Titus Livius (Livy), Ab urbe condita, Benjamin Oliver Foster, Ph.D. (Editor), Frank Gardener Moore (Editor), Evan T. Sage, Ph.D. (Editor), Alfred C. Schlesinger, Ph.D. (Editor), 36.6

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[1] He himself proceeded to Boeotia, which had as apparent causes for anger at the Romans those occurrences which I mentioned before,¹ the murder of Brachyllas and the campaign carried on by Quinctius at Coronea by reason of the slaughtering of the Roman soldiers, while in fact

[2] the discipline² in which that people was once eminent, in public and private, had for many years now been degenerating, and the condition of many was such that it could not last without a change of circumstances.³

[3] With the chiefs of Boeotia coming out in crowds to meet him, he arrived in Thebes. There in the council of the people, although he had, both by the attack made on the Roman garrison at Delium⁴ and by the capture of Chalcis, acts which were neither⁵ unimportant nor uncertain, engaged in war, he nevertheless began the same speech that he had used in the first conference at

[4] Chalcis⁶ and that he had delivered through his delegates⁷ in the council of the Achaeans, to wit, that he asked that they make a treaty of friendship with him, not that they declare war on the Romans.

[5] No one was deceived as to what was going on; nevertheless, a decree was passed, under a cloak of mild verbiage, in favour of the king and against the Romans.⁸

[6] Having won over this people also, he returned to Chalcis, sending in advance letters to summon to Demetrias the chiefs of the Aetolians, with whom he could take counsel regarding the general policy, and himself arrived there by boat on the day appointed for the conference.

[7] Amynander also, summoned from Athamania to take part in the deliberations, and Hannibal the Carthaginian, who for a long time past had not been called in,⁹ attended the council.

[8] The question for consideration had to de with the Thessalian people, whose intentions, as all who were present agreed, should be ascertained.

[9] In the matter of procedure there were different opinions, some favouring immediate action, others thinking that they should postpone doing anything from the winter, which was now half gone, to the beginning of spring, while some thought that ambassadors only should be sent and others that he should go with his entire force

[10] and terrorize them if they hesitated.

Ab urbe condita. Titus Livius (Livy). Benjamin Oliver Foster, Ph.D. (Editor), Frank Gardener Moore (Editor), Evan T. Sage, Ph.D. (Editor), Alfred C. Schlesinger, Ph.D. (Editor). Medford, MA. .

Sponsored by Perseus Project, Tufts University.

Funding provided by The National Endowment for the Humanities.

Current edition Perseus

History of Rome (English) (Foster, Benjamin Oliver; Moore, Frank Gardener; Sage, Evan T.; Schlesinger, Alfred C., translators. Cambridge, Mass.; London: Harvard University Press; William Heinemann, Ltd., 1919-1959. (Loeb Classical Library))

Editions (3)

Ab urbe condita Perseus (Pars I-IV, Libri I-XL. Editio Stereotypica. Weissenborn, Wilhelm; Mueller, Moritz, editors. Leipzig: Teubner, 1884-1911.) — 36.6 focus

[1] in Boeotiam ipse profectus est, causas in speciem irae adversus Romanos eas, quas ante dixi, habentem, Brachyllae necem et bellum a Quinctio Coroneae propter Romanorum militum caedes illatum,

[2] re vera per multa iam saecula publice privatimque labante egregia quondam disciplina gentis et multorum eo statu, qui diuturnus esse sine mutatione rerum non posset.

[3] obviam effusis undique Boeotiae principibus Thebas venit. ibi in concilio gentis, quamquam et ad Delium impetu in praesidium Romanum facto et ad Chalcidem commiserat nec parvis nec dubiis principiis bellum, tamen eandem orationem est exorsus,

[4] qua in colloquio primo ad Chalcidem quaque per legatos in concilio Achaeorum usus erat, ut amicitiam secum institui, non bellum indici Romanis postularet. neminem, quid ageretur, fallebat;

[5] decretum tamen sub leni verborum praetextu pro rege adversus Romanos factum est.

[6] hac quoque gente adiuncta Chalcidem regressus, praemissis inde litteris, ut Demetriadem convenirent principes Aetolorum, cum quibus de summa rerum deliberaret, navibus eo ad diem indictum concilio venit.

[7] et Amynander, accitus ad consultandum ex Athamania, et Hannibal Poenus, iam diu non adhibitus, interfuit ei consilio.

[8] consultatum de Thessalorum gente est, quorum omnibus, qui aderant, voluntas temptanda videbatur.

[9] in eo modo diversae sententiae erant, quod alii extemplo agendum, alii ex hieme, quae tum ferme media erat, differendum in veris principium, et alii legatos tantummodo mittendos,

[10] alii cum omnibus copiis eundum censebant terrendosque metu, si cunctarentur.

Ab urbe condita Perseus (Livy in Fourteen Volumes. Foster, Benjamin Oliver; Moore, Frank Gardener; Schlesinger, Alfred C., editors. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press; London: William Heinemann, Ltd., 1919-1959 (printing).) — 30.6 focus

[1]

relucentem flammam primo vigiles Carthaginiensium, deinde excitati alii. nocturno tumultu cum conspexissent, ab eodem errore credere et ipsi sua sponte incendium ortum;

[2] et clamor inter caedem et volnera sublatus an ex trepidatione nocturna esset confusis ¹ sensum veri adimebat.

[3] igitur pro se quisque inermes, ut quibus nihil hostile suspectum esset, omnibus. portis, qua cuique proximum erat, ea modo quae restinguendo igni forent portantes, in agmen Romanum ruebant.

[4] quibus caesis omnibus praeterquam hostili odio, etiam ne quis nuntius refugeret, ² extemplo Scipio neglectas ut in tali tumultuportas invadit;

[5] ignibusque in proxima tecta coniectis, effusa flamma primo velut sparsa pluribus locis reluxit, dein per continua serpens uno repente omnia ³ incendio hausit.

[6] ambusti homines ⁴ iumentaque foeda primum fuga, dein strage obruebant ⁵ itinera portarum. quos non oppresserat ignis ferro absumpti, binaque castra clade ⁶ una deleta.

[7] duces tamen ambo et ex tot milibus armatorum duo milia peditum et quingenti equites semermes, magna pars saucii adflatique incendio effugerunt.

[8] caesa aut hausta flammis ad ⁷ quadraginta milia hominum sunt, capta supra quinque milia, multi Carthaginiensium nobiles, undecim senatores;

[9] signa militaria centum septuaginta quattuor, equi Numidici supra duo milia septingentos ⁸ ; elephanti sex capti, octo ferro flammaque absumpti. Magna vis armorum capta; ea omnia imperator Volcano sacrata incendit.

Ab urbe condita libri, erklärt von M. Weissenborn Perseus (Weissenborn, W.; Müller, H. J., editors. Berlin: Weidmannsche Buchhandlung, 1873-1883.) — 36.6 focus

[1]

in Boeotiam ipse profectus est, causas in speciem irae adversus Romanos eas, quas ante dixi, habentem, Brachylli necem et bellum a Quinctio Coroneae propter Romanorum militum caedes illatum,

[2] re vera per multa iam saecula publice privatimque labante egregia quondam disciplina gentis et multorum eo statu, qui diuturnus ¹ esse sine mutatione rerum non posset.

[4] qua in colloquio primo ad Chalcidem quaque per legatos in concilio Achaeorum usus erat, ut amicitiam secum institui, non bellum indici Romanis postularet.

[5] neminem, quid ageretur, fallebat; decretum tamen sub leni verborum praetextu pro rege adversus Romanos factum est.

[7] et Amynander, accitus ad consultandum ex Athamania, et Hannibal Poenus, iam diu non adhibitus, interfuit ei consilio.

[8] consultatum de Thessalorum gente est, quorum omnibus, qui aderant, voluntas temptanda videbatur.

[9] in ² eo modo diversae sententiae erant, quod alii extemplo agendum, alii ex hieme, quae tum ferme media erat, differendum in veris principium,

[10] et alii legatos tantummodo mittendos, alii cum omnibus copiis eundum censebant terrendosque metu, si cunctarentur.

Translations (2)

History of Rome Perseus (Spillan, D.; Edmonds, Cyrus; McDevitte, William A., translators. London: Henry G. Bohn, 1849-1868. (Bohn's Classical Library)) — 36.6 focus

[1]

Antiochus went himself into Bœotia, holding out ostensibly those causes of resentment against the Romans which I have already mentioned, —the death of Brachyllas, and the attack made by Quinctius on Coronea, on account of the massacre of the Roman soldiers;

[2] while the real ones were, that the former excellent policy of that nation, with respect both to public and private concerns, had, for several generations, been on the decline; and that great numbers were in such circumstances, that they could not long subsist without some change in affairs.

[3] Through multitudes of the principal Bœotians, who every where flocked out to meet him, he arrived at Thebes. There, notwithstanding that he had (both at Delium, by the attack made on the Roman troops, and also at Chalcis) already commenced hostilities, by enterprises of neither a trifling nor of a dubious nature, yet, in a general council of the nation, he delivered a speech of the same import with that which he delivered in the first conference at Chalcis, and that used by his ambassadors in the council of the Achaeans;

[4] that

what he required of them was, to form a league of friendship with him, not to declare war against the Romans.

But not a man among them was ignorant of his meaning.

[5] However, a decree, disguised under a slight covering of words, was passed in his favour against the Romans.

[6] After securing this nation also on his side, he returned to Chalcis; and, having despatched letters, summoning the chief Aetolians to meet him at Demetrias, that he might deliberate with them on the general plan of operations, he came thither with his ships on the day appointed for the council.

[7] Amynander, likewise, was called from Athamania to the consultation; and Hannibal the Carthaginian, who, for a long time before, had not been asked to attend, was present at this assembly.

[8] The subject of their deliberation was in reference to the Thessalian nation; and every one present was of opinion, that their concurrence ought to be sought.

[9] The only points on which opinions differed were, that some thought the attempt ought to be made immediately; while others judged it better to defer it for the winter season, which was then about half spent, until the beginning of spring.

[10] Some advised to send ambassadors only; others, that the king should go at the head of all his forces, and if they hesitated, terrify them into compliance.

History of Rome Perseus (Volumes 1-2. Roberts, Canon, Rev, translator. London, New York: J. M. Dent and Sons; E. P. Dutton and Co., 1912.) — 36.6 focus

[1]

He next proceeded to Boeotia. The reasons which the Boeotians gave for their animosity towards Rome I have already stated-the assassination of Brachyllus and Quinctius' attack on Coronea in consequence of the massacre of Roman soldiers.

[2] But as a matter of fact, that nation once so famous for its discipline had been for many generations deteriorating both in its public and private life, and many were in a condition which could not possibly long continue without a revolutionary change. The leading Boeotians from all parts of the country assembled at Thebes, and thither Antiochus went to meet them.

[3] In spite of the fact that by his attack on the Roman detachments at Delium and Chalcis he had committed hostile acts which were neither trifling nor such as could be explained away, he took the same line in addressing the Boeotian council that he had taken at his first conference at Chalcis and had instructed his envoys to take in the council of the Achaeans.

[4] He simply asked that friendly relations might be established with him, not that war should be declared against Rome. No one was deceived as to what he really meant; however, a resolution veiled in inoffensive terms was passed in support of the king and in opposition to Rome.

[5] Having thus secured the nation he returned to Chalcis.

[6] Letters had been previously sent to the Aetolian leaders requesting them to meet him at Demetrias that he might discuss with them the general conduct of the war, and he arrived there by sea on the day fixed for the meeting.

[7] Amynander, who had been invited from Athamania to take part in the discussion, and Hannibal, who had not been consulted for some time, were both present.

[8] A discussion arose regarding the people of Thessaly; all present thought they ought to be won over, the only divergence of opinion was as to when and how this ought to be done.

[9] Some were of opinion that they ought to set about it at once; others were for postponing action till the spring, it being now midwinter; some again thought that it would be enough to send a deputation, others were in favour of going there with the whole of their forces and frightening

[10] them into compliance if they hesitated.

Notes on the current edition

Ab Urbe Condita With An English Translation, books 1-10, 21-45, with periochae 11-20

1. Cf. XXXV. xlvii. 3 and the note.

2. Livy probably has in mind the period of Theban greatness under Pelopidas and Epaminondas.

3. Polybius (XX. iv. ff.) gives a more depressing picture of conditions in Boeotia. As the Aetolians had seen (XXXV. xxxiv. 3), economic distress prepared many for any sort of political change: cf. XLII. xxx. 4.

4. Cf. XXXV. li.

5. B.C. 191

6. Cf. XXXV. xxxvi. 5 ff.

7. Cf. XXXV. xlviii. 8-9.

8. The precise terms of the decree are uncertain: perhaps it declared Boeotia neutral but lent encouragement to Antiochus.

9. In XXXV. xix. 7 the reconciliation of Hannibal and Antiochus was described; later the arguments of Thoas (XXXV. xlii. 6-14) were more effective.

Titus Livius (Livy) Ab urbe condita 36.6

Benjamin Oliver Foster, Ph.D. (Editor), Frank Gardener Moore (Editor), Evan T. Sage, Ph.D. (Editor), Alfred C. Schlesinger, Ph.D. (Editor)

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