Thucydides, History of the Peloponnesian War, Adolf Wahrmund (Translator), 4.98

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Auf diese Forderung des Herolds schickten die Athener ¹²³
einen ihrer Herolde an die Böoter und ließen sagen: „sie hätten sich
an dem Heiligthume in Nichts vergangen und würden auch künftig
mit Willen dasselbe nicht verletzen; denn sie seien ja auch von vorn
herein nicht zu einem solchen Zwecke gekommen, sondern vielmehr, um
von dort aus sich derer zu erwehren, die gegen sie Unrecht thäten.
Gemeinsames Gesetz bei den Hellenen sei, daß, wer immer über eine
Landstrecke, sei sie nun größer oder kleiner, die Macht habe, hiemit
auch die Heiligthümer besitze, um ihrer dem Herkommen und den
eigenen Kräften gemäß zu warten; denn auch die Böoter und viele andere
Stämme, so viele ihrer mit Gewalt Andere ausgetrieben, deren Land
sie nun als eigen besäßen ^), hätten jetzt fremde Heiligthümer im
eigenen Besitz, obgleich sie zuerst auch als Feinde in's Land gekommen
seien. Und auch sie würden, selbst wenn sie im Lande jener noch
weitere Eroberungen machen könnten, diese als rechtmäßiges Eigenthum
besitzen, und für jetzt würden sie von da, wo sie jetzt stünden, als von
ihrem Eigenthum, nicht abziehen. Das Wasser zu berühren, habe die
Noth sie gezwungen, und in diese Noth hätten sie sich nicht durch
Uebermuth versetzt; sondern während ihrer Abwehr gegen jene, die
zuerst ihr Gebiet angegriffen, seien sie genöthigt worden, sich desselben
zu bedienen. Es sei aber ganz natürlich, daß eine That, zu der man
durch Krieg oder Noth gezwungen worden, auch bei der Gottheit
Entschuldigung finde. Gewährten ja doch die Altäre sogar für freiwillige
Verbrechen Zuflucht. Frevel aber sei eine Bezeichnung für solche
Vergehen, zu denen Einer nicht gezwungen gewesen sei, und nicht für
solche, wozu Einer im Drang der Noth habe schreiten müssen. Wer
aber, wie Jene, Todte gegen Heiligthümer auszuwehcseln begehre, der
mache sich eines viel größeren Frevels schuldig, als die, welche um
Tempel nicht erkaufen wollen, was nicht geziemt. Und ausdrücklich,
befahlen sie, solle er ihnen sagen, sie würden nicht unter der
Bedingung des Abzugs aus dem böotischen Gebiet — und es gehöre ja
auch gar nicht mehr jenen, was sie selbst sich mit dem Schwerte
erkämpft hätten — sondern nur nach hergebrachter Weise unter dem
Schutze eines Waffenstillstandes ihre Todten abholen."

History of the Peloponnesian War. Thucydides. Adolf Wahrmund (Translator). Stuttgart. 1864.

Current edition First1KGreek

Geschichte des Peloponnesischen Kriegs (German) (Thucydides. Geschichte des Peloponnesischen Kriegs. Wahrmund, Adolf, translator. Stuttgart: Krais and Hoffmann, 1864.)

Editions (1)

Ἱστορίαι Perseus (Thucydides. Historiae, Vol 1-2. Jones, Henry Stuart, editor. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1910. (1942 printing).) — 4.98.1 focus

[1] τοσαῦτα τοῦ κήρυκος εἰπόντος οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι πέμψαντες παρὰ τοὺς Βοιωτοὺς ἑαυτῶν κήρυκα τοῦ μὲν ἱεροῦ οὔτε ἀδικῆσαι ἔφασαν οὐδὲν οὔτε τοῦ λοιποῦ ἑκόντες βλάψειν· οὐδὲ γὰρ τὴν ἀρχὴν ἐσελθεῖν ἐπὶ τούτῳ, ἀλλ’ ἵνα ἐξ αὐτοῦ τοὺς ἀδικοῦντας μᾶλλον σφᾶς ἀμύνωνται.

[2] τὸν δὲ νόμον τοῖς Ἕλλησιν εἶναι, ὧν ἂν ᾖ τὸ κράτος τῆς γῆς ἑκάστης ἤν τε πλέονος ἤν τε βραχυτέρας, τούτων καὶ τὰ ἱερὰ αἰεὶ γίγνεσθαι, τρόποις θεραπευόμενα οἷς ἂν πρὸς τοῖς εἰωθόσι καὶ δύνωνται.

[3] καὶ γὰρ Βοιωτοὺς καὶ τοὺς πολλοὺς τῶν ἄλλων, ὅσοι ἐξαναστήσαντές τινα βίᾳ νέμονται γῆν, ἀλλοτρίοις ἱεροῖς τὸ πρῶτον ἐπελθόντας οἰκεῖα νῦν κεκτῆσθαι.

[4] καὶ αὐτοί, εἰ μὲν ἐπὶ πλέον δυνηθῆναι τῆς ἐκείνων κρατῆσαι, τοῦτ’ ἂν ἔχειν· νῦν δὲ ἐν ᾧ μέρει εἰσίν, ἑκόντες εἶναι ὡς ἐκ σφετέρου οὐκ ἀπιέναι.

[5] ὕδωρ τε ἐν τῇ ἀνάγκῃ κινῆσαι, ἣν οὐκ αὐτοὶ ὕβρει προσθέσθαι, ἀλλ’ ἐκείνους προτέρους ἐπὶ τὴν σφετέραν ἐλθόντας ἀμυνόμενοι βιάζεσθαι χρῆσθαι.

[6] πᾶν δ’ εἰκὸς εἶναι τὸ πολέμῳ καὶ δεινῷ τινὶ κατειργόμενον ξύγγνωμόν τι γίγνεσθαι καὶ πρὸς τοῦ θεοῦ. καὶ γὰρ τῶν ἀκουσίων ἁμαρτημάτων καταφυγὴν εἶναι τοὺς βωμούς, παρανομίαν τε ἐπὶ τοῖς μὴ ἀνάγκῃ κακοῖς ὀνομασθῆναι καὶ οὐκ ἐπὶ τοῖς ἀπὸ τῶν ξυμφορῶν τι τολμήσασιν.

[7] τούς τε νεκροὺς πολὺ μειζόνως ἐκείνους ἀντὶ ἱερῶν ἀξιοῦντας ἀποδιδόναι ἀσεβεῖν ἢ τοὺς μὴ ἐθέλοντας ἱεροῖς τὰ πρέποντα κομίζεσθαι.

[8] σαφῶς τε ἐκέλευον σφίσιν εἰπεῖν μὴ ἀπιοῦσιν ἐκ τῆς Βοιωτῶν γῆς (οὐ γὰρ ἐν τῇ ἐκείνων ἔτι εἶναι, ἐν ᾗ δὲ δορὶ ἐκτήσαντο), ἀλλὰ κατὰ τὰ πάτρια τοὺς νεκροὺς σπένδουσιν ἀναιρεῖσθαι.

Translations (9)

The History of the Grecian War Perseus (Thucydides. The English works of Thomas Hobbes of Malmesbury. Hobbes, Thomas. translator. London: John Bohn, 1843.) — 4.98.1 focus

[1] After the herald had said this, the Athenians sent a herald of their own to the Boeotians, denying that either they had done any wrong to the holy place already or would willingly do any hurt to it hereafter; for neither did they at first enter into it to such intent, but to requite the greater injuries which had been done unto them;

[2] as for the law which the Grecians have, it is no other but that they which have the dominion of any territory, great or small, have ever the temples also, and besides the accustomed rites, may superinduce what other they can:

[3] for also the Boeotians, and most men else, all that having driven out another nation possess their territory, did at first invade the temples of others and make them their own;

[4] that therefore, if they could win from them more of their land, they would keep it, and for the part they were now in, they were in it with a good will and would not out of it, as being their own; that for the water, they meddled with it upon necessity;

[5] which was not to be ascribed to insolence, but to this, that fighting against the Boeotians that had invaded their territory first, they were forced to use it;

[6] for whatsoever is forced by war or danger hath in reason a kind of pardon even with the god himself; for the altars, in cases of involuntary offences, are a refuge, and they are said to violate laws that are evil without constraint, not they that are a little bold upon occasion of distress;

[7] that the Boeotians themselves, who require restitution of the holy places for a redemption of the dead, are more irreligious by far than they, who, rather than let their temples go, are content to go without that which were fit for them to receive;

[8] and they bade him say plainly that they would not depart out of the Boeotian territory, for that they were not now in it, but in a territory which they had made their own by the sword; and nevertheless, required truce, according to the ordinances of the country, for the fetching away of the dead.

History of the Peloponnesian War Perseus (Thucydides. History of the Peloponnesian War. Crawley, Richard, translator. London and Toronto: J. M. Dent and Sons Ltd.; New York: E. P. Dutton and Co., 1914.) — 4.98.1 focus

[1] After these words from the herald, the Athenians sent their own herald to the Boeotians to say that they had not done any wrong to the temple, and for the future would do it no more harm than they could help; not having occupied it originally in any such design, but to defend themselves from it against those who were really wronging them.

[2] The law of the Hellenes was that conquest of a country, whether more or less extensive, carried with it possession of the temples in that country, with the obligation to keep up the usual ceremonies, at least as far as possible.

[3] The Boeotians and most other people who had turned out the owners of a country, and put themselves in their places by force, now held as of right the temples which they originally entered as usurpers.

[4] If the Athenians could have conquered more of Boeotia this would have been the case with them: as things stood, the piece of it which they had got they should treat as their own, and not quit unless obliged.

[5] The water they had disturbed under the impulsion of a necessity which they had not wantonly incurred, having been forced to use it in defending themselves against the Boeotians who had first invaded Attica .

[6] Besides, anything done under the pressure of war and danger might reasonably claim indulgence even in the eye of the god; or why, pray, were the altars the asylum for involuntary offences? Transgression also was a term applied to presumptuous offenders, not to the victims of adverse circumstances.

[7] In short, which were most impious—the Boeotians who wished to barter dead bodies for holy places, or the Athenians who refused to give up holy places to obtain what was theirs by right?

[8] The condition of evacuating Boeotia must therefore be withdrawn. They were no longer in Boeotia . They stood where they stood by the right of the sword. All that the Boeotians had to do was to tell them to take up their dead under a truce according to the national custom.

Geschichte des Peloponnesischen Kriegs First1KGreek (Thucydides. Geschichte des Peloponnesischen Kriegs. Braun, Theodor, translator. Leipzig: Insel-Verlag, 1917.) — 4.98 focus

Nach dieser Erklärung des HeroldS schickten auch die
Athener einen Herold an die Böotier und ließen ihnen sagen,
sie hätten sich an dem Heiligtum nicht vergriffen und würden
daS auch künftig ohne Not nicht tun; seien sie doch auch von
vornherein keineswegs in solcher Absicht gekommen, sondern
nur um sich von dort gegen ihre widerrechtlichen Angriffe zu
verteidigen. Nach griechischem Recht gehörten dem, der ein
Gebiet erobert, sei es groß oder klein, auch die darin befind
lichen Heiligtümer, und er habe sie, soweit es ihm eben möglich
sei, in herkömmlicher Weise zu pflegen. Besäßen doch auch
die Böotier und viele andere in den eroberten Ländern, aus
denen sie die früheren Herren verdrängt, die ursprünglich
fremden Heiligtümer jetzt zu eigen. Auch sie würden, wenn
sie in ihrem Lande noch weitere Eroberungen machen könnten,
diese behalten und seien auch jetzt nicht gewillt, das Stück,
welches sie bereits besäßen und als ihr Eigentum ansähen, zu
räumen. Das Wasser hätten sie nur in der Not angerührt,
in die sie nicht durch eigenen Übermut geraten seien; vielmehr
hätten sie sich nur im Kampfe gegen die Böotier, die ihnen
zuerst ins Land gefallen, gezwungen gesehen, es zu gebrauchen.
Alle Ungebühr aber, zu der man sich im Kriege oder in der .
Not gezwungen sähe, sei selbstvertsändlich auch in den Augen
der Gottheit verzeihlich, wie man ja auch bei unfreiwilligen
Verfehlungen an den Altären Zuflucht finde. Not kenne kein
Gebot, und eine im Notstande begangene Handlung Zsei kein
Verbrechen. Und wenn die Böotier ihnen die Toten nur gegen
Räumung des Tempels herausgeben wollten, so sei das ein
größerer Frevel als ihre Weigerung, die den Toten gebührende
Ehre durch Herausgabe des Tempels zu erkaufen. Sie ver
langten also die bestimmte Zusage, daß ihnen die Abholung
der Toten unter Waffenstillstand in herkömmlicher Weise, nicht
aber unter der Bedingung vorheriger Räumung böotischen
Gebiets gestattet sein solle; überdies seien sie gar nicht mehr
auf böotischem, sondern einem nach Kriegsrecht ihnen gehören
den Gebiete.

Histoire de la Guerre du Péloponèse First1KGreek (Thucydides. Histoire de la Guerre du Péloponnése, Vol. 1-2. Zévort, Marie Charles, translator. Paris: Charpentier, 1852.) — 4.98 focus

XCVIII. Après cette déclaration du héraut béotien, les Athéniens envoyèrent le leur dire aux Béotiens, qu’ils n’avaient commis aucune profanation dans l’enceinte sacrée, et n’en commettraient volontairement aucune ; que ce n’était pas dans un dessein sacrilège qu’ils y étaient entrés dans le principe, mais bien plutôt pour se défendre contre d’injustes attaques ; que d’après lés usages constants de la Grèce, quand on était maître d’un pays, grand ou petit, on disposait aussi des lieux sacrés, en conservant autant que possible les rites établis par les anciens possesseurs ; que les Béotiens eux-mêmes, comme la plupart des autres peuples qui avaient occupé une contrée en expulsant les habitants par la force, avaient à l’origine pénétré comme étrangers dans les temples qu’ils possèdent maintenant en propre ; que si les Athéniens avaient pu occuper une plus grande partie du pays, ils la garderaient sans conteste ; qu’ils ne se retireraient donc pas volontairement de celle qu’ils occupaient et qu’ils regardaient comme leur propriété ; que s’ils avaient fait usage de l’eau, c’était par nécessité et non dans un but de profanation ; que les Béotiens, en venant les premiers les attaquer chez eux, les avaient forcés à s’en servir pour leur défense ; qu’il était tout à fait présumable que le dieu lui-même aurait quelque indulgence pour des actes imposés par la guerre et la nécessité ; que les autels étaient un refuge contre les fautes involontaires¹, et qu’on appelait crime le mal fait sans nécessité, et non celui auquel avaient contraint les circonstances ; que l’iniquité était bien plutôt du côté des Béotiens, puisqu’ils offraient de rendre les morts en échange d’un lieu sacré, tandis qu’eux ne voulaient pas obtenir même une chose juste par le trafic de ces mêmes lieux. Le héraut avait aussi ordre de déclarer nettement qu’ils entendaient enlever leurs morts, non point à la condition d’évacuer la Béotie (puisque le territoire qu’ils occupaient n’appartenait plus aux Béotiens et était devenu le leur par droit de conquête), mais en stipulant conformément aux antiques usages.

Histoire de la Guerre du Péloponnése First1KGreek (Thucydides. Histoire de la Guerre du Péloponnése. Bétant, Élie-Ami, translator. Paris: Librairie de L. Hachette, 1863.) — 4.98 focus

Sur ce message, les Athéniens à leur tour envoyèrent aux Béotiens un héraut pour leur dire qu’ils n’avaient fait aucun mal au temple et n’en feraient volontairement aucun ; qu’ils n’étaient point venus dans cette intention, mais pour s’y établir afin de repousser d’injustes agresseurs; que, d’après l’usage constant de la Grèce, la conquête d’un territoire grand ou petit donnait droit sur les temples qui s’y trouvaient, à la charge de les honorer selon les rites accoutumés et par tous les moyens possibles ; que les Béotiens eux-mêmes et tous ceux qui, à leur exemple, s’étaient établis sur une terre étrangère en expulsant les anciens possesseurs, avaient trouvé des temples qui appartenaient originairement à d'autres, mais qui étaient passés entre leurs mains; que si les Athéniens avaient pu occuper une plus grande partie de la contrée, ils l’auraient fait; mais qu’ils n’abandonneraient pas de plein gré celle où ils étaient et qu’ils considéraient comme à eux. Quant à l’eau, s’ils en avaient fait usage, c’était non dans un but sacrilège, mais par l’obligation où les Béotiens les avaient mis de se défendre en venant les attaquer sur leur propre terrain; que le dieu aurait sans doute de l’indulgence pour un fait qui était la suite inévitable des nécessités de la guerre ; que les fautes involontaires avaient pour refuge les autels; qu’on appelait crime le mal commis sans contrainte et non celui qui résulte des calamités; qu’en prétendant échanger des cadavres contre des temples, les Béotiens commettaient un plus grand sacrilège qu’eux-mêmes en refusant de souscrire à cette impie transaction; qu’enfin ils les sommaient de leur permettre d’enlever leurs morts sous la foi d’un traité, conformément aux lois nationales, et nullement à condition d’évacuer la Béotie, puisqu’ils n’étaient plus sur les terres des Béotiens, mais sur celle qu’ils avaient conquise les armes à la main.

History of the Peloponnesian War First1KGreek (Thucydides, Vol. 1-4. Smith, Charles Foster, translator. London and Cambridge, MA: Heinemann and Harvard University Press, 1919-1923.) — 4.98.1 focus

[1] When the herald had spoken, the Athenians sent a herald of their own to the Boeotians, saying that they had done no injury to the temple, and would not damage it wilfully in the future; for they had not entered it at the outset with any such intent, but rather that from it they might defend themselves against those who were wronging them.

[2] And the law of the Hellenes was, they said, that whosoever had dominion over any country, be it larger or smaller, to them tile sanctuaries also always belonged, to be tended, so far as might be possible, with whatsoever rites had hitherto been customary.¹

[3] Indeed the Boeotians, and most others who had driven out any people and taken forcible possession of their country, had at first attacked the temples as alien but now possessed them as their own.

[4] And they themselves, if they had been able to conquer more of the Boeotian territory, would have held it; but as it was, they would not depart from that portion in which they were, at least of their free will, considering it their own.

[5] The water, moreover, they had disturbed in their sore need, which they had not wantonly brought upon themselves; they had been forced to use the water while defending themselves against the Boeotians who had first invaded their land.

[6] And anything done under the constraint of war and danger might reasonably meet with some indulgence, even from the god. For altars were a refuge in cases of involuntary misdeeds, and transgression was a term applied to those who do evil without compulsion and not to those who are driven by misfortunes to some act of daring.

[7] Moreover, the Boeotians in presuming to give up the bodies of the dead in return for temples were impious in a much higher degree than they who refused by the exchange of temples to procure that which they had a right to recover.

[8] And they bade the Boeotians plainly tell them they might take up their dead, not “on condition of quitting Boeotia”—for they were no longer in Boeotian territory, but in land which they had won by the spear,—but “on making a truce according to ancestral custom.”

History of the Peloponnesian War First1KGreek (Thucydides. The history of the Peloponnesian War, Volume 1-2. Dale, Henry, translator. London: Heinemann and Henry G. Bohn, 1851-1852.) — 4.98.1 focus

[1] The herald having spoken to this effect, the Athenians sent their own herald to the Boeotians, and said, that as for the sanctuary, they had neither done it any injury, nor would they in future voluntarily damage it; for neither had they originally entered it for that purpose, but to avenge themselves from it on those who were rather injuring them.

[2] Now the law of the Greeks was, that whoever in any case had command of the country, whether more or less extensive, to them the temples always belonged, provided they received such honours as the occupiers had the power to pay, ¹ without limiting them to what were usual.

[3] For the Boeotians, and most others who had expelled any people from their country and taken forcible possession of it, had proceeded against temples which originally belonged to others, and now held them as their own. And if the Athenians had been able to make themselves masters of the Boeotian territory to a greater extent, such would have been the case:

[4] but as it was, from the part in which they then were they would not, if they could help it, retire; as they considered that it belonged to them.

[5] The water they had disturbed under the pressure of necessity, which they had not wantonly brought on themselves; but they were compelled to use it while defending themselves against the Boeotians, who had first come against their country.

[6] And every thing, it was natural to suppose, done under pressure of war, or any other danger, would be considered as pardonable even in the eyes of the god. For the altars were a place of refuge in unintentional offences; and transgression was a term applied to those who were wicked through no compulsion, and not to those who had ventured to do any thing in consequence of their misfortunes.

[7] Nay, the Boeotians were much more impious in wishing to give back dead bodies in return for sanctuaries, than they were who would not at the price of sanctuaries recover things not suitable [for such bartering].

[8] They begged, then, that they would simply tell them to take up their dead, not

after evacuating the territory of the Boeotians

—for they were no longer in their territory, but in one which they had won with their arms—but,

on making a truce according to the custom of their fathers.

Historia Belli Peloponnesiaci First1KGreek (Historia Belli Peloponnesiaci. Haase, Friedrich, translator. Paris: Firmin Didot, 1869.) — 4.98.1 focus

[1] Haec quum caduceator dixisset, Athenienses suo caduceatore ad Boeotos misso, negarunt se ullam injuriam templo fecisse, nec in posterum sua sponte se ullo modo id laesuros; nam ne initio quide m se hac de causa id ingressos esse, sed potius, ut illinc eos, qui injuriam sibi facerent, ulciscerentur.

[2] Esse autem Graecorum institutum, ut penes quos fuerit imperium cujusque regionis, sive magnae, sive parvae, penes eosdem semper etiam templa sint, iis ceremoniis culta, quibus coli possint praeter eas, quae moribus jam sunt receptae.

[3] Etenim et Boeotos, et ceterorum plerosque, quotquot agrum aliquem pristinis colonis per vim expulsis incolant, aliena templa primum invasisse, et nunc ea pro suis possidere.

[4] Quare se quoque, si ampliorem illorum agri partem in suam potestatem redigere possent, eam retenturos; nunc vero se ex ea parte, in qua essent, utpote ex suo agro, nequaquam sua quidem sponte discessuros.

[5] Aquam etiam se necessitate coactos movisse, quam non per insolentiam sibi imposuissent, sed ab illis qui priores in suum agrum irrupissent, inter defeu-sionem se ea uti coactos esse.

[6] Consentaneum autem esse, veniam aliquam vel ab ipso deo dari omnibus, quae propter bellum aut aliquam aliam periculi necessitatem committerentur. Nam et delictis non voluntariis aras deorum esse refugium, scelerisque nomen impositum illis flagitiis, quae quis nulla necessitatis vi compulsus admittat, non autem illis, quae homines rebus adversis coacti committere ausi sint.

[7] Ipsosque multo magis impie facere, qui pro templis cadavera militum restituere vellent, quam eos, qui templorum pretio nollent sibi parare ea, quae non deceret.

[8] Atque jubebant eos aperte sibi dicere non quidem hac condi tione, ut abirent e Boeotorum terra (non enim se jam in illorum terra esse, sed in ea, quam belli jure possedissent) imo po- tius ex patriis institutis per inducias ut cadavera suorum recipiant.

La storia di Tucidide First1KGreek (Thucydides. Della storia di Tucidide volgarizzata libri otto. Anonymous translator. Florence: Tipografia Galileiana, 1835.) — 4.98 focus

Dopo che l’araldo ehbe parlato così, gli Ateniesi spedirono ai Beozii il loro , rispondendo ; che essi non avevano in nulla violato il sacro luogo, e nemmeno volontàriamente lo violerebbero in avvenire ; che neanche da principio vi erano entrati con questa intenzione, ma solo per aver un ridotto onde meglio difendersi dalle lqro ingiustizie; che gl' instituti dei Greci portavano, che chiunque fosse padrone di un territorio più o meno esteso , di lui fossero sempre ancora i luoghi sacri , per doverli onorare colle ceremonie ch’ei potesse, oltre le consuete ; che i Beozii stessi, e gli altri non pochi che posseggono un paese dal quale, abbiano colla forza cacciati gli abitanti , per quanto da prima invadessero luoghi sacri appartonenti ad altrui, li ritengono ora in proprio ; che se essi medesimi potessero acquistar qualche altra terra di più nella Beozia , la riterrebbero ; e che ora, per quanto in loro stesse, nQti partirebbero da quella ove si trovavano , perche la credevano sua. Quanto all’acqua poi rispondevano ; che l'avevano toccata per necessità, la quale necessità non si erano procurata colla propria insolenza : ma erano stati astretti ad usarne , uel caso di dover respingere i Beozii che i primi avevano invaso il loro territorio ; che iq ogni modo volevasi credere che ciò a cui costringe la guerra o altro grave pericolo, sarebbe pur perdonato anche dal nume ; che però gli altari sono il refugio dei falli inyolontarii ; e trasgressione si chiacqa quella commessa da chicchessia senza alcuna necessità, non quell a che i disastri ti spingano. Ond’è che essi, pretendendo fendere i morti per riscatto de' luoghi sacri, adoprano assai più empiamente degli Ateniesi i quali non Vogliono riacquistare collo scambio di luoghi sacri ciò che loro si conviene. Ili ultimo ordinavano all’aràldo di dir chiaramente che essi non uscirebbero da unii terrà de’ Beozii che non più apparteneva ai Beozii, dappoiché èra stàta acquistata con Tarmi, ma che intendevano di riavere i cadaveri mediante la tregua , secondo il patrio costume.

Notes on the current edition

History of the Peloponnesian War

1. 44) Bei Delion hatten auch SokrateS und Alkibiades mitgesochten, der letztere zu
Pferde. Wie muthiz sich SokrateS auf dem Rückzüge gewehrt, erzählt Alkibiades bei
Plato , Gastmahl 22l. Ueber die Wirkung der Niederlage sagt Xenophon in den Denk»
Würdigkeiten deS SokrateS III, 5. 4: .Du weißt ja, daß seit dem Unglück deS Tolmide»
und seiner Tausend bei Lebadea (Aoronea) und der Niederlage des Hippokrates bei De»
lion der Ruhm der Athener den Böotiern gegenüber dahingeshcwunden, dagegen den
Thebanern der Muth dergestalt gewahcsen ist. daß die Böotier uns jetzt ganz aus eigene
Hand mit einem Einfall in Attika bedrohen, die Athener aber in Furcht leben, die
Bövtier möchten Attika verwüsten.'

2. 23*

3. 424 v.
Chr. .

Thucydides History of the Peloponnesian War 4.98

Adolf Wahrmund (Translator)

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