Titus Livius (Livy), Ab urbe condita, Benjamin Oliver Foster, Ph.D. (Editor), Frank Gardener Moore (Editor), Evan T. Sage, Ph.D. (Editor), Alfred C. Schlesinger, Ph.D. (Editor), 35.32

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[1] His speech was followed by the prayers of the multitude; Eurylochus left the council by secret paths leading to the gate and thence fled straight into Aetolia.

[2] For now and more clearly every day the Aetolians were revealing their desertion, and at that very time it chanced that Thoas,¹ a leading man of the nation, whom they had sent to Antiochus, had returned from

[3] him and had brought with him Menippus as an ambassador from the king.

[4] They, before an audience was granted them, had filled the ears of all with talk about the land and naval forces:

[5] a huge contingent of infantry and cavalry was coming, elephants had been requisitioned from India, and before all —and by this they² believed that the mind of the crowd was especially influenced —so much gold was being brought that he could buy the Romans themselves.

[6] It was evident what commotion such talk would cause in the council; for both the fact that they had come and what business brought them was all reported to the Roman commissioners;

[7] and although hope was not entirely cut off, nevertheless it seemed to Quinctius not to be disadvantageous that some representatives of the allies should attend the council, to remind the Aetolians of the Roman alliance and to dare to speak out freely against the ambassador of the king.

[8] The Athenians seemed especially suitable for the purpose, on account of the dignity of their state and in addition their ancient alliance with the Aetolians.³ Quinctius begged them to send delegates to the Panaetolian council.

[9] Thoas was the first to speak at that meeting, reporting on his mission.

[10] Menippus was given audience after him and said that it would have been best for all who lived in Greece and Asia if Antiochus could have intervened while Philip's condition was unimpaired:

[11] each one⁴ would have his own and everything would not have become subject to the nod and control of the Romans.

[12]

Even now,

he said,

if only you steadfastly carry out to the end the plans which you have formed, by the grace of the gods and with the Aetolians as allies, Antiochus will be able to restore the affairs of Greece, however injured, to their former position.

[13]

But this rests on liberty, which exists by its own might and does not depend on another's will.

[14] The Athenians, to whom next after the king's ambassador had been granted the opportunity of saying what they wished, omitting all mention of the king, reminded the⁵ Aetolians of the Roman alliance⁶

Ab urbe condita. Titus Livius (Livy). Benjamin Oliver Foster, Ph.D. (Editor), Frank Gardener Moore (Editor), Evan T. Sage, Ph.D. (Editor), Alfred C. Schlesinger, Ph.D. (Editor). Medford, MA. .

Sponsored by Perseus Project, Tufts University.

Funding provided by The National Endowment for the Humanities.

Current edition Perseus

History of Rome (English) (Foster, Benjamin Oliver; Moore, Frank Gardener; Sage, Evan T.; Schlesinger, Alfred C., translators. Cambridge, Mass.; London: Harvard University Press; William Heinemann, Ltd., 1919-1959. (Loeb Classical Library))

Editions (3)

Ab urbe condita Perseus (Pars I-IV, Libri I-XL. Editio Stereotypica. Weissenborn, Wilhelm; Mueller, Moritz, editors. Leipzig: Teubner, 1884-1911.) — 35.32 focus

[1] huius orationem subsecutae multitudinis preces sunt; Eurylochus ex concilio itineribus occultis ad portam atque inde protinus in Aetoliam profugit.

[2] iam enim, et id magis in dies, Aetoli defectionem nudabant, eoque ipso tempore forte Thoas, princeps gentis, quem miserant ad Antiochum, redierat inde Menippumque secum adduxerat regis legatum.

[3] qui, priusquam concilium iis daretur, impleverant omnium aures terrestris navalisque copias commemorando:

[4] ingentem vim peditum equitumque venire, ex India elephantos accitos, ante omnia, quo maxime credebant moveri multitudinis animos, tantum

[5] advehi auri, ut ipsos emere Romanos posset. apparebat, quid ea oratio in concilio motura esset; nam et venisse eos et, quae agerent, omnia legatis Romanis deferebantur;

[6] et quamquam prope abscisa spes erat, tamen non ab re esse Quinctio visum est sociorum aliquos legatos interesse ei concilio, qui admonerent Romanae societatis Aetolos, qui vocem liberam mittere adversus regis legatum auderent.

[7] Athenienses maxime in ear eam rem idonei visi sunt et propter civitatis dignitatem et vetustam societatem cum Aetolis. ab iis Quinctius petit, ut legatos ad Panaetolicum concilium mitterent.

[8] Thoas primus in eo concilio renuntiavit legationem. Menippus post eum intromissus optimum fuisse omnibus, qui Graeciam Asiamque incolerent, ait, integris rebus Philippi potuisse intervenire Antiochum:

[9] sua quemque habiturum fuisse, neque omnia sub nutum dicionemque Romanam perventura.

[10] “nunc quoque” inquit, “si modo vos quae inchoastis consilia constanter perducitis ad exitum, poterit diis iuvantibus et Aetolis sociis Antiochus quamvis inclinatas Graeciae res restituere in pristinam dignitatem.

[11] ea autem in libertate posita est, quae suis stat viribus, non ex alieno arbitrio pendet.”

[12] Athenienses, quibus primis post regiam legationem dicendi quae vellent potestas facta est, mentione omni regis praetermissa Romanae societatis Aetolos meritorumque in universam Graeciam T.

[13] Quincti admonuerunt: ne temere earn eam nimia celeritate consiliorum everterent; consilia calida et audacia prima specie laeta, tractatu dura, eventu tristia esse. legatos Romanos, et in iis T. Quinctium, baud haud procul inde abesse;

[14] dum integra omnia essent, verbis potius de iis, quae ambigerentur, disceptarent quam Asiam Europamque ad funestum armarent bellum.

Ab urbe condita Perseus (Livy in Fourteen Volumes. Foster, Benjamin Oliver; Moore, Frank Gardener; Schlesinger, Alfred C., editors. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press; London: William Heinemann, Ltd., 1919-1959 (printing).) — 30.32 focus

[1]

In castra ut est ventum, pronuntiant ambo arma expedirent milites animosque ad supremum certamen, non in unum diem sed in perpetuum, si felicitas adesset, victores.

[2] Roma an Carthago iura gentibus daret ante crastinam noctem scituros; neque enim Africam aut Italiam, sed orbem terrarum victoriae praemium fore; par periculum praemio quibus adversa ¹ pugnae fortuna fuisset.

[3] nam neque Romanis effugium ullum patebat in aliena ignotaque terra, et Carthagini, supremo ² auxilio effuso, adesse videbatur praesens excidium.

[4] ad hoc discrimen procedunt postero die duorum ³ opulentissimorum populorum duo longe clarissimi duces, duo fortissimi exercitus, multa ante parta decora aut cumulaturi eo die aut eversuri.

[5] anceps igitur spes et metus miscebant animos; contemplantibusque modo suam modo hostium aciem, cum ⁴ oculis magis quam ratione pensarent vires, simul laeta, simul tristia obversabantur. quae ipsis sua sponte non succurrebant, ea duces admonendo atque hortando subiciebant. ⁵

[6] Poenus sedecim annorum in terra Italia ⁶ res gestas, tot duces Romanos, tot exercitus occidione occisos et sua cuique decora, ubi ad insignem alicuius pugnae memoria militem venerat, referebat:

[7] Scipio Hispanias et recentia in Africa proelia et confessionem hostium, quod neque non petere pacem propter metum neque manere in ea prae insita animis perfidia potuissent.

[8] ad hoc conloquium Hannibalis in secreto habitum ac liberum fingenti qua ⁷ volt flectit. ⁸

[9] ominatur , quibus quondam auspiciis patres eorum ad Aegates pugnaverint insulas, ea illis exeuntibus in aciem portendisse deos.

[10] adesse finem belli ac laboris; in manibus esse praedam Carthaginis, reditum domum in patriam ad parentes, liberos, coniuges penatesque deos.

[11] celsus⁹ haec corpore voltuque ita laeto ut vicisse iam crederes dicebat.

instruit deinde primos hastatos, post eos principes; triariis postremam aciem clausit.

Ab urbe condita libri, erklärt von M. Weissenborn Perseus (Weissenborn, W.; Müller, H. J., editors. Berlin: Weidmannsche Buchhandlung, 1873-1883.) — 35.32 focus

[1]

huius orationem subsecutae multitudinis preces sunt; Eurylochus ex concilio itineribus occultis ad portam atque inde protinus in Aetoliam profugit.

[2] iam enim, et id magis in dies, Aetoli defectionem nudabant, eoque ipso tempore forte Thoas, princeps gentis, quem ¹ miserant ad Antiochum, redierat, indeque Menippum secum adduxerat regis legatum.

[3] qui, priusquam concilium iis daretur, impleverant omnium aures terrestris navalisque copias commemorando:

[4] ingentem vim peditum equitumque venire, ex India elephantos accitos, ante omnia, quo maxime credebant moveri multitudinis animos, tantum advehi auri, ut ipsos emere Romanos posset.

[5] apparebat, quid ea oratio in concilio motura esset; nam et venisse eos et, quae agerent, omnia legatis Romanis deferebantur;

[7] Athenienses maxime in eam rem idonei visi sunt propter et civitatis dignitatem et vetustam societatem cum Aetolis. ab iis Quinctius petit, ut legatos ad Panaetolicum concilium mitterent.

[9] neque omnia sub nutum dicionemque Romanam perventura.

[10] “nunc quoque “ inquit, “si modo vos quae inchoastis consilia constanter perducitis ad exitum, poterit diis iuvantibus et Aetolis sociis Antiochus quamvis inclinatas Graeciae res restituere in pristinam dignitatem.

[11] ea autem in libertate posita est, quae suis stat viribus, non ex alieno arbitrio pendet.

[12] ‘ Athenienses, quibus primis post regiam legationem dicendi quae vellent potestas facta est, mentione omni regis praetermissa Romanae societatis Aetolos meritorumque in universam Graeciam T. Quincti admonuerunt:

[13] ne temere eam nimia celeritate consiliorum everterent; consilia calida et audacia prima specie laeta, tractatu dura, eventu tristia esse. legatos Romanos, et in iis T. Quinctium , haud procul inde abesse; dum integra omnia essent,

[14] verbis potius de iis, quae ambigerentur, disceptarent quam Asiam Europamque ad funestum armarent bellum.

Translations (2)

History of Rome Perseus (Spillan, D.; Edmonds, Cyrus; McDevitte, William A., translators. London: Henry G. Bohn, 1849-1868. (Bohn's Classical Library)) — 35.32 focus

[1]

His entreaties were seconded by the prayers of the whole assembly; on which Eurylochus retired hastily from the council, and passing to the gate through private streets, fled away into Aetolia.

[2] As to the Aetolians, they now gave plainer indications of their intention to revolt every day; and it happened, that at this very time Thoas, one of their leading men, whom they had sent to Antiochus, returned, and brought back with him an ambassador from the king, named Menippus.

[3] These two, before the council met to give them audience, filled every one's ears with pompous accounts of the naval and land forces that were coming;

[4]

a vast army,

they said,

of horse and foot was on its march from India; and, besides, that they were bringing such a quantity of gold and silver, as was sufficient to purchase the Romans themselves;

which latter circumstance they knew would influence the multitude more than any thing else.

[5] It was easy to foresee what effects these reports would produce in the council; for the Roman ambassadors received information of the arrival of those men, and of all their proceedings.

[6] And although the matter had almost come to a rupture, yet Quinctius thought it advisable, that some ambassadors of the allies should be present in that council, who might remind the Aetolians of their alliance with Rome, and who might have the courage to speak with freedom in opposition to the king's ambassador.

[7] The Athenians seemed to be the best qualified for this purpose, by reason of the high reputation of their state, and also from their long-standing alliance with the Aetolians. Quinctius, therefore, requested of them to send ambassadors to the Panaetolic council. At the first meeting, Thoas made a report of the business of his embassy.

[8] After him, Menippus was introduced, who said, that

it would have been best for all the Greeks, residing both in Greece and Asia, if Antiochus could have taken a part in their affairs, while the power of Philip was yet unbroken;

[9]

for then every one would have had what of right belonged to him, and the whole would not have come under the dominion and absolute disposal of the Romans.

[10]

But even as matters stand at present,

said he,

provided you have constancy enough to carry into effect the measures which you have adopted, Antiochus will be able, with the assistance of the gods and the alliance of the Aetolians, to reinstate the affairs of Greece in their former rank of dignity, notwithstanding the low condition to which they have been reduced.

[11]

But this dignity consists in a state of freedom which stands by its own resources, and is not dependent on the will of another.

[12] The Athenians, who were permitted to deliver their sentiments next after the king's ambassadors, omitting all mention of Antiochus, reminded the Aetolians of their alliance with Rome, and the benefits conferred by Titus Quinctius on the whole body of Greece;

[13] and admonished them,

not inconsiderately to break off that connexion by the undue precipitation of their counsels; that passionate and adventurous schemes, however flattering at first view, prove difficult in the execution, and disastrous in the issue;

[14]

that as the Roman ambassadors, and among them Titus Quinctius, were within a small distance, it would be better, while all hostilities were as yet uncommenced, to discuss, in conference, any matters in dispute, than to rouse Europe and Asia to a dreadful war.

History of Rome Perseus (Volumes 1-2. Roberts, Canon, Rev, translator. London, New York: J. M. Dent and Sons; E. P. Dutton and Co., 1912.) — 35.32 focus

[1]

.His speech was followed by urgent entreaties from the whole assembly. Eurylochus left hurriedly, and making his way secretly to the city gate fled to Aetolia, for the Aetolians were now throwing off the mask more and more every day from their hostile intentions.

[2] Thoas, the foremost man amongst them, happened to return from his mission to Antiochus just at this time, bringing with him an envoy from the king in the person of Menippus.

[3] Before the meeting of the national council these two men had filled all ears with descriptions of the land and sea forces which Antiochus had collected.

[4] They declared that a great host of infantry and cavalry were on their way, elephants had been brought from India and-what they thought would most of all impress the popular mind-he was bringing gold enough to buy up the Romans themselves.

[5] It was obvious what effect this sort of talk would have on the council, for their arrival and all their proceedings were duly reported to the Roman envoy.

[6] Although events had almost taken a decisive turn, Quinctius thought it might not be altogether useless if some representatives of the friendly cities attended the council who would have the courage to speak frankly in reply to the king's envoy and remind the Aetolians of their treaty engagements with Rome.

[7] The Athenians seemed best fitted for the task on account of the prestige which their city enjoyed and also because of their old alliance with the Aetolians. Quinctius therefore requested them to send delegates to the Pan-Aetolian Council.

[8] Thoas opened the proceedings by giving a report of his negotiations. He was followed by Menippus, who asserted that the best thing for all the peoples of Greece and Asia would have been for Antiochus to have intervened whilst Philip's power was still unimpaired, everyone

[9] would then have kept what belonged to him, and everything would not have been completely at the mercy of Rome.

[10] "Even now," he continued, "if only you resolutely carry out the designs you have formed, he will be able with the help of the gods and the assistance of the Aetolians to restore the fortunes of Greece, drooping though they are, to their old place in the world.

[11] That, however, must rest on liberty, and a liberty which stands in its own strength and is not dependent on the will of another."

[12] The Athenians, who had received permission to speak their minds after the king's delegate, made no allusion to the king, but simply reminded the Aetolians of their alliance with Rome and the services which T. Quinctius had rendered to the whole of Greece.

[13] They warned them against wrecking that friendship by hasty and precipitate action; bold and hot-headed counsels were attractive at first sight, difficult to put into practice, disastrous in their results.

[14] The Roman envoys and Quinctius himself were not far away, it would be better to discuss the question at issue in friendly debate than to throw Europe and Asia into a deadly struggle of arms.

Notes on the current edition

Ab Urbe Condita With An English Translation, books 1-10, 21-45, with periochae 11-20

1. Cf. xii. 4 above. His embassy to Antiochus has not been mentioned.

2. B.C. 192

3. There seems to be no record of an actual alliance between the Athenians and the Aetolians, but the two states were traditionally friendly: cf. XXXI. xxx. 11.

4. This phrase seems to mean Philip and the individual Greek states.

5. B.C. 192

6. In

Titus Livius (Livy) Ab urbe condita 35.32

Benjamin Oliver Foster, Ph.D. (Editor), Frank Gardener Moore (Editor), Evan T. Sage, Ph.D. (Editor), Alfred C. Schlesinger, Ph.D. (Editor)

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