Titus Livius (Livy), Ab urbe condita, Benjamin Oliver Foster, Ph.D. (Editor), Frank Gardener Moore (Editor), Evan T. Sage, Ph.D. (Editor), Alfred C. Schlesinger, Ph.D. (Editor), 39.25

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[1] There, when they had taken their places, the 'Roman commissioners in the position of arbitrators, the Thessalians, Perrhaebians and Athamanians as unquestionably accusers, and Philip to hear the charges almost as a criminal,

[2] each one of the men who were chiefs of embassies, in accordance with his own inclinations, whether towards sympathy for Philip or towards hatred, made more harsh or more lenient proposals.

[3] But the principal grounds for controversy were Philippopolis, Tricca, Phaloria, Eurymenae¹ and other cities near them, whether,² at a time when they were under Thessalian control, they had been forcibly seized and occupied by the Aetolians —for

[4] it was agreed that Philip had taken them from the Aetolians³ —or whether these towns had been Aetolian in earlier times; for Acilius had given them to the king subject to the condition that they had belonged to the Aetolians and, furthermore, that they had joined with the Aetolians voluntarily, not under compulsion of armed force.⁴

[5] Under the same procedure the dispute was conducted as to the cities of the Perrhaebians and Magnesians; for the Aetolians had confused all claims by seizing them as opportunity offered.⁵

[6] Besides these questions, which were matters for legal adjudication, there were the complaints of the Thessalians that if these cities should be restored to them he would give them back after they had been despoiled and abandoned;

[7] for in addition to those who had been lost in the hardships of war he had taken five hundred of the leaders of the youth away to Macedonia and was misusing their services on tasks fit only for slaves;

[8] and what he had restored to the Thessalians, under compulsion, he had taken care to return unusable.

[9] Phthian Thebes, they said, had once been the one maritime market of the Thessalians which⁶ was profitable and productive of revenue: by assembling there cargo-boats which would steer past Thebes to Demetrias, the king had diverted thither all the sea-trade. At last not even ambassadors, who were inviolable under the law of nations, had he refrained from attacking: he had laid an ambush for them while they were on their way to Titus Quinctius.⁷

[10] As a result, then, they said, all Thessalians had been thrown into such a panic that no one dared to open his mouth either in his own city or in the common councils of the people.

[11] The Romans, the source of their liberty, were far away: close beside them was a threatening master, forbidding them to take advantage of the kindnesses of the Roman people. What, pray, was free if there was no free speech? Even now, with the confidence and under the safeguards of ambassadors, they were lamenting rather than stating their case. Unless the Romans found some device by which both the fear of the Greeks who were neighbours of Macedonia and the aggressiveness of Philip could be diminished, both his defeat and their liberation would be in vain.

[12] Like a stubborn horse which would not obey, more cruel reins must be employed to control him.

[13] These remarks the last speakers made in bitterness, although previous speakers had gently soothed his wrath, begging that he would pardon their pleas for liberty, that he would lay aside the harshness of a tyrant and train himself to act as an ally and friend, and that he would imitate the Roman

[14] people, which preferred to win for itself allies by affection rather than by fear.

[15] When the Thessalians had been heard, the Perrhaebians argued that Gonnocondylum, which Philip had named⁸ Olympias, belonged to Perrhaebia and should be restored to them; the same demand was also made for Malloea and Ericinium. The Athamanians sought liberty and the forts of Athenaeum and

[16] Poetneum.⁹

Ab urbe condita. Titus Livius (Livy). Benjamin Oliver Foster, Ph.D. (Editor), Frank Gardener Moore (Editor), Evan T. Sage, Ph.D. (Editor), Alfred C. Schlesinger, Ph.D. (Editor). Medford, MA. .

Sponsored by Perseus Project, Tufts University.

Funding provided by The National Endowment for the Humanities.

Current edition Perseus

History of Rome (English) (Foster, Benjamin Oliver; Moore, Frank Gardener; Sage, Evan T.; Schlesinger, Alfred C., translators. Cambridge, Mass.; London: Harvard University Press; William Heinemann, Ltd., 1919-1959. (Loeb Classical Library))

Editions (3)

Ab urbe condita Perseus (Pars I-IV, Libri I-XL. Editio Stereotypica. Weissenborn, Wilhelm; Mueller, Moritz, editors. Leipzig: Teubner, 1884-1911.) — 39.25 focus

[1] ibi cum Romani legati disceptatorum loco, Thessali Perrhaebique et Athamanes haud dubii accusatores, Philippus ad audienda crimina tamquam reus consedissent,

[2] pro ingenio quisque eorum, qui principes legationum erant, et gratia cum Philippo aut odic odio acerbius leniusve egerunt.

[3] in controversiam autem veniebant Philippopolis Tricca Phaloria et Eurymenae et cetera circa eas oppida,

[4] utrum, Thessalorum iuris cum essent, vi ademptae possessaeque ab Aetolis forent — nam Philippum Aetolis ademisse eas constabat — , an Aetolica antiquitus ea oppida fuissent:

[5] ita enim Acilium regi concessisse, si Aetolorum fuissent, et si voluntate, non si vi atque armis coacti cum Aetolis essent.

[6] eiusdem formulae disceptatio de Perrhaeborum Magnetumque oppidis fuit: omnium enim iura possidendo per occasiones Aetoli miscuerant.

[7] ad haec, quae disceptationis erant, querellae Thessalorum adiectae, quod ea oppida, si iam redderentur sibi, spoliata ac deserta redditurus esset:

[8] nam praeter belli casibus amissos quingentos principes iuventutis in Macedoniam abduxisse, et opera eorum in servilibus abuti ministeriis; et quae reddiderit coactus Thessalis, inutilia ut redderet curasse.

[9] Thebas Pthias Phthias unum maritimum emporium fuisse quondam Thessalis quaestuosum et frugiferum: ibi navibus onerariis comparatis regem, quae praeter Thebas Demetriadem cursum derigerent. negotiationem maritimam omnem eo avertisse.

[10] iam ne a legatis quidem, qui iure gentium sancti sint. violandis abstinere: insidias positas euntibus ad T. Quinctium.

[11] itaque ergo in tantum metum omnes Thessalos coniectos, ut non in civitatibus suis, non in communibus gentis conciliis quisquam hiscere audeat. procul enim abesse libertatis auctores Romanos: lateri adhaerere gravem dominum, prohibentem uti beneficiis populi Romani. quid autem, si vox libera non sit. liberum esse?

[12] nunc se fiducia et praesidio legatorum ingemiscere magis quam loqui. nisi provideant aliquid Romani, quo et Graecis Macedoniam accolentibus metus et audacia Philippo minuatur, nequiquam et ilium illum victum et se liberatos esse.

[13] ut equum tenacem, non parentem frenis asperioribus castigandum esse. haec acerbe postremi,

[14] cum priores leniter permulsissent iram eius petentes,

[15] ut ignosceret pro libertate loquentibus, et ut deposita domini acerbitate adsuesceret socium atque amicum sese praestare, et imitaretur populum Romanum, qui caritate quam metu adiungere sibi socios mallet.

[16] Thessalis auditis Perrhaebi Gonnocondylum, quod Philippus Olympiadem appellaverat, Perrhaebiae fuisse, et ut sibi restitueretur, agebant; et de Malloea et Ericinio eadem postulatio erat.

[17] Athamanes libertatem repetebant et castella Athenaeum et Poetneum.

Ab urbe condita Perseus (Livy in Fourteen Volumes. Foster, Benjamin Oliver; Moore, Frank Gardener; Schlesinger, Alfred C., editors. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press; London: William Heinemann, Ltd., 1919-1959 (printing).) — 43.23 focus

[1]

Rex cum non ¹ minore vexatione iumentorum hominumque quam venerat in Macedoniam rediit; Appium tamen ab obsidione Phanotes fama ducentis ad Stratum Persei summovit.

[2] Cleuas cum praesidio impigrorum iuvenum insecutus sub radicibus prope inviis montium ² ad mille hominum ex agmine impedito occidit, ad ducentos cepit.

[3] Appius superatis angustiis in campo quem Meleona vocant stativa dierum paucorum habuit. interim Cleuas assumpto Philostrato, qui quingentos ex ³ Epirotarum gente habebat, in agrum Antigonensem transcendit. ⁴ Macedones ad depopulationem profecti;

[4] Philostratus⁵ cum cohorte sua in insidiis loco ⁶ obscuro consedit. in palatos populatores cum erupissent ab Antigonea armati, ⁷ fugientes eos persequentes effusius in vallem insessam ab hostibus praecipitant.

[5] ibi ad mille ⁸ occisis, centum ferme captis, et ubique prospere gesta re prope stativa Appi castra movent, ne qua vis sociis suis ab Romano exercitu inferri possit.

[6] Appius nequiquam in his locis terens tempus, dimissis Chaonum Thesprotorumque ⁹ et si qui alii Epirotae erant praesidiis, cum Italicis militibus in Illyricum regressus, per Parthinorum ¹⁰ socias urbes in hiberna militibus divisis, ¹¹ ipse Romam sacrificii causa redit.

[7] Perseus ex Penestarum gente mille pedites, ducentos equites revocatos Cassandream, praesidio ut essent, misit.

[8] Ab Gentio eadem adferentes redierunt. nec deinde alios atque alios mittendo temptare eum destitit, cum appareret, quantum in eo praesidii esset, nec tamen impetrare ab animo posset, ut impensam in rem maximi ad omnia momenti faceret.

Ab urbe condita libri, erklärt von M. Weissenborn Perseus (Weissenborn, W.; Müller, H. J., editors. Berlin: Weidmannsche Buchhandlung, 1873-1883.) — 39.25 focus

[1]

ibi cum Romani legati disceptatorum loco, Thessali Perrhaebique et Athamanes haud dubii accusatores, Philippus ad audienda crimina tamquam reus consedissent,

[2] pro ingenio quisque eorum, qui principes legationum erant, et gratia cum Philippo aut odio acerbius leniusve egerunt.

[3] in controversiam autem veniebant Philippopolis, Tricca, Phaloria et Eurymenae et cetera circa eas oppida,

[4] utrum Thessalorum iuris, cum vi ademptae possessaeque ab Aetolis forent—nam Philippum Aetolis ademisse eas constabat—

[5] ,an Aetolica antiquitus ea oppida fuissent: ita ¹ enim Acilium regi concessisse, si Aetolorum fuissent, si voluntate, non si vi atque armis coacti cum Aetolis essent.

[6] eiusdem formulae disceptatio de Perrhaeborum Magnetumque oppidis fuit: omnium enim iura possidendo per occasiones Aetoli miscuerant.

[7] ad haec, quae disceptationis erant, querellae Thessalorum adiectae, quod ea oppida, si iam redderentur sibi, spoliata ac deserta redditurus esset:

[8] nam praeter belli casibus amissos quingentos principes iuventutis in Macedoniam abduxisse et opera eorum in servilibus abuti ministeriis, et quae reddiderit coactus Thessalis, inutilia ut redderet curasse.

[9] Thebas Phthias unum maritimum ² emporium fuisse quondam Thessalis, quaestuosum et frugiferum; ibi navibus onerariis comparatis regem, quae praeter Thebas Demetriadem cursum derigerent, negotiationem omnem maritimam eo avertisse.

[10] iam ne a legatis quidem, qui iure gentium sancti sint, violandis abstinere: insidias positas euntibus ad T. Quinctium .

[11] itaque ergo in tantum metum omnes Thessalos coniectos, ut non in civitatibus suis, non in communibus gentis conciliis quisquam hiscere audeat. procul enim abesse libertatis auctores Romanos; lateri adhaerere gravem dominum, prohibentem uti beneficiis populi Romani. quid autem, si vox libera non sit, liberum esse?

[12] nunc se fiducia et praesidio legatorum ingemiscere magis quam loqui. nisi provideant aliquid Romani, quo et et Graecis Macedoniam adcolentibus metus et audacia Philippo minuatur, neqüiquam et illum victum et se liberatos esse.

[13] ut equum tenacem, non parentem frenis asperioribus castigandum esse.

[14] haec acerbe postremi, cum priores leniter permulsissent iram eius petentes,

[15] ut ignosceret pro libertate loquentibus, et ut deposita domini acerbitate adsuesceret socium atque amicum sese praestare et imitaretur ³ populum Romanum, qui caritate quam metu adiungere sibi socios mallet.

[16] Thessalis auditis Perrhaebi Gonnocondylum, quod Philippus Olympiadem adpellaverat, Perrhaebiae fuisse, et ut sibi restitueretur, agebant, et de Malloea et Ericinio eadem postulatio erat.

[17] Athamanes libertatem repetebant et castella Athenaeum et Poetneum.

Translations (2)

History of Rome Perseus (Spillan, D.; Edmonds, Cyrus; McDevitte, William A., translators. London: Henry G. Bohn, 1849-1868. (Bohn's Classical Library)) — 39.25 focus

[1]

When all were seated there, (the Roman ambassadors in the character of arbitrators, the Thessalians, Perrhaebians, and Athamanians professedly as accusers, and Philip as defendant, to hear the accusations brought against him,) those

[2] who were the heads of the embassies, according to their several tempers, their favour, or their hatred towards the king, spoke, some with acrimony, others with mildness.

[3] Philippopolis, Trica, Phaloria, Eurymenae, and the other towns in their neighbourhood, became the subject of dispute. The point in controversy was, whether these towns were the property of the Thessalians, when they

[4] were forcibly taken from them, and held by the Aetolians, (for from these it was acknowledged that Philip had received them,) or whether they were originally belonging to the Aetolians: Acilius having granted them to the king, on the condition that

they had been the property of the Aetolians;

[5]

and if they had sided with the Aetolians of their own free will, and not compelled by violence and arms.

[6] The question in regard to the towns of the Perrhaebians and Magnesians turned on the same points; for the Aetolians, by holding possession of them occasionally, had confused the rights of all.

[7] To these particulars, which were matter of discussion, the complaints of the Thessalians were added, that

if these towns were now restored to them, they would come into their hands in a state of desolation, and depopulated;

[8]

for besides the loss of inhabitants through the casualties of war, Philip had carried away five hundred of their young men of the first rank into Macedonia, and abused their labour by employing them in servile offices; and had taken pains to render useless whatever he should be compelled to restore to the Thessalians.

[9]

That Thebes in Phthiotis was the only sea-port they had, which formerly produced much profit and advantage to the inhabitants of Thessaly; but that Philip, having collected there a number of ships of burthen, made them steer their course past Thebes to Demetrias, and turned thither the whole commerce by sea.

[10]

That he did not now scruple to offer violence, even to ambassadors, who, by the law of nations, are every where held inviolable, but had laid an ambush for theirs who were going to Titus Quintius, that the Thessalians were in consequence seized with such dread, that not one of them, even in their own states, or in the general assemblies of the nation, ventured to open his lips.

[11]

For the Romans, the defenders of their liberty, were far distant; and a severe master close at their side, debarring them from using the kindness of the Romans.

[12]

If speech were not free, what else could be said to be so: at present, through confidence in the protection of the ambassadors, they uttered their groans rather than words; but, unless the Romans would take some precautions that both the fears of the Greeks bordering on Macedonia and the arrogance of Philip should be abated, his having been conquered, and their being set at liberty, would prove utterly fruitless. Like a restive, unmanageable horse, he required to be checked with a strong bridle.

[13] These bitter expressions were used by the last speakers among them; those who spoke before having endeavoured by mildness to mitigate his resentment;

[14] requesting of him

that he should pardon persons pleading in defence of their liberty; that he should, laying aside the harshness of a master, generally display himself an ally and friend;

[15]

that he should imitate the Roman people, who wished to unite their allies to them by the ties of affection, rather than of fear.

[16] When the Thessalians had finished, the Perrhaebians pleaded that Gonnocondylos, to which Philip had given the name of Olympias, belonged to Perrhaebia, and ought to be restored to them; and the same demand was made with respect to Malœa, and Ericinium. The Athamanians claimed a restoration of liberty, and the forts Athenaeus and Pœtneus.

History of Rome Perseus (Volumes 1-2. Roberts, Canon, Rev, translator. London, New York: J. M. Dent and Sons; E. P. Dutton and Co., 1912.) — 39.25 focus

[1]

When all had taken their seats-the Roman commissioners appearing as arbitrators, the Thessalians, Perrhaebians and Athamanians as open accusers, and Philip, who had to listen to the charges against him, as

[2] defendant-the leaders of the different delegations revealed their characters in the attitude they assumed towards Philip, whether of sympathy or of more or less violent antagonism.

[3] The dispute turned upon the status of the cities of Philippopolis, Tricca, Phaloria, Eurymenae, and the other towns in their neighbourhood.

[4] Did they belong of right to the Thessalians, though they had been forcibly seized and taken possession of by the Aetolians-for it was admitted that it was from the Aetolians that Philip had wrested them-or had they always been Aetolian towns?

[5] It was argued that Acilius had granted them to the king on the understanding that they belonged to the Aetolians, and had joined their League voluntarily, not under the compulsion of arms.

[6] A similar question arose with regard to the towns in Perrhaebia and Magnesia, for the Aetolians, by seizing all these towns as they had opportunity, had made their rightful position uncertain.

[7] To these matters in dispute were added the complaints of the Thessalians, who pointed out that if those towns were restored to them as they were, he would restore them plundered and deserted.

[8] Besides those lost through the accidents of war, he had carried off 500 of their young men to Macedonia, where they were wasting their energies in servile tasks, and whatever he was compelled to restore to the Thessalians, he took care to render of no further use. In former times the one mercantile port which the Thessalians had access to was Phthian Thebes, from which they derived profit and revenue.

[9] The king fitted out a number of merchant ships there which made their voyages past Thebes to Demetrias, and so diverted all sea-borne traffic from that port.

[10] Now things had come to such a pass that he did not shrink from doing violence to their envoys, who were protected by the law of nations; he had waylaid and captured them on their way to T. Quinctius.

[11] The whole of Thessaly was in consequence so intimidated that no one dared to open his mouth, either in their cities or in their national council. The Romans, the authors of their liberties, were far away; an oppressive tyrant was close at their side, making it impossible for them to enjoy the benefits which the people of Rome had conferred upon them. What liberty was there, where there was no liberty of speech? Even now, whilst relying on the protection of the commissioners, they were uttering groans rather than coherent words.

[12] Unless the Romans devised some means of checking Philip's audacity and relieving the fears of the Greek neighbours of Macedonia, his defeat and their liberation would be in vain. If he does not obey, he must, like a stubborn horse, be coerced with a severer bit.

[13] These bitter invectives were from those who spoke last; the former speakers had softened his resentment by asking him to pardon their speaking in defence of their liberties.

[14] They expressed a hope that he would lay aside the

[15] harshness of a master and reconcile himself to becoming their friend and ally, and so follow the example of the Romans who prefer to extend their alliances through affection and not through fear. After the Thessalians, the Perrhaebians stated their case.

[16] They claimed Gonnocondylum, which Philip had re-named Olympias, as belonging to Perrhaebia, and pleaded for its restoration. The same request was made with regard to Malloea and Ericinium. The Athamanians sought to recover their independence and the fortified posts of Athenaeum and Poetneum.

Notes on the current edition

Ab Urbe Condita With An English Translation, books 1-10, 21-45, with periochae 11-20

1. Tricca and Phaloria, as well as Malloea and Ericinium in sect. 16 below, but not Philippopolis and Eurymenae, are on the list of towns recovered from the Athamanians by Baebius and Philip (XXXVI. xiii. 6).

2. B.C. 185

3. This is inconsistent with the narrative quoted in the preceding note.

4. The text of this passage seems to be corrupt in so many places that the real meaning remains obscure and uncertain, and no combination of emendations possesses both palaeographical and intrinsic probability. It is clear, however, that the general question involved is the priority of Thessalian and Aetolian claims to these towns. Two details make the answer particularly difficult: first, the uncertainty as to the meaning of the word antiquitus, since Aetolian expansion seems to have begun only after the Macedonian conquest; second, the fact that the condition said here to have been imposed by Acilius has not been mentioned before. Both text and translation, it must be admitted, are a patch-work.

5. The incessant shifting of military control rendered impossible any purely legal adjudication of such questions which could be regarded as final. Rome's decisions were certain to offend some party and were likely to offend all parties, even if they were purely impersonal and equitable.

6. B.C. 185

7. This incident has not been mentioned.

8. B.C. 185

9. This demand is inconsistent with Livy's previous narrative. Poetneum is otherwise unknown. For Athenaeum cf. XXXVIII. i. 11. The discrepancies between these chapters and Livy's account in Book XXXVI suggest that Livy here follows a different source. The real facts become, in consequence, less attainable.

Titus Livius (Livy) Ab urbe condita 39.25

Benjamin Oliver Foster, Ph.D. (Editor), Frank Gardener Moore (Editor), Evan T. Sage, Ph.D. (Editor), Alfred C. Schlesinger, Ph.D. (Editor)

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