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Iulianus Aug. per litteras Constantium A. de re Lutetiae gesta certiorem facit.

[1] Haec eo anno inter Tigrim gesta sunt et Euphraten. Quae cum frequentibus nuntiis didicisset Constantius, expeditiones metuens¹ Parthicas, hiemem apud Constantinopolim agens, impensiore cura limitem instruebat eoum² omni apparatu bellorum, armaque et tirocinia cogens, legionesque augens iuventutis validae supplementis, quarum statariae pugnae per orientales saepius eminuere³ procinctus, auxilia super his Scytharum poscebat, mercede vel gratia, ut adulto vere profectus e Thraciis, loca suspecta protinus occuparet.

[2] Inter quae Iulianus apud Parisios hibernis locatis, summa coeptorum quorsum evaderet pertimescens haeserat⁴ anxius, numquam assensurum Constantium factis multa volvendo considerans, apud quem sordebat ut infimus et contemptus.

[3] Circumspectis itaque trepidis rerum novarum exordiis, legatos ad eum mittere statuit, gesta docturos, eisque concinentes litteras dedit, quid actum sit quidve fieri oporteat deinceps, monens apertius et demonstrans.

[4] Quamquam eum haec dudum comperisse opinabatur, relatu Decentii olim reversi, et cubiculariorum recens de Galliis praegressorum,⁵ qui ad Caesarem⁶ aliqua⁷ portavere sollemnia. Et quamquam nova referret,⁸ non repugnanter tamen nec arrogantibus verbis quicquam scripsit, ne videretur subito redundasse tumore.⁹ Erat autem litterarum sensus huius modi:

[5] Ego quidem propositi mei fidem non minus moribus quam foederum pacto (quoad fuit) unum semper atque idem sentiens conservavi, ut effectu multiplici claruit evidenter.

[6] Iamque inde uti me creatum Caesarem pugnarum horrendis fragoribus obiecisti, potestate delata contentus, currentium ex voto prosperitatum, nuntiis crebris (ut apparitor fidus), tuas aures implevi, nihil usquam periculis meis assignans, cum documentis assiduis constet, diffusis permixtisque passim Germanis, in laboribus me semper visum omnium primum, in laborum refectione postremum.

[7]

Sed bona tua venia dixerim, siquid novatum est nunc (ut existimas): in multis bellis et asperis, aetatem sine fructu conterens miles, olim deliberatum implevit, fremens, secundique impatiens loci rectorem, cum nullas sibi vices a Caesare diuturni sudoris et victoriarum frequentium rependi posse contemplaretur.

[8] Cuius iracundiae nec dignitatum augmenta, nec annuum merentis stipendium, id quoque inopinum accessit, quod ad partis orbis eoi postremas venire iussi homines¹⁰ assueti glacialibus terris, separandique liberis et coniugibus, egentes trahebantur et nudi. Unde solito saevius efferati nocte in unum collecti, palatium obsidere, Augustum Iulianum vocibus magnis appellantes et crebris.

[9] Cohorrui (fateor) et secessi, amendatusque dum potui, salutem occultatione¹¹ quaeritabam et latebris. Cumque nullae darentur indutiae, libero pectoris muro (ut ita dixerim) saeptus, progressus ante conspectum omnium steti, molliri posse tumultum auctoritate ratus vel sermonibus blandis.

[10] Sed¹² exarsere mirum in modum, eo usque provecti, ut quoniam precibus vincere pertinaciam conabar, instanter mortem contiguis assultibus intentarent. Victus denique mecumque ipse contemplans,¹³ quod alter confosso me forsitan libens declarabitur princeps, assensus sum, vim lenire posse ratus¹⁴ armatam.

[11]

Gestorum hic textus est, quem mente quaeso accipito placida. Nec actum quicquam secus existimes, vel susurrantes perniciosa malignos admittas, ad compendia sua excitare secessiones principum assuetos; sed adulatione vitiorum altrice depulsa, excellentissiman virtutum omnium adverte iustitiam, et condicionum aequitatem, quam propono, bona fide suscipito, cum animo disputans, haec statui Romano prodesse, nobiscum,¹⁵ qui caritate sanguinis et¹⁶ fortunae superioris culmine sociamur.

[12] Ignosce enim: quae quake cum ratione poscuntur, non tam fieri cupio, quam a te utilia probari et recta, avide tua pr aecepta deinde quoque suscepturus.

[13]

Quae necesse sit fieri in compendium redigam breue. Equos praebebo currules Hispanos, et miscendos Gentilibus atque Scutariis adulescentes Laetos quosdam, cis Rhenum editam barbarorum progeniem, vel certe ex dediticiis, qui ad nostra desciscunt. Et haec ad usque exitum vitae me spondeo non modo grato animo,¹⁷ verum cupido quoque facturum.

[14] Praefectos praetorio, aequitate et meritis notos, tua nobis dabit clementia, residuos ordinarios ordinaries iudices, militiaeque moderatores, promovendos arbitrio meo concedi est consentaneum, itidemque stipatores. Stultum est enim cum ante caveri possit ne fiat, eos ad¹⁸ latus imperatoris adscisci, quorum mores ignorantur et voluntates.

[15] Hoc sane sine ulla dubitatione firmaverim: tirones ad peregrina et longinqua Galli transmittere,¹⁹ diuturna perturbatione, casibusque vexati gravissimis, nec sponte sua poterunt nec coacti, ne consumpta penitus iuventute, ut²⁰ affliguntur praeterita recordantes, ita desperatione pereant impendentium.

[16] Nec Parthicis gentibus opponenda auxilia hinc acciri conveniet, cum adhuc nec barbarici sint impetus interclusi, et (si dici quod verum est pateris), haec provinciae malis iactatae continuis, externis indigeant adiumentis et fortibus.

[17] Haec hortando (ut aestimo) salutariter scripsi, poscens et rogans. Scio enim scio nequid sublatius dicam, quam²¹ imperio congruens congrait,²² quas rerum acerbitates, iam conclamatas et perditas, concordia vicissim sibi cedentium principum, meliorem revocavit in statum, cum appareat maiorum exemplo nostrorum, moderatores haec et similia cogitantes, fortunate beateque vivendi reperire repperire quodam modo viam, et ultimo tempori posteritatique iucundam sui memoriam commendare.

[18] His litteris iunctas secretiores alias Constantio offerendas clanculo misit, obiurgatorias et mordaces, quarum seriem nec scrutari licebat,²³ nec (si licuisset), proferre decebat in publicum.

[19] Ad id munus implendum, electi viri sunt graves, Pentadius officiorum magister, et Eutherius cubiculi tunc tune praepositus, post oblatas litteras relaturi, nullo suppresso, quae viderunt, et super ordine futurorum fidenter acturi.

[20] Auxerat inter haec coeptorum invidiam, Florenti fuga praefecti, qui velut praesagiens concitandos²⁴ motus ob²⁵ militem (ut sermone tenus iactabatur), accitum, consulto discesserat Viennam, alimentariae rei gratia divelli causatus a Caesare, quem saepe tractatum asperius formidabat.

[21] Dein cum comperisset eum ad Augustum culmen evectum, exigua ac prope nulla vivendi spe versus in metum, ut longe disiunctus, malis se quae suspicabatur, exemit, et necessitudine omni relicta, digressus venit ad Constantium itineribus lentis, utque se nulli obnoxium culpae monstraret, Iulianum ut perduellem multis criminibus appetebat.

[22] Cuius post abitum, bene Iulianus cogitans et prudenter, scirique volens quod praesenti quoque pepercisset, caritates eius cum re familiari intacta, publico cursu usu permisso,²⁶ ad Orientem vehi²⁷ tutius imperavit.

Res Gestae. Ammianus Marcellinus. John C. Rolfe (Translator). Cambridge, MA. 1935-1940.

Sponsored by Perseus Project, Tufts University.

Funding provided by Tufts University.

Current edition Perseus

Res Gestae (Ammianus Marcellinus. Ammianus Marcellinus, with an English translation, Vols. I-III. Rolfe, John C., editor. Cambridge, MA; London: Harvard University Press; W. Heinemann, 1935-1940 (printing).)

Translations (1)

History Perseus (Ammianus Marcellinus. Ammianus Marcellinus, with an English translation, Vols. I-III. Rolfe, John C., translator. Cambridge, MA; London: Harvard University Press; W. Heinemann, 1935-1940 (printing).) — 20.8 focus

[1] These were the events of that year between the Tigris and the Euphrates. Constantius, learning of them through frequent reports and passing the winter in Constantinople for fear of a Parthian invasion, with particular care furnished the eastern frontier with all kinds of warlike equipment; he also got together arms and recruits, and by the addition of vigorous young men gave strength to the legions, whose steadiness in action had often been conspicuously successful in oriental campaigns. Besides this, he asked the Scythians for auxiliaries, either for pay or as a favour, intending in the late spring to set out from Thrace and at once occupy the points of danger.

[2] Meanwhile Julian, who had taken up his winter quarters at Paris, was in anxious suspense, dreading the outcome of the step which he had taken. For after long and careful consideration he was convinced that Constantius would never consent to what had been done, since in the emperor’s eyes he was scorned as base and contemptible.

[3] Therefore pondering well the dangers of beginning a revolution, he decided to send envoys to Constantius to inform him of what had happened; and he gave them a letter to the same purport, in which he more openly set forth and made clear what had been done, and what ought to be done later.

[4] But yet he thought that Constantius had long since had news of the event through the reports of Decentius, who had come back some time before, and of the chamberlains, who had lately passed through on their way from Gaul after bringing the Caesar a part of his regular income.¹ And although he reported the changed conditions, he did not write anything in a hostile tone nor in arrogant language, lest he should seem suddenly to have become full of haughtiness. The purport of the letter was as follows:

[5] I for my part have remained true to my principles, not less in my conduct than in the observance of agreements, so long as they remained in force, always keeping one and the same mind, as is clearly evident from many of my actions.

[6] From the time when you first made me Caesar and exposed me to the dread tumults of war, content with the power committed to me, I filled your ears (like a trusty servant) with constant reports of successful achievements proceeding to my heart’s desire, never attributing anything at all to my own perils; and yet it is clear from constant proofs that in the contests with the widely scattered and often interallied Germans I was in toil, always seen first of all, and in rest from toil, last.

[7] But if now, with your kind indulgence be it said, there has been any change (as you think), it is the soldiers, exhausting themselves without profit in many cruel wars, who have in rebellious fashion carried out a resolve of long standing, being impatient of a leader of the second rank, since they thought that no recompense for their unremitting toil and repeated victories could be made by a Caesar.

[8] To their anger at neither winning increase in rank nor receiving the annual pay was added the unlooked-for order, that men accustomed to cold regions should go to the remotest parts of the eastern world and be dragged away destitute and stripped of everything, separated from their wives and children. Angered by this beyond their wonted manner, they gathered together at night and beset the palace, shouting loudly again and again Julianus Augustus.

[9] I was horrified (I confess it) and withdrew; and holding aloof as long as I could, I tried to save myself by remaining in hiding and concealment. But when no respite was given, protected by the rampart of a free conscience (so to say), I went forth and stood before them all, supposing that the outbreak could be quieted by my authority or by persuasive words.

[10] But their excitement was most unusual, and they went so far that when I tried to overcome their obstinacy by entreaties, they rushed upon me and threatened me with instant death. Overcome at last, and thinking to myself that if I were slain another would perhaps willingly be proclaimed emperor, I yielded, expecting that I could thus quiet their armed violence.

[11] This is a full account of what took place, and I pray that you will receive it in a spirit of peace. Do not suspect that anything different was done, or listen to malicious and pernicious whisperers, whose habit it is to excite dissension between princes for their own profit; but rejecting flattery, the nurse of vices, turn to justice, the most excellent of all virtues, and accept in good faith the fair conditions which I propose, convincing yourself that this is to the advantage of the rule of Rome² as well as to ourselves, who are united by the tie of blood and by our lofty position.

[12] And pardon me: I am not so desirous that these things which are reasonably demanded should be done, as that they should be approved by you as expedient and right, and for the future also I shall eagerly receive your instructions.

[13] What ought to be done I will reduce to a few words. I will furnish Spanish horses for your chariots, and to be mingled with the household troops and the targeteers some young men of the Laeti, a tribe of barbarians on this side of the Rhine, or at any rate from those of them who voluntarily come over to us. And this I promise to do to the end of my life, with not only a willing but an eager spirit.

[14] As praetorian prefects your clemency shall appoint for us those who are known for their justice and their merits; the promotion of the other civil officials and military officers, as well as of my bodyguard, is properly to be left to my decision. For it would be folly, since it can be prevented from happening, that those should be attached to an emperor’s person whose character and inclinations are unknown to him.

[15] This at least I would declare without any hesitation: the Gauls, since they have been harassed by long continued troubles and grievous misfortunes, cannot voluntarily or under compulsion send recruits to foreign and distant countries, for fear that, if they lose all their young manhood, downcast as they are by the memory of their past afflictions, even so they may perish from despair at what may befall hereafter.

[16] Furthermore, it will not be expedient to draw from here auxiliaries to be opposed to the Parthian nations, since the onsets of the barbarians are not yet checked and (if you will permit me to speak the truth) these provinces which have been vexed with constant calamities need aid themselves from without, and valiant aid too.

[17] In urging these measures I have written (I think) to the advantage of the state both in my requests and in my demands. For I know, I do know, not to say anything more arrogantly than befits my authority, what wretched conditions, even when everything seemed already lost and without remedy, have been brought to a better state by the harmony of rulers yielding in turn to each other. Indeed, it is clear from the example of our forefathers that rulers who have these and similar designs are able somehow to find a way of living happily and successfully and of leaving to posterity and to all future time a happy memory of their lives.

[18] Along with this letter he sent another of a more private nature to be delivered to Constantius secretly, which was written in a more reproachful and bitter tone; the content of this it was not possible for me to examine, nor if it had been, would it have been fitting for me to make it public.

[19] To perform this mission two men of importance were chosen, Pentadius, the court marshal,³ and Eutherius, who was then head chamberlain.1 After delivering the letters they were to report what they saw without concealing anything and to deal confidently with the course of future events.

[20] Meanwhile the odium of the enterprise had been increased by the flight of the prefect Florentius, who, as if anticipating the disturbances that would arise from the summoning of the soldiers⁴ (which was the subject of common talk) had purposely withdrawn to Vienne, alleging the need of provisions as his excuse for parting from Caesar, whom he had often treated rudely and consequently feared.

[21] Then, on hearing that Julian had been raised to the eminence of an Augustus, having small hope or none at all for his life, he became afraid and tried by distance to avoid the dangers that he suspected. So, abandoning all his family, he left and came by slow stages to Constantius, and to show his guiltlessness of any fault, he assailed Julian with many charges as a traitor.

[22] After his departure, Julian, considering the matter well and wisely, and wishing it to be known that he would have spared him even if he had been present, left his dear ones and his property unmolested, gave them the use of the public courier-service, and bade them ride in safety to the Orient.

Notes on the current edition

Res Gestae

1. expeditiones metuens, tr. by Novák, c. c.

2. eoum, C. F. W. M.; cum, V.

3. eminuere, Kiessling; emicuere, EBG; enimuere, V; emicuere, V 2.

4. haeserat, Her. and Clark, c.c.; erat, V.

5. praegressorum, V; regressorum, G; progressorum, NB.

6. Caesaream, Corn., Gardt. (cf. xx. 9, 1); Caessarem, V.

7. aliqua, V; maligna, Corn.

8. nova referret, added by Novák.

9. redundasse, W, Novák; redundasset, V 1; repuggnasse, V 2; tumore, added by Novák.

10. iussi homines, tr. by G; hominis iussi, V, with homines def. by Pighius.

11. occultatione, Corn.; mussatione, G; salutemus latione, V; dissimulatione, C. F. W. M.

12. set, added by Clark, quum, by Bent.; V omits, def. by Pighius.

13. contemplans, Corn.; contestans, V, def. by Pighius.

14. posse ratus, Her.; speratus, Löfstedt, Pighius; superatus, V.

15. nobiscum, Novák; nobisque, AG; nobis, V.

16. et, add. in G; V omits (def. Heilmnann).

17. animo, added by G; V omits; non modo gratum verum cupidum (om. animo) sugg. by Pighius.

18. eos ad, NA; ad BG; V omits ad, def. by Pighius.

19. transmittere or dimittere, Clark, c.c.; mittere, V, def. by Pighius.

20. ut, added by Val.; V omits.

21. quam, Clark; cum, V; parum, Novák.

22. congruit, Clark; congrues V 1; congruens, V 2, Novák.

23. licebat, Clark; licunt, V; licuerat, Novák.

24. concitandos, NAG; concitanda moturus militem, Pet.; concitandos motus ut militem, V.

25. ob, G; et, A; ut, V.

26. publico cursu usu permisso, V; usu del. as dittography by Pet.; publico cursu, usu permisso, Momm.; publici cursus, Lind.

27. uehi, Novák; redire, G; digredi, Her.; redi, V.

Ammianus Marcellinus Res Gestae 20.8

John C. Rolfe (Translator)

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