Titus Livius (Livy), Ab urbe condita, Benjamin Oliver Foster, Ph.D. (Editor), Frank Gardener Moore (Editor), Evan T. Sage, Ph.D. (Editor), Alfred C. Schlesinger, Ph.D. (Editor), 42.46

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[1] When Perseus had returned to Macedonia from his conference with the Romans, he sent to Rome envoys about the terms of peace outlined with Marcius; also to Byzantium and Rhodes . . . he gave the envoys [letters] to present.¹

[2] In the letters the same sentiments were expressed to all, namely, that he had conferred with envoys from Rome; what he had heard and what he had said had turned out to be such that he might seem to have had the better of the discussion.

[3] Before the Rhodians² the envoys added that the king was sure there would be peace; for at the suggestion of Marcius and Atilius envoys had been sent to Rome. If the Romans continued to stir up war contrary to the treaty, then the Rhodians must strive with all their resources of friendly influence to bring peace again; if they did not succeed with their entreaties, they must act to prevent authority and power over everything coming into the hands of a single people.

[4] This was to the interest both of all states and especially of the Rhodians, in proportion as they were outstanding among other states in position and resources;³⁴ these blessings would be enslaved and in bondage, if there were no recourse to anyone but

[5] the Romans. The friendly hearing given to the letter and the words of the envoys was greater than the weight they had in changing the Rhodians' minds; the influence of the better⁵ party began to be

[6] the stronger. The reply as voted was that the Rhodians hoped for peace; if there were war, the king must not expect or ask anything of the Rhodians which would destroy between them and the Romans the ancient friendship, cemented by many great services in peace

[7] and war. On the way back from Rhodes,⁶ the envoys also approached the cities of Boeotia, not only Thebes but also Coronea and Haliartus, for it was believed that their desertion of the alliance with the king and adhesion to the Romans had been forced upon them against

[8] their will. The Thebans were not at all moved, although, both for the condemnation of the chief men and the restoration of the exiles, they were angry with

[9] the Romans.⁷ The peoples of Coronea and Haliartus, through some inborn prejudice in favour of kings, sent envoys to Macedonia asking for a garrison, by which they might protect themselves against the reckless insolence of

[10] the Thebans. To this embassy the king's reply was, that because of the truce made with the Romans he could not send them a garrison; however, he advised them to protect themselves as best they⁸ might against the injustice of the Thebans in such a way as not to offer the Romans an excuse for harshness against them.

Ab urbe condita. Titus Livius (Livy). Benjamin Oliver Foster, Ph.D. (Editor), Frank Gardener Moore (Editor), Evan T. Sage, Ph.D. (Editor), Alfred C. Schlesinger, Ph.D. (Editor). Medford, MA. .

Sponsored by Perseus Project, Tufts University.

Funding provided by The National Endowment for the Humanities.

Current edition Perseus

History of Rome (English) (Foster, Benjamin Oliver; Moore, Frank Gardener; Sage, Evan T.; Schlesinger, Alfred C., translators. Cambridge, Mass.; London: Harvard University Press; William Heinemann, Ltd., 1919-1959. (Loeb Classical Library))

Editions (3)

Ab urbe condita Perseus (Pars I-IV, Libri I-XL. Editio Stereotypica. Weissenborn, Wilhelm; Mueller, Moritz, editors. Leipzig: Teubner, 1884-1911.) — 42.46 focus

[1] Perseus, cum ab conloquio Romanorum in Macedoniam recepisset sese, legatos Romam de incohatis cum Marcio condicionibus pacis misit; et Byzantium et Rhodum et legatis ferendas dedit.

[2] in litteris eadem sententia ad omnis erat, conlocutum se cum Romanorum legatis; quae audisset quaeque dixisset, ita disposita, ut superior fuisse in disceptatione videri posset.

[3] apud Rhodios legati adiecerunt confidere pacem futuram; auctoribus enim Marcio atque Atilio missos Romam legatos. si pergerent Romani contra foedus movere bellum, tum omni gratia, omni ope adnitendum fore Rhodiis, ut reconcilient pacem;

[4] si nihil deprecando proficiant, id agendum, ne omnium rerum ius ac potestas ad unum populum perveniat. cum ceterorum id interesse, tum praecipue Rhodiorum, quo plus inter alias civitates dignitate atque opibus excellant; quae serva atque obnoxia fore, si nullus alio sit quam ad Romanos respectus.

[5] magis et litterae et verba legatorum benigne sunt audita, quam. momentum ad mutandos animos habuerunt; potentior esse partis melioris auctoritas coeperat.

[6] responsum ex decreto est optare pacem Rhodios; si bellum esset, ne quid ab Rhodiis speraret aut peteret rex, quod veterem amicitiam, multis magnisque meritis pace belloque partam, diiungeret sibi ac Romanis.

[7] ab Rhodo redeuntes Boeotiae quoque civitates, et Thebas et Coroneam et Haliartum, adierunt, quibus expressum invitis existimabatur, ut relicta regia societate Romanis adiungerentur.

[8] Thebani nihil moti sunt, quamquam et damnatis principibus et restitutis exulibus suscensebant Romanis.

[9] Coronaei et Haliartii, favore quodam insito in reges, legatos in Macedoniam miserunt praesidium petentes, quo se adversus inpotentem superbiam Thebanorum tueri possint.

[10] cui legationi responsum ab rege est, praesidium se propter indutias cum Romanis factas mittere non posse; tamen ita suadere ab Thebanorum iniuriis, qua possent, ut se vindicarent, ne Romanis praeberent causam in se saeviendi.

Ab urbe condita Perseus (Livy in Fourteen Volumes. Foster, Benjamin Oliver; Moore, Frank Gardener; Schlesinger, Alfred C., editors. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press; London: William Heinemann, Ltd., 1919-1959 (printing).) — 43.23 focus

[1]

Rex cum non ¹ minore vexatione iumentorum hominumque quam venerat in Macedoniam rediit; Appium tamen ab obsidione Phanotes fama ducentis ad Stratum Persei summovit.

[2] Cleuas cum praesidio impigrorum iuvenum insecutus sub radicibus prope inviis montium ² ad mille hominum ex agmine impedito occidit, ad ducentos cepit.

[3] Appius superatis angustiis in campo quem Meleona vocant stativa dierum paucorum habuit. interim Cleuas assumpto Philostrato, qui quingentos ex ³ Epirotarum gente habebat, in agrum Antigonensem transcendit. ⁴ Macedones ad depopulationem profecti;

[4] Philostratus⁵ cum cohorte sua in insidiis loco ⁶ obscuro consedit. in palatos populatores cum erupissent ab Antigonea armati, ⁷ fugientes eos persequentes effusius in vallem insessam ab hostibus praecipitant.

[5] ibi ad mille ⁸ occisis, centum ferme captis, et ubique prospere gesta re prope stativa Appi castra movent, ne qua vis sociis suis ab Romano exercitu inferri possit.

[6] Appius nequiquam in his locis terens tempus, dimissis Chaonum Thesprotorumque ⁹ et si qui alii Epirotae erant praesidiis, cum Italicis militibus in Illyricum regressus, per Parthinorum ¹⁰ socias urbes in hiberna militibus divisis, ¹¹ ipse Romam sacrificii causa redit.

[7] Perseus ex Penestarum gente mille pedites, ducentos equites revocatos Cassandream, praesidio ut essent, misit.

[8] Ab Gentio eadem adferentes redierunt. nec deinde alios atque alios mittendo temptare eum destitit, cum appareret, quantum in eo praesidii esset, nec tamen impetrare ab animo posset, ut impensam in rem maximi ad omnia momenti faceret.

Ab urbe condita libri, erklärt von M. Weissenborn Perseus (Weissenborn, W.; Müller, H. J., editors. Berlin: Weidmannsche Buchhandlung, 1873-1883.) — 42.46 focus

[1]

Perseus cum ab conloquio Romanorum in Macedoniam recepisset sese, legatos Romam de incohatis cum Marcio condicionibus pacis misit, et Byzantium et Rhodum et legatis ferendas dedit.

[2] in litteris eadem sententia ad omnis erat, conlocutum se cum Romanorum legatis; quae audisset quaeque dixisset, ita disposita, ut superior fuisse in disceptatione videri posset.

[3] apud Rhodios legati addiderunt, confidere pacem futuram, auctoribus enim Marcio atque Atilio missos Romam legatos. si pergerent Romani contra foedus movere bellum, tum omni gratia, omni ope enitendum fore Rhodiis, ut reconcilient pacem:

[5] magis et litterae et verba legatorum benigne sunt audita quam momentum ad mutandos animos habuerunt; potentior esse partis melioris auctoritas coeperat.

[6] responsum ex decreto est optare pacem Rhodios; si bellum esset, ne quid ab Rhodiis speraret aut peteret rex, quod ¹ veterem amicitiam, multis magnisque meritis pace belloque partam, diiungeret sibi ac Romanis.

[7] ab Rhodo redeuntes Boeotiae quoque civitates, [et] Thebas et Coroneam et Haliartum, adierunt, quibus expressum invitis existimabatur, ut relicta regia societate Romanis adiungerentur.

[8] Thebani nihil moti sunt, quamquam nonnihil et damnatis principibus et restitutis exulibus succensebant Romanis.

[9] Coronaei et Haliartii favore quodam insito in reges legatos in Macedoniam miserunt praesidium petentes, quo se adversus inpotentem superbiam Thebanorum tueri possint.

[10] cui legationi responsum ab rege est, praesidium se propter indutias cum Romanis factas mittere non posse: tamen ita suadere ab Thebanorum iniuriis, qua possent, ut se vindicarent, ne Romanis praeberent causam in se saeviendi.

Translations (2)

History of Rome Perseus (Spillan, D.; Edmonds, Cyrus; McDevitte, William A., translators. London: Henry G. Bohn, 1849-1868. (Bohn's Classical Library)) — 42.46 focus

[1]

When Perseus, after the conference with the Romans, had retired into Macedon, he sent ambassadors to Rome to carry on the negotiation for peace commenced with Marcius, giving them letters, to be delivered at Byzantium and Rhodes. The purport of the letters to all was the same, viz.

[2] that he had conferred with the Roman ambassadors. What he had heard from them, and what he had said, was, however, represented in such a manner that he might seem to have had the advantage in the debate.

[3] In presence of the Rhodians, the ambassadors added, that

they were confident of a continuation of peace, for it was by the advice of Marcius and Atilius that they were sent to Rome. But if the Romans should commence their hostilities, contrary to treaty, it would then be the business of the Rhodians to labour, with all their power and all their interest, for the re-establishment of peace; and that, if they should effect nothing by their mediation, they ought then to take such measures as would prevent the dominion of the whole world from coming into the hands of one nation only.

[4]

That, as this was a matter of general concern, so it was peculiarly interesting to the Rhodians, as they surpassed the other states in dignity and power, which must be held on terms of servility and dependence, if there were no other resource for redress than the Romans.

[5] Both the letter and the discourse of the ambassadors were received by the Rhodians with every appearance of kindness, but by no means exerted any influence in working a change in their minds, for by this time the best-judging party had the superior influence.

[6] By a public order this answer was given: —that

the Rhodians wished for peace; but, if war should take place, they hoped that the king would not expect or require from them any thing that might break off their ancient friendship with the Romans, the fruit of many and great services performed on their part both in war and peace.

[7] The Macedonians, on their way home from Rhodes, visited also the states of Bœotia, Thebes, Coronaea, and Haliartus; for it was thought that the measure of abandoning the alliance with the king, and joining the Romans, was extorted from them against their will.

[8] The Thebans were not influenced by his representations, though they were somewhat displeased with the Romans, on account of the sentence passed on their nobles, and the restoration of the exiles;

[9] but the Coronaeans and Haliartians, out of a kind of natural attachment to kings, sent ambassadors to Macedon, requesting the aid of a body of troops to defend them against the insolent tyranny of the Thebans.

[10] To this application the king answered, that,

on account of the truce concluded with the Romans, it was not in his power to send troops; but he recommended to them, to guard themselves against ill-treat- ment from the Thebans, as far as they were able, without affording the Romans a pretext for venting their resentment on him.

History of Rome Perseus (Volumes 1-2. Roberts, Canon, Rev, translator. London, New York: J. M. Dent and Sons; E. P. Dutton and Co., 1912.) — 42.46 focus

[1]

On his return to Macedonia, Perseus sent envoys to Rome to carry on the peace negotiations which he had begun with Marcius, and he gave them letters to take to Byzantium and Rhodes. The purport of the letters was the same for all, he had had an interview with the Roman commissioners.

[2] What he had heard and said was put in such a way as to make it appear that he had the best of the argument.

[3] In their address to the Rhodians, his envoys said that they were confident that there would be peace, for it was on the advice of Marcius and Atilius that they were sent to Rome. If the Romans in violation of the treaty proceeded to war, then the Rhodians must use all their influence and all their power to restore peace, but if their appeals proved fruitless, then they must make it their business to prevent the power and authority over the whole world from passing into the hands of one single nation.

[4] That was the concern of all the nations, but especially of the Rhodians, by how much the more they surpassed other nations in greatness and prosperity, but they would be enslaved and helpless if they paid no regard to any but the Romans.

[5] The letter and the address of the envoys received a favourable hearing, but they did not avail to make the Rhodians change their minds; the influence and authority of the better citizens prevailed. The answer which they decided to give was to the effect that the Rhodians wanted peace;

[6] if there was war, the king need not expect or ask for anything from them, since he was trying to break up the long-standing friendship between them and the Romans, a friendship which was the fruit of many valuable services rendered in both peace and war.

[7] On their way back from Rhodes they visited some of the cities of Boeotia-Thebes, Coronea and Haliartus-which it was supposed had been forced against their will to abandon their alliance with Perseus and join the Romans.

[8] They made no impression on the Thebans, although there was a strong feeling amongst them against the Romans owing to the severe sentences passed on their leaders and the restoration of the exiles.

[9] But at Coronea and at Haliartus there was a kind of inborn affection for the dynasty, and they sent to Macedonia to ask for a garrison that they might protect themselves against the wanton aggression of Thebes.

[10] The king told them in reply that as there was an armistice between him and the Romans, he could not send any troops to them; still, he advised them to revenge any wrongs that the Thebans might inflict on them, but in such a way as not to give the Romans any pretext for venting their wrath on him.

Notes on the current edition

Ab Urbe Condita With An English Translation, books 1-10, 21-45, with periochae 11-20

1. Names of other cities may have fallen out;

letters

is an obvious inference from the context.

2. With this chapter cf. Polybius XXVII. 4.

3. Polybius, loc. cit., puts at this point a loftier reason —that the Rhodians especially valued their own independence and the freedom of Greece: o(/sw| ga\r plei=on o)re/gontai th=s i)shgori/as kai\ parrhsi/as kai\ diatelou=si prostatou=ntes... th=s tw=n a)/llwn (Ellh/nwn e)leuqeri/as.

4. B.C. 172

5. Polybius uses the corresponding adjective tou= belti/onos; such adjectives are likely in Greek and Roman literature to connote the conservative aristocracy, or upper class.

6. A separate embassy, according to Polybius.

7. Polybius XXVII. 5 does not mention the Thebans, but speaks of the embassy going to This be, as well as Coronea and Haliartus. In view of this, and of the apparently unchallenged dominance of the pro-Roman party at Thebes (cf. sees. 9-10 below), it seems certain that Livy, either because of a faulty MS., or because of his own slip, read Qh/bas for Qi/sbas in Polybius, and should not have brought Thebes in at this point.

8. B.C. 172

Titus Livius (Livy) Ab urbe condita 42.46

Benjamin Oliver Foster, Ph.D. (Editor), Frank Gardener Moore (Editor), Evan T. Sage, Ph.D. (Editor), Alfred C. Schlesinger, Ph.D. (Editor)

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