Titus Livius (Livy), Ab urbe condita, Benjamin Oliver Foster, Ph.D. (Editor), Frank Gardener Moore (Editor), Evan T. Sage, Ph.D. (Editor), Alfred C. Schlesinger, Ph.D. (Editor), 41.23

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[1] This one people out of all Greece, together with the Athenian state, had gone so far in their anger as to exclude Macedonians from their territories.¹

[2] And so when slaves escaped from Achaea Macedonia was a refuge for them because, since the Achaeans had forbidden the Macedonians to enter their country, they themselves did not dare to cross the frontiers of their kingdom.

[3] Accordingly, when Perseus had become aware of this, he arrested all the fugitives [and sent letters graciously promising to restore such slaves to them].² But, he added, they too should take measures that similar escapes of slaves should not happen in future.

[4] When this letter was read by their general Xenarchus, who was seeking for an opportunity to curry favour personally with the king, and when the majority believed that³ it had been written in a spirit of moderation and kindliness, this being especially the view of those who were to recover, contrary to expectations, their lost slaves, Callicrates, one of those who believed that the safety of the state depended on whether the treaty with the Romans were preserved

[5] inviolate,⁴ spoke as follows:

The matter under discussion,

[6]

Achaeans, appears to some to be trivial or of only moderate importance, but I for my part consider that a question by far the most serious of all is not only being decided, but somehow or other has been decided. For we who had forbidden to the kings of the Macedonians and to the Macedonians themselves admission to our territories and who knew that the decree was still in force, namely that by which we had made provision that we should not receive the

[7]

ambassadors or the messengers of the kings, through whom the sentiments of some of us might be affected, we, I say, are now listening to the king who, so to say, speaks to us though absent, and (heaven help us!) we even approve his speech. And while wild beasts generally disdain and refuse

[8]

food offered to entrap them, we, blind fools, are caught by the showy bait of a trifling kindness, and, in the hope of recovering some paltry slaves of the slightest value, permit our very liberty to be undermined and endangered. For who does not see that a way for an alliance with the king is being sought, whereby the Roman treaty, on which our whole fate depends, would be violated? Or is it doubtful to anybody that

[9]

a war between the Romans and Perseus is inevitable, and that this war, anticipated while Philip was alive and postponed

[10]

by his death, will come after the death of Philip? As you⁵ know, Philip had two sons, Demetrius and Perseus. In birth on his mother's side, in character, in intellect, in influence with the Macedonians, Demetrius far surpassed the other.⁶ But because Philip had set up the throne as a prize for hatred of the Romans, he put Demetrius to death, for no other crime than that he had cultivated

[11]

the friendship of the Romans; Perseus he made king, knowing that he would inherit a war with the Roman people almost before he could inherit the throne. Accordingly, what has he done after his father's death except prepare for war? First, to the alarm of all, he turned the Bastarnae loose into Dardania, and if they had retained this district Greece

[12]

would have found them neighbours more dangerous than Asia found the Gauls.⁷ Disappointed in that hope, he nevertheless did not abandon his plans for the war; no: if we are willing to speak frankly, he has already begun the war. Dolopia he has overrun with arms, and when they wished to appeal in their disputes to the arbitrament of the Roman people he paid no heed.⁸ Next, crossing Oeta, so that he suddenly appeared at the very navel of Greece, he climbed up to Delphi. Toward what, do

[13]

you think, does this assumption of the right to travel an unaccustomed route tend? Then he traversed Thessaly; but if he did so without injuring in any way men whom he hated, all the

[14]

more do I fear his scheming. Next he directed a letter to us, under pretence of doing us a service, and bids us consider how we shall not need this service in future, that is, that we shall repeal the decree by which Macedonians are excluded from the⁹ Peloponnesus, and again see the king's ambassadors, and hospitalities exchanged with their leaders, and presently Macedonian armies and even the king himself crossing from Delphi (for how great a strait flows between us?¹⁰ ) to the Peloponnesus, and shall

[15]

be mingled with the Macedonians as they arm themselves against the Romans! I vote that we shall decree nothing new but preserve everything as it is, until it shall

[16]

be reduced to certainty whether our fears are false or justified. If the peace between the Macedonians and the Romans remains inviolate, let us

[17]

too share the friendship and the intercourse; to plan about it now seems dangerous and premature.

Ab urbe condita. Titus Livius (Livy). Benjamin Oliver Foster, Ph.D. (Editor), Frank Gardener Moore (Editor), Evan T. Sage, Ph.D. (Editor), Alfred C. Schlesinger, Ph.D. (Editor). Medford, MA. .

Sponsored by Perseus Project, Tufts University.

Funding provided by The National Endowment for the Humanities.

Current edition Perseus

History of Rome (English) (Foster, Benjamin Oliver; Moore, Frank Gardener; Sage, Evan T.; Schlesinger, Alfred C., translators. Cambridge, Mass.; London: Harvard University Press; William Heinemann, Ltd., 1919-1959. (Loeb Classical Library))

Editions (3)

Ab urbe condita Perseus (Pars I-IV, Libri I-XL. Editio Stereotypica. Weissenborn, Wilhelm; Mueller, Moritz, editors. Leipzig: Teubner, 1884-1911.) — 41.23 focus

[1] haec una ex omni Graecia gens et Atheniensium civitas eo processerat irarum, ut finibus interdiceret Macedonibus.

[2] itaque servitiis ex Achaia fugientibus receptaculum Macedonia erat, quia, cum finibus suis iis interdixissent, intrare regni terminos ipsi non audebant.

[3] id cum Perseus animadvertisset, conprensis omnibus litterae . ceterum ne similis fuga servorum postea fieret, cogitandum et illis esse.

[4] recitatis his litteris per Xenarchum praetorem, qui privatae gratiae aditum apud regem quaerebat, et plerisque moderate et benigne scriptas esse censentibus litteras, atque iis maxume, qui praeter spem recepturi essent amissa mancipia, Callicrates ex iis, qui in eo verti salutem gentis crederent, si cum Romanis inviolatum foedus servaretur, “parva”

[5] inquit “aut mediocris res, Achaei, quibusdam videtur agi:

[6] ego maxumam gravissimamque omnium non agi tantum arbitror, sed quodam modo actam esse. nam qui regibus Macedonum Macedonibusque ipsis finibus interdixissemus manereque id decretum sciremus,

[7] quo caveramus, scilicet ne legatos, ne nuntios admitteremus regum, per quos aliquorum ex nobis animi sollicitarentur, ii contionantem quodam modo absentem audimus regem, et, si dis placet, orationem eius probamus.

[8] et cum ferae bestiae cibum ad fraudem suam positum plerumque aspernentur et refugiant, nos caeci specie parvi beneficii inescamur et servulorum minimi pretii recipiendorum spe nostram ipsorum libertatem subrui et temptari patimur.

[9] quis enim non videt viam regiae societatis quaeri, qua Romanum foedus, quo nostra omnia continentur, violetur? nisi hoc dubium alicui est, bellandum Romanis cum Perseo esse et, quod vivo Philippo expectatum, morte eius interpellatum est, id post mortem Philippi futurum.

[10] duos, ut scitis, habuit filios Philippus, Demetrium et Persea. genere materno, virtute, ingenio, favore Macedonum longe praestitit Demetrius.

[11] sed quia in Romanos odii regnum posuerat praemium, Demetrium nullo alio crimine quam Romanae amicitiae initae occidit; Persea, quem belli cum populo Romano prius paene quam regni heredem futurum sciebat, regem fecit.

[12] itaque quid hic post mortem patris egit aliud quam bellum paravit? Bastarnas primum ad terrorem omnium in Dardaniam inmisit; qui si sedem eam tenuissent, graviores eos accolas Graecia habuisset, quam Asia Gallos habebat.

[13] ea spe depulsus non tamen belli consilia omisit; immo, si vere volumus dicere, iam incohavit bellum. Dolopiam armis subegit nec provocantis de controversiis ad disceptationem populi Romani audivit. inde transgressus Oetam, ut repente in medio umbilico Graeciae conspiceretur, Delphos escendit.

[14] haec usurpatio itineris insoliti quo vobis spectare videtur? Thessaliam deinde peragravit; quod sine ullius eorum, quos oderat, noxa, hoc magis temptationem metuo.

[15] inde litteras ad nos cum muneris specie misit et cogitare iubet, quo modo in reliquum hoc munere non egeamus, hoc est, ut decretum, quo arcentur Peloponneso Macedones, tollamus, rursus legatos regios et hospitia cum principibus et mox Macedonum exercitus, ipsum quoque a Delphis —

[16] quantum enim interfluit fretum? — traicientem in Peloponnesum videamus, inmisceamur Macedonibus armantibus se adversus Romanos.

[17] ego nihil novi censeo decernendum servandaque omnia integra, donec ad certum redigatur, vanusne hic timor noster an verus fuerit.

[18] si pax inviolata inter Macedonas Romanosque manebit, nobis quoque amicitia et commercium sit; nunc de eo cogitare periculosum et inmaturum videtur.”

Ab urbe condita Perseus (Livy in Fourteen Volumes. Foster, Benjamin Oliver; Moore, Frank Gardener; Schlesinger, Alfred C., editors. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press; London: William Heinemann, Ltd., 1919-1959 (printing).) — 43.23 focus

[1]

Rex cum non ¹ minore vexatione iumentorum hominumque quam venerat in Macedoniam rediit; Appium tamen ab obsidione Phanotes fama ducentis ad Stratum Persei summovit.

[2] Cleuas cum praesidio impigrorum iuvenum insecutus sub radicibus prope inviis montium ² ad mille hominum ex agmine impedito occidit, ad ducentos cepit.

[3] Appius superatis angustiis in campo quem Meleona vocant stativa dierum paucorum habuit. interim Cleuas assumpto Philostrato, qui quingentos ex ³ Epirotarum gente habebat, in agrum Antigonensem transcendit. ⁴ Macedones ad depopulationem profecti;

[4] Philostratus⁵ cum cohorte sua in insidiis loco ⁶ obscuro consedit. in palatos populatores cum erupissent ab Antigonea armati, ⁷ fugientes eos persequentes effusius in vallem insessam ab hostibus praecipitant.

[5] ibi ad mille ⁸ occisis, centum ferme captis, et ubique prospere gesta re prope stativa Appi castra movent, ne qua vis sociis suis ab Romano exercitu inferri possit.

[6] Appius nequiquam in his locis terens tempus, dimissis Chaonum Thesprotorumque ⁹ et si qui alii Epirotae erant praesidiis, cum Italicis militibus in Illyricum regressus, per Parthinorum ¹⁰ socias urbes in hiberna militibus divisis, ¹¹ ipse Romam sacrificii causa redit.

[7] Perseus ex Penestarum gente mille pedites, ducentos equites revocatos Cassandream, praesidio ut essent, misit.

[8] Ab Gentio eadem adferentes redierunt. nec deinde alios atque alios mittendo temptare eum destitit, cum appareret, quantum in eo praesidii esset, nec tamen impetrare ab animo posset, ut impensam in rem maximi ad omnia momenti faceret.

Ab urbe condita libri, erklärt von M. Weissenborn Perseus (Weissenborn, W.; Müller, H. J., editors. Berlin: Weidmannsche Buchhandlung, 1873-1883.) — 41.23 focus

[1]

haec una ex omni Graecia gens et Atheniensium civitas eo processerat irarum, ut finibus interdiceret Macedonibus.

[2] itaque, servitiis ex Achaia fugientibus receptaculum Macedonia erat, quia, cum finibus suis iis interdixissent, intrare regni terminos ipsi non audebant.

[3] id cum Perseus animadvertisset, conprensis omnibus litterae . ceterum ne similis fuga servorum postea fieret, cogitandum et illis esse.

[5] qui in eo verti salutem gentis crederent, si cum Romanis inviolatum foedus servaretur, “parva” inquit “

[6] aut mediocris res, Achaei, quibusdam videtur agi; ego maxumam gravissimamque omnium non agi tantum arbitror, sed ¹ quodam modo actam esse. nam qui regibus Macedonum Macedonibusque ipsis finibus interdixissemus, manereque id decretum , scilicet ne legatos,

[7] ne nuntios admitteremus regum, per quos aliquorum ex nobis animi sollicitarentur, ii contionantem quodam modo absentem audimus regem et, si dis placet, orationem eius probamus.

[9] quis enim non videt viam regiae societatis quaeri, qua Romanum foedus, quo nostra omnia continentur, violetur? nisi hoc dubium alicui est bellandum Romanis cum Perseo esse et, quod vivo Philippo expectatum, morte eius interpellatum est, id post mortem Philippi futurum.

[10] duos, ut scitis, habuit filios Philippus, Demetrium et Persea. genere materno, virtute, ingenio, favore Macedonum longe praestitit Demetrius.

[11] sed quia in ² Romanos odii regnum posuerat praemium, Demetrium nullo alio crimine quam Romanae amicitiae initae occidit, Persea, quem belli cum populo Romano prius paene quam regni heredem futurum sciebat, regem fecit.

[13] ea spe depulsus non tamen belli consilia omisit; immo, si vere volumus dicere, iam incohavit bellum. Dolopiam armis subegit nec provocantis de controversiis ad disceptationem populi Romani audivit; inde transgressus Oetam, ut repente in medio umbilico Graeciae conspiceretur, Delphos escendit.

[14] haec usurpatio itineris insoliti quo vobis spectare videtur? Thessaliam deinde peragravit; quod sine ullius eorum, quos oderat, noxa, hoc magis temptationem metuo.

[15] inde litteras ad nos cum muneris specie misit et cogitare iubet, quo modo in reliquum hoc munere non egeamus, hoc est, ut decretum, quo arcentur Peloponneso Macedones,

[16] tollamus, rursus legatos regios et hospitia cum principibus et mox Macedonum exercitus, ipsum quoque a Delphis — quantum enim interfluit fretum? — traicientem in Peloponnesum videamus, inmisceamur Macedonibus armantibus ³ se adversus Romanos.

[17] ego nihil novi censeo decernendum servandaque omnia integra, donec ad certum redigatur, vanusne hic timor noster an verus fuerit.

[18] si pax inviolata inter Macedonas Romanosque manebit, nobis quoque amicitia et commercium sit; nunc de eo cogitare periculosum et inmaturum videtur.”

Translations (2)

History of Rome Perseus (Spillan, D.; Edmonds, Cyrus; McDevitte, William A., translators. London: Henry G. Bohn, 1849-1868. (Bohn's Classical Library)) — 41.23 focus

[1]

This nation, and the state of Athens, solitary exceptions to the whole of Greece, had carried their resentment to such a length, as to prohibit the Macedonians entering their territories.

[2] In consequence of this, Macedonia became a place of refuge for slaves running away out of Achaia; for, as the Achaeans had forbidden the inhabitants of Macedon to set foot in their territories, they could not presume to pass the boundaries of that kingdom.

[3] When Perseus observed this, he seized all the fugitives, and wrote a letter * * * * * * *

but that they ought to consider of the proper means of preventing such elopements for the future.

[4] When this letter was read by the praetor Xenarchus, who was seeking a path to private influence with the king, the greater part who were present, but especially those who, contrary to their expectations, were about to receive the slaves they had lost, commended the moderation and kindness with which it was written; but Callicrates, one who thought that the safety of the nation depended on the treaty with Rome being preserved inviolate, delivered his sentiments to this effect;

[5] —

To some of you, Achaeans, the matter under consideration appears trifling and unimportant.

[6]

I think that a very great and important subject is not only under consideration, but to a certain extent decided. For we, who prohibited the kings of Macedonia, and all their subjects, from entering our territories, and made a perpetual decree, not to receive from those sovereigns either ambassadors or messengers, by whom the minds of any of us might be tampered with;

[7]

we, I say, listen to the king speaking in a manner, though absent, and what is more, approve of his discourse.

[8]

Although wild beasts generally reject and shun the food laid in their way for their destruction; yet we, blinded by the specious offer of an insignificant favour, swallow the bait, and would, for the sake of recovering a parcel of wretched slaves, of no value worth mentioning, suffer our independence to be undermined and subverted. For who does not see that a way is being paved to an alliance with the king, by which the treaty with Rome in which all our interests are involved would be violated?

[9]

That there must be a war between Perseus and the Romans, is not, I believe, a matter of doubt to any one, and the struggle which was expected during the life of Philip, and interrupted by his death, will, now that he is dead, most certainly ensue. Philip, you all know, had two sons, Demetrius and Perseus.

[10]

Demetrius was much superior in birth, on the mother's side, in merit, capacity, and in the esteem of the Macedonian nation.

[11]

But Philip, having set up the crown as the prize of hatred towards the Romans, put Demetrius to death, for no other crime than having contracted a friendship with that people; and made Perseus king, because he knew him to be an enemy to the Roman people almost before he determined on making him king. Accordingly, what else has the present king done since his father's death, than prepare for the war?

[12]

In the first place, to the terror of all the surrounding nations, he brought the Bastarnians into Dardania; where if they had made a lasting settlement, Greece would have found them more troublesome neighbours than Asia found the Gauls. Disappointed in that hope, he did not drop his design of a war; nay, if we choose to speak the truth, he has already commenced hostilities.

[13]

He subdued Dolopia by force of arms; and would not listen when they wished to appeal concerning their disputes to the arbitration of the Romans. Then, crossing Œta, that he might show himself in the very centre of Greece, he went up to Delphi. To what, think you, did his taking a journey so uncommon tend? He next traversed Thessaly; and as to his refraining on his route from doing injury to the people whom he hated, I dread his machinations the more on that very account.

[14]

He then sent a letter to us, with the hollow show of an act of kindness, and bade us to consider measures by which we may not require this gift for the future;

[15]

that is, to repeal the decree by which the Macedonians are excluded from Peloponnesus; to receive again ambassadors from him their king; to renew intimacies contracted with his principal subjects; and, in a short time, we should see Macedonian armies, with himself at their head, crossing over the narrow strait from Delphi into Peloponnesus, and thus we should be blended with the Macedonians, while they are arming themselves against the Romans.

[16]

My opinion is, that we ought not to resolve on any new proceeding, but to keep every thing in its present state, until the question shall be reduced to a certainty, whether these our fears be well or ill grounded.

[17]

If the peace between the Romans and Macedonians shall continue inviolate, then may we also have a friendship and intercourse with Perseus;

[18]

but to think of such a measure now, appears to me both premature and dangerous.

History of Rome Perseus (Volumes 1-2. Roberts, Canon, Rev, translator. London, New York: J. M. Dent and Sons; E. P. Dutton and Co., 1912.) — 41.23 focus

[1]

This nation and the Athenians alone out of all Greece had pushed their animosity so far as to forbid the Macedonians to enter their country.

[2] Macedonia had, in consequence, become a refuge for all the runaway slaves from Achaia, for as the Achaeans had closed their frontiers against Macedonia, they could not themselves venture into that kingdom.

[3] When Perseus got to know this, he had the runaways arrested and sent a letter . . . "They, too, however, must think out the best means of preventing the flight of slaves in the future."

[4] The letter was read at a meeting of their council by Xenophanes, their captain-general, who was anxious to make private interest with the king. Most of those present thought it written in a fair and generous spirit, especially those who were to recover the runaway slaves whom they had given up for lost. Amongst those who believed that the safety of the nation depended upon their keeping their treaty with Rome intact was Callicrates.

[5] He made the following speech to the council: "Some look upon this question as of small and trifling importance; I regard it as the greatest and most serious of all under discussion, and, more than that, I consider that it has in one way been decided.

[6] For although we have excluded the kings of Macedonia and the Macedonians themselves from our territories, and that decree is still in force forbidding us to admit the envoys and communications

[7] of their kings, through which the feelings of some amongst us might be wrongly influenced, nevertheless, we are now listening to the king as though he were addressing us whilst absent, and we are actually giving our approval to his speech.

[8] Wild animals mostly reject and shun the food which is placed to deceive them, but we in our blindness are caught by the idle show of a petty boon, and in the hope of recovering some miserable slaves of very little value we are allowing our own liberty to be tampered with and undermined.

[9] Who does not see that a way is being sought to lead us to an alliance with the king, and therefore to a breach of the treaty with Rome, with which all our interests are bound up? Unless, indeed, anyone doubts that a war between Perseus and the Romans is inevitable, and that what was expected during Philip's lifetime and interrupted by his death will take place now that he is dead. Philip, as you know, had two sons, Demetrius and Perseus.

[10] Demetrius far surpassed his brother in birth on the mother's side, in courage, in ability, in popularity with his countrymen.

[11] But Philip had destined the crown as a reward for hatred of the Romans, and he put Demetrius to death for no other offence than his friendship with Rome. Perseus, he knew, would inherit a war with Rome almost before he inherited the crown, and he made him king. What else has he been doing since his father's death but making preparations for war? In the first place he sent the Bastarnae into Dardania creating universal alarm.

[12] If they had made their home in that country, Greece would have found them more troublesome neighbours than the Gauls were in Asia. Though his expectations here were frustrated, he did not give up all thoughts of war; rather, to say the truth, he has now commenced war and subjugated the Dolopes by force of arms, and refused to listen to their proposal to refer their differences to the arbitration of Rome.

[13] Then he crossed Mount Oeta and, in order to make a sudden appearance in the heart of Greece, went up to Delphi. What do you imagine was his object in thus exercising a right-of-way where none existed? Then he traversed Thessaly. His doing so without inflicting injury on any of those he hated I regard with all the more apprehension as an attempt to win them over.

[14] And now he has sent a letter to us with what looks like an act of generosity, and advises us to consider how for the future we may dispense with that generosity, namely, by rescinding the decree by which the Macedonians are kept out of the Peloponnese.

[15] This, too, in order that we may once more see the king's ambassadors and the renewal of hospitable relations with his chief men. Before long we shall have the Macedonian armies and the king himself entering the Peloponnese by way of Delphi-narrow is the strait that separates us! —and, finally, we shall find ourselves in the ranks of the Macedonians whenever they take up arms against Rome.

[16] I give it as my opinion that we make no fresh decree, but let everything remain just

[17] as it is, until it becomes absolutely certain whether these fears of mine are groundless or justified. If the peace between Macedonia and Rome remains unbroken, let there be friendly intercourse between us.

[18] For the present it seems to me premature and dangerous to think of altering our policy."

Notes on the current edition

Ab Urbe Condita With An English Translation, books 1-10, 21-45, with periochae 11-20

1. The corresponding portion of Polybius is lost, and we have no confirmation of this statement regarding the Achaeans. For Athens, Livy may have in mind the violent anti-Macedonian legislation of 200 B.C. (XXXI. xliv).

2. I have rendered in a somewhat abbreviated form the thought which Sigonius reconstructed on the strength of the indications contained in sect. 4 and 15 below, but have not ventured to insert in the text the Latin of his conjectural restoration.

3. B.C. 174

4. It is not certain how many cities again had pro-Macedonian parties, but it is reasonable to believe that the anti-Roman sentiment had thus crystallized. 6 Xenarchus was strategus in 175- 174 B.C., and these events probably belong somewhat earlier than Livy represents them.

5. B.C. 174

6. The picture of Demetrius is in general consistent with that presented in earlier books.

7. Cf. XXXVIII. xlvii. 11.

8. Cf. xxii. 4 and note above.

9. B.C. 174

10. The Corinthian Gulf between Cape Rhion on the south and across to Cape Antirrhion on the north is only one and a half miles wide.

Titus Livius (Livy) Ab urbe condita 41.23

Benjamin Oliver Foster, Ph.D. (Editor), Frank Gardener Moore (Editor), Evan T. Sage, Ph.D. (Editor), Alfred C. Schlesinger, Ph.D. (Editor)

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