ τὸ Πέργαμον συνέκλεισε, τῶν δὲ λοιπῶν πάντων ἦν ἐγκρατής, ἐπαρθεὶς τοῖς εὐτυχήμασι παρὰ πόδας ἐξώκειλε.

[12] καὶ διάδημα περιθέμενος καὶ βασιλέα προσαγορεύσας αὑτὸν βαρύτατος ἦν τότε καὶ φοβερώτατος τῶν ἐπὶ τάδε τοῦ Ταύρου βασιλέων καὶ δυναστῶν·

[13] ᾧ καὶ μάλιστα τότε Βυζάντιοι πιστεύσαντες ἀνεδέξαντο τὸν πρὸς τοὺς Ῥοδίους καὶ Προυσίαν πόλεμον.

[1] ὁ δὲ Προυσίας ἐνεκάλει μὲν πρότερον τοῖς Βυζαντίοις ὅτι ψηφισαμένων τινὰς εἰκόνας αὐτοῦ ταύτας οὐκ ἀνετίθεσαν, ἀλλʼ εἰς ἐπισυρμὸν καὶ λήθην ἄγοιεν,

[2] δυσηρέστει δʼ αὐτοῖς καὶ ἐπὶ τῷ πᾶσαν προσενέγκασθαι φιλονεικίαν εἰς τὸ διαλῦσαι τὴν Ἀχαιοῦ πρὸς Ἄτταλον ἔχθραν καὶ τὸν πόλεμον, νομίζων κατὰ πολλοὺς τρόπους ἀλυσιτελῆ τοῖς αὑτοῦ πράγμασιν ὑπάρχειν τὴν ἐκείνων φιλίαν.

[3] ἠρέθιζε δʼ αὐτὸν καὶ τὸ δοκεῖν Βυζαντίους πρὸς μὲν Ἄτταλον εἰς τοὺς τῆς Ἀθηνᾶς ἀγῶνας τοὺς συνθύσοντας ἐξαπεσταλκέναι, πρὸς αὐτὸν δʼ εἰς τὰ Σωτήρια μηδένα πεπομφέναι.

[4] διόπερ ἐκ πάντων τούτων ὑποικουρουμένης παρʼ αὐτῷ τῆς ὀργῆς, ἄσμενος ἐπελάβετο τῆς τῶν Ῥοδίων προφάσεως, καὶ συγκαταθέμενος τοῖς πρεσβευταῖς ἐκείνους μὲν ᾤετο δεῖν κατὰ θάλατταν πολεμεῖν, αὐτὸς δὲ κατὰ γῆν οὐκ ἐλάττω βλάψειν ἔδοξε τοὺς ὑπεναντίους.

[5] ὁ μὲν οὖν Ῥοδίων πρὸς Βυζαντίους πόλεμος

[1] διὰ ταῦτα καὶ τοιαύτην ἔλαβε τὴν ἀρχήν. οἱ δὲ Βυζάντιοι τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ἐρρωμένως ἐπολέμουν, πεπεισμένοι τὸν μὲν Ἀχαιὸν σφίσι βοηθεῖν, αὐτοὶ δὲ τὸν Τιβοίτην ἐκ τῆς Μακεδονίας ἐπαγαγόντες ἀντιπεριστήσειν τῷ Προυσίᾳ φόβους καὶ κινδύνους,

[2] ὃς κατὰ τὴν προειρημένην ὁρμὴν πολεμῶν παρείλετο μὲν αὐτῶν τὸ καλούμενον ἐπὶ τοῦ στόματος Ἱερόν,

[3] ὃ Βυζάντιοι μικροῖς ἀνώτερον χρόνοις μεγάλων ὠνησάμενοι χρημάτων ἐσφετερίσαντο διὰ τὴν εὐκαιρίαν τοῦ τόπου, βουλόμενοι μηδεμίαν ἀφορμὴν μηδενὶ καταλιπεῖν μήτε κατὰ τῶν εἰς τὸν Πόντον πλεόντων ἐμπόρων μήτε περὶ τοὺς δούλους καὶ τὰς ἐξ αὐτῆς τῆς θαλάττης ἐργασίας,

[4] παρείλετο δὲ καὶ τὴν ἐπὶ τῆς Ἀσίας χώραν, ἣν κατεῖχον Βυζάντιοι τῆς Μυσίας πολλοὺς ἤδη χρόνους.

[5] οἱ δὲ Ῥόδιοι πληρώσαντες ναῦς ἕξ, ἅμα δὲ ταύταις παρὰ τῶν συμμάχων προσλαβόντες τέτταρας, καὶ ναύαρχον προχειρισάμενοι Ξενόφαντον, ἔπλεον ἐφʼ Ἑλλησπόντου δέκα ναυσί.

[6] καὶ ταῖς μὲν λοιπαῖς ὁρμοῦντες περὶ Σηστὸν ἐκώλυον τοὺς πλέοντας εἰς τὸν Πόντον, μιᾷ δʼ ἐκπλεύσας ὁ ναύαρχος κατεπείραζε τῶν Βυζαντίων, εἴ πως ἤδη μεταμελοῖντο καταπεπληγμένοι τὸν πόλεμον.

[7] τῶν δʼ οὐ προσεχόντων ἀπέπλευσε καὶ παραλαβὼν τὰς λοιπὰς ναῦς ἀπῆρε πάσαις εἰς τὴν Ῥόδον.

[8] οἱ δὲ Βυζάντιοι πρός τε τὸν Ἀχαιὸν ἔπεμπον, ἀξιοῦντες βοηθεῖν, ἐπί τε τὸν Τιβοίτην ἐξαπέστελλον τοὺς ἄξοντας αὐτὸν ἐκ τῆς Μακεδονίας·

[9] ἐδόκει γὰρ οὐχ ἧττον ἡ Βιθυνῶν ἀρχὴ Τιβοίτῃ καθήκειν ἢ Προυσίᾳ διὰ τὸ πατρὸς ἀδελφὸν

[10] αὐτὸν ὑπάρχειν τῷ Προυσίᾳ οἱ δὲ Ῥόδιοι θεωροῦντες τὴν τῶν Βυζαντίων ὑπόστασιν, πραγματικῶς διενοήθησαν πρὸς τὸ καθικέσθαι τῆς προθέ

[1] σεως. ὁρῶντες γὰρ τὸ συνέχον τοῖς Βυζαντίοις τῆς ὑπομονῆς τοῦ πολέμου κείμενον ἐν ταῖς κατὰ τὸν Ἀχαιὸν ἐλπίσι, θεωροῦντες δὲ τὸν πατέρα τὸν Ἀχαιοῦ κατεχόμενον ἐν Ἀλεξανδρείᾳ, τὸν δʼ Ἀχαιὸν περὶ πλείστου ποιούμενον τὴν τοῦ πατρὸς σωτηρίαν, ἐπεβάλοντο πρεσβεύειν πρὸς τὸν Πτολεμαῖον καὶ παραιτεῖσθαι τὸν Ἀνδρόμαχον,

[2] καὶ πρότερον μὲν ἐκ παρέργου τοῦτο πεποιηκότες, τότε δʼ ἀληθινῶς σπεύδοντες ὑπὲρ τοῦ πράγματος, ἵνα προσενεγκάμενοι πρὸς τὸν Ἀχαιὸν τὴν χάριν ταύτην ὑπόχρεων αὐτὸν ποιήσωνται πρὸς πᾶν τὸ παρακαλούμενον.

[3] ὁ δὲ Πτολεμαῖος, παραγενομένων τῶν πρέσβεων, ἐβουλεύετο μὲν παρακατέχειν τὸν Ἀνδρόμαχον, ἐλπίζων αὐτῷ χρήσεσθαι πρὸς καιρόν, διὰ τὸ τά τε πρὸς τὸν Ἀντίοχον ἄκριτα μένειν αὐτῷ, καὶ τὸ τὸν Ἀχαιὸν ἀναδεδειχότα προσφάτως αὑτὸν βασιλέα πραγμάτων εἶναι κύριον ἱκανῶν τινων·

[4] ἦν γὰρ Ἀνδρόμαχος Ἀχαιοῦ μὲν πατήρ, ἀδελφὸς δὲ Λαοδίκης τῆς Σελεύκου γυναικός.

[5] οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ προσκλίνων τοῖς Ῥοδίοις ὁ Πτολεμαῖος κατὰ τὴν ὅλην αἵρεσιν, καὶ πάντα σπεύδων χαρίζεσθαι, συνεχώρησε καὶ παρέδωκε τὸν Ἀνδρόμαχον αὐτοῖς ἀποκομίζειν ὡς τὸν υἱόν.

[6] οἱ δʼ ἐπιτελεσάμενοι τοῦτο, καὶ προσεπιμετρήσαντες τοῖς περὶ τὸν Ἀχαιὸν τιμάς τινας, παρείλαντο τὴν ὁλοσχερεστάτην ἐλπίδα τῶν Βυζαντίων.

[7] συνεκύρησε δέ τι καὶ ἕτερον τοῖς Βυζαντίοις ἄτοπον· ὁ γὰρ Τιβοίτης, καταγόμενος ἐκ τῆς Μακεδονίας, ἔσφηλε τὰς ἐπιβολὰς αὐτῶν, μεταλλάξας τὸν βίον.

[8] οὗ συμβάντος οἱ μὲν Βυζάντιοι ταῖς ὁρμαῖς ἀνέπεσον, ὁ δὲ Προυσίας ἐπιρρωσθεὶς ταῖς πρὸς τὸν πόλεμον ἐλπίσιν, ἅμα μὲν αὐτὸς ἀπὸ τῶν κατʼ Ἀσίαν μερῶν ἐπολέμει καὶ προσέκειτο τοῖς πράγμασιν ἐνεργῶς, ἅμα δὲ τοὺς Θρᾷκας μισθωσάμενος οὐκ εἴα τὰς πύλας ἐξιέναι τοὺς Βυζαντίους ἀπὸ τῶν κατὰ τὴν Εὐρώπην μερῶν.

[9] οἱ δὲ Βυζάντιοι τῶν σφετέρων ἐλπίδων ἐψευσμένοι, τῷ πολέμῳ πονοῦντες πανταχόθεν, ἐξαγωγὴν περιέβλεπον εὐ

[1] σχήμονα τῶν πραγμάτων. Καυάρου δὲ τοῦ τῶν Γαλατῶν βασιλέως παραγενομένου πρὸς τὸ Βυζάντιον, καὶ σπουδάζοντος διαλῦσαι τὸν πόλεμον καὶ διέχοντος τὰς χεῖρας φιλοτίμως, συνεχώρησαν τοῖς παρακαλουμένοις ὅ τε Προυσίας οἵ τε Βυζάντιοι.

[2] πυθόμενοι δʼ οἱ Ῥόδιοι τήν τε τοῦ Καυάρου σπουδὴν καὶ τὴν ἐντροπὴν τοῦ Προυσίου, σπουδάζοντες δὲ καὶ τὴν αὑτῶν πρόθεσιν ἐπὶ τέλος ἀγαγεῖν,

[3] πρεσβευτὴν μὲν Ἀριδίκην προεχειρίσαντο πρὸς τοὺς Βυζαντίους, Πολεμοκλῆ δὲ τρεῖς ἔχοντα τριήρεις ὁμοῦ συναπέστειλαν,

[4] βουλόμενοι τὸ δὴ λεγόμενον καὶ τὸ δόρυ καὶ τὸ κηρύκειον ἅμα πέμπειν πρὸς τοὺς Βυζαντίους. ἐπιφανέντων δὲ τούτων, ἐγένοντο διαλύσεις ἐπὶ Κώθωνος τοῦ Καλλιγείτονος ἱερομνημονοῦντος ἐν τῷ Βυζαντίῳ,

[5] πρὸς μὲν Ῥοδίους ἁπλαῖ, Βυζαντίους μὲν μηδένα πράττειν τὸ διαγώγιον τῶν εἰς τὸν Πόντον πλεόντων, Ῥοδίους δὲ καὶ τοὺς συμμάχους τούτου γενομένου τὴν εἰρήνην ἄγειν πρὸς Βυζαντίους·

[6] πρὸς δὲ Προυσίαν τοιαίδε τινές, εἶναι Προυσίᾳ καὶ Βυζαντίοις εἰρήνην καὶ φιλίαν εἰς τὸν ἅπαντα χρόνον, μὴ στρατεύειν δὲ μήτε Βυζαντίους ἐπὶ Προυσίαν τρόπῳ μηδενὶ μήτε Προυσίαν ἐπὶ Βυζαντίους·

[7] ἀποδοῦναι δὲ Προυσίαν Βυζαντίοις τάς τε χώρας καὶ τὰ φρούρια καὶ τοὺς λαοὺς καὶ τὰ πολεμικὰ σώματα χωρὶς λύτρων, πρὸς δὲ τούτοις τὰ πλοῖα τὰ κατʼ ἀρχὰς ληφθέντα τοῦ πολέμου καὶ τὰ βέλη τὰ καταληφθέντʼ ἐν τοῖς ἐρύμασιν, ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ τὰ ξύλα καὶ τὴν λιθίαν καὶ τὸν κέραμον τὸν ἐκ τοῦ Ἱεροῦ χωρίου —

[8] ὁ γὰρ Προυσίας, ἀγωνιῶν τὴν τοῦ Τιβοίτου κάθοδον, πάντα καθεῖλε τὰ δοκοῦντα τῶν φρουρίων εὐκαίρως πρός τι κεῖσθαι —

[9] ἐπαναγκάσαι δὲ Προυσίαν καὶ ὅσα τινὲς τῶν Βιθυνῶν εἶχον ἐκ τῆς Μυσίας χώρας τῆς ὑπὸ Βυζαντίους ταττομένης ἀποδοῦναι τοῖς γεωργοῖς.

[10] ὁ μὲν οὖν Ῥοδίοις καὶ Προυσίᾳ πρὸς Βυζαντίους συστὰς πόλεμος τοιαύτας ἔλαβε τὰς ἀρχὰς καὶ

[1] τὸ τέλος· κατὰ δὲ τὸν καιρὸν τοῦτον Κνώσιοι πρεσβεύσαντες πρὸς Ῥοδίους ἔπεισαν τάς τε μετὰ Πολεμοκλέους ναῦς καὶ τρία τῶν ἀφράκτων προσκατασπάσαντας αὑτοῖς ἀποστεῖλαι.

[2] γενομένου δὲ τούτου, καὶ τῶν πλοίων ἀφικομένων εἰς τὴν Κρήτην, καὶ σχόντων ὑποψίαν τῶν Ἐλευθερναίων ὅτι τὸν πολίτην αὑτῶν Τίμαρχον οἱ περὶ τὸν Πολεμοκλῆ χαριζόμενοι τοῖς Κνωσίοις ἀνῃρήκασι, τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ῥύσια κατήγγειλαν τοῖς Ῥοδίοις, μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα πόλεμον ἐξήνεγκαν.

[3] περιέπεσον δὲ καὶ Λύττιοι βραχὺ πρὸ τούτων τῶν καιρῶν ἀνηκέστῳ συμφορᾷ. καθόλου γὰρ τὰ κατὰ τὴν σύμπασαν Κρήτην ὑπῆρχεν ἐν τοιαύτῃ τινὶ τότε καταστάσει.

[4] Κνώσιοι συμφρονήσαντες Γορτυνίοις πᾶσαν ἐποιήσαντο τὴν Κρήτην ὑφʼ αὑτοὺς πλὴν τῆς Λυττίων πόλεως· μόνης δὲ ταύτης ἀπειθούσης, ἐπεβάλοντο πολεμεῖν, σπεύδοντες αὐτὴν εἰς τέλος ἀνάστατον ποιῆσαι καὶ παραδείγματος καὶ φόβου χάριν τῶν ἄλλων Κρηταιέων.

[5] τὸ μὲν οὖν πρῶτον ἐπολέμουν πάντες οἱ Κρηταιεῖς τοῖς Λυττίοις· ἐγγενομένης δὲ φιλοτιμίας ἐκ τῶν τυχόντων, ὅπερ ἔθος ἐστὶ Κρησίν, ἐστασίασαν πρὸς τοὺς ἄλλους.

[6] καὶ Πολυρρήνιοι μὲν καὶ Κεραῗται καὶ Λαππαῖοι, πρὸς δὲ τούτοις Ὅριοι μετʼ Ἀρκάδων, ὁμοθυμαδὸν ἀποστάντες τῆς τῶν Κνωσίων φιλίας,

[7] ἔγνωσαν τοῖς Λυττίοις συμμαχεῖν, τῶν δὲ Γορτυνίων οἱ μὲν πρεσβύτεροι τὰ τῶν Κνωσίων, οἱ δὲ νεώτεροι τὰ τῶν Λυττίων αἱρούμενοι, διεστασίασαν πρὸς ἀλλήλους.

[8] οἱ δὲ Κνώσιοι, παραδόξου γεγονότος αὐτοῖς τοῦ περὶ τοὺς συμμάχους κινήματος, ἐπισπῶνται χιλίους ἐξ Αἰτωλίας ἄνδρας κατὰ συμμαχίαν.

[9] οὗ γενομένου παραυτίκα τῶν Γορτυνίων οἱ πρεσβύτεροι καταλαμβανόμενοι τὴν ἄκραν εἰσάγονται τούς τε Κνωσίους καὶ τοὺς Αἰτωλούς· καὶ τοὺς μὲν ἐξέβαλον, τοὺς δʼ ἀπέκτειναν τῶν

[1] νέων, τὴν δὲ πόλιν ἐνεχείρισαν τοῖς Κνωσίοις. κατὰ δὲ τοὺς αὐτοὺς καιροὺς Λυττίων ἐξωδευκότων εἰς τὴν πολεμίαν πανδημεί, συννοήσαντες οἱ Κνώσιοι τὸ γεγονὸς καταλαμβάνονται τὴν Λύττον, ἔρημον οὖσαν τῶν βοηθησόντων·

[2] καὶ τὰ μὲν τέκνα καὶ τὰς γυναῖκας εἰς Κνωσὸν ἀπέπεμψαν, τὴν δὲ πόλιν ἐμπρήσαντες καὶ κατασκάψαντες καὶ λωβησάμενοι κατὰ πάντα τρόπον ἐπανῆλθον.

[3] οἱ δὲ Λύττιοι παραγενόμενοι πρὸς τὴν πόλιν ἀπὸ τῆς ἐξοδείας, καὶ συνθεασάμενοι τὸ συμβεβηκός, οὕτως περιπαθεῖς ἐγένοντο ταῖς ψυχαῖς ὥστε μηδʼ εἰσελθεῖν μηδένα τολμῆσαι τῶν παρόντων εἰς τὴν πατρίδα·

[4] πάντες δὲ περιπορευθέντες αὐτὴν κύκλῳ, καὶ πολλάκις ἀνοιμώξαντες καὶ κατολοφυράμενοι τήν τε τῆς πατρίδος καὶ τὴν αὑτῶν τύχην, αὖθις ἐξ ἀναστροφῆς ἐπανῆλθον εἰς τὴν τῶν Λαππαίων πόλιν.

[5] φιλανθρώπως δʼ αὐτοὺς καὶ μετὰ πάσης προθυμίας τῶν Λαππαίων ὑποδεξαμένων, οὗτοι μὲν ἀντὶ πολιτῶν ἀπόλιδες ἐν ἡμέρᾳ μιᾷ καὶ ξένοι γεγονότες ἐπολέμουν πρὸς τοὺς Κνωσίους ἅμα τοῖς συμμάχοις.

[6] Λύττος δʼ ἡ Λακεδαιμονίων μὲν ἄποικος οὖσα καὶ συγγενής, ἀρχαιοτάτη δὲ τῶν κατὰ Κρήτην πόλεων, ἄνδρας δʼ ὁμολογουμένως ἀρίστους ἀεὶ τρέφουσα Κρηταιέων, οὕτως ἄρδην καὶ παραλόγως ἀνηρπάσθη.

[1] Πολυρρήνιοι δὲ καὶ Λαππαῖοι καὶ πάντες οἱ τούτων σύμμαχοι, θεωροῦντες τοὺς Κνωσίους ἀντεχομένους τῆς τῶν Αἰτωλῶν συμμαχίας, τοὺς δʼ Αἰτωλοὺς ὁρῶντες πολεμίους ὄντας τῷ τε βασιλεῖ Φιλίππῳ καὶ τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς, πέμπουσι πρέσβεις πρός τε τὸν βασιλέα καὶ τοὺς Ἀχαιοὺς περὶ βοηθείας καὶ συμμαχίας.

[2] οἱ δʼ Ἀχαιοὶ καὶ Φίλιππος εἴς τε τὴν κοινὴν συμμαχίαν αὐτοὺς προσεδέξαντο καὶ βοήθειαν ἐξαπέστειλαν, Ἰλλυριοὺς μὲν τετρακοσίους, ὧν ἡγεῖτο Πλάτωρ, Ἀχαιοὺς δὲ διακοσίους, Φωκέας ἑκατόν.

[3] οἳ καὶ παραγενόμενοι μετʼ οὐ πολὺ πάλιν ἀπέπλευσαν μεγάλην ποιήσαντες ἐπίδοσιν τοῖς Πολυρρηνίοις καὶ τοῖς τούτων συμμάχοις·

[4] πάνυ γὰρ ἐν βραχεῖ χρόνῳ τειχήρεις καταστήσαντες τούς τʼ Ἐλευθερναίους καὶ Κυδωνιάτας, ἔτι δὲ τοὺς Ἀπτεραίους, ἠνάγκασαν ἀποστάντας τῆς τῶν Κνωσίων συμμαχίας κοινωνῆσαι σφίσι τῶν αὐτῶν ἐλπίδων. τούτων δὲ γενομένων,

[5] ἐξαπέστειλαν Πολυρρήνιοι μὲν καὶ μετὰ τούτων οἱ σύμμαχοι Φιλίππῳ καὶ τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς πεντακοσίους Κρῆτας, Κνώσιοι δὲ μικρῷ πρότερον ἐξαπεστάλκεισαν χιλίους τοῖς Αἰτωλοῖς. οἳ καὶ συνεπολέμουν ἀμφοτέροις τὸν ἐνεστῶτα πόλεμον.

[6] κατελάβοντο δὲ καὶ τὸν λιμένα τῶν Φαιστίων οἱ τῶν Γορτυνίων φυγάδες· ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ τὸν αὐτῶν τῶν Γορτυνίων παραβόλως διακατεῖχον, καὶ προσεπολέμουν ἐκ τούτων ὁρμώμενοι τῶν τόπων τοῖς ἐν τῇ πόλει.

[1] τὰ μὲν οὖν κατὰ τὴν Κρήτην ἐν τούτοις ἦν· περὶ δὲ τοὺς καιροὺς τούτους καὶ Μιθριδάτης ἐξήνεγκε Σινωπεῦσι πόλεμον, καί τις οἷον ἀρχὴ τότε καὶ πρόφασις ἐγένετο τῆς ἐπὶ τὸ τέλος ἀχθείσης ἀτυχίας Σινωπεῦσιν.

[2] εἰς δὲ τὸν πόλεμον τοῦτον πρεσβευσάντων αὐτῶν πρὸς Ῥοδίους καὶ παρακαλούντων βοηθεῖν, ἔδοξε τοῖς Ῥοδίοις προχειρίσασθαι τρεῖς ἄνδρας, καὶ δοῦναι τούτοις δραχμῶν δεκατέτταρας μυριάδας, τοὺς δὲ λαβόντας παρασκευάσαι τὰ πρὸς τὴν χρείαν ἐπιτήδεια τοῖς Σινωπεῦσιν.

[3] οἱ δὲ κατασταθέντες ἡτοίμασαν οἴνου κεράμια μύρια, τριχὸς εἰργασμένης τάλαντα τριακόσια, νεύρων εἰργασμένων ἑκατὸν τάλαντα, πανοπλίας χιλίας, χρυσοῦς ἐπισήμους τρισχιλίους, ἔτι δὲ λιθοφόρους τέτταρας καὶ τοὺς ἀφέτας τούτοις.

[4] ἃ καὶ λαβόντες οἱ τῶν Σινωπέων πρέσβεις ἐπανῆλθον. ἦσαν γὰρ οἱ Σινωπεῖς ἐν ἀγωνίᾳ μὴ πολιορκεῖν σφᾶς ὁ Μιθριδάτης ἐγχειρήσῃ καὶ κατὰ γῆν καὶ κατὰ θάλατταν· διὸ καὶ τὰς παρασκευὰς πρὸς τοῦτο τὸ μέρος ἐποιοῦντο πάσας.

[5] ἡ δὲ Σινώπη κεῖται μὲν ἐν τοῖς δεξιοῖς μέρεσι τοῦ Πόντου παρὰ τὸν εἰς Φᾶσιν πλοῦν, οἰκεῖται δʼ ἐπί τινος χερρονήσου προτεινούσης εἰς τὸ πέλαγος, ἧς τὸν μὲν αὐχένα τὸν συνάπτοντα πρὸς τὴν Ἀσίαν, ὅς ἐστιν οὐ πλεῖον δυεῖν σταδίων, ἡ πόλις ἐπικειμένη διακλείει κυρίως·

[6] τὸ δὲ λοιπὸν τῆς χερρονήσου πρόκειται μὲν εἰς τὸ πέλαγος, ἔστι δʼ ἐπίπεδον καὶ πανευέφοδον ἐπὶ τὴν πόλιν, κύκλῳ δʼ ἐκ θαλάττης ἀπότομον καὶ δυσπροσόρμιστον καὶ παντελῶς ὀλίγας ἔχον προσβάσεις.

[7] διόπερ ἀγωνιῶντες οἱ Σινωπεῖς μήποτε κατὰ τὴν ἀπὸ τῆς Ἀσίας πλευρὰν ὁ Μιθριδάτης συστησάμενος ἔργα, καὶ κατὰ τὴν ἀπέναντι ταύτης ὁμοίως ποιησάμενος ἀπόβασιν κατὰ θάλατταν εἰς τοὺς ὁμαλοὺς καὶ τοὺς ὑπερκειμένους τῆς πόλεως τόπους, ἐγχειρήσῃ πολιορκεῖν αὐτούς,

[8] ἐπεβάλοντο τῆς χερρονήσου κύκλῳ τὸ νησίζον ὀχυροῦν, ἀποσταυροῦντες καὶ περιχαρακοῦντες τὰς ἐκ θαλάττης προσβάσεις, ἅμα δὲ καὶ βέλη καὶ στρατιώτας τιθέντες ἐπὶ τοὺς εὐκαίρους τῶν τόπων·

[9] ἔστι γὰρ τὸ πᾶν μέγεθος αὐτῆς οὐ πολύ, τελέως δʼ εὐκατακράτητον καὶ μέτριον.

[1] καὶ τὰ μὲν περὶ Σινώπης ἐν τούτοις ἦν. ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς Φίλιππος, ἀναζεύξας ἐκ Μακεδονίας μετὰ τῆς δυνάμεως — ἐν γὰρ ταύταις ταῖς ἐπιβολαῖς ἀπελίπαμεν ἄρτι τὸν συμμαχικὸν πόλεμον — ὥρμησεν ἐπὶ Θετταλίας καὶ τῆς Ἠπείρου, σπεύδων ταύτῃ ποιήσασθαι τὴν εἰσβολὴν τὴν εἰς Αἰτωλίαν.

[2] Ἀλέξανδρος δὲ καὶ Δωρίμαχος κατὰ τὸν καιρὸν τοῦτον ἔχοντες πρᾶξιν κατὰ τῆς τῶν Αἰγειρατῶν πόλεως, ἁθροίσαντες τῶν Αἰτωλῶν περὶ χιλίους καὶ διακοσίους εἰς Οἰάνθειαν τῆς Αἰτωλίας, ἣ κεῖται καταντικρὺ τῆς προειρημένης πόλεως, καὶ πορθμεῖα τούτοις ἑτοιμάσαντες, πλοῦν ἐτήρουν πρὸς τὴν ἐπιβολήν.

[3] τῶν γὰρ ηὐτομοληκότων τις ἐξ Αἰτωλίας, καὶ πλείω χρόνον διατετριφὼς παρὰ τοῖς Αἰγειράταις, καὶ συντεθεωρηκὼς τοὺς φυλάττοντας τὸν ἀπʼ Αἰγίου πυλῶνα μεθυσκομένους καὶ ῥᾳθύμως διεξάγοντας τὰ κατὰ τὴν φυλακήν,

[4] πλεονάκις παραβαλλόμενος καὶ διαβαίνων πρὸς τοὺς περὶ Δωρίμαχον ἐξεκέκλητο πρὸς τὴν πρᾶξιν αὐτούς, ἅτε λίαν οἰκείους ὄντας τῶν τοιούτων ἐγχειρημάτων.

[5] ἡ δὲ τῶν Αἰγειρατῶν πόλις ἔκτισται μὲν τῆς Πελοποννήσου κατὰ τὸν Κορινθιακὸν κόλπον μεταξὺ τῆς Αἰγιέων καὶ Σικυωνίων πόλεως, κεῖται δʼ ἐπὶ λόφων ἐρυμνῶν καὶ δυσβάτων, νεύει δὲ τῇ θέσει πρὸς τὸν Παρνασσὸν καὶ ταῦτα τὰ μέρη τῆς ἀντίπερα χώρας, ἀπέχει δὲ τῆς θαλάττης ὡς ἑπτὰ στάδια.

[6] παραπεσόντος δὲ πλοῦ τοῖς περὶ τὸν Δωρίμαχον, ἀνήχθησαν καὶ καθορμίζονται νυκτὸς ἔτι πρὸς τὸν παρὰ τὴν πόλιν καταρρέοντα ποταμόν.

[7] οἱ μὲν οὖν περὶ τὸν Ἀλέξανδρον καὶ Δωρίμαχον, ἅμα δὲ τούτοις Ἀρχίδαμον τὸν Πανταλέοντος υἱόν, ἔχοντες περὶ αὑτοὺς τὸ πλῆθος τῶν Αἰτωλῶν, προσέβαινον πρὸς τὴν πόλιν κατὰ τὴν ἀπʼ Αἰγίου φέρουσαν ὁδόν.

[8] ὁ δʼ αὐτόμολος, ἔχων εἴκοσι τοὺς ἐπιτηδειοτάτους, διανύσας ταῖς ἀνοδίαις τοὺς κρημνοὺς θᾶττον τῶν ἄλλων διὰ τὴν ἐμπειρίαν, καὶ διαδὺς διά τινος ὑδρορροίας, ἔτι κοιμωμένους κατέλαβε τοὺς ἐπὶ τοῦ πυλῶνος.

[9] κατασφάξας δʼ αὐτοὺς ἀκμὴν ἐν ταῖς κοίταις ὄντας, καὶ διακόψας τοῖς πελέκεσι τοὺς μοχλούς, ἀνέῳξε τοῖς Αἰτωλοῖς τὰς πύλας.

[10] οἱ δὲ παρεισπεσόντες λαμπρῶς ἀπερινοήτως ἐχρήσαντο τοῖς πράγμασιν. ὃ καὶ παραίτιον ἐγένετο τοῖς μὲν Αἰγειράταις τῆς σωτηρίας, τοῖς δʼ Αἰτωλοῖς τῆς ἀπωλείας.

[11] ὑπολαμβάνοντες γὰρ τοῦτο τέλος εἶναι τοῦ κατασχεῖν ἀλλοτρίαν πόλιν, τὸ γενέσθαι τῶν πυλώνων ἐντός, τοῦτον τὸν τρόπον

[1] ἐχρῶντο τοῖς πράγμασι. διὸ καὶ βραχὺν παντελῶς χρόνον ἁθρόοι συμμείναντες περὶ τὴν ἀγοράν, λοιπὸν ἐκπαθεῖς ὄντες πρὸς τὰς ὠφελείας διέρρεον, καὶ παρεισπίπτοντες εἰς τὰς οἰκίας διήρπαζον τοὺς βίους, ἤδη φωτὸς ὄντος.

[2] οἱ δʼ Αἰγειρᾶται, τοῦ πράγματος αὐτοῖς ἀνελπίστου καὶ παραδόξου τελέως συμβεβηκότος, οἷς μὲν ἐπέστησαν οἱ πολέμιοι κατὰ τὰς οἰκίας, ἐκπλαγεῖς καὶ περίφοβοι γενόμενοι πάντες ἐτρέποντο πρὸς φυγὴν ἔξω τῆς πόλεως, ὡς ἤδη βεβαίως αὐτῆς κεκρατημένης ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων.

[3] ὅσοι δὲ τῆς κραυγῆς ἀκούοντες ἐξ ἀκεραίων τῶν οἰκιῶν ἐξεβοήθουν, πάντες εἰς τὴν ἄκραν συνέτρεχον.

[4] οὗτοι μὲν οὖν ἀεὶ πλείους ἐγίνοντο καὶ θαρραλεώτεροι, τὸ δὲ τῶν Αἰτωλῶν σύστρεμμα τοὐναντίον ἔλαττον καὶ ταραχωδέστερον διὰ τὰς προειρημένας αἰτίας.

[5] οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ συνορῶντες οἱ περὶ τὸν Δωρίμαχον ἤδη τὸν περιεστῶτα κίνδυνον αὐτούς, συστραφέντες ὥρμησαν ἐπὶ τοὺς κατέχοντας τὴν ἄκραν, ὑπολαμβάνοντες τῇ θρασύτητι καὶ τόλμῃ καταπληξάμενοι τρέψασθαι τοὺς ἡθροισμένους ἐπὶ τὴν βοήθειαν.

[6] οἱ δʼ Αἰγειρᾶται παρακαλέσαντες σφᾶς αὐτοὺς ἠμύνοντο καὶ συνεπλέκοντο τοῖς Αἰτωλοῖς γενναίως.

[7] οὔσης δὲ τῆς ἄκρας ἀτειχίστου, καὶ τῆς συμπλοκῆς ἐκ χειρὸς καὶ κατʼ ἄνδρα γινομένης, τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ἦν ἀγὼν οἷον εἰκός, ἅτε τῶν μὲν ὑπὲρ πατρίδος καὶ τέκνων, τῶν δʼ ὑπὲρ σωτηρίας ἀγωνιζομένων· τέλος γε μὴν ἐτράπησαν οἱ παρεισπεπτωκότες τῶν Αἰτωλῶν.

[8] οἱ δʼ Αἰγειρᾶται, λαβόντες ἀφορμὴν ἐγκλίματος, ἐνεργῶς ἐπέκειντο καὶ καταπληκτικῶς τοῖς πολεμίοις. ἐξ οὗ συνέβη τοὺς πλείστους τῶν Αἰτωλῶν διὰ τὴν πτοίαν αὐτοὺς ὑφʼ αὑτῶν φεύγοντας ἐν ταῖς πύλαις συμπατηθῆναι.

[9] ὁ μὲν οὖν Ἀλέξανδρος ἐν χειρῶν νόμῳ κατʼ αὐτὸν ἔπεσε τὸν κίνδυνον, ὁ δʼ Ἀρχίδαμος ἐν τῷ περὶ τὰς πύλας ὠθισμῷ καὶ πνιγμῷ διεφθάρη.

[10] τὸ δὲ λοιπὸν πλῆθος τῶν Αἰτωλῶν τὸ μὲν συνεπατήθη, τὸ δὲ κατὰ τῶν κρημνῶν φεῦγον ταῖς ἀνοδίαις ἐξετραχηλίσθη.

[11] τὸ δὲ καὶ διασωθὲν αὐτῶν μέρος πρὸς τὰς ναῦς, ἐρριφὸς τὰ ὅπλα παναίσχρως, ἅμα δʼ ἀνελπίστως ἐποιήσατο τὸν ἀπόπλουν.

[12] Αἰγειρᾶται μὲν οὖν, διὰ τὴν ὀλιγωρίαν ἀποβαλόντες τὴν πατρίδα, διὰ τὴν εὐψυχίαν καὶ γενναιότητα πάλιν ἔσωσαν παραδόξως.

[1] κατὰ δὲ τοὺς αὐτοὺς καιροὺς Εὐριπίδας, ὃς ἦν ἀπεσταλμένος ὑπὸ τῶν Αἰτωλῶν στρατηγὸς τοῖς Ἠλείοις, καταδραμὼν τὴν Δυμαίων καὶ Φαραιέων, ἔτι δὲ τὴν τῶν Τριταιέων χώραν, καὶ περιελασάμενος λείας πλῆθος ἱκανόν, ἐποιεῖτο τὴν ἀποχώρησιν ὡς ἐπὶ τὴν Ἠλείαν.

[2] ὁ δὲ Μίκκος ὁ Δυμαῖος, ὅσπερ ἐτύγχανε κατʼ ἐκείνους τοὺς καιροὺς ὑποστράτηγος ὢν τῶν Ἀχαιῶν, ἐκβοηθήσας πανδημεὶ τούς τε Δυμαίους καὶ Φαραιεῖς, ἅμα δὲ καὶ Τριταιεῖς ἔχων, προσέκειτο τοῖς πολεμίοις ἀπαλλαττομένοις.

[3] ἐνεργότερον δʼ ἐπικείμενος τοῖς φεύγουσιν ἐμπεσὼν εἰς ἐνέδραν ἐσφάλη καὶ πολλοὺς ἀπέβαλε τῶν ἀνδρῶν· τετταράκοντα μὲν γὰρ ἔπεσον, ἑάλωσαν δὲ περὶ διακοσίους τῶν πεζῶν.

[4] ὁ μὲν οὖν Εὐριπίδας, ποιήσας τοῦτο τὸ προτέρημα, καὶ μετεωρισθεὶς ἐπὶ τῷ γεγονότι, μετʼ ὀλίγας ἡμέρας αὖτις ἐξελθὼν κατέλαβε παρὰ τὸν Ἄραξον φρούριον τῶν Δυμαίων εὔκαιρον τὸ καλούμενον Τεῖχος·

[5] ὅ φασιν οἱ μῦθοι τὸ παλαιὸν Ἡρακλέα πολεμοῦντα τοῖς Ἠλείοις ἐποικοδομῆσαι, βουλόμενον ὁρμητηρίῳ χρῆσθαι τούτῳ κατʼ αὐτῶν.

[1] οἱ δὲ Δυμαῖοι καὶ Φαραιεῖς καὶ Τριταιεῖς, ἠλαττωμένοι μὲν περὶ τὴν βοήθειαν, δεδιότες δὲ τὸ μέλλον ἐκ τῆς τοῦ φρουρίου καταλήψεως, τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ἔπεμπον ἀγγέλους πρὸς τὸν στρατηγὸν τῶν Ἀχαιῶν, δηλοῦντες τὰ γεγονότα καὶ δεόμενοι σφίσι βοηθεῖν· μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα πρεσβευτὰς ἐξαπέστελλον τοὺς περὶ τῶν αὐτῶν ἀξιώσοντας.

[2] ὁ δʼ Ἄρατος οὔτε τὸ ξενικὸν ἐδύνατο συστήσασθαι διὰ τὸ κατὰ τὸν Κλεομενικὸν πόλεμον ἐλλελοιπέναι τινὰ τῶν ὀψωνίων τοὺς Ἀχαιοὺς τοῖς μισθοφόροις, καθόλου τε ταῖς ἐπιβολαῖς καὶ συλλήβδην πᾶσι τοῖς τοῦ πολέμου πράγμασιν ἀτόλμως ἐχρῆτο καὶ νωθρῶς.

[3] διόπερ ὅ τε Λυκοῦργος εἷλε τὸ τῶν Μεγαλοπολιτῶν Ἀθήναιον, ὅ τʼ Εὐριπίδας ἑξῆς τοῖς εἰρημένοις Γόρτυναν τῆς Τελφουσίας.

[4] οἵ τε Δυμαῖοι καὶ Φαραιεῖς καὶ Τριταιεῖς, δυσελπιστήσαντες ἐπὶ ταῖς τοῦ στρατηγοῦ βοηθείαις, συνεφρόνησαν ἀλλήλοις εἰς τὸ τὰς μὲν κοινὰς εἰσφορὰς τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς μὴ τελεῖν,

[5] ἰδίᾳ δὲ συστήσασθαι μισθοφόρους, πεζοὺς μὲν τριακοσίους, ἱππεῖς δὲ πεντήκοντα, καὶ διὰ τούτων ἀσφαλίζεσθαι τὴν χώραν.

[6] τοῦτο δὲ πράξαντες ὑπὲρ μὲν τῶν καθʼ αὑτοὺς πραγμάτων ἐνδεχομένως ἔδοξαν βεβουλεῦσθαι, περὶ δὲ τῶν κοινῶν τἀναντία· πονηρᾶς γὰρ ἐφόδου καὶ προφάσεως τοῖς βουλομένοις διαλύειν τὸ ἔθνος ἐδόκουν ἀρχηγοὶ καὶ καθηγεμόνες γεγονέναι.

[7] ταύτης δὲ τῆς πράξεως τὸ μὲν πλεῖστον τῆς αἰτίας ἐπὶ τὸν στρατηγὸν ἄν τις ἀναφέροι δικαίως τὸν ὀλιγωροῦντα καὶ καταμέλλοντα καὶ προϊέμενον ἀεὶ τοὺς δεομένους.

[8] πᾶς γὰρ ὁ κινδυνεύων, ἕως μὲν ἄν τινος ἐλπίδος ἀντέχηται παρὰ τῶν οἰκείων καὶ συμμάχων, προσανέχειν φιλεῖ ταύταις· ὅταν δὲ δυσχρηστῶν ἀπογνῷ, τότʼ ἤδη βοηθεῖν ἀναγκάζεθʼ αὑτῷ κατὰ δύναμιν.

[9] διὸ καὶ Τριταιεῦσι καὶ Φαραιεῦσι καὶ Δυμαίοις, ὅτι μὲν ἰδίᾳ συνεστήσαντο μισθοφόρους, καταμέλλοντος τοῦ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν ἡγεμόνος, οὐκ ἐγκλητέον· ὅτι δὲ τὰς εἰς τὸ κοινὸν εἰσφορὰς ἀπεῖπαν, μεμψιμοιρητέον.

[10] ἐχρῆν γὰρ τὴν μὲν ἰδίαν χρείαν μὴ παραλιπεῖν, εὐκαιροῦντάς γε δὴ καὶ δυναμένους, τὰ δὲ πρὸς τὴν κοινὴν πολιτείαν δίκαια συντηρεῖν, ἄλλως τε δὴ καὶ κομιδῆς ὑπαρχούσης ἀδιαπτώτου κατὰ τοὺς κοινοὺς νόμους, τὸ δὲ μέγιστον, γεγονότας ἀρχηγοὺς τοῦ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν συστήματος.

[1] τὰ μὲν οὖν κατὰ Πελοπόννησον ἐν τούτοις ἦν. ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς Φίλιππος διελθὼν τὴν Θετταλίαν παρῆν εἰς Ἤπειρον.

[2] ἀναλαβὼν δὲ τοὺς Ἠπειρώτας ἅμα τοῖς Μακεδόσι πανδημεὶ καὶ τοὺς ἐξ Ἀχαΐας αὐτῷ συνηντηκότας σφενδονήτας τριακοσίους, ἔτι δὲ τοὺς παρὰ Πολυρρηνίων ἀπεσταλμένους Κρῆτας πεντακοσίους, προῆγε, καὶ διελθὼν τὴν Ἤπειρον παρῆν εἰς τὴν τῶν Ἀμβρακιωτῶν χώραν.

[3] εἰ μὲν οὖν ἐξ ἐφόδου κατὰ τὸ συνεχὲς ἐνέβαλεν εἰς τὴν μεσόγαιαν τὴν Αἰτωλίας, ἄφνω καὶ παραδόξως ἐπιπεσὼν δυνάμει βαρείᾳ τοῖς ὅλοις πράγμασιν ἐπιτεθείκει τέλος·

[4] νῦν δὲ πεισθεὶς τοῖς Ἠπειρώταις πρῶτον ἐκπολιορκῆσαι τὸν Ἄμβρακον, ἔδωκε τοῖς Αἰτωλοῖς ἀναστροφὴν εἰς τὸ καὶ στῆναι καὶ προνοηθῆναί τι καὶ παρασκευάσασθαι πρὸς τὸ μέλλον.

[5] οἱ γὰρ Ἠπειρῶται, τὸ σφέτερον ἀναγκαιότερον τιθέμενοι τοῦ κοινοῦ τῶν συμμάχων, καὶ μεγάλως σπουδάζοντες ὑφʼ αὑτοὺς ποιήσασθαι τὸν Ἄμβρακον, ἐδέοντο τοῦ Φιλίππου ποιήσασθαι πολιορκίαν περὶ τὸ χωρίον καὶ τοῦτο πρότερον ἐξελεῖν,

[6] περὶ πλείστου ποιούμενοι τὸ κομίσασθαι τὴν Ἀμβρακίαν παρὰ τῶν Αἰτωλῶν, τοῦτο δὲ γενέσθαι μόνως ἂν ἐλπίζοντες, εἰ τοῦ προειρημένου τόπου κυριεύσαντες ἐπικαθίσαιεν τῇ πόλει.

[7] ὁ γὰρ Ἄμβρακος ἔστι μὲν χωρίον εὖ κατεσκευασμένον καὶ προτειχίσμασι καὶ τείχει, κεῖται δʼ ἐν λίμναις, μίαν ἀπὸ τῆς χώρας στενὴν καὶ χωστὴν ἔχον πρόσοδον, ἐπίκειται δʼ εὐκαίρως τῇ τε χώρᾳ τῶν Ἀμβρακιωτῶν καὶ τῇ πόλει.

[8] Φίλιππος μὲν οὖν πεισθεὶς Ἠπειρώταις καὶ καταστρατοπεδεύσας περὶ τὸν Ἄμβρακον, ἐγίνετο περὶ

[1] τὴν παρασκευὴν τῶν πρὸς τὴν πολιορκίαν. Σκόπας δὲ κατὰ τὸν καιρὸν τοῦτον ἀναλαβὼν τοὺς Αἰτωλοὺς πανδημεί, καὶ ποιησάμενος τὴν πορείαν διὰ Θετταλίας, ἐνέβαλεν εἰς Μακεδονίαν, καὶ τόν τε σῖτον ἐπιπορευόμενος τὸν κατὰ τὴν Πιερίαν ἔφθειρε καὶ λείας περιβαλόμενος πλῆθος ἐπανῆγε, ποιούμενος τὴν πορείαν ὡς ἐπὶ τὸ Δῖον.

[2] ἐκλιπόντων δὲ τῶν κατοικούντων τὸν τόπον, εἰσελθὼν τὰ τείχη κατέσκαψε καὶ τὰς οἰκίας καὶ τὸ γυμνάσιον, πρὸς δὲ τούτοις ἐνέπρησε τὰς στοὰς τὰς περὶ τὸ τέμενος καὶ τὰ λοιπὰ διέφθειρε τῶν ἀναθημάτων, ὅσα πρὸς κόσμον ἢ χρείαν ὑπῆρχε τοῖς εἰς τὰς πανηγύρεις συμπορευομένοις· ἀνέτρεψε δὲ καὶ τὰς εἰκόνας τῶν βασιλέων ἁπάσας.

[3] οὗτος μὲν οὖν εὐθέως κατὰ τὴν ἔνστασιν τοῦ πολέμου καὶ τὴν πρώτην πρᾶξιν οὐ μόνον τοῖς ἀνθρώποις, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῖς θεοῖς πόλεμον ἐξενηνοχώς, ἐπανῄει.

[4] καὶ παραγενόμενος εἰς Αἰτωλίαν, οὐχ ὡς ἠσεβηκώς, ἀλλʼ ὡς ἀγαθὸς ἀνὴρ εἰς τὰ κοινὰ πράγματα γεγονώς, ἐτιμᾶτο καὶ περιεβλέπετο, πλήρεις ἐλπίδων κενῶν καὶ φρονήματος ἀλόγου πεποιηκὼς τοὺς Αἰτωλούς·

[5] ἔσχον γὰρ ἐκ τούτων διάληψιν ὡς τῆς μὲν Αἰτωλίας οὐδʼ ἐγγίζειν τολμήσοντος οὐδενός, αὐτοὶ δὲ πορθήσοντες ἀδεῶς οὐ μόνον τὴν Πελοπόννησον, καθάπερ ἔθος ἦν αὐτοῖς, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὴν Θετταλίαν καὶ τὴν Μακε

[1] δονίαν. Φίλιππος δὲ τὰ περὶ τὴν Μακεδονίαν ἀκούσας, καὶ παραχρῆμα τῆς Ἠπειρωτῶν ἀγνοίας καὶ φιλονεικίας τἀπίχειρα κεκομισμένος, ἐπολιόρκει τὸν Ἄμβρακον.

[2] χρησάμενος δὲ τοῖς τε χώμασιν ἐνεργῶς καὶ τῇ λοιπῇ παρασκευῇ ταχέως κατεπλήξατο τοὺς ἐνόντας, καὶ παρέλαβε τὸ χωρίον ἐν ἡμέραις τετταράκοντα ταῖς πάσαις.

[3] ἀφεὶς δὲ τοὺς φυλάττοντας ὑποσπόνδους, ὄντας εἰς πεντακοσίους Αἰτωλῶν, τὴν μὲν τῶν Ἠπειρωτῶν ἐπιθυμίαν ἐπλήρωσε, παραδοὺς τὸν Ἄμβρακον,

[4] αὐτὸς δʼ ἀναλαβὼν τὴν δύναμιν προῆγε παρὰ Χαράδραν, σπεύδων διαβῆναι τὸν Ἀμβρακικὸν καλούμενον κόλπον, οὗ στενώτατόν ἐστι, κατὰ τὸ τῶν Ἀκαρνάνων ἱερὸν καλούμενον Ἄκτιον.

[5] ὁ γὰρ προειρημένος κόλπος ἐκπίπτει μὲν ἐκ τοῦ Σικελικοῦ πελάγους μεταξὺ τῆς Ἠπείρου καὶ τῆς Ἀκαρνανίας στενῷ παντελῶς στόματι — λείπει γὰρ τῶν πέντε σταδίων —

[6] προβαίνων δʼ εἰς τὴν μεσόγαιαν κατὰ μὲν τὸ πλάτος ἐφʼ ἑκατὸν στάδια κεῖται, κατὰ δὲ τὸ μῆκος ἀπὸ τοῦ πελάγους προπίπτει περὶ τριακόσια στάδια· διορίζει δὲ τὴν Ἤπειρον καὶ τὴν Ἀκαρνανίαν, ἔχων τὴν μὲν Ἤπειρον ἀπὸ τῶν ἄρκτων, τὴν δʼ Ἀκαρνανίαν ἀπὸ μεσημβρίας.

[7] περαιώσας δὲ κατὰ τὸ προειρημένον στόμα τὴν δύναμιν, καὶ διελθὼν τὴν Ἀκαρνανίαν, ἧκε τῆς Αἰτωλίας πρὸς τὴν καλουμένην πόλιν Φοιτίας, συμπαρειληφὼς Ἀκαρνάνων πεζοὺς δισχιλίους, ἱππεῖς δὲ διακοσίους.

[8] περιστρατοπεδεύσας δὲ τὴν προειρημένην πόλιν, καὶ προσβολὰς ἐνεργοὺς καὶ καταπληκτικὰς ἐπὶ δύʼ ἡμέρας ποιησάμενος, παρέλαβε καθʼ ὁμολογίαν, ἀφεὶς ὑποσπόνδους τοὺς ἐνόντας τῶν Αἰτωλῶν.

[9] τῆς δʼ ἐπιούσης νυκτός, ὡς ἔτι μενούσης ἀναλώτου τῆς πόλεως, ἧκον βοηθοῦντες πεντακόσιοι τῶν Αἰτωλῶν· ὧν τὴν παρουσίαν προαισθανόμενος ὁ βασιλεύς, καθεὶς ἐπί τινας τόπους εὐκαίρους ἐνέδρας, τοὺς μὲν πλείους αὐτῶν ἀπέκτεινε, τοὺς δὲ λοιποὺς ὑποχειρίους ἔλαβε, πλὴν τελέως ὀλίγων.

[10] μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα σιτομετρήσας εἰς τριάκονθʼ ἡμέρας τὴν δύναμιν ἐκ τοῦ περικαταληφθέντος σίτου — πολὺ γὰρ πλῆθος ἐν ταῖς Φοιτίαις εὑρέθη συνηθροισμένον — προῆγε ποιούμενος τὴν πορείαν εἰς τὴν Στρατικήν.

[11] ἀποσχὼν δὲ τῆς πόλεως περὶ δέκα στάδια κατεστρατοπέδευσε περὶ τὸν Ἀχελῷον ποταμόν, ὁρμώμενος δʼ ἐντεῦθεν ἀδεῶς ἐπόρθει τὴν χώραν, οὐδενὸς ἐπεξιέναι τολμῶντος τῶν ὑπεναντίων.

[1] οἱ δʼ Ἀχαιοὶ κατὰ τοὺς καιροὺς τούτους πιεζόμενοι τῷ πολέμῳ, τὸν δὲ βασιλέα πυνθανόμενοι σύνεγγυς εἶναι, πέμπουσι πρέσβεις, ἀξιοῦντες βοηθεῖν.

[2] οἳ καὶ συμμίξαντες ἔτι περὶ Στράτον ὄντι τῷ Φιλίππῳ τά τε λοιπὰ διελέγοντο κατὰ τὰς ἐντολάς, καὶ τὰς ὠφελείας ὑποδεικνύντες τῷ στρατοπέδῳ τὰς ἐκ τῆς πολεμίας ἔπειθον αὐτὸν διαβάντα τὸ Ῥίον ἐμβαλεῖν εἰς τὴν Ἠλείαν.

[3] ὧν ὁ βασιλεὺς διακούσας τοὺς μὲν πρεσβευτὰς παρακατέσχε, φήσας βουλεύσασθαι περὶ τῶν παρακαλουμένων, αὐτὸς δʼ ἀναζεύξας προῆγε, ποιούμενος τὴν πορείαν ὡς ἐπὶ Μητροπόλεως καὶ Κωνώπης.

[4] οἱ δʼ Αἰτωλοὶ τὴν μὲν ἄκραν τῆς Μητροπόλεως κατεῖχον, τὴν δὲ πόλιν ἐξέλιπον. ὁ δὲ Φίλιππος ἐμπρήσας τὴν Μητρόπολιν προῄει κατὰ τὸ συνεχὲς ἐπὶ τὴν Κωνώπην.

[5] τῶν δʼ Αἰτωλῶν ἱππέων ἁθροισθέντων καὶ τολμησάντων ἀπαντᾶν πρὸς τὴν τοῦ ποταμοῦ διάβασιν, ἣ κεῖται πρὸ τῆς πόλεως εἴκοσι στάδια διέχουσα, καὶ πεπεισμένων ἢ κωλύειν τελείως ἢ κακοποιήσειν πολλὰ τοὺς Μακεδόνας περὶ τὴν ἔκβασιν,

[6] συννοήσας αὐτῶν τὴν ἐπιβολὴν ὁ βασιλεὺς παρήγγειλε τοῖς πελτασταῖς πρώτοις ἐμβαλεῖν εἰς τὸν ποταμὸν καὶ ποιεῖσθαι τὴν ἔκβασιν ἁθρόους κατὰ τάγμα συνησπικότας.

[7] τῶν δὲ πειθαρχούντων, ἅμα τῷ τὴν πρώτην διαβῆναι σημαίαν βραχέα ταύτης καταπειράσαντες οἱ τῶν Αἰτωλῶν ἱππεῖς, ἐν τῷ ταύτην τε μεῖναι συνασπίσασαν καὶ τὴν δευτέραν καὶ τρίτην διαβαινούσας συμφράττειν τοῖς ὅπλοις πρὸς τὴν ὑφεστῶσαν, ἀπραγοῦντες καὶ δυσχρήστως ἀπαλλάττοντες ἀπεχώρουν πρὸς τὴν πόλιν.

[8] καὶ τὸ λοιπὸν ἤδη τὸ μὲν τῶν Αἰτωλῶν φρόνημα συμπεφευγὸς εἰς τὰς πόλεις ἦγε τὴν ἡσυχίαν.

[9] ὁ δὲ Φίλιππος ἐπιδιαβὰς τῷ στρατεύματι, καὶ πορθήσας ἀδεῶς καὶ ταύτην τὴν χώραν προῆγε ποιούμενος τὴν πορείαν εἰς τὴν Ἰθωρίαν· τοῦτο δʼ ἔστι χωρίον, ὃ κεῖται μὲν ἐπὶ τῆς παρόδου κυρίως, ὀχυρότητι δὲ φυσικῇ καὶ χειροποιήτῳ διαφέρει.

[10] συνεγγίζοντος δʼ αὐτοῦ, καταπλαγέντες οἱ φυλάττοντες ἐξέλιπον τὸν τόπον· ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς τοῦ τόπου κυριεύσας εἰς ἔδαφος καθεῖλε.

[11] παραπλησίως δὲ καὶ τοὺς λοιποὺς πύργους τοὺς κατὰ τὴν χώραν ἐπέταξε τοῖς προνομεύουσι

[1] καταφέρειν. διελθὼν δὲ τὰ στενὰ τὸ λοιπὸν ἤδη βάδην καὶ πραεῖαν ἐποιεῖτο τὴν πορείαν, ἀναστροφὴν διδοὺς τῇ δυνάμει πρὸς τὰς ἀπὸ τῆς χώρας ὠφελείας.

[2] γέμοντος δὲ τοῦ στρατοπέδου πάντων τῶν ἐπιτηδείων, ἧκε πρὸς τοὺς [Ἀχαιοὺς] Οἰνιάδας.

[3] καταστρατοπεδεύσας δὲ πρὸς τὸ Παιάνιον τοῦτο πρῶτον ἐξελεῖν ἔκρινε· ποιησάμενος δὲ προσβολὰς συνεχεῖς εἷλεν αὐτὸ κατὰ κράτος, πόλιν κατὰ μὲν τὸν περίβολον οὐ μεγάλην — ἐλάττων γὰρ ἦν ἑπτὰ σταδίων — κατὰ δὲ τὴν σύμπασαν κατασκευὴν οἰκιῶν καὶ τειχῶν καὶ πύργων οὐδʼ ὁποίας ἥττω.

[4] ταύτης δὲ τὸ μὲν τεῖχος κατέσκαψε πᾶν εἰς ἔδαφος, τὰς δʼ οἰκήσεις διαλύων τὰ ξύλα καὶ τὸν κέραμον εἰς σχεδίας καθήρμοζε καὶ συνεχῶς κατῆγεν αὐτὰς τῷ ποταμῷ μετὰ πολλῆς φιλοτιμίας εἰς τοὺς Οἰνιάδας.

[5] οἱ δʼ Αἰτωλοὶ τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ἐπεβάλοντο διατηρεῖν τὴν ἄκραν τὴν ἐν τοῖς Οἰνιάδαις, ἀσφαλισάμενοι τείχεσι καὶ τῇ λοιπῇ κατασκευῇ· συνεγγίζοντος δὲ τοῦ Φιλίππου καταπλαγέντες ἐξεχώρησαν.

[6] ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς παραλαβὼν καὶ ταύτην τὴν πόλιν, ἐξ αὐτῆς προελθὼν κατεστρατοπέδευσε τῆς Καλυδωνίας πρός τι χωρίον ὀχυρόν, ὃ καλεῖται μὲν Ἔλαος, ἠσφάλισται δὲ τείχεσι καὶ ταῖς λοιπαῖς παρασκευαῖς διαφερόντως, Ἀττάλου τὴν περὶ αὐτὸ κατασκευὴν ἀναδεξαμένου τοῖς Αἰτωλοῖς.

[7] γενόμενοι δὲ καὶ τούτου κύριοι κατὰ κράτος οἱ Μακεδόνες, καὶ πᾶσαν κατασύραντες τὴν Καλυδωνίαν, ἧκον πάλιν εἰς τοὺς Οἰνιάδας.

[8] ὁ δὲ Φίλιππος συνθεασάμενος τὴν εὐκαιρίαν τοῦ τόπου, πρός τε τἄλλα καὶ μάλιστα πρὸς τὰς εἰς Πελοπόννησον διαβάσεις, ἐπεβάλετο τειχίζειν τὴν πόλιν.

[9] τοὺς γὰρ Οἰνιάδας κεῖσθαι συμβαίνει παρὰ θάλατταν, ἐπὶ τῷ πέρατι τῆς Ἀκαρνανίας τῷ πρὸς Αἰτωλοὺς συνάπτοντι, περὶ τὴν ἀρχὴν τοῦ Κορινθιακοῦ κόλπου.

[10] τῆς δὲ Πελοποννήσου τέτακται μὲν ἡ πόλις καταντικρὺ τῆς παραλίας τῆς τῶν Δυμαίων, ἔγγιστα δʼ αὐτῆς ὑπάρχει τοῖς κατὰ τὸν Ἄραξον τόποις· ἀπέχει γὰρ οὐ πλεῖον ἑκατὸν σταδίων. εἰς ἃ βλέψας τήν τε ἄκραν καθʼ αὑτὴν ἠσφαλίσατο,

[11] καὶ τῷ λιμένι καὶ τοῖς νεωρίοις ὁμοῦ τεῖχος περιβαλὼν ἐνεχείρει συνάψαι πρὸς τὴν ἄκραν, χρώμενος πρὸς τὴν οἰκονομίαν ταῖς ἐκ τοῦ Παιανίου παρασκευαῖς.

[1] ἔτι δὲ περὶ ταῦτα γινομένου τοῦ βασιλέως, παρῆν ἐκ Μακεδονίας ἄγγελος διασαφῶν ὅτι συμβαίνει τοὺς Δαρδανεῖς, ὑπονενοηκότας τὴν εἰς Πελοπόννησον αὐτοῦ στρατείαν, ἁθροίζειν δυνάμεις καὶ παρασκευὴν ποιεῖσθαι μεγάλην, κεκρικότας ἐμβαλεῖν εἰς τὴν Μακεδονίαν.

[2] ἀκούσας δὲ ταῦτα καὶ νομίσας ἀναγκαῖον εἶναι βοηθεῖν κατὰ τάχος τῇ Μακεδονίᾳ, τοὺς μὲν παρὰ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν πρέσβεις ἀπέστειλε, δοὺς ἀπόκρισιν ὅτι τοῖς προσηγγελμένοις ἐπαρκέσας οὐδὲν προυργιαίτερον ποιήσεται μετὰ ταῦτα τοῦ βοηθεῖν σφίσι κατὰ δύναμιν,

[3] αὐτὸς δʼ ἀναζεύξας μετὰ σπουδῆς ἐποιεῖτο τὴν ἐπάνοδον, ᾗπερ καὶ τὴν παρουσίαν ἐπεποίητο.

[4] μέλλοντος δʼ αὐτοῦ διαβαίνειν τὸν Ἀμβρακικὸν κόλπον ἐξ Ἀκαρνανίας εἰς Ἤπειρον, παρῆν ἐφʼ ἑνὸς λέμβου Δημήτριος ὁ Φάριος, ἐκπεπτωκὼς ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίων ἐκ τῆς Ἰλλυρίδος· ὑπὲρ ὧν ἐν τοῖς πρὸ τούτων ἡμῖν δεδήλωται.

[5] τοῦτον μὲν οὖν Φίλιππος ἀποδεξάμενος φιλανθρώπως ἐκέλευσε πλεῖν ὡς ἐπὶ Κόρινθον κἀκεῖθεν ἥκειν διὰ Θετταλίας εἰς Μακεδονίαν· αὐτὸς δὲ διαβὰς εἰς τὴν Ἤπειρον προῆγε κατὰ τὸ συνεχὲς εἰς τὸ πρόσθεν.

[6] παραγενομένου δʼ αὐτοῦ τῆς Μακεδονίας εἰς Πέλλαν, ἀκούσαντες οἱ Δαρδάνιοι παρὰ Θρᾳκῶν τινων αὐτομόλων τὴν παρουσίαν τοῦ Φιλίππου, καταπλαγέντες παραχρῆμα διέλυσαν τὴν στρατείαν, καίπερ ἤδη σύνεγγυς ὄντες τῆς Μακεδονίας.

[7] Φίλιππος δὲ πυθόμενος τὴν τῶν Δαρδανέων μετάνοιαν, τοὺς μὲν Μακεδόνας διαφῆκε πάντας ἐπὶ τὴν τῆς ὀπώρας συγκομιδήν, αὐτὸς δὲ πορευθεὶς εἰς Θετταλίαν τὸ λοιπὸν μέρος τοῦ θέρους ἐν Λαρίσῃ διῆγε.

[8] κατὰ δὲ τὸν καιρὸν τοῦτον Αἰμίλιος ἐκ τῆς Ἰλλυρίδος εἰσῆγε λαμπρῶς εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην τὸν θρίαμβον, Ἀννίβας δὲ Ζάκανθαν ᾑρηκὼς κατὰ κράτος διέλυσε τὰς δυνάμεις εἰς παραχειμασίαν·

[9] Ῥωμαῖοι δέ, προσπεσούσης αὐτοῖς τῆς Ζακανθαίων ἁλώσεως, πρεσβευτὰς ἔπεμπον ἐξαιτήσοντας Ἀννίβαν παρὰ Καρχηδονίων, ἅμα δὲ πρὸς τὸν πόλεμον παρεσκευάζοντο, καταστήσαντες ὑπάτους Πόπλιον Κορνήλιον καὶ Τεβέριον Σεμπρώνιον.

[10] ὑπὲρ ὧν ἡμεῖς τὰ μὲν κατὰ μέρος ἐν τῇ προτέρᾳ βύβλῳ δεδηλώκαμεν· νῦν δʼ ἀναμνήσεως χάριν αὐτὰ προηνεγκάμεθα κατὰ τὴν ἐξ ἀρχῆς ἐπαγγελίαν, ἵνα γινώσκηται τὰ κατάλληλα τῶν πραγμάτων.

[11] καὶ τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ἔτος ἔληγε τῆς ὑποκειμένης

[1] ὀλυμπιάδος. παρὰ δὲ τοῖς Αἰτωλοῖς ἤδη τῶν ἀρχαιρεσίων καθηκόντων στρατηγὸς ᾑρέθη Δωρίμαχος· ὃς παραυτίκα τὴν ἀρχὴν παραλαβὼν καὶ τοὺς Αἰτωλοὺς ἁθροίσας μετὰ τῶν ὅπλων, ἐνέβαλεν εἰς τοὺς ἄνω τόπους τῆς Ἠπείρου καὶ τὴν χώραν ἐδῄου, θυμικώτερον χρώμενος τῇ καταφθορᾷ·

[2] τὸ γὰρ πλεῖον οὐ τῆς σφετέρας ὠφελείας, ἀλλὰ τῆς τῶν Ἠπειρωτῶν βλάβης χάριν ἕκαστα συνετέλει.

[3] παραγενόμενος δὲ πρὸς τὸ περὶ Δωδώνην ἱερὸν τάς τε στοὰς ἐνέπρησε καὶ πολλὰ τῶν ἀναθημάτων διέφθειρε, κατέσκαψε δὲ καὶ τὴν ἱερὰν οἰκίαν,

[4] ὥστε μήτʼ εἰρήνης ὅρον μήτε πολέμου πρὸς Αἰτωλοὺς ὑπάρχειν, ἀλλʼ ἐν ἀμφοτέραις ταῖς περιστάσεσι παρὰ τὰ κοινὰ τῶν ἀνθρώπων ἔθη καὶ νόμιμα χρῆσθαι ταῖς ἐπιβολαῖς.

[5] οὗτος μὲν οὖν ταῦτα καὶ τοιαῦτα διαπραξάμενος ἐπανῆγεν αὖθις εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν.

[6] τοῦ δὲ χειμῶνος ἔτι προβαίνοντος, καὶ πάντων ἀπηλπικότων τὴν παρουσίαν τοῦ Φιλίππου διὰ τὸν καιρόν, ἀναλαβὼν ὁ βασιλεὺς χαλκάσπιδας μὲν τρισχιλίους, πελταστὰς δὲ δισχιλίους καὶ Κρῆτας τριακοσίους, πρὸς δὲ τούτοις ἱππεῖς τοὺς περὶ τὴν αὐλὴν εἰς τετρακοσίους, προῆγεν ἀπὸ Λαρίσης·

[7] καὶ διαβιβάσας τούτους ἐκ Θετταλίας εἰς Εὔβοιαν κἀκεῖθεν εἰς Κῦνον ἧκε διὰ τῆς Βοιωτίας καὶ Μεγαρίδος εἰς Κόρινθον περὶ τροπὰς χειμερινάς, ἐνεργὸν καὶ λαθραίαν πεποιημένος τὴν παρουσίαν οὕτως ὥστε μηδένα Πελοποννησίων ὑπονοῆσαι τὸ γεγονός.

[8] κλείσας δὲ τὰς πύλας τοῦ Κορίνθου καὶ διαλαβὼν τὰς ὁδοὺς φυλακαῖς, τῇ κατὰ πόδας Ἄρατον μὲν τὸν πρεσβύτερον ὡς αὑτὸν ἐκ τοῦ Σικυῶνος μετεπέμπετο, γράμματά τε πρὸς τὸν στρατηγὸν τῶν Ἀχαιῶν καὶ πρὸς τὰς πόλεις ἐξαπέστελλεν, — ἐν οἷς διεσάφει πότε καὶ ποῦ δεήσει συναντᾶν πάντας ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις.

[9] ταῦτα δʼ οἰκονομήσας ἀνέζευξε, καὶ προελθὼν κατεστρατο

[1] πέδευσε τῆς Φλιασίας περὶ τὸ Διοσκούριον. κατὰ δὲ τοὺς αὐτοὺς καιροὺς Εὐριπίδας, ἔχων Ἠλείων δύο λόχους μετὰ τῶν πειρατῶν καὶ μισθοφόρων, ὥστʼ εἶναι τοὺς πάντας εἰς δισχιλίους καὶ διακοσίους, ἅμα δὲ τούτοις ἱππεῖς ἑκατόν, ὁρμήσας ἐκ Ψωφῖδος ἐποιεῖτο τὴν πορείαν διὰ τῆς Φενικῆς καὶ Στυμφαλίας, οὐδὲν μὲν εἰδὼς τῶν κατὰ τὸν Φίλιππον, βουλόμενος δὲ κατασῦραι τὴν τῶν Σικυωνίων χώραν.

[2] τῆς δὲ νυκτὸς τῆς αὐτῆς, ἐν ᾗ συνέβαινε στρατοπεδεύειν τὸν Φίλιππον περὶ τὸ Διοσκούριον, παρηλλαχὼς τὴν στρατοπεδείαν τοῦ βασιλέως περὶ τὴν ἑωθινὴν ἐμβάλλειν οἷός τʼ ἦν εἰς τὴν Σικυωνίαν.

[3] τῶν δὲ παρὰ τοῦ Φιλίππου Κρητῶν τινες ἀπολελοιπότες τὰς τάξεις καὶ διιχνεύοντες περὶ τὰς προνομείας ἐμπίπτουσιν εἰς τοὺς περὶ τὸν Εὐριπίδαν·

[4] οὓς ἀνακρίνας καὶ συνεὶς τὴν παρουσίαν τῶν Μακεδόνων ὁ προειρημένος, οὐδενὶ ποιήσας φανερὸν οὐδὲν τῶν προσπεπτωκότων, ἀναλαβὼν τὴν δύναμιν ἐξ ὑποστροφῆς αὖθις ἀνέλυε τὴν αὐτὴν ὁδὸν ἐν ᾗπερ ἧκε,

[5] βουλόμενος, ἅμα δὲ καὶ κατελπίζων καταταχήσειν τοὺς Μακεδόνας διεκβαλὼν τὴν Στυμφαλίαν καὶ συνάψας ταῖς ὑπερκειμέναις δυσχωρίαις.

[6] ὁ δὲ βασιλεύς, οὐδὲν εἰδὼς τῶν περὶ τοὺς ὑπεναντίους, κατὰ δὲ τὴν αὑτοῦ πρόθεσιν ἀναζεύξας τὴν ἑωθινὴν προῆγε, κρίνων ποιεῖσθαι τὴν πορείαν παρʼ αὐτὸν τὸν Στύμφαλον ὡς ἐπὶ τὰς Καφύας·

[7] ἐνθάδε γὰρ ἐγεγράφει τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς συνα

[1] θροίζεσθαι μετὰ τῶν ὅπλων. τῆς δὲ πρωτοπορείας τῶν Μακεδόνων ἐπιβαλούσης ἐπὶ τὴν ὑπερβολὴν τὴν περὶ τὸ καλούμενον Ἀπέλαυρον, ἣ πρόκειται τῆς τῶν Στυμφαλίων πόλεως περὶ δέκα στάδιʼ, ἅμα συνεκύρησε καὶ τὴν τῶν Ἠλείων πρωτοπορείαν συμπεσεῖν ἐπὶ τὴν ὑπερβολήν.

[2] ὁ μὲν οὖν Εὐριπίδας, συννοήσας τὸ γεγονὸς ἐκ τῶν προσηγγελμένων, παραλαβὼν μεθʼ ἑαυτοῦ τινας τῶν ἱππέων καὶ διαδρὰς τὸν ἐνεστῶτα καιρὸν ἐποιεῖτο τὴν ἀποχώρησιν εἰς τὴν Ψωφῖδα ταῖς ἀνοδίαις·

[3] τὸ δὲ λοιπὸν πλῆθος τῶν Ἠλείων, ἐγκαταλελειμμένον ὑπὸ τοῦ προεστῶτος καὶ γεγονὸς ἐκπλαγὲς ἐπὶ τῷ συμβεβηκότι, κατὰ πορείαν ἔμενε, διαπορούμενον τί δεῖ ποιεῖν καὶ πῇ τρέπεσθαι.

[4] τὸ μὲν γὰρ πρῶτον αὐτῶν οἱ προεστῶτες ὑπελάμβανον τῶν Ἀχαιῶν αὐτῶν τινας συνεπιβεβοηθηκέναι· καὶ μάλιστʼ ἠπάτων αὐτοὺς οἱ χαλκάσπιδες·

[5] Μεγαλοπολίτας γὰρ εἶναι τούτους ἐδόξαζον, διὰ τὸ τοιούτοις ὅπλοις κεχρῆσθαι τοὺς προειρημένους ἐν τῷ περὶ Σελλασίαν [ἐν τῷ] πρὸς Κλεομένη κινδύνῳ, καθοπλίσαντος Ἀντιγόνου τοῦ βασιλέως πρὸς τὴν παροῦσαν χρείαν.

[6] διόπερ ἀπεχώρουν τηροῦντες τὰς τάξεις πρός τινας ὑπερδεξίους τόπους, οὐκ ἀπελπίζοντες τὴν σωτηρίαν. ἅμα δὲ τῷ προσάγοντας αὐτοῖς τοὺς Μακεδόνας σύνεγγυς γενέσθαι λαβόντες ἔννοιαν τοῦ κατʼ ἀλήθειαν ὄντος, πάντες ὥρμησαν πρὸς φυγήν, ῥίψαντες τὰ ὅπλα.

[7] ζωγρίᾳ μὲν οὖν ἑάλωσαν αὐτῶν περὶ χιλίους καὶ διακοσίους, τὸ δὲ λοιπὸν διεφθάρη πλῆθος, τὸ μὲν ὑπὸ τῶν Μακεδόνων, τὸ δʼ ὑπὸ τῶν κρημνῶν· διέφυγον δʼ οὐ πλείους τῶν ἑκατόν.

[8] ὁ δὲ Φίλιππος τά τε σκῦλα καὶ τοὺς αἰχμαλώτους εἰς Κόρινθον ἀποπέμψας εἴχετο τῶν προκειμένων.

[9] τοῖς δὲ Πελοποννησίοις πᾶσι παράδοξον ἐφάνη τὸ γεγονός· ἅμα γὰρ ἤκουον τὴν παρουσίαν καὶ τὴν νίκην τοῦ βασιλέως.

[1] ποιησάμενος δὲ τὴν πορείαν διὰ τῆς Ἀρκαδίας, καὶ πολλὰς ἀναδεξάμενος χιόνας καὶ ταλαιπωρίας ἐν ταῖς περὶ τὸν Ὀλύγυρτον ὑπερβολαῖς, τῇ τρίτῃ τῶν ἡμερῶν κατῆρε νύκτωρ εἰς Καφύας.

[2] θεραπεύσας δὲ τὴν δύναμιν ἐπὶ δύʼ ἡμέρας ἐνταῦθα, καὶ προσαναλαβὼν Ἄρατον τὸν νεώτερον καὶ τοὺς ἅμα τούτῳ συνηθροισμένους τῶν Ἀχαιῶν, ὥστʼ εἶναι τὴν ὅλην δύναμιν εἰς τοὺς μυρίους, προῆγε διὰ τῆς Κλειτορίας ὡς ἐπὶ Ψωφῖδος, συναθροίζων ἐκ τῶν πόλεων ὧν διεπορεύετο βέλη καὶ κλίμακας.

[3] ἡ δὲ Ψωφὶς ἔστι μὲν ὁμολογούμενον καὶ παλαιὸν Ἀρκάδων κτίσμα τῆς Ἀζανίδος, κεῖται δὲ τῆς μὲν συμπάσης Πελοποννήσου κατὰ τὴν μεσόγαιον, αὐτῆς δὲ τῆς Ἀρκαδίας ἐπὶ τοῖς πρὸς δυσμὰς πέρασι, συνάπτουσα τοῖς περὶ τὰς ἐσχατιὰς κατοικοῦσι τῶν προσεσπερίων Ἀχαιῶν·

[4] ἐπίκειται δʼ εὐφυῶς τῇ τῶν Ἠλείων χώρᾳ, μεθʼ ὧν συνέβαινε τότε πολιτεύεσθαι αὐτήν.

[5] πρὸς ἣν Φίλιππος τριταῖος ἐκ τῶν Καφυῶν διανύσας, κατεστρατοπέδευε περὶ τοὺς ἀπέναντι τῆς πόλεως ὑπερκειμένους βουνούς, ἀφʼ ὧν ἦν κατοπτεύειν τήν τε πόλιν ὅλην ἀσφαλῶς καὶ τοὺς πέριξ αὐτῆς τόπους.

[6] συνθεωρῶν δὲ τὴν ὀχυρότητα τῆς Ψωφῖδος ὁ βασιλεὺς ἠπορεῖτο τί χρὴ ποιεῖν.

[7] τὴν γὰρ ἀφʼ ἑσπέρας πλευρὰν αὐτῆς καταφέρεται λάβρος χειμάρρους ποταμός, ὃς κατὰ τὸ πλεῖστον μέρος τοῦ χειμῶνος ἄβατός ἐστι, ποιεῖ δὲ καὶ τὸ παράπαν ἐχυρὰν καὶ δυσπρόσοδον τὴν πόλιν διὰ τὸ μέγεθος τοῦ κοιλώματος, ὃ κατὰ βραχὺ τῷ χρόνῳ κατείργασται φερόμενος ἐξ ὑπερδεξίων τόπων.

[8] παρὰ δὲ τὴν ἀπʼ ἠοῦς πλευρὰν ἔχει τὸν Ἐρύμανθον, μέγαν καὶ λάβρον ποταμόν, ὑπὲρ οὗ πολὺς καὶ ὑπὸ πολλῶν τεθρύληται λόγος.

[9] τοῦ δὲ χειμάρρου προσπίπτοντος πρὸς τὸν Ἐρύμανθον ὑπὸ τὸ πρὸς μεσημβρίαν μέρος τῆς πόλεως, συμβαίνει τὰς μὲν τρεῖς ἐπιφανείας αὐτῆς ὑπὸ τῶν ποταμῶν περιλαμβανομένας ἀσφαλίζεσθαι τὸν προειρημένον τρόπον·

[10] τῇ δὲ λοιπῇ, τῇ πρὸς ἄρκτον, βουνὸς ἐρυμνὸς ἐπίκειται τετειχισμένος, ἄκρας εὐφυοῦς καὶ πραγματικῆς λαμβάνων τάξιν. ἔχει δὲ καὶ τείχη διαφέροντα τῷ μεγέθει καὶ ταῖς κατασκευαῖς.

[11] πρὸς δὲ τούτοις βοήθειαν συνέβαινε παρὰ τῶν Ἠλείων εἰσπεπτωκέναι, καὶ τὸν Εὐριπίδαν ἐκ τῆς φυγῆς διασεσωσμένον ὑπάρχειν ἐν αὐτῇ.

[1] ταῦτʼ οὖν πάντα συνορῶν καὶ συλλογιζόμενος ὁ Φίλιππος τὰ μὲν ἀφίστατο τοῖς λογισμοῖς τοῦ βιάζεσθαι καὶ πολιορκεῖν τὴν πόλιν, τὰ δὲ προθύμως εἶχε, τὴν εὐκαιρίαν ὁρῶν τοῦ τόπου·

[2] καθʼ ὅσον γὰρ ἐπέκειτο τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς τότε καὶ τοῖς Ἀρκάσι καὶ πολεμητήριον ὑπῆρχε τοῖς Ἠλείοις ἀσφαλές, κατὰ τοσοῦτον πάλιν κρατηθὲν ἔμελλε τῶν μὲν Ἀρκάδων προκεῖσθαι, κατὰ δὲ τῶν Ἠλείων ὁρμητήριον ὑπάρξειν τοῖς συμμάχοις εὔκαιρον.

[3] διόπερ ἐπὶ τοῦτο τὸ μέρος ὁρμήσας τῇ γνώμῃ παρήγγελλε τοῖς Μακεδόσιν ἅμα τῷ φωτὶ πᾶσιν ἀριστοποιεῖσθαι καὶ διεσκευασμένους ἑτοίμους ὑπάρχειν.

[4] μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα διαβὰς τὴν κατὰ τὸν Ἐρύμανθον γέφυραν, οὐδενὸς ἐμποδὼν στάντος διὰ τὸ παράδοξον τῆς ἐπιβολῆς, ἧκε πρὸς αὐτὴν τὴν πόλιν ἐνεργῶς καὶ καταπληκτικῶς.

[5] οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Εὐριπίδαν καὶ πάντες οἱ κατὰ τὴν πόλιν διηπόρουν ἐπὶ τοῖς συμβαίνουσι τῷ πεπεῖσθαι μήτʼ ἂν ἐξ ἐφόδου τολμῆσαι τοὺς πολεμίους προσβαλεῖν καὶ βιάζεσθαι πρὸς οὕτως ὀχυρὰν πόλιν μήτε χρόνιον ἂν συστήσασθαι πολιορκίαν διὰ τὴν τοῦ καιροῦ περίστασιν.

[6] ἅμα δὲ ταῦτα λογιζόμενοι διηπίστουν ἀλλήλοις, δεδιότες μὴ πρᾶξιν ὁ Φίλιππος εἴη διὰ τῶν ἔνδον συνεσταμένος κατὰ τῆς πόλεως. ἐπεὶ δʼ οὐδὲν ἑώρων τοιοῦτον ἐξ αὑτῶν γινόμενον,

[7] ὥρμησαν οἱ μὲν πλείους ἐπὶ τὰ τείχη βοηθήσοντες, οἱ δὲ μισθοφόροι τῶν Ἠλείων κατά τινα πύλην ὑπερδέξιον ἐξῆλθον ὡς ἐπιθησόμενοι τοῖς πολεμίοις.

[8] ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς διατάξας κατὰ τρεῖς τόπους τοὺς προσοίσοντας τῷ τείχει τὰς κλίμακας, καὶ τούτοις ὁμοίως μερίσας τοὺς ἄλλους Μακεδόνας, μετὰ ταῦτα διὰ τῶν σαλπιγκτῶν ἀποδοὺς ἑκάστοις τὸ σύνθημα πανταχόθεν ἅμα τὴν προσβολὴν ἐποιεῖτο τοῖς τείχεσι.

[9] τὸ μὲν οὖν πρῶτον ἠμύνοντο γενναίως οἱ κατέχοντες τὴν πόλιν, καὶ πολλοὺς ἀπὸ τῶν κλιμάκων ἀπέρριπτον·

[10] ἐπεὶ δʼ ἥ τε χορηγία τῶν βελῶν καὶ τῶν ἄλλων τῶν πρὸς τὴν χρείαν ἐπιτηδείων ἐνέλειπεν, ὡς ἂν ἐκ τοῦ καιροῦ τῆς παρασκευῆς γεγενημένης, οἵ τε Μακεδόνες οὐ κατεπλήττοντο τὸ γινόμενον, ἀλλʼ ἐπὶ τὴν τοῦ ῥιφέντος ἀπὸ τῶν κλιμάκων χώραν ὁ κατόπιν ἀμελλήτως ἐπέβαινε,

[11] τέλος οἱ μὲν ἐκ τῆς πόλεως τραπέντες ἔφευγον πάντες πρὸς τὴν ἀκρόπολιν, τῶν δὲ παρὰ τοῦ βασιλέως οἱ μὲν Μακεδόνες ἐπέβησαν τοῦ τείχους, οἱ δὲ Κρῆτες πρὸς τοὺς κατὰ τὴν ὑπερδέξιον πύλην ἐπεξελθόντας τῶν μισθοφόρων συμμίξαντες ἠνάγκασαν αὐτοὺς οὐδενὶ κόσμῳ ῥίψαντας τὰ ὅπλα φεύγειν.

[12] οἷς ἐπικείμενοι καὶ προσφέροντες τὰς χεῖρας συνεισέπεσον διὰ τῆς πύλης· ἐξ οὗ συνέβη πανταχόθεν ἅμα καταληφθῆναι τὴν πόλιν.

[13] οἱ μὲν οὖν Ψωφίδιοι μετὰ τέκνων καὶ γυναικῶν ἀπεχώρησαν εἰς τὴν ἄκραν, ἅμα δὲ τούτοις οἱ περὶ τὸν Εὐριπίδαν, ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ τὸ λοιπὸν πλῆθος τῶν διασῳζομένων·

[1] οἱ δὲ Μακεδόνες εἰσπεσόντες τὴν μὲν ἐνδομενίαν ἅπασαν ἐκ τῶν οἰκιῶν παραχρῆμα διήρπασαν, μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα ταῖς οἰκίαις ἐπισκηνώσαντες κατεῖχον τὴν πόλιν.

[2] οἱ δὲ συμπεφευγότες εἰς τὴν ἀκρόπολιν, οὐδεμιᾶς σφίσι παρασκευῆς ὑπαρχούσης, προορώμενοι τὸ μέλλον ἔγνωσαν ἐγχειρίζειν σφᾶς αὐτοὺς τῷ Φιλίππῳ.

[3] πέμψαντες οὖν κήρυκα πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα, καὶ λαβόντες συγχώρημα περὶ πρεσβείας, ἐξαπέστειλαν τοὺς ἄρχοντας καὶ μετὰ τούτων Εὐριπίδαν· οἳ καὶ ποιησάμενοι σπονδὰς ἔλαβον τὴν ἀσφάλειαν τοῖς συμπεφευγόσιν ὁμοῦ ξένοις καὶ πολίταις.

[4] οὗτοι μὲν οὖν αὖτις ἐπανῆλθον ὅθεν ὥρμησαν, ἔχοντες παράγγελμα μένειν κατὰ χώραν, ἕως ἂν ἡ δύναμις ἀναζεύξῃ, μή τινες ἀπειθήσαντες τῶν στρατιωτῶν διαρπάσωσιν αὐτούς·

[5] ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς ἐπιγενομένης χιόνος ἠναγκάσθη μένειν ἐπὶ τόπου τινὰς ἡμέρας. ἐν αἷς συναγαγὼν τοὺς παρόντας τῶν Ἀχαιῶν πρῶτον μὲν τὴν ὀχυρότητα καὶ τὴν εὐκαιρίαν ἐπεδείκνυε τῆς πόλεως πρὸς τὸν ἐνεστῶτα πόλεμον,

[6] ἀπελογίσατο δὲ καὶ τὴν αἵρεσιν καὶ τὴν εὔνοιαν, ἣν ἔχοι πρὸς τὸ ἔθνος, ἐπὶ δὲ πᾶσιν ἔφη καὶ νῦν παραχωρεῖν καὶ διδόναι τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς τὴν πόλιν· προκεῖσθαι γὰρ αὐτῷ τὰ δυνατὰ χαρίζεσθαι καὶ μηθὲν ἐλλείπειν προθυμίας.

[7] ἐφʼ οἷς εὐχαριστούντων αὐτῷ τῶν τε περὶ τὸν Ἄρατον καὶ τῶν πολλῶν, διαλύσας τὴν ἐκκλησίαν ὁ μὲν Φίλιππος μετὰ τῆς δυνάμεως ἀναζεύξας ἐπὶ Λασιῶνος ἐποιεῖτο τὴν πορείαν,

[8] οἱ δὲ Ψωφίδιοι καταβάντες ἐκ τῆς ἄκρας ἐκομίσαντο τὴν πόλιν καὶ τὰς οἰκήσεις ἕκαστοι τὰς αὑτῶν, οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Εὐριπίδαν ἀπῆλθον εἰς τὸν Κόρινθον κἀκεῖθεν εἰς Αἰτωλίαν.

[9] τῶν δʼ Ἀχαϊκῶν ἀρχόντων οἱ παρόντες ἐπὶ μὲν τὴν ἄκραν ἐπέστησαν μετὰ φυλακῆς ἱκανῆς Πρόσλαον Σικυώνιον, ἐπὶ δὲ τὴν πόλιν Πυθίαν Πελληνέα.

[10] καὶ τὰ μὲν περὶ Ψωφῖδα τοῦτον ἐπετελέσθη

[1] τὸν τρόπον. οἱ δὲ παραφυλάττοντες τὸν Λασιῶνα τῶν Ἠλείων, συνέντες τὴν παρουσίαν τῶν Μακεδόνων, πεπυσμένοι δὲ καὶ τὰ γεγονότα περὶ τὴν Ψωφῖδα, παραχρῆμα τὴν πόλιν ἐξέλιπον.

[2] ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς ὡς θᾶττον ἧκε, ταύτην μὲν ἐξ ἐφόδου παρέλαβε, συναύξων δὲ τὴν πρόθεσιν, ἣν εἶχε πρὸς τὸ ἔθνος, παρέδωκε καὶ τὸν Λασιῶνα τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς. ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ τὴν Στράτον ἐκλιπόντων τῶν Ἠλείων ἀποκατέστησε τοῖς Τελφουσίοις.

[3] ταῦτα δὲ διαπραξάμενος ἧκε πεμπταῖος εἰς Ὀλυμπίαν. θύσας δὲ τῷ θεῷ καὶ τοὺς ἡγεμόνας ἑστιάσας, ἅμα δὲ καὶ τὴν λοιπὴν προσαναπαύσας δύναμιν ἐπὶ τρεῖς ἡμέρας, μετὰ ταῦτα πάλιν ἀνέζευξε.

[4] καὶ προελθὼν εἰς τὴν Ἠλείαν τὰς μὲν προνομὰς ἐπαφῆκε κατὰ τῆς χώρας, αὐτὸς δὲ κατεστρατοπέδευσε περὶ τὸ καλούμενον Ἀρτεμίσιον.

[5] προσδεξάμενος δʼ ἐνταῦθα τὴν λείαν μετέβη πάλιν ἐπὶ τὸ Διοσκούριον. δῃουμένης δὲ τῆς χώρας, πολὺ μὲν ἦν τὸ τῶν ἁλισκομένων πλῆθος, ἔτι δὲ πλέον τὸ συμφεῦγον εἰς τὰς παρακειμένας κώμας καὶ τοὺς ἐρυμνοὺς τῶν τόπων.

[6] συμβαίνει γὰρ τὴν τῶν Ἠλείων χώραν διαφερόντως οἰκεῖσθαι καὶ γέμειν σωμάτων καὶ κατασκευῆς παρὰ τὴν ἄλλην Πελοπόννησον.

[7] ἔνιοι γὰρ αὐτῶν οὕτως στέργουσι τὸν ἐπὶ τῶν ἀγρῶν βίον ὥστε τινὰς ἐπὶ δύο καὶ τρεῖς γενεάς, ἔχοντας ἱκανὰς οὐσίας, μὴ παραβεβληκέναι τὸ παράπαν εἰς ἁλίαν.

[8] τοῦτο δὲ γίνεται διὰ τὸ μεγάλην ποιεῖσθαι σπουδὴν καὶ πρόνοιαν τοὺς πολιτευομένους τῶν ἐπὶ τῆς χώρας κατοικούντων, ἵνα τό τε δίκαιον αὐτοῖς ἐπὶ τόπου διεξάγηται καὶ τῶν πρὸς βιωτικὰς χρείας μηδὲν ἐλλείπῃ.

[9] δοκοῦσι δέ μοι πάντα ταῦτα καὶ διὰ τὸ πλῆθος μὲν τῆς χώρας τὸ παλαιὸν ἐπινοῆσαι καὶ νομοθετῆσαι, τὸ δὲ πλεῖστον διὰ τὸν ὑπάρχοντά ποτε παρʼ αὐτοῖς ἱερὸν βίον,

[10] ὅτε λαβόντες παρὰ τῶν Ἑλλήνων συγχώρημα διὰ τὸν ἀγῶνα τῶν Ὀλυμπίων ἱερὰν καὶ ἀπόρθητον ᾤκουν τὴν Ἠλείαν, ἄπειροι παντὸς ὄντες

[1] δεινοῦ καὶ πάσης πολεμικῆς περιστάσεως. μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα διὰ τὴν Ἀρκάδων ἀμφισβήτησιν περὶ Λασιῶνος καὶ τῆς Πισάτιδος πάσης ἀναγκασθέντες ἐπαμύνειν τῇ χώρᾳ καὶ μεταλαβεῖν τὰς ἀγωγὰς τῶν βίων,

[2] οὐκέτι περὶ τοῦ πάλιν ἀνακτήσασθαι παρὰ τῶν Ἑλλήνων τὴν παλαιὰν καὶ πάτριον ἀσυλίαν οὐδὲ τὴν τυχοῦσαν ἐπιμέλειαν ἔσχον, ἀλλʼ ἔμειναν ἐπὶ τῶν αὐτῶν, οὐκ ὀρθῶς κατά γε τὴν ἐμὴν γνώμην περὶ τοῦ μέλλοντος ποιούμενοι πρόνοιαν.

[3] εἰ γάρ, ἧς πάντες εὐχόμεθα τοῖς θεοῖς τυχεῖν, καὶ πᾶν ὑπομένομεν ἱμείροντες αὐτῆς μετασχεῖν, καὶ μόνον τοῦτο τῶν νομιζομένων ἀγαθῶν ἀναμφισβήτητόν ἐστι παρʼ ἀνθρώποις, λέγω δὴ τὴν εἰρήνην, ταύτην δυνάμενοί τινες μετὰ τοῦ δικαίου καὶ καθήκοντος παρὰ τῶν Ἑλλήνων εἰς πάντα τὸν χρόνον ἀδήριτον κτᾶσθαι παρολιγωροῦσιν ἢ προυργιαίτερόν τι ποιοῦνται τούτου, πῶς οὐκ ἂν ὁμολογουμένως ἀγνοεῖν δόξαιεν; νὴ Δίʼ,

[4] ἀλλʼ ἴσως εὐεπίθετοι τοῖς πολεμεῖν καὶ παρασπονδεῖν προθεμένοις ἐκ τῆς τοιαύτης ἀγωγῆς γίνονται τῶν βίων.

[5] ἀλλʼ ἐκεῖνο μὲν σπάνιον, κἄν ποτε γένηται, δυνάμενον κοινῆς ὑπὸ τῶν Ἑλλήνων τυγχάνειν ἐπικουρίας·

[6] πρὸς δὲ τὰς κατὰ μέρος ἀδικίας ὑπογενομένης τοῖς βίοις χορηγίας, ὅπερ εἰκὸς ὑπάρξειν πάντα χρόνον ἐν εἰρήνῃ διάγουσι, δῆλον ὡς οὐκ ἂν ἠπόρησαν ξένων καὶ μισθοφόρων τῶν κατὰ τόπους ἢ καιροὺς παρεφεδρευόντων.

[7] νῦν δὲ τὸ σπάνιον καὶ παράδοξον δεδιότες, ἐν συνεχέσι πολέμοις καὶ καταφθοραῖς τήν τε χώραν ἔχουσι καὶ τοὺς βίους.

[8] ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ἡμῖν τῆς Ἠλείων ὑπομνήσεως εἰρήσθω χάριν, ἐπειδὴ τὰ τῶν καιρῶν οὐδέποτε πρότερον εὐφυεστέραν διάθεσιν ἔσχηκε τῆς νῦν πρὸς τὸ παρὰ πάντων ὁμολογουμένην κτήσασθαι τὴν ἀσυλίαν· τὴν δὲ χώραν, καθάπερ ἐπάνω προεῖπον, ἔτι τῆς παλαιᾶς συνηθείας οἷον αἰθυγμάτων ἐμμε

[1] νόντων, οἰκοῦσι διαφερόντως Ἠλεῖοι. διὸ καὶ κατὰ τὴν Φιλίππου παρουσίαν ἄπλετον μὲν ἦν τὸ τῶν ἁλισκομένων πλῆθος, ἔτι δὲ πλεῖον τὸ τῶν συμπεφευγότων.

[2] πλείστη δʼ ἀποσκευὴ καὶ πλεῖστος ὄχλος ἡθροίσθη σωμάτων καὶ θρεμμάτων εἰς τὸ χωρίον, ὃ καλοῦσι Θαλάμας, διὰ τὸ τήν τε χώραν τὴν πέριξ αὐτοῦ στενὴν εἶναι καὶ δυσέμβολον τό τε χωρίον ἀπραγμάτευτον καὶ δυσπρόσοδον.

[3] ἀκούων δʼ ὁ βασιλεὺς τὸ πλῆθος τῶν συμπεφευγότων εἰς τὸν προειρημένον τόπον, καὶ κρίνας μηδὲν ἀβασάνιστον μηδʼ ἀπέραντον ἀπολιπεῖν, τοῖς μὲν μισθοφόροις προκατελάβετο τοὺς ἐπὶ τῆς εἰσβολῆς εὐφυῶς κειμένους τόπους,

[4] αὐτὸς δὲ τὴν ἀποσκευὴν καταλιπὼν ἐν τῷ χάρακι καὶ τὸ πλεῖον μέρος τῆς δυνάμεως, ἀναλαβὼν τοὺς πελταστὰς καὶ τοὺς εὐζώνους προῆγε διὰ τῶν στενῶν· οὐδενὸς δὲ κωλύοντος ἧκε πρὸς τὸ χωρίον.

[5] καταπλαγέντων δὲ τῶν συμπεφευγότων τὴν ἔφοδον, ἅτε δὴ πρὸς πᾶσαν πολεμικὴν χρείαν ἀπείρως καὶ ἀπαρασκεύως διακειμένων, ἅμα δὲ καὶ συνδεδραμηκότος ὄχλου συρφετώδους, ταχέως παρέδοσαν αὑτούς·

[6] ἐν οἷς ἦσαν καὶ μισθοφόροι διακόσιοι μιγάδες, οὓς ἧκεν ἔχων Ἀμφίδαμος ὁ στρατηγὸς τῶν Ἠλείων.

[7] ὁ δὲ Φίλιππος, κυριεύσας ἀποσκευῆς τε πολλῆς καὶ σωμάτων πλειόνων ἢ πεντακισχιλίων, πρὸς δὲ τούτοις τῆς τετράποδος λείας ἀναρίθμητον ἐξελασάμενος πλῆθος, τότε μὲν ἐπανῆλθε πρὸς χάρακα,

[8] μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα τῆς δυνάμεως ὑπεργεμούσης αὐτῷ παντοδαπῆς ὠφελείας, βαρὺς ὢν καὶ δύσχρηστος, ἀνεχώρει διὰ ταῦτα, καὶ κατέζευξε πάλιν εἰς τὴν Ὀλυμπίαν.

[1] Ἀπελλῆς δʼ, ὃς ἦν μὲν εἷς τῶν ὑπʼ Ἀντιγόνου καταλειφθέντων ἐπιτρόπων τοῦ παιδός, πλεῖστον δʼ ἐτύγχανε τότε δυνάμενος παρὰ τῷ βασιλεῖ, βουληθεὶς τὸ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν ἔθνος ἀγαγεῖν εἰς παραπλησίαν διάθεσιν τῇ Θετταλῶν, ἐπεβάλετο πρᾶγμα ποιεῖν μοχθηρόν.

[2] Θετταλοὶ γὰρ ἐδόκουν μὲν κατὰ νόμους πολιτεύειν καὶ πολὺ διαφέρειν Μακεδόνων, διέφερον δʼ οὐδέν, ἀλλὰ πᾶν ὁμοίως ἔπασχον Μακεδόσι καὶ πᾶν ἐποίουν τὸ προσταττόμενον τοῖς βασιλικοῖς.

[3] διὸ καὶ πρὸς ταύτην ἁρμοζόμενος τὴν ὑπόθεσιν ὁ προειρημένος ἐπεβάλετο καταπειράζειν τῶν συστρατευομένων.

[4] τὸ μὲν οὖν πρῶτον ἐπέτρεψε τοῖς Μακεδόσιν ἐκβαλεῖν ἐκ τῶν σταθμῶν ἀεὶ τοὺς προκατέχοντας τῶν Ἀχαιῶν καταλύσεις, ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ τὴν λείαν ἀφαιρεῖσθαι·

[5] μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα τὰς χεῖρας προσέφερε διὰ τῶν ὑπηρετῶν ἐπὶ ταῖς τυχούσαις αἰτίαις, τοὺς δὲ συναγανακτοῦντας ἢ προσβοηθοῦντας τοῖς μαστιγουμένοις παρὼν αὐτὸς εἰς τὴν ἅλυσιν ἀπῆγε,

[6] πεπεισμένος διὰ τοῦ τοιούτου τρόπου τὸ κατὰ βραχὺ λήσειν εἰς συνήθειαν ἀγαγὼν τοῦ μηδένα μηδὲν ἡγεῖσθαι δεινόν, ὅ ποτʼ ἂν πάσχῃ τις ὑπὸ τοῦ βασιλέως,

[7] καὶ ταῦτα μικροῖς χρόνοις πρότερον μετʼ Ἀντιγόνου συνεστρατευμένος, καὶ τεθεαμένος τοὺς Ἀχαιοὺς ὅτι παντὸς δεινοῦ λαβεῖν πεῖραν ὑπέμειναν, ἐφʼ ᾧ μὴ ποιεῖν Κλεομένει τὸ προσταττόμενον.

[8] οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ συστραφέντων τινῶν Ἀχαϊκῶν νεανίσκων, καὶ προσελθόντων τοῖς περὶ τὸν Ἄρατον καὶ διασαφούντων τὴν Ἀπελλοῦ βούλησιν, ἧκον ἐπὶ τὸν Φίλιππον οἱ περὶ τὸν Ἄρατον, κρίναντες ἐν ἀρχαῖς περὶ τῶν τοιούτων διίστασθαι καὶ μὴ καταμέλλειν. ἐντυχόντων δʼ αὐτῶν τῷ βασιλεῖ περὶ τούτων,

[9] διακούσας ὁ Φίλιππος τὰ γεγονότα, τοὺς μὲν νεανίσκους παρεκάλει θαρρεῖν, ὡς οὐδενὸς αὐτοῖς ἔτι συμβησομένου τοιούτου, τῷ δʼ Ἀπελλῇ παρήγγειλε μηδὲν ἐπιτάττειν τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς χωρὶς τῆς τοῦ στρατηγοῦ γνώμης.

[1] Φίλιππος μὲν οὖν κατὰ τὴν ὁμιλίαν τὴν πρὸς τοὺς ἐν τοῖς ὑπαίθροις συνδιατρίβοντας καὶ κατὰ τὴν ἐν τοῖς πολεμικοῖς πρᾶξιν καὶ τόλμαν οὐ μόνον παρὰ τοῖς στρατευομένοις, ἀλλὰ καὶ παρὰ τοῖς λοιποῖς πᾶσι Πελοποννησίοις εὐδοκίμει.

[2] βασιλέα γὰρ πλείοσιν ἀφορμαῖς ἐκ φύσεως κεχορηγημένον πρὸς πραγμάτων κατάκτησιν οὐκ εὐμαρὲς εὑρεῖν·

[3] καὶ γὰρ ἀγχίνοια καὶ μνήμη καὶ χάρις ἐπῆν αὐτῷ διαφέρουσα, πρὸς δὲ τούτοις ἐπίφασις βασιλικὴ καὶ δύναμις, τὸ δὲ μέγιστον, πρᾶξις καὶ τόλμα πολεμική.

[4] καὶ τί δή ποτʼ ἦν τὸ ταῦτα πάντα καταγωνισάμενον καὶ ποιῆσαν ἐκ βασιλέως εὐφυοῦς τύραννον ἄγριον οὐκ εὐχερὲς διὰ βραχέων δηλῶσαι. διὸ καὶ περὶ μὲν τούτων σκέπτεσθαι καὶ διαπορεῖν ἄλλος ἁρμόσει καιρὸς μᾶλλον τοῦ νῦν ἐνεστῶτος·

[5] ὁ δὲ Φίλιππος ἐκ τῆς Ὀλυμπίας ἀναζεύξας τὴν ἐπὶ Φαραίαν παρῆν εἰς Τέλφουσαν κἀκεῖθεν εἰς Ἡραίαν. καὶ τὴν μὲν λείαν ἐλαφυροπώλει, τὴν δὲ γέφυραν ἐπεσκεύαζε τὴν κατὰ τὸν Ἀλφειόν, βουλόμενος ταύτῃ ποιήσασθαι τὴν εἰς τὴν Τριφυλίαν εἰσβολήν.

[6] κατὰ δὲ τοὺς αὐτοὺς καιροὺς Δωρίμαχος ὁ τῶν Αἰτωλῶν στρατηγός, δεομένων τῶν Ἠλείων σφίσι βοηθεῖν πορθουμένοις, ἑξακοσίους Αἰτωλοὺς καὶ στρατηγὸν Φιλλίδαν αὐτοῖς ἐξέπεμψεν.

[7] ὃς παραγενόμενος εἰς τὴν Ἠλείαν, καὶ παραλαβὼν τοὺς μισθοφόρους τῶν Ἠλείων, ὄντας εἰς πεντακοσίους, καὶ πολιτικοὺς χιλίους, ἅμα δὲ τούτοις τοὺς Ταραντίνους, ἧκε βοηθῶν εἰς τὴν Τριφυλίαν,

[8] ἣ τῆς μὲν προσηγορίας τέτευχε ταύτης ἀπὸ Τριφύλου τῶν Ἀρκάδος παίδων ἑνός, κεῖται δὲ τῆς Πελοποννήσου παρὰ θάλατταν μεταξὺ τῆς Ἠλείων καὶ Μεσσηνίων χώρας, τέτραπται δʼ εἰς τὸ Λιβυκὸν πέλαγος, ἐσχατεύουσα τῆς Ἀρκαδίας ὡς πρὸς χειμερινὰς δύσεις,

[9] ἔχει δʼ ἐν αὑτῇ πόλεις ταύτας, Σαμικόν, Λέπρεον, Ὕπαναν, Τυπανέας, Πύργον, Αἴπιον, Βώλακα, Στυλάγγιον, Φρίξαν.

[10] ὧν ὀλίγοις χρόνοις πρότερον ἐπικρατήσαντες Ἠλεῖοι προσελάβοντο καὶ τὴν τῶν Ἀλιφειρέων πόλιν, οὖσαν ἐξ ἀρχῆς ὑπʼ Ἀρκαδίαν [καὶ Μεγαλόπολιν], Λυδιάδου τοῦ Μεγαλοπολίτου κατὰ τὴν τυραννίδα πρός τινας ἰδίας πράξεις ἀλλαγὴν δόντος τοῖς Ἠλείοις.

[1] πλὴν ὅ γε Φιλλίδας τοὺς μὲν Ἠλείους εἰς Λέπρεον, τοὺς δὲ μισθοφόρους εἰς Ἀλίφειραν ἀποστείλας, αὐτὸς δὲ τοὺς Αἰτωλοὺς ἔχων ἐν Τυπανέαις ἐκαραδόκει τὸ συμβησόμενον.

[2] ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς ἀποθέμενος τὴν ἀποσκευὴν καὶ διαβὰς τῇ γεφύρᾳ τὸν Ἀλφειὸν ποταμόν, ὃς ῥεῖ παρʼ αὐτὴν τὴν τῶν Ἡραιέων πόλιν,

[3] ἧκε πρὸς τὴν Ἀλίφειραν, ἣ κεῖται μὲν ἐπὶ λόφου κρημνώδους πανταχόθεν, ἔχοντος πλεῖον ἢ δέκα σταδίων πρόσβασιν, ἔχει δʼ ἄκραν ἐν αὐτῇ τῇ κορυφῇ τοῦ σύμπαντος λόφου καὶ χαλκοῦν Ἀθηνᾶς ἀνδριάντα, κάλλει καὶ μεγέθει διαφέροντα.

[4] οὗ τὴν μὲν αἰτίαν, ἀπὸ ποίας προθέσεως ἢ χορηγίας ἔλαβε τὴν ἀρχὴν τῆς κατασκευῆς, ἀμφισβητεῖσθαι συμβαίνει καὶ παρὰ τοῖς ἐγχωρίοις — οὔτε γὰρ πόθεν οὔτε τίς ἀνέθηκεν εὑρίσκεται τρανῶς —

[5] τὸ μέντοι γε τῆς τέχνης ἀποτέλεσμα συμφωνεῖται παρὰ πᾶσι, διότι τῶν μεγαλομερεστάτων καὶ τεχνικωτάτων ἔργων ἐστίν, Ὑπατοδώρου καὶ Σωστράτου κατεσκευακότων.

[6] οὐ μὴν ἀλλʼ ἐπιγενομένης ἡμέρας αἰθρίου καὶ λαμπρᾶς, διατάξας ὑπὸ τὴν ἑωθινὴν ὁ βασιλεὺς κατὰ πλείους τόπους τούς τε τὰς κλίμακας φέροντας καὶ τὰς τῶν μισθοφόρων ἐφεδρείας πρὸ τούτων,

[7] ἐπὶ δὲ τοῖς προειρημένοις τοὺς Μακεδόνας διῃρημένους κατόπιν ἑκάστοις ἐπιστήσας, ἅμα τῷ τὸν ἥλιον ἐπιβάλλειν πᾶσι προσέταξε προσβαίνειν πρὸς τὸν λόφον.

[8] ποιούντων δὲ τὸ παραγγελθὲν ἐκθύμως καὶ καταπληκτικῶς τῶν Μακεδόνων, συνέβαινε τοὺς Ἀλιφειρεῖς πρὸς τούτους ὁρμᾶν ἀεὶ καὶ συντρέχειν τοὺς τόπους, οἷς μάλιστα τοὺς Μακεδόνας ἑώρων προσπελάζοντας.

[9] κατὰ δὲ τὸν καιρὸν τοῦτον αὐτὸς ὁ βασιλεὺς ἔχων τοὺς ἐπιτηδειοτάτους διά τινων κρημνῶν ἔλαθε πρὸς τὸ τῆς ἄκρας προάστειον ἀναβάς.

[10] ἀποδοθέντος δὲ τοῦ συνθήματος, πάντες ἅμα προσερείσαντες τὰς κλίμακας κατεπείραζον τῆς πόλεως.

[11] πρῶτος μὲν οὖν ὁ βασιλεὺς κατέσχε τὸ προάστειον τῆς ἄκρας, ἔρημον καταλαβών· τούτου δʼ ἐμπιπραμένου, προϊδόμενοι τὸ μέλλον οἱ τοῖς τείχεσιν ἐπαμύνοντες, καὶ περιδεεῖς γενόμενοι μὴ τῆς ἄκρας προκαταληφθείσης στερηθῶσι καὶ τῆς τελευταίας ἐλπίδος, ὥρμησαν ἀπολιπόντες τὰ τείχη φεύγειν πρὸς τὴν ἀκρόπολιν. οἱ δὲ Μακεδόνες,

[12] γενομένου τούτου, παραχρῆμα καὶ τῶν τειχῶν καὶ τῆς πόλεως ἐκυρίευσαν.

[13] μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα διαπρεσβευσαμένων τῶν ἐκ τῆς ἄκρας πρὸς τὸν Φίλιππον, δοὺς τὴν ἀσφάλειαν παρέλαβε καὶ ταύτην καθʼ ὁμολογίαν.

[1] συντελεσθέντων δὲ τούτων, καταπλαγεῖς γεγονότες πάντες οἱ κατὰ τὴν Τριφυλίαν ἐβουλεύοντο περὶ σφῶν αὐτῶν καὶ τῶν ἰδίων πατρίδων.

[2] ὁ δὲ Φιλλίδας ἐκλιπὼν τὰς Τυπανέας, προσδιαρπάσας τινὰς τῶν οἰκιῶν, ἀπεχώρησεν εἰς τὸ Λέπρεον·

[3] ταῦτα γὰρ ἐπίχειρα τότε τοῖς Αἰτωλῶν ἐγίνετο συμμάχοις, τὸ μὴ μόνον ἐν τοῖς ἀναγκαιοτάτοις καιροῖς ἐγκαταλείπεσθαι προφανῶς, ἀλλὰ καὶ διαρπαγέντας ἢ προδοθέντας τούτοις περιπίπτειν ὑπὸ τῶν συμμάχων, ἃ τοῖς κρατηθεῖσιν ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων ὀφείλεται πάσχειν.

[4] οἱ δὲ Τυπανεᾶται παρέδοσαν τῷ Φιλίππῳ τὴν πόλιν. τούτοις δὲ τὸ παραπλήσιον ἐποίησαν οἱ τὴν Ὕπαναν κατοικοῦντες.

[5] ἅμα δὲ τούτοις Φιαλεῖς, ἀκούοντες τὰ περὶ τὴν Τριφυλίαν καὶ δυσαρεστούμενοι τῇ τῶν Αἰτωλῶν συμμαχίᾳ, κατέλαβον μετὰ τῶν ὅπλων τὸν περὶ τὸ πολεμάρχιον τόπον.

[6] οἱ δὲ τῶν Αἰτωλῶν πειραταί, διατρίβοντες ἐν ταύτῃ τῇ πόλει διὰ τὰς ἐκ τῆς Μεσσηνίας ὠφελείας, τὸ μὲν πρῶτον οἷοί τʼ ἦσαν ἐγχειρεῖν καὶ κατατολμᾶν τῶν Φιαλέων,

[7] ὁρῶντες δὲ τοὺς πολίτας ὁμοθυμαδὸν ἁθροιζομένους πρὸς τὴν βοήθειαν, ἀπέστησαν τῆς ἐπιβολῆς, σπεισάμενοι δὲ καὶ λαβόντες τὰς αὑτῶν ἀποσκευὰς ἀπῆλθον ἐκ τῆς πόλεως.

[8] οἱ δὲ Φιαλεῖς διαπρεσβευσάμενοι πρὸς τὸν Φίλιππον ἐνεχείρισαν σφᾶς αὐτοὺς καὶ τὴν πόλιν.

[1] ἔτι δὴ τούτων πραττομένων οἱ Λεπρεᾶται καταλαβόμενοι τόπον τινὰ τῆς πόλεως ἠξίουν ἐκχωρεῖν τῆς ἄκρας καὶ τῆς πόλεως τοὺς Ἠλείους καὶ τοὺς Αἰτωλούς, ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ τοὺς παρὰ Λακεδαιμονίων· ἧκε γὰρ καὶ παρʼ ἐκείνων αὐτοῖς βοήθεια.

[2] τὸ μὲν οὖν πρῶτον οἱ περὶ τὸν Φιλλίδαν οὐ προσεῖχον, ἀλλʼ ἔμενον, ὡς καταπληξόμενοι τοὺς ἐν τῇ πόλει·

[3] τοῦ δὲ βασιλέως εἰς μὲν τὴν Φιγάλειαν Ταυρίωνα μετὰ στρατιωτῶν ἐξαποστείλαντος, αὐτοῦ δὲ προάγοντος εἰς τὸ Λέπρεον καὶ συνεγγίζοντος ἤδη τῇ πόλει, συνέντες οἱ περὶ τὸν Φιλλίδαν ἐταπεινώθησαν, οἱ δὲ Λεπρεᾶται προσεπερρώσθησαν ταῖς ὁρμαῖς.

[4] καλὸν γὰρ δὴ τοῦτο Λεπρεάταις ἔργον πέπρακται, τὸ χιλίων μὲν ἔνδον ὄντων Ἠλείων, χιλίων δὲ σὺν τοῖς πειραταῖς Αἰτωλῶν, πεντακοσίων δὲ μισθοφόρων, διακοσίων δὲ Λακεδαιμονίων, πρὸς δὲ τούτοις τῆς ἄκρας κατεχομένης, ὅμως ἀντιποιήσασθαι τῆς ἑαυτῶν πατρίδος καὶ μὴ προέσθαι τὰς σφετέρας ἐλπίδας.

[5] ὁ δὲ Φιλλίδας, ὁρῶν τοὺς Λεπρεάτας ἀνδρωδῶς ὑφισταμένους καὶ τοὺς Μακεδόνας ἐγγίζοντας, ἐξεχώρησε τῆς πόλεως ἅμα τοῖς Ἠλείοις καὶ τοῖς παρὰ τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων.

[6] οἱ μὲν οὖν παρὰ τῶν Σπαρτιατῶν Κρῆτες διὰ τῆς Μεσσηνίας εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν ἐπανῆλθον, οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Φιλλίδαν ἐποιοῦντο τὴν ἀπόλυσιν ὡς ἐπὶ τὸ Σαμικόν. τὸ δὲ τῶν Λεπρεατῶν πλῆθος,

[7] ἐγκρατὲς γεγονὸς τῆς πατρίδος, ἐξαπέστελλε πρεσβευτάς, ἐγχειρίζον τῷ Φιλίππῳ τὴν πόλιν.

[8] ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς ἀκούσας τὰ γεγονότα, τὴν μὲν λοιπὴν δύναμιν εἰς τὸ Λέπρεον ἀπέστειλε, τοὺς δὲ πελταστὰς καὶ τοὺς εὐζώνους ἀναλαβὼν ἡγεῖτο, συνάψαι σπεύδων τοῖς περὶ τὸν Φιλλίδαν.

[9] καταλαβὼν δὲ τῆς μὲν ἀποσκευῆς ἐγκρατὴς ἐγένετο πάσης, οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Φιλλίδαν κατετάχησαν εἰς τὸ Σαμικὸν παραπεσόντες.

[10] προσστρατοπεδεύσας δὲ τῷ χωρίῳ, καὶ τὴν λοιπὴν ἐπισπασάμενος ἐκ τοῦ Λεπρέου δύναμιν, ἔμφασιν ἐποίει τοῖς ἔνδον ὡς πολιορκήσων τὸ χωρίον.

[11] οἱ δʼ Αἰτωλοὶ μετὰ τῶν Ἠλείων οὐδὲν ἔχοντες ἕτοιμον πρὸς πολιορκίαν πλὴν χερῶν, καταπλαγέντες τὴν περίστασιν ἐλάλουν περὶ ἀσφαλείας πρὸς τὸν Φίλιππον.

[12] λαβόντες δὲ συγχώρημα μετὰ τῶν ὅπλων ποιήσασθαι τὴν ἀπόλυσιν, οὗτοι μὲν ὥρμησαν εἰς τὴν Ἠλείαν· ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς τοῦ μὲν Σαμικοῦ παραυτίκα κύριος ἐγένετο,

[13] μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα, παραγενομένων πρὸς αὐτὸν καὶ τῶν ἄλλων μεθʼ ἱκετηρίας, παρέλαβε Φρίξαν, Στυλάγγιον, Αἴπιον, Βώλακα, Πύργον, Ἐπιτάλιον.

[14] ταῦτα δὲ διαπραξάμενος ἐπανῆλθε πάλιν εἰς τὸ Λέπρεον, πᾶσαν ὑφʼ ἑαυτὸν πεποιημένος τὴν Τριφυλίαν ἐν ἡμέραις ἕξ.

[15] παρακαλέσας δὲ τοὺς Λεπρεάτας τὰ πρέποντα τῷ καιρῷ, καὶ φυλακὴν εἰσαγαγὼν εἰς τὴν ἄκραν, ἀνέζευξε μετὰ τῆς δυνάμεως ἐφʼ Ἡραίας, ἀπολιπὼν ἐπιμελητὴν τῆς Τριφυλίας Λάδικον τὸν Ἀκαρνᾶνα.

[16] παραγενόμενος δʼ εἰς τὴν προειρημένην πόλιν τὴν μὲν λείαν διένειμε πᾶσαν, τὴν δʼ ἀποσκευὴν ἀναλαβὼν ἐκ τῆς Ἡραίας ἦλθε μέσου χειμῶνος εἰς Μεγάλην πόλιν.

[1] κατὰ δὲ τοὺς αὐτοὺς καιροὺς Φίλιππος ἔπραττε τὰ κατὰ τὴν Τριφυλίαν, καὶ Χείλων ὁ Λακεδαιμόνιος, ὑπολαμβάνων αὑτῷ καθήκειν κατὰ γένος τὴν βασιλείαν, καὶ βαρέως φέρων τὴν γεγενημένην ὑπεροψίαν περὶ αὐτὸν ἐκ τῶν ἐφόρων ἐν τῇ κατὰ τὸν Λυκοῦργον κρίσει περὶ τῆς βασιλείας, κινεῖν ἐπεβάλετο τὰ καθεστῶτα.

[2] νομίσας δʼ, εἰ τὴν ὁδὸν τὴν αὐτὴν ἔλθοι Κλεομένει καὶ τοῖς πολλοῖς ὑποδείξαι τὴν ἐλπίδα τῆς κληρουχίας καὶ τῶν ἀναδασμῶν, ταχέως ἐπακολουθήσειν αὐτῷ τὸ πλῆθος, ὥρμησε πρὸς τὴν πρᾶξιν.

[3] συμφρονήσας δὲ περὶ τούτων πρὸς τοὺς φίλους, καὶ λαβὼν κοινωνοὺς τῆς τόλμης εἰς διακοσίους τὸ πλῆθος, ἐγίνετο πρὸς τῷ συντελεῖν τὴν ἐπίνοιαν.

[4] θεωρῶν δὲ μέγιστον ἐμπόδιον ὑπάρχον αὑτῷ πρὸς τὴν ἐπιβολὴν τὸν Λυκοῦργον καὶ τοὺς ἐφόρους τοὺς περιθέντας ἐκείνῳ τὴν βασιλείαν, ὥρμησε πρῶτον ἐπὶ τούτους.

[5] τοὺς μὲν οὖν ἐφόρους δειπνοῦντας καταλαβών, πάντας αὐτοῦ κατέσφαξε, τῆς τύχης τὴν ἁρμόζουσαν αὐτοῖς ἐπιθείσης δίκην· καὶ γὰρ ὑφʼ οὗ καὶ περὶ οὗ ταῦτʼ ἔπαθον, δικαίως αὐτοὺς ἄν τις φήσειε πεπονθέναι.

[6] ὁ δὲ Χείλων, τὰ κατὰ τούτους συντελεσάμενος, παρῆν ἐπὶ τὴν οἰκίαν τοῦ Λυκούργου καὶ κατέλαβε μὲν ἔνδον, οὐ μὴν ἐδυνήθη γʼ ἐγκρατὴς αὐτοῦ γενέσθαι.

[7] διὰ γάρ τινων κατοικούντων ἐκ γειτόνων ἐκκλαπεὶς καὶ διαδρὰς ἔλαθεν αὐτόν. οὗτος μὲν οὖν ἀνεχώρησε ταῖς ἀνοδίαις εἰς τὴν ἐν τῇ Τριπόλει προσαγορευομένην Πελλήνην.

[8] ὁ δὲ Χείλων ἀπεσφαλμένος τοῦ κυριωτάτου πρὸς τὴν ἐπιβολὴν ἀθύμως διέκειτο, πράττειν δʼ ὅμως ἠναγκάζετο τὸ συνεχές.

[9] διόπερ εἰς τὴν ἀγορὰν εἰσβαλὼν τοῖς μὲν ἐχθροῖς προσέφερε τὰς χεῖρας, τοὺς δʼ οἰκείους καὶ φίλους παρεκάλει, τοῖς δὲ λοιποῖς ὑπεδείκνυε τὰς ἄρτι ῥηθείσας ἐλπίδας.

[10] οὐδενὸς δὲ προσέχοντος αὐτῷ, τἀναντία δὲ συστρεφομένων ἐπʼ αὐτὸν τῶν ἀνθρώπων, συννοήσας τὸ γινόμενον, ἀπεχώρει λαθραίως, καὶ διελθὼν τὴν χώραν ἧκε μόνος εἰς τὴν Ἀχαΐαν ἐκπεπτωκώς. οἱ δὲ Λακεδαιμόνιοι,

[11] δείσαντες τὴν τοῦ Φιλίππου παρουσίαν, τἀπὸ τῆς χώρας ἀπεσκευάζοντο καὶ τὸ τῶν Μεγαλοπολιτῶν Ἀθήναιον κατασκάψαντες ἐξέλιπον.

Λακεδαιμόνιοι μὲν οὖν,

[12] ἀπὸ τῆς Λυκούργου νομοθεσίας καλλίστῃ χρησάμενοι πολιτείᾳ καὶ μεγίστην ἔχοντες δύναμιν ἕως τῆς ἐν Λεύκτροις μάχης, αὖτις ἐπὶ τἀναντία τραπείσης αὐτοῖς τῆς τύχης, καὶ τοὔμπαλιν ἐπὶ τὸ χεῖρον ἀεὶ καὶ μᾶλλον τῆς πολιτείας αὐτῶν προβαινούσης,

[13] τέλος πλείστων μὲν πόνων καὶ στάσεων ἐμφυλίων πεῖραν εἶχον, πλείστοις δʼ ἐπάλαισαν ἀναδασμοῖς καὶ φυγαῖς, πικροτάτης δὲ δουλείας πεῖραν ἔλαβον ἕως τῆς Νάβιδος τυραννίδος, οἱ τὸ πρὶν οὐδὲ τοὔνομα δυνηθέντες ἀνασχέσθαι ῥᾳδίως αὐτῆς.

[14] τὰ μὲν οὖν πάλαι καὶ τὰ πλείω περὶ Λακεδαιμονίων εἰς ἑκάτερον μέρος ὑπὸ πολλῶν εἴρηται τάδε. ἐναργέστατα δʼ ἐστὶν ἀφʼ οὗ Κλεομένης ὁλοσχερῶς κατέλυσε τὸ πάτριον πολίτευμα. νῦν δʼ ὑφʼ ἡμῶν ῥηθήσεται κατὰ τοὺς ἁρμόζοντας ἀεὶ καιρούς.

[1] ὁ δὲ Φίλιππος ἀναζεύξας ἐκ τῆς Μεγάλης πόλεως καὶ πορευθεὶς διὰ τῆς Τεγέας παρῆν εἰς Ἄργος, κἀκεῖ τὸ λοιπὸν μέρος τοῦ χειμῶνος διέτριβε, κατά τε τὴν λοιπὴν ἀναστροφὴν καὶ κατὰ τὰς πράξεις τεθαυμασμένος ὑπὲρ τὴν ἡλικίαν ἐν ταῖς προειρημέναις στρατείαις.

[2] ὁ δʼ Ἀπελλῆς οὐδʼ ὣς ἔληγε τῆς ἐπιβολῆς, ἀλλʼ οἷός τʼ ἦν ἄγειν ὑπὸ τὸν ζυγὸν τῷ κατὰ βραχὺ τοὺς Ἀχαιούς.

[3] ὁρῶν δὲ τῇ τοιαύτῃ προθέσει τοὺς περὶ τὸν Ἄρατον ἐμποδὼν ἱσταμένους, καὶ τὸν Φίλιππον αὐτοῖς προσέχοντα, καὶ μᾶλλον τῷ πρεσβυτέρῳ διά τε τὴν πρὸς Ἀντίγονον σύστασιν καὶ διὰ τὸ πλεῖστον ἐν τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς ἰσχύειν, καὶ μάλιστα διὰ τὴν ἐπιδεξιότητα καὶ νουνέχειαν τἀνδρός, περὶ τούτους ἐπεβάλετο γίνεσθαι καὶ κακοπραγμονεῖν τοιῷδέ τινι τρόπῳ.

[4] ἐξετάζων τοὺς ἀντιπολιτευομένους τοῖς περὶ τὸν Ἄρατον, τίνες εἰσίν, ἑκάστους ἐκ τῶν πόλεων ἐπεσπάσατο, καὶ λαμβάνων εἰς τὰς χεῖρας ἐψυχαγώγει καὶ παρεκάλει πρὸς τὴν ἑαυτοῦ φιλίαν.

[5] συνίστανε δὲ καὶ τῷ Φιλίππῳ, προσεπιδεικνύων αὐτῷ παρʼ ἕκαστον ὡς ἐὰν μὲν Ἀράτῳ προσέχῃ, χρήσεται τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς κατὰ τὴν ἔγγραπτον συμμαχίαν, ἐὰν δʼ αὐτῷ πείθηται καὶ τοιούτους προσλαμβάνῃ φίλους, χρήσεται πᾶσι Πελοποννησίοις κατὰ τὴν αὑτοῦ βούλησιν.

[6] περί τε τῶν ἀρχαιρεσίων εὐθὺς ἐσπούδαζε, βουλόμενος τούτων τινὶ περιποιῆσαι τὴν στρατηγίαν, τοὺς δὲ περὶ τὸν Ἄρατον ἐκβαλεῖν ἐκ τῆς ὑποθέσεως.

[7] διʼ ἃ δὴ καὶ πείθει Φίλιππον παραγενέσθαι πρὸς τὰς τῶν Ἀχαιῶν ἀρχαιρεσίας εἰς Αἴγιον, ὡς εἰς τὴν Ἠλείαν ἅμα ποιούμενον τὴν πορείαν.

[8] πεισθέντος δʼ αὐτῷ τοῦ βασιλέως, παρὼν αὐτὸς ἐπὶ τοῦ καιροῦ, καὶ τοὺς μὲν παρακαλῶν, οἷς δʼ ἀνατεινόμενος, μόλις μὲν ἤνυσε, κατεκράτησε δʼ οὖν ὅμως τοῦ γενέσθαι στρατηγὸν Ἐπήρατον Φαραιέα, τὸν δὲ Τιμόξενον ἐκπεσεῖν, τὸν ὑπὸ τῶν περὶ τὸν Ἄρατον εἰσαγόμενον.

[1] μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα ἀναζεύξας ὁ βασιλεύς, καὶ ποιησάμενος τὴν πορείαν διὰ Πατρῶν καὶ Δύμης, ἧκε πρὸς τὸ φρούριον, ὃ καλεῖται μὲν Τεῖχος, πρόκειται δὲ τῆς Δυμαίων χώρας· κατέσχον δʼ αὐτὸ μικροῖς ἔμπροσθεν χρόνοις, καθάπερ ἀνώτερον εἶπον, οἱ περὶ τὸν Εὐριπίδαν.

[2] σπεύδων δὴ τοῦτο κατὰ πάντα τρόπον ἀνακομίσασθαι τοῖς Δυμαίοις, προσεστρατοπέδευσε μετὰ πάσης δυνάμεως.

[3] καταπλαγέντες δʼ οἱ φυλάττοντες τῶν Ἠλείων παρέδοσαν τὸ φρούριον τῷ Φιλίππῳ, χωρίον οὐ μέγα μέν, ἠσφαλισμένον δὲ διαφερόντως·

[4] τὴν μὲν γὰρ περίμετρον εἶχεν οὐ πλείω τριῶν ἡμισταδίων, τὸ δʼ ὕψος τοῦ τείχους οὐδαμῇ τριάκοντα πήχεων ἔλαττον.

[5] παραδοὺς δὲ τοῦτο τοῖς Δυμαίοις ἐπῄει πορθῶν τὴν τῶν Ἠλείων χώραν· φθείρας δὲ ταύτην, καὶ πολλὴν περιβαλόμενος λείαν, ἐπανῆλθε μετὰ τῆς δυνάμεως εἰς τὴν Δύμην.

[1] ὁ δʼ Ἀπελλῆς, δοκῶν ἠνυκέναι τι τῆς προθέσεως τῷ διʼ αὐτοῦ καθεστάσθαι τὸν τῶν Ἀχαιῶν στρατηγόν, αὖθις ἐνεχείρει τοῖς περὶ τὸν Ἄρατον, βουλόμενος εἰς τέλος ἀποσπάσαι τὸν Φίλιππον ἀπὸ τῆς πρὸς αὐτοὺς φιλίας. ἐπεβάλετο δὲ τὴν διαβολὴν πλάττειν διὰ τοιαύτης τινὸς ἐπινοίας.

[2] Ἀμφίδαμος ὁ τῶν Ἠλείων στρατηγός, ἐν ταῖς Θαλάμαις ἁλοὺς ἅμα τοῖς συμπεφευγόσι, καθάπερ ἀνώτερον ἡμῖν ἐρρήθη περὶ τούτων, ὡς ἧκε μετὰ τῶν ἄλλων αἰχμαλώτων ἀγόμενος εἰς Ὀλυμπίαν, ἔσπευσε διά τινων εἰς λόγους ἐλθεῖν τῷ βασιλεῖ.

[3] τυχὼν δὲ τούτου διελέγετο, φάσκων εἶναι δυνατὸς ἐπαγαγέσθαι τοὺς Ἠλείους εἰς τὴν πρὸς αὐτὸν φιλίαν καὶ συμμαχίαν. ὁ δὲ Φίλιππος πεισθεὶς ἐξαπέστειλε τὸν Ἀμφίδαμον χωρὶς λύτρων,

[4] κελεύσας ἐπαγγέλλεσθαι τοῖς Ἠλείοις, ἐὰν ἕλωνται τὴν πρὸς αὐτὸν φιλίαν, ὅτι τὰ μὲν αἰχμάλωτα πάντα χωρὶς λύτρων ἀποδώσει, τῇ δὲ χώρᾳ τὴν ἀσφάλειαν αὐτὸς ἀπὸ πάντων τῶν ἐκτὸς παρασκευάσει,

[5] πρὸς δὲ τούτοις αὐτοὺς ἐλευθέρους, ἀφρουρήτους, ἀφορολογήτους, χρωμένους τοῖς ἰδίοις πολιτεύμασι, διατηρήσει.

[6] οἱ μὲν οὖν Ἠλεῖοι διακούσαντες τούτων οὐδὲν προσέσχον, καίπερ ἐπισπαστικῶν καὶ μεγάλων εἶναι δοκούντων τῶν προτεινομένων·

[7] ὁ δʼ Ἀπελλῆς, ἐκ τούτου τοῦ πράγματος πλάσας τὴν διαβολήν, προσήνεγκε τῷ Φιλίππῳ, φάσκων τοὺς περὶ τὸν Ἄρατον οὐκ εἰλικρινῆ τὴν φιλίαν ἄγειν πρὸς Μακεδόνας οὐδʼ ἀληθινῶς εὐνοεῖν αὐτῷ· καὶ γὰρ νῦν τῆς Ἠλείων ἀλλοτριότητος τούτους αἰτίους γεγονέναι.

[8] καθʼ ὃν γὰρ καιρὸν Ἀμφίδαμον ἐξ Ὀλυμπίας εἰς Ἦλιν ἀπέστειλε, τούτους ἔφη κατʼ ἰδίαν λαβόντας ἐπιτρῖψαι τὸν ἄνθρωπον καὶ λέγειν ὅτι κατʼ οὐδένα τρόπον συμφέρει τοῖς Πελοποννησίοις τὸ γενέσθαι Φίλιππον Ἠλείων κύριον,

[9] καὶ διὰ ταύτην τὴν αἰτίαν πάνθʼ ὑπεριδόντας τὰ προτεινόμενα τοὺς Ἠλείους διατηρεῖν μὲν τὴν πρὸς Αἰτωλοὺς φιλίαν, ὑπομένειν δὲ τὸν πρὸς

[1] Μακεδόνας πόλεμον. τὸ μὲν οὖν πρῶτον Φίλιππος δεξάμενος τοὺς λόγους καλεῖν ἐκέλευε τοὺς περὶ τὸν Ἄρατον καὶ λέγειν ἐναντίον ἐκείνων ταῦτα τὸν Ἀπελλῆν.

[2] τῶν δὲ παραγενομένων, ἔλεγε τὰ προειρημένα τολμηρῶς καὶ καταπληκτικῶς ὁ Ἀπελλῆς, καί τι προσεπεῖπε τοιοῦτον ἔτι σιωπῶντος τοῦ βασιλέως· "

[3] ἐπείπερ οὕτως ἀχαρίστους ὑμᾶς ὁ βασιλεύς, Ἄρατε, καὶ λίαν ἀγνώμονας εὑρίσκει, κρίνει συναγαγὼν τοὺς Ἀχαιοὺς καὶ περὶ τούτων ἀπολογισμοὺς ποιησάμενος ἀπαλλάττεσθαι πάλιν εἰς Μακεδονίαν.

[4] " ὁ δὲ πρεσβύτερος Ἄρατος ὑπολαβὼν καθόλου μὲν ἠξίου τὸν Φίλιππον μηδενὶ τῶν λεγομένων ὀξέως μηδʼ ἀκρίτως μηδέποτε πιστεύειν,

[5] ὅταν δὲ κατά τινος τῶν φίλων καὶ συμμάχων προσπέσῃ τις αὐτῷ λόγος, τὸν ἀκριβέστερον ἔλεγχον ποιεῖσθαι πρὶν ἢ δέξασθαι τὴν διαβολήν· καὶ γὰρ βασιλικὸν εἶναι τὸ τοιοῦτο καὶ πρὸς πᾶν συμφέρον.

[6] διὸ καὶ νῦν ἠξίου περὶ τῶν ὑπʼ Ἀπελλοῦ λεγομένων καλεῖν τοὺς ἀκηκοότας, ἄγειν εἰς τὸ μέσον τὸν εἰρηκότα πρὸς αὐτόν, μηδὲν παραλιπεῖν τῶν δυνατῶν εἰς τὸ γνῶναι τὴν ἀλήθειαν, πρὶν ἢ πρὸς τοὺς Ἀχαιοὺς

[1] ἀνακαλύπτειν τι τούτων. τοῦ δὲ βασιλέως εὐαρεστήσαντος τοῖς λεγομένοις, καὶ φήσαντος οὐκ ὀλιγωρήσειν, ἀλλʼ ἐξετάσειν, τότε μὲν διελύθησαν.

[2] ἐν δὲ ταῖς ἑξῆς ἡμέραις ὁ μὲν Ἀπελλῆς οὐδεμίαν ἀπόδειξιν προσῆγε τοῖς εἰρημένοις· τοῖς δὲ περὶ τὸν Ἄρατον ἐγένετό τι συγκύρημα τοιοῦτον.

[3] οἱ γὰρ Ἠλεῖοι, καθʼ ὃν καιρὸν ὁ Φίλιππος αὐτῶν ἐπόρθει τὴν χώραν, ὑποπτεύσαντες τὸν Ἀμφίδαμον ἐπεβάλοντο συλλαβεῖν καὶ δήσαντες εἰς τὴν Αἰτωλίαν ἐκπέμπειν.

[4] ὁ δὲ προαισθόμενος αὐτῶν τὴν ἐπίνοιαν ἀπεχώρησε τὰς μὲν ἀρχὰς εἰς Ὀλυμπίαν, μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα πυνθανόμενος τὸν Φίλιππον ἐν τῇ Δύμῃ περὶ τὴν τῶν λαφύρων οἰκονομίαν διατρίβειν, ἔσπευσε πρὸς τοῦτον διαπεσεῖν.

[5] ὅθεν οἱ περὶ τὸν Ἄρατον, ἀκούσαντες τὸν Ἀμφίδαμον ἐκ τῆς Ἤλιδος ἐκπεπτωκότα παρεῖναι, γενόμενοι περιχαρεῖς διὰ τὸ μηδὲν αὑτοῖς συνειδέναι, προσελθόντες ᾤοντο δεῖν τὸν βασιλέα καλεῖν τὸν Ἀμφίδαμον·

[6] καὶ γὰρ εἰδέναι περὶ τῶν κατηγορουμένων ἐκεῖνον βέλτιστα πρὸς ὃν ἐρρήθη, καὶ δηλώσειν τὴν ἀλήθειαν, πεφευγότα μὲν ἐξ οἴκου διὰ τὸν Φίλιππον, τὰς δʼ ἐλπίδας ἔχοντα τῆς σωτηρίας κατὰ τὸ παρὸν ἐν ἐκείνῳ.

[7] πεισθεὶς δὲ τοῖς λεγομένοις ὁ βασιλεύς, καὶ μεταπεμψάμενος τὸν Ἀμφίδαμον, εὗρε τὴν διαβολὴν οὖσαν ψευδῆ.

[8] διὸ καὶ τὸν μὲν Ἄρατον ἀπὸ ταύτης τῆς ἡμέρας ἀεὶ καὶ μᾶλλον ἀπεδέχετο καὶ κατηξίου, πρὸς δὲ τὸν Ἀπελλῆν λοξότερον εἶχε· τῇ γε μὴν ὁλοσχερεῖ προκατεχόμενος ἀποδοχῇ πολλὰ παρορᾶν ἠναγκάζετο τῶν ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ γινομένων.

[1] ὁ δʼ Ἀπελλῆς οὐδαμῶς ἀφίστατο τῆς προθέσεως, ἀλλʼ ἅμα μὲν τὸν Ταυρίωνα τὸν ἐπὶ τῶν ἐν Πελοποννήσῳ τεταγμένον διέβαλλεν,

[2] οὐ ψέγων, ἀλλʼ ἐπαινῶν καὶ φάσκων ἐπιτήδειον αὐτὸν εἶναι μετὰ τοῦ βασιλέως ἐν τοῖς ὑπαίθροις συνδιατρίβειν, βουλόμενος ἕτερον ἐπισταθῆναι διʼ αὑτοῦ τοῖς ἐν Πελοποννήσῳ πράγμασι.

[3] καινὸς γὰρ δή τις οὗτος εὕρηται τρόπος διαβολῆς τὸ μὴ ψέγοντας, ἀλλʼ ἐπαινοῦντας λυμαίνεσθαι τοὺς πέλας·

[4] εὕρηται δὲ μάλιστα καὶ πρῶτον τοιαύτη κακεντρέχεια καὶ βασκανία καὶ δόλος ἐκ τῶν περὶ τὰς αὐλὰς διατριβόντων καὶ τῆς τούτων πρὸς ἀλλήλους ζηλοτυπίας καὶ πλεονεξίας.

[5] ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ τὸν ἐπὶ τῆς θεραπείας τεταγμένον Ἀλέξανδρον, ὅτε λάβοι καιρόν, διέδακνε, βουλόμενος καὶ τὴν περὶ τὸ σῶμα φυλακὴν τοῦ βασιλέως διʼ αὑτοῦ γενέσθαι καὶ καθόλου κινῆσαι τὴν ὑπʼ Ἀντιγόνου καταλειφθεῖσαν διάταξιν.

[6] Ἀντίγονος γὰρ καλῶς μὲν ζῶν προέστη τῆς τε βασιλείας καὶ τοῦ παιδὸς αὑτοῦ, καλῶς δὲ τὸν βίον μεταλλάττων προενοήθη πρὸς τὸ μέλλον περὶ πάντων τῶν πραγμάτων.

[7] ἀπολιπὼν γὰρ διαθήκην ἔγραφε Μακεδόσιν ὑπὲρ τῶν διῳκημένων· ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ περὶ τοῦ μέλλοντος διέταξε πῶς καὶ διὰ τίνων ἕκαστα δεήσει χειρίζεσθαι, βουλόμενος μηδεμίαν ἀφορμὴν καταλιπεῖν τοῖς περὶ τὴν αὐλὴν πρὸς ἀλλήλους φιλοτιμίας καὶ στάσεως.

[8] ἐν οἷς τῶν τότε συστρατευομένων αὐτὸς μὲν Ἀπελλῆς ἐν τοῖς ἐπιτρόποις ἀπελέλειπτο, Λεόντιος δʼ ἐπὶ τῶν πελταστῶν, Μεγαλέας δʼ ἐπὶ τοῦ γραμματείου, Ταυρίων δʼ ἐπὶ τῶν κατὰ Πελοπόννησον, Ἀλέξανδρος δʼ ἐπὶ τῆς θεραπείας.

[9] τὸν μὲν οὖν Λεόντιον καὶ Μεγαλέαν ὑφʼ αὑτὸν εἶχεν ὁλοσχερῶς, τὸν δʼ Ἀλέξανδρον καὶ Ταυρίωνα μεταστησάμενος ἀπὸ τῆς χρείας ἔσπευδε καὶ ταῦτα καὶ τἄλλα πάντα διʼ αὑτοῦ καὶ διὰ τῶν ἰδίων φίλων χειρίζειν.

[10] ὃ δὴ καὶ ῥᾳδίως ἂν ἐπετέλεσε μὴ παρασκευάσας ἀνταγωνιστὴν Ἄρατον αὑτῷ· νῦν δὲ ταχέως πεῖραν ἔλαβε τῆς σφετέρας ἀφροσύνης καὶ πλεονεξίας.

[11] ὃ γὰρ αὐτὸς ἐπεβάλετο πρᾶξαι κατὰ τῶν πέλας, τοῦτʼ ἔπαθε καὶ λίαν ἐν πάνυ βραχεῖ χρόνῳ.

[12] πῶς δὲ καὶ τίνι τρόπῳ τοῦτο συνέβη γενέσθαι κατὰ μὲν τὸ παρὸν ὑπερθησόμεθα καὶ καταστρέψομεν τὴν βύβλον ταύτην, ἐν δὲ τοῖς ἑξῆς πειρασόμεθα σαφῶς ὑπὲρ ἑκάστων ἐξαγγέλλειν.

[13] Φίλιππος δὲ τὰ προειρημένα διαταξάμενος ἐπανῆλθεν εἰς Ἄργος, κἀνταῦθα τὴν παραχειμασίαν ἐποίει μετὰ τῶν φίλων, τὰς δὲ δυνάμεις ἀπέλυσεν εἰς Μακεδονίαν.

Notes on the current edition

Histories

1. B.C. 220-216.

2. Recapitulation of Achaean history, before B.C. 220, contained in Book II., cc. 41-71.

3. Ending with the deaths of Antigonus Doson, Seleucus Ceraunus, and Ptolemy Euergetes, before the 140th Olympiad, B.C., 220-216.

4. Reasons for starting from this point. (1.) The fact that the history of Aratus ends at that point. (2.) The possibility of getting good evidence. (3.) The changes in the various governments in the 139th Olympiad. B. C. 224-220

5. Philip, son of Macedonia ;

6. The Aetolians.

7. B. C. 222.

8. The raids of Dorimachus in Messenia .

8. A town on the lake of Trichonis , in Aetolia , but its exact situation is uncertain. Strabo ( 10, 2, 3 ) says that it was on a fertile plain, which answers⁸ best to a situation north of the lake.

10. Cf. . We know nothing of this incident.

11. Dorimachus leaves Messene .

12. Dorimachus becomes practically Strategus of Aetolia , B. C. 221.

13. He induces Scopas to go to war with Messenia , Epirus , Achaia , Acarnania , and Macedonia .

14. See .

15. The Achaean Strategus was elected in the middle of May, the Aetolian in the autumn. Aratus would be elected May 12, B. C. 220, and come into office some time before midsummer; Ariston’s Aetolian office would terminate in September B. C. 220. See .

16. Before midsummer B. C. 220. Invasion of Messenia by Dorimachus and Scopas.

17. The Achaean league decide to assist the Messenians.

18. B. C. 222-221.

19. Aratus becomes Strategus of the Achaean league, B. C. 220 (May-June).

20. The capture of Sicyon and expulsion of the tyrant Nicocles was the earliest exploit of Aratus, B. C. 251. Plutarch, Arat. 4-9 . The taking of the Acrocorinthus from the Macedonian garrison was in B. C. 23, ib. ch. 19-24 . For the affair at Pellene see ib. 31 . The capture of Mantinea was immediately after a defeat by Cleomenes. See Plutarch, Cleom 5 .

21. The armed levy of Achaeans summoned.

22. Dorimachus ordered to quit Messenia without passing through Achaia .

23. Scopas and Dorimachus prepare to obey.

24. The city of Pheia was on the isthmus connecting the promontory Ichthys ( Cape Katákolo) with the mainland: opposite its harbour is a small island which Polybius here calls Pheias, i.e. the island belonging to Pheia .

25. Aratus dismisses the Achaean levy, with the exception of 3000 foot and 300 horse.

26. Dorimachus turns upon Aratus.

27. The battle of Caphyae, B. C. 220.

28. Caphyae was on a small plain, which was subject to inundations from the lake of Orchomenus ; the ditches here mentioned appear to be those dug to drain this district. They were in the time of Pausanias superseded by a high dyke, from the inner side of which ran the River Tragus ( Tara ). Pausan. 8, 23, 2 .

29. The Aetolians retire at their leisure.

30. Midsummer, B. C. 220.

31. Attacked at the Achaean Congress, Aratus successfully defends himself.

32. 139th Olympiad, B. C. 224- 220; 140th Olympiad, B. C. 220-216.

32. The Olympiads being counted from the summer solstice, these events ³² occurring before midsummer of B. C. 220 belong to the 139th Olympiad. The 140th begins with midsummer B. C. 220.

34. The Achaean league determine upon war with the Aetolians, and send round to their allies for assistance.

35. Treachery of the Spartans.

36. Invasion of Achaia by the Aetolians and Illyrians.

37. But outside the natural borders of Arcadia . Mod. Kalávryta.

38. The previous history of Cynaetha.

39. Measures taken by Aratus.

40. The Aetolians at the temple of Artemis. They fail at Cleitor.

41. They burn Cynaetha and return home.

42. Demetrius of Pharos.

43. By the diolcos which had been formed for the purpose. Strabo, 8, 2 . Ships had been dragged across the Isthmus on various occasions from early times. See Thucyd. 3, 15 .

44. Treason of the Spartans.

45. Inactivity of Aratus.

46. Reading, μόνου. See .

47. The reasons of the barbarity of the Cynaethans. Their neglect of the refining influences of music, which is carefully encouraged in the rest of Arcadia .

48. The object of the musical training of the Arcadians.

49. Philip V. comes to Corinth . B. C. 220.

50. Advances toward Sparta .

51. Adeimantus assassinated.

52. Philip summons Spartan deputies to Tegea .

53. A mountain on the frontier, on the pass over which the roads to Tegea and Argos converge.

54. The king decides not to chastise Sparta.

55. The congress of allies at Corinth declare war against the Aetolians.

56. A town of Phthiotis in Thessaly . See Book .

57. B. C. 220.

58. Autumn, B.C. 220.

59. Scopas elected Aetolian Strategus.

60. See .

61. B. C. 382.

62. B. C. 387.

63. B. C. 385.

64. See .

65. B.C. 118.

66. Philip secures the support of Scerdilaidas.

67. The Acarnanians, B. C. 220.

68. Duplicity of the Epirotes.

69. Ptolemy Philopator.

70. Timidity of the Messenians.

71. B. C. 480-479. Pindar fr.

72. See Stobaeus Floril. 58, 9, who gives three more lines.

73. Cf. .

74. The hero of the second Messenian war, B. C. 685-668 ( Pausan. 4, 14-24 ). The story told by Pausanias, who also quotes these verses, is that Aristocrates, king of the Arcadians, twice played the traitor to Aristomenes, the Messenian champion: once at the battle of the Great Trench, and again when Aristomenes renewed the war after his escape from the Pits at Sparta; and that on the second occasion his own people stoned him to death, and set up this pillar in the sacred enclosure of Zeus on Mount Lycaeus.

75. But Pausanias represents the pillar as put up by the Arcadians, not the Messenians ( 4, 22, 7 ).

76. B. C. 362.

77. Division of opinion in Sparta , B. C. 220.

78. The text is uncertain here.

79. Murder of the Ephors, B. C. 220.

80. Agesipolis appointed king.

81. B. C. 242.

82. and Lycurgas.

83. Rending with Hultsch, τὰ καλὰ.

84. Spartans attack Argos , and proclaim war with the Achaeans.

85. Aratus succeeded by his son as Strategus of the Achaeans, May B.C. 219.

86. June—September, B.C. 219.

87. Rhodian and Byzantium war, 220-219 B.C.

88. Advantages of the situation of Byzantium .

89. The Pontus .

90. However cogent may be the reasons for his prophecy adduced by Polybius, there are no signs of its being fulfilled. Indeed, the bank at the mouth of the Danube , which he mentions, has long disappeared. The fact seems to be that he failed to take into calculation the constant rush of water out of the Euxine, which is sufficient to carry off any amount of alluvial deposit.

91. Site Byzantium .

92. B.C. 512.

93. B.C. 410.

94. Xenophon, Hellen. 1, 1, 22 .

95. Disadvantages of Byzantium .

96. The Gauls, B. C. 279.

97. Or Tylis, according to Stephanos Byz., who says it was near the Haemus . Perhaps the modern Kilios.

98. The Byzantines levy a toll.

99. The Rhodians declare war, B. C. 220.

100. Achaeus.

101. B. C. 226.

102. Seleucus II. ( Callinicus ), B. C. 246- 226. Seleucus III. (Ceraunus), B. C. 226- 223. Antiochus the Great (son of Callinicus ), B. C. 223-187.

103. Prusias.

104. Hostilities commence, B. C. 220.

105. The Rhodians secure the friendship of Achaeus.

106. Of Seleucus Callinicus.

107. The Gallic king, Cavarus, negotiates a peace, B. C. 220.

108. That this was the name of a yearly officer at Byzantium appears from a decree in Demosthenes ( de Cor. § 90 ), and Byzantine coins, Eckhel, ii. p. 31. The title seems to have been brought from the mother-city Megara ; as at Chalcedon , another colony of Megara , the same existed (C. I. G. 3794). It was connected with the worship of Apollo brought from Megara , Muller’s Dorians, i. p. 250. It seems that this use of the name (generally employed of the deputies to the Amphictyonic council) was peculiarly Dorian. See Boeckh. C. I., vol. i. p. 610.

109. War between Rhodes and Crete .

110. Or Lyctos (Steph. Byz.)

111. The destruction of Lyttos .

112. Of Arcadia , a city of Crete (Steph. Byz.)

113. Appeal to the Achaeans and Philip.

114. Which had a harbour formed by a projecting headland called Lisses . Steph. Byz., who quotes Homer, Odyss. 3, 293:

ἔστι δέ τις Λίσσἡς αἰπεῖά τε εἰς ἅλα πέτρη.

115. Mithridates IV., king of Pontus , declares war against Sinope.

116. As a measure of weight a talent = about 57 lbs. avoirdupois. The prepared hair was for making ropes and bowstrings apparently.

117. The History of the Social war resumed from . Philip starts for Aetolia , B.C. 219. Night surprise of Aegira .

118. Alexander killed.

119. Inactivity of Aratus. Dyme, Pharae, and Tritaea separate from the league.

120. Gortyna or Gortys is an emendation of Reiske for Gorgus , which is not known. Gortys is mentioned by Pausanias, 5, 7, 1 ; 8, 27, 4 ; 8, 28, 1 ; it was on the river Bouphagus, and in the time of Pausanias was a mere village.

121. See . We have no hint, as far as I know, of the circumstances under which such recovery would take place. We may conjecture from this passage that it would be on showing that losses had been sustained by reason of a failure of the league to give protection.

122. Philip V. at Ambracia , B. C. 219.

123. Stephanos describes Ambracus as a πολιχνίον close to Ambracia .

124. Scopas tries to effect a diversion by invading Macedonia . On his return he destroys Dium.

125. Ambracus taken.

126. Though it was in the territory of Acarnania (Steph. Byz.)

127. Philip enters Aetolia ; takes Phoeteiae.

128. Metropolis and Conope.

129. Skirmish on the Achelous.

130. Ithoria.

131. Paeanium.

132. Fortifies Oeniadae.

133. Philip recalled to Macedonia by a threatened invasion of Dardani.

134. .

135. Late summer of B. C. 219.

136. Contemporary events in Spain and Italy .

137. Midsummer B. C. 217. Dorimachus Aetolian Strategus, Sept. B. C. 119.

138. Destroys Dodona .

139. The position of Dodona , long a subject of doubt, was settled by the discovery of the numerous inscriptions found about seven miles from Jannina , and published by Constantine Caraponos in 1878, Dodon et ses Ruines. See also Journal of Hellenic Studies, vol. i. p. 228.

140. Philip starts again.

141. Dec. B. C. 219.

142. B. C. 218, Jan.-Feb. Destruction of a marauding army of Eleans under Euripidas.

143. The Eleans come across the Macedonians at the junction of the two roads above Stymphalus.

144. Philip advances to Psophis .

145. A description of Psophis .

146. Capture of Psophis .

147. Surrender of the citadel of Psophis.

148. Lasion and Stratus.

149. Philip at Olympia .

150. See .

151. Prosperity of Elis .

152. Reading ἁλίαν. See Müller’s Dorians, Vol. ii. p. 88.

153. The ancient privileges of Elis lost.

154. Oppressive conduct of Apelles the Achaeans.

155. Character of Philip V.

156. Philip continues his campaign.

157. Arrival of Aetolian troops under Phillidas, B. C. 218.

158. The local name of Tarentine, though doubtless originating in fact, had come to indicate a species of mercenary cavalry armed in a particular way. Arrian, Tact. 4 distinguishes two sorts of light cavalry for skirmishing, Tarentines armed with javelins ( δορατία), and horse archers ( ἱπποτοξόται). Cp. , Livy 35, 29 ; 37, 40 .

159. Triphylia.

160. Pausanias ( 8, 26, 7 ) calls him Hypatodorus; and mentions another work of his at Delphi ( 10, 10, 3 ). He flourished about B. C. 370. He was a native of Thebes . Sostratos was a Chian, and father of another statuary named Pantias. Paus. 6, 9, 3 .

161. Capture of Alipheira .

162. Typanae and Phigalia surrender to Philip.

163. That is the office of the Polemarch, as in Athens the Strategium ( στρατηγίον) is the office of the Strategi. Plutarch, Nicias, 5 .

164. Lepreum.

165. Samicum,

166. and other towns.

167. Chilon tries to seize the crown of Sparta, B. C. 218.

168. Decline of Sparta .

169. B. C. 800 (?)-B. C. 371.

170. Yet the avowed project of Cleomenes was the restoration of the ancient constitution. Plutarch, Cleom. c. 10 .

171. B. C. 236-222.

172. Apelles opposes Aratus, Jan.-May, B. C. 218.

173. May, B. C. 218.

174. Election of Eperatus as Achaean Strategus.

175. Capture of the Wall, and expedition into Elis .

176. See .

177. The intrigue of Apelles.

178. The king investigates the charge against Aratus.