Titus Livius (Livy), Ab urbe condita, Benjamin Oliver Foster, Ph.D. (Editor), Frank Gardener Moore (Editor), Evan T. Sage, Ph.D. (Editor), Alfred C. Schlesinger, Ph.D. (Editor), 35.31

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[1] ¹ XXXI. While the war between the Achaeans and the tyrant was in progress, the Roman commissioners were going around the cities of the allies, being afraid that the Aetolians had turned the thoughts of some of the allies toward Antiochus.

[2] They spent the least effort in approaching the Achaeans, who, since they were hostile to Nabis, were, they felt certain, faithful enough in other relations as well.

[3] To Athens first, then to Chalcis, then to Thessaly they took their course, and after addressing the Thessalians in a full council they turned aside to Demetrias.

[4] There a council of the Magnetes had been called. It was necessary to employ more carefully-chosen language at this council because some of the chiefs were alienated

[5] from the Romans and wholly devoted to Antiochus and the Aetolians because, when it² was reported that Philip's son, who was a hostage, was being returned to him and the tribute which had been imposed remitted,³ among

[6] other falsehoods it was said that Demetrias also would be given back to him by the Romans.

[7] To prevent this from happening, Eurylochus, the chief of the Magnetes, and some members of his party preferred that everything be thrown into confusion by the coming of Antiochus and the Aetolians.

[8] Against them such arguments had to be used that in taking from them their groundless fear the destruction of his hope might not alienate Philip, who was more important in every way than the Magnetes.

[9] The main facts were merely mentioned, that not only all Greece was indebted to the Romans for the blessing of liberty, but this state especially; for not only had there been a Macedonian garrison there, but a royal palace had been built, that their master in person might always be held before their eyes;

[10] but their liberation would prove to have been in vain if the Aetolians should install Antiochus in the palace of Philip and if they should have a new and unknown king in place of one who was old and tried.

[11] They call their chief magistrate the Magnetarch: Eurylochus then held the office, and relying on that authority he said that he and the Magnetes should not dissemble regarding the rumour that was in circulation that Demetrias was to be given back to Philip;

[12] to prevent that, the Magnetes would both try and venture anything.

[13] And, carried too far away in the passion of speaking, he threw out the remark that even then Demetrias was free in appearance, while in reality everything was done at the Romans' nod. At these words there arose a shout from the crowd, some expressing⁴ agreement, some indignation that he should have dared to say this; Quinetius, indeed, was so inflamed with wrath that raising his hands to heaven he implored the gods to witness the ungrateful and treacherous spirit of the Magnetes.

[14] All were terrified by these words, and Zeno, one of the leading citizens, and possessed of great influence both because he pursued a seemly mode of life and because he had always indisputably belonged to the Roman party, with tears begged Quinctius and the other commissioners not to charge the insanity of one man against the community:

[15] each one was mad at his own peril; the Magnetes, he admitted, owed not merely their freedom but everything which man holds sacred and dear to Titus Quinctius and the Roman people;

[16] no man could pray to the immortal gods for anything which the Magnetes did not have from the Romans, and they would rather rage in madness against their own persons than violate the Roman friendship.

Ab urbe condita. Titus Livius (Livy). Benjamin Oliver Foster, Ph.D. (Editor), Frank Gardener Moore (Editor), Evan T. Sage, Ph.D. (Editor), Alfred C. Schlesinger, Ph.D. (Editor). Medford, MA. .

Sponsored by Perseus Project, Tufts University.

Funding provided by The National Endowment for the Humanities.

Current edition Perseus

History of Rome (English) (Foster, Benjamin Oliver; Moore, Frank Gardener; Sage, Evan T.; Schlesinger, Alfred C., translators. Cambridge, Mass.; London: Harvard University Press; William Heinemann, Ltd., 1919-1959. (Loeb Classical Library))

Editions (3)

Ab urbe condita Perseus (Pars I-IV, Libri I-XL. Editio Stereotypica. Weissenborn, Wilhelm; Mueller, Moritz, editors. Leipzig: Teubner, 1884-1911.) — 35.31 focus

[1] dum inter Achaeos et tyrannum bellum erat, legati Romanorum circuire sociorum urbes solliciti, ne Aetoli partis alicuius animos ad Antiochum avertissent.

[2] minimum operae in Achaeis adeundis consumpserunt, quos, quia Nabidi infesti erant, ad cetera quoque satis fidos censebant esse.

[3] Athenas primum, inde Chalcidem, inde in Thessaliam iere, adlocutique concilio frequenti Thessalos Demetriadem iter flexere.

[4] eo Magnetum concilium indictum est. accuratior ibi habenda oratio fuit, quod pars principum alienati Romanis totique Antiochi et Aetolorum erant, quia,

[5] cum reddi obsidem filium Philippo adlatum esset stipendiumque inpositum remitti, inter cetera vana adlatum erat Demetriadem quoque ei reddituros Romanos esse.

[6] id ne fieret, Eurylochus, princeps Magnetum, factionisque eius quidam omnia novari Aetolorum Antiochique adventu malebant.

[7] adversus eos ita disserendum erat, ne timorem vanum iis demendo spes incisa Philippum abalienaret, in quo plus ad omnia momenti quam in Magnetibus esset.

[8] illa tanturn tantum commemorata, cum totam Graeciam beneficio libertatis obnoxiam Romanis esse tur tum ear eam civitatem praecipue:

[9] ibi enim non praesidium modo Macedonum fuisse, sed regiam exaedificatam, ut praesens semper in oculis habendus esset dominus;

[10] ceterum nequiquam ea facta, si Aetoli Antiochum in Philippi regiam adducerent, et novus et incognitus pro vetere et experto habendus rex esset.

[11] Magnetarchen summum magistratum vocant: is tur tum Eurylochus erat, ac potestate ea fretus negavit dissimulandum sibi et Magnetibus esse, quae fama vulgata de reddenda Demetriade Philippo foret;

[12] id ne fieret, omnia et conanda et audenda Magnetibus esse. et inter dicendi contentionem inconsultius evectus proiecit tur tum quoque specie liberam Demetriadem esse,

[13] re vera omnia ad nutum Romanorum fieri. sub hanc vocem fremitus variantis multitudinis fuit partim adsensum partim indignationem, dicere id ausum eum; Quinctius quidem adeo exarsit ira, ut manus ad caelum tendens deos testes ingrati ac perfidi animi Magnetum invocaret.

[14] hac voce perterritis omnibus Zeno, ex principibus unus, magnae cum ob eleganter actam vitam auctoritatis, tur tum quod semper Romanorum baud haud dubie partis fuerat,

[15] ab Quinctio legatisque aliis fiens flens petit, ne unius amentiam civitati adsignarent; suo quemqlue quemque periculo furere; Magnetas non libertatem modo, sed omnia, quae hominibus sancta caraque sint, T. Quinctio et populo Romano debere; nihil quemquam ab diis immortalibus precari posse,

[16] quod non Magnetes ab illis haberent, et in corpora sua citius per furorem saevituros, quam ut Romanam amicitiam violarent.

Ab urbe condita Perseus (Livy in Fourteen Volumes. Foster, Benjamin Oliver; Moore, Frank Gardener; Schlesinger, Alfred C., editors. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press; London: William Heinemann, Ltd., 1919-1959 (printing).) — 30.31 focus

[1]

adversus haec imperator Romanus in hanc fere sententiam respondit: " non me fallebat, ¹ Hannibal, adventus ² tui spe Carthaginienses et praesentem indutiarum fidem et spem pacis turbasse;

[2] neque tu id sane dissimulas, qui de condicionibus superioribus ³ pacis omnia subtrahas praeter ea quae iam pridem in nostra potestate sunt.

[3] ceterum ut ⁴ tibi curae est sentire cives tuos quanto per te onere leventur, sic mihi laborandum est ne ⁵ quae tum ⁶ pepigerunt hodie subtracta ex condicionibus pacis praemia perfidiae habeant.

[4] indigni quibus eadem pateat condicio, etiam ut prosit vobis fraus petitis. neque patres nostri priores de Sicilia, neque nos de Hispania fecimus bellum; et tunc ⁷ Mamertinorum sociorum periculum et nunc Sagunti excidium nobis pia ac iusta induerunt arma.

[5] vos lacessisse et tu ipse fateris et dei testes sunt, qui et illius belli exitum secundum ius fasque dederunt et huius dant et dabunt.

[6]

quod ad me attinet, et humanae infirmitatis memini et vim Fortunae reputo et omnia quaecumque agimus subiecta esse mille casibus scio;

[7]

ceterum, quem ad modum superbe et violenter me faterer facere, si, priusquam in Africam traiecissem, te tua voluntate cedentem Italia et inposito in naves exercitu ipsum venientem ad pacem petendam aspernarer,

[8]

sic nunc, cum prope manu conserta ⁸ restitantem ac tergiversantem in Africam ⁹ adtraxerim, ¹⁰ nulla sum tibi verecundia obstrictus.

[9]

proinde si quid ad ea in quae tum pax conventura videbatur, quasi ¹¹ multa navium cum commeatu per indutias expugnatarum ¹² legatorumque violatorum, adicitur, est quod referam ad consilium; sin illa quoque gravia videntur, bellum parate, quoniam pacem pati non potuistis.

[10] ita infecta pace ex conloquio ad suos cum se recepissent, frustra verba iactata ¹³ renuntiant: armis decernendum esse habendamque eam earn fortunam quam dei dedissent.

Ab urbe condita libri, erklärt von M. Weissenborn Perseus (Weissenborn, W.; Müller, H. J., editors. Berlin: Weidmannsche Buchhandlung, 1873-1883.) — 35.31 focus

[1]

dum inter Achaeos et tyrannum bellum erat, legati Romanorum circuire sociorum urbes solliciti, ne Aetoli partis alicuius animos ad Antiochum avertissent.

[2] minimum operae in Achaeis adeundis consumpserunt, quos, quia Nabidi infesti erant, ad cetera quoque satis fidos censebant esse.

[3] Athenas primum, inde Chalcidem, inde in Thessaliam iere, adlocutique concilio frequenti Thessalos Demetriadem iter flexere. eo Magnetum concilium indictum est.

[4] accuratior ibi habenda oratio fuit, quod pars ¹ principum alienati Romanis totique Antiochi et Aetolorum erant,

[5] quia, cum reddi obsidem filium Philippo adlatum esset stipendiumque inpositum remitti, inter cetera vana adlatum erat Demetriadem quoque ei reddituros Romanos esse.

[6] id ne fieret, Eurylochus, princeps Magnetum, factionisque eius quidam omnia novari Aetolorum Antiochique adventu malebant.

[7] adversus eos ita disserendum erat, ne timorem vanum iis demendo spes incisa Philippum abalienaret, in quo plus ad omnia momenti quam in Magnetibus esset.

[8] illa tantum commemorata, cum totam Graeciam beneficio libertatis obnoxiam Romanis esse tum eam civitatem praecipue:

[9] ibi enim non praesidium modo Macedonum fuisse, sed regiam exaedificatam, ut praesens semper in oculis habendus esset dominus;

[10] ceterum nequiquam ea facta, si Aetoli Antiochum in Philippi regiam adducerent, et novus et incognitus pro noto et experto habendus rex esset.

[11] Magnetarchen summum ² magistratum vocant; is tum Eurylochus erat, ac potestate ea fretus negavit dissimulandum sibi et Magnetibus esse, quae fama vulgata de reddenda Demetriade Philippo foret;

[12] id ne fieret, omnia et conanda et audenda Magnetibus esse. et inter dicendi contentionem inconsultius evectus proiecit tum quoque specie liberam Demetriadem esse, re vera omnia ad nutum Romanorum fieri.

[13] sub hanc vocem fremitus variantis multitudinis fuit partim adsensu partim indignatione, dicere id ausum eum; Quinctius quidem adeo exarsit ira; ut manus ad caelum tendens deos testes ingrati ac perfidi animi Magnetum invocaret.

[14] hac, voce perterritis omnibus Zeno, ex principibus unus, magnae cum ob eleganter actam vitam auctoritatis, tum quod semper Romanorum haud dubie partis fuerat,

[15] ab Quinctio legatisque aliis flens petit, ne unius amentiam civitati adsignarent; suo quemque periculo furere; Magnetas non libertatem modo, sed omnia, quae hominibus sancta caraque sint, T. Quinctio et populo Romano debere;

[16] nihil quemquam ab diis immortalibus precari posse, quod non Magnetes ab illis haberent, et in corpora sua citius per furorem saevituros, quam ut Romanam amicitiam violarent.

Translations (2)

History of Rome Perseus (Spillan, D.; Edmonds, Cyrus; McDevitte, William A., translators. London: Henry G. Bohn, 1849-1868. (Bohn's Classical Library)) — 35.31 focus

[1]

While the Achaeans and the tyrant were carrying on the war in this manner, the Roman ambassadors made a circuit through the cities of the allies; being anxious lest the Aetolians might seduce some of them to join the party of Antiochus.

[2] They took but little pains, in their applications to the Achaeans; because, knowing their animosity against Nabis, they thought that they might be safely relied on with regard to other matters.

[3] They went first to Athens, thence to Chalcis, thence to Thessaly; and, after addressing the Thessalians, in a full assembly, they directed their route to Demetrias, to which place a council of the Magnetians was summoned.

[4] There a more studied address required to be delivered; for a great many of the leading men were disaffected to the Romans, and entirely devoted to the interests of An- tiochus and the Aetolians;

[5] because, at the time when accounts were received that Philip's son, who was a hostage, would be restored to him, and the tribute imposed on him remitted, among other groundless reports it had been given out, that the Romans also intended to restore Demetrias to him.

[6] Rather than that should take place, Eurylochus, a deputy of the Magnetians, and others of that faction, wished for a total change of measures to be effected by the coning of Antiochus and the Aetolians.

[7] In opposition to those, it was necessary to reason in such a manner, that, in dispelling their mistaken fear, the ambassadors should not, by cutting off his hopes at once, give any disgust to Philip, to whom more importance attached, in all respects, than to the Magnetians.

[8] They only observed to the assembly, that,

as Greece in general was under an obligation to the Romans for their kindness in restoring its liberty, so was their state in particular.

[9]

For there had not only been a garrison of Macedonians in their capital, but a palace had been built in it, that they might have a master continually before their eyes.

[10]

But all that had been done would be of no effect, if the Aetolians should bring thither Antiochus, and settle him in the abode of Philip, so that a new and unknown king should be set over them, in the place of an old one, with whom they had been long acquainted.

[11] Their chief magistrate is styled Magnetarch. This office was then held by Eurylochus, who assuming confidence from this powerful station, openly declared that he and the Magnetians saw no reason to dissemble their having heard the common report about the restoration of Demetrias to Philip;

[12] to prevent which, the Magnetians were bound to attempt and to hazard every thing; and, in the eagerness of discourse, he was carried to such an inconsiderate length, as to throw out, that,

at that very time Demetrias was only free in appearance; and that, in reality, all things were at the nod of the Romans.

[13] Immediately after this expression there was a general murmur of dissent in the assembly; some of whom showed their approbation, others expressed indignation at his presumption, in uttering it. As to Quinctius, he was so inflamed with anger, that, raising his hands towards heaven, he invoked the gods to witness the ungrateful and perfidious disposition of the Magnetians.

[14] This struck terror into the whole assembly; and one of the deputies, named Zeno, who had acquired a great degree of influence, by his judicious course of conduct in life, and by having been always an avowed supporter of the interests of the Romans, with tears besought Quinctius, and the other ambassadors,

not to impute to the state the madness of an individual.

[15]

Every man,

he said,

was answerable for his own absurdities. As to the Magnetians, they were indebted to Titus Quinctius and the Roman people, not only for liberty, but for every thing that mankind hold valuable or sacred.

[16]

By their kindness, they were in the enjoyment of every blessing, for which they could ever petition the immortal gods; and, if struck with phrensy, they would sooner vent their fury on their own persons, than violate the friendship with Rome.

History of Rome Perseus (Volumes 1-2. Roberts, Canon, Rev, translator. London, New York: J. M. Dent and Sons; E. P. Dutton and Co., 1912.) — 35.31 focus

[1]

.While this war between the Achaeans and the tyrant was going on the Roman envoys were visiting the cities of their allies, for they felt some apprehension lest the Aetolians might have induced some of them to go over to Antiochus.

[2] They did not trouble themselves much about the Achaeans; as they were in declared hostility to Nabis it was thought that they might be depended upon throughout.

[3] Athens was the first place they visited, from there they proceeded to Chalcis, and thence to Thessaly, where they addressed a largely attended council of the Thessalians.

[4] They then went on to Demetrias, where a council of the Magnetes was assembled. Here they had to be careful as to what they said, for some of the leading men were in opposition to Rome and gave wholehearted support to Antiochus and the Aetolians.

[5] Their attitude was due to the fact that when it was learnt that Philip's son, who had been detained as a hostage, was released and the tribute imposed upon him remitted, it was stated, amongst other false rumours, that the Romans intended to restore Demetrias to him also.

[6] Rather than let that happen Eurylochus, the president of the Magnetes, and some of his party were anxious that the arrival of Antiochus and the Aetolians should bring about a complete change of policy.

[7] In meeting this hostile spirit the Roman envoys had to be on their guard lest while removing this groundless suspicion they should so far destroy

[8] Philip's hopes as to make an enemy of a man who was for every reason of more importance to them than the Magnetes were.

[9] The envoys confined themselves to pointing out that the whole of Greece was under obligations to Rome for the boon of liberty, Magnesia so especially. Not only had a Macedonian garrison been stationed there, but Philip had built a palace there so that they were forced to have their lord and master always before their eyes.

[10] But all that Rome had done for them would be useless if the Aetolians brought Antiochus into that palace and they had to have a new unknown king in place of one whom they had known and had experience of.

[11] Their supreme magistrate was called "Magnetarch," and Eurylochus was holding that office at the time. Feeling secure in the power which his office gave him, he said that he and the Magnetes could not be silent about the report which was widely current that Demetrias was to be given back to Philip.

[12] To prevent this the Magnetes were prepared to make every effort and face every danger.

[13] Carried away by excitement he threw out the ill-advised remark that even then Demetrias was only free in appearance, in reality everything was at the nod and beck of Rome. These words were received with murmurs and protests; some in the assembly approved, but others were filled with indignation at his having dared to speak in that way. As for Quinctius, he was so angry that he lifted up his hands towards heaven and called upon the gods to witness the ingratitude and perfidy of the Magnetes.

[14] This exclamation created universal alarm and Zeno, one of their leading men, who had gained great influence amongst them, partly by the refinement which characterised his private life and partly because he had always been a staunch friend to Rome, implored Quinctius and other envoys not to make the whole city responsible for one man's madness; it was at his own risk that anyone behaved like a madman.

[15] The Magnetes were indebted to Titus Quinctius and the Roman people for more than their liberty-for everything, in fact, which men hold dear and sacred; there was nothing which a man could ask the gods to give him that they had not received from them.

[16] They would sooner lay frenzied hands upon themselves than violate their friendship with Rome.

Notes on the current edition

Ab Urbe Condita With An English Translation, books 1-10, 21-45, with periochae 11-20

1. iii. 4) tells the same story.

2. B.C. 192

3. Livy does not mention any embassy to Philip at this time and says nothing of any proposal to return his son until 191 B.C. (XXXVI. xxxv. 13), when Demetrius was restored to his father. Diodorus (XXVIII. xvi), however, speaks of an embassy which promised both these things to Philip. The Magnetes, then, may have had some grounds for their suspicions, as even Livy's language (note especially spes incisa in sect. 7 below) indicates.

4. B.C. 192

Titus Livius (Livy) Ab urbe condita 35.31

Benjamin Oliver Foster, Ph.D. (Editor), Frank Gardener Moore (Editor), Evan T. Sage, Ph.D. (Editor), Alfred C. Schlesinger, Ph.D. (Editor)

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