Titus Livius (Livy), Ab urbe condita, Benjamin Oliver Foster, Ph.D. (Editor), Frank Gardener Moore (Editor), Evan T. Sage, Ph.D. (Editor), Alfred C. Schlesinger, Ph.D. (Editor), 35.13

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[1] And the kings, nevertheless, either were unmoved or were moved too slowly; Nabis at once sent agents around all the maritime towns to stir up seditions in them, and some of the leading men he won over to his side by gifts, others, who stubbornly adhered to the Roman alliance, lie put to death.

[2] The Achaeans had been entrusted with the responsibility for all maritime affairs in Sparta by Titus Quinctius,¹ So immediately they sent ambassadors to the tyrant to remind him of the

[3] Roman² treaty and to warn him not to disturb the peace which he had so earnestly sought, and sent reinforcements to Gytheum, which was now being besieged by the tyrant, and ambassadors to Rome to report these doings.

[4] King Antiochus,³ having given his daughter in marriage to King Ptolemy of Egypt at Raphia in Phoenicia during that winter,⁴ when he had retired to Antioch, came by way of Cilicia, crossing the Taurus mountains well on towards the end of the winter, to Ephesus;

[5] thence at the beginning of spring, sending his son Antiochus into Syria to guard the remotest parts of his kingdom, lest any disturbance behind him should occur in his absence, he himself set out with all his land forces to attack the Pisidae who dwell around Sida.

[6] At that time the Roman commissioners, Publius Sulpicius and Publius Villius, who had been sent to Antiochus, as has already been stated,⁵ having been ordered to visit Eumenes⁶ first, came to Elaea; thence they climbed up to Pergamum, where Eumenes' capital was located.

[7] Eumenes was anxious for war against Antiochus, believing that a king so much more powerful than himself was a dangerous neighbour, if there was peace, and also that, if war should be provoked, he was no more likely to be a match for the Romans than Philip had been, and that either he would be utterly destroyed or, if peace were granted him

[8] after he had been defeated, much that was taken from Antiochus would fall to his own lot, so⁷ that thenceforth he could easily defend himself against Antiochus without any Roman aid.

[9] Even if some misfortune should befall, it was better, he thought, to endure whatever fate with the Romans as allies than by himself either to submit to the sovereignty of Antiochus or, if he refused, to be compelled to do so by force of arms;

[10] for these reasons with all his prestige and all his diplomatic skill he urged the Romans to war.⁸

Ab urbe condita. Titus Livius (Livy). Benjamin Oliver Foster, Ph.D. (Editor), Frank Gardener Moore (Editor), Evan T. Sage, Ph.D. (Editor), Alfred C. Schlesinger, Ph.D. (Editor). Medford, MA. .

Sponsored by Perseus Project, Tufts University.

Funding provided by The National Endowment for the Humanities.

Current edition Perseus

History of Rome (English) (Foster, Benjamin Oliver; Moore, Frank Gardener; Sage, Evan T.; Schlesinger, Alfred C., translators. Cambridge, Mass.; London: Harvard University Press; William Heinemann, Ltd., 1919-1959. (Loeb Classical Library))

Editions (3)

Ab urbe condita Perseus (Pars I-IV, Libri I-XL. Editio Stereotypica. Weissenborn, Wilhelm; Mueller, Moritz, editors. Leipzig: Teubner, 1884-1911.) — 35.13 focus

[1] et reges tamen aut non moti aut tardius moti sunt; Nabis extemplo circa omnis maritimos vicos dimisit ad seditiones in iis miscendas, et alios principum donis ad suam causam perduxit, alios pertinaciter in societate Romana manentis occidit.

[2] Achaeis omnium maritimorum Laconum tuendorum a T. Quinctio cura mandata erat. itaque extemplo et ad tyrannum legatos miserunt,

[3] qui admonerent foederis Romani denuntiarentque, ne pacem, quam tantopere petisset, turbaret, et auxilia ad Gytheum, quod iam oppugnabatur ab tyranno, et Romam, qui ea nuntiarent, legatos miserunt.

[4] Antiochus rex, ea hieme Raphiae in Phoenice Ptolomaeo regi Aegypti filia in matrimonium data, cum Antiochiam se recepisset, per Ciliciam Tauro monte superato extremo iam hiemis Ephesum pervenit;

[5] inde principio veris, Antiocho filio misso in Syriam ad custodiam ultimarum partium regni, ne quid absente se ab tergo moveretur, ipse cum omnibus terrestribus copiis ad Pisidas, qui circa Sidam incolunt,

[6] oppugnandos est profectus. eo tempore legati Romani P. Sulpicius et P. Villius, qui ad Antiochum, sicut ante dictum est, missi erant, iussi prius Eumenem adire Elaeam venere; inde Pergamum — ibi regia Eumenis fuit — escenderunt.

[7] cupidus belli adversus Antiochum Eumenes erat, gravem, si pax esset, accolam tanto potentiorem regem credens, eundem, si motum bellum esset, non magis parem Romanis fore, quam Philippus fuisset,

[8] et aut funditus sublatum iri, aut, si pax victo daretur, multa illi detracta sibi accessura, ut facile deinde se ab eo sine ullo auxilio Romano tueri posset.

[9] etiam si quid adversi casurum foret, satius esse Romanis sociis quamcumque fortunam subire,

[10] quam solum aut imperium pati Antiochi aut abnuentem vi atque armis cogi; ob haec, quantum auctoritate, quantum consilio valebat, incitabat Romanos ad bellum.

Ab urbe condita Perseus (Livy in Fourteen Volumes. Foster, Benjamin Oliver; Moore, Frank Gardener; Schlesinger, Alfred C., editors. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press; London: William Heinemann, Ltd., 1919-1959 (printing).) — 30.13 focus

[1]

Syphacem in castra adduci cum esset nuntiatum, omnis velut ad spectaculum triumphi multitudo effusa est.

[2] praecedebat ipse vinctus; sequebatur grex nobilium Numidarum. tum quantum quisque plurimum poterat ¹ magnitudini- Syphacis famaeque ² gentis victoriam suam augendo addebat:

[3] illum ilium esse regem cuius tantum maiestati duo ³ potentissimi in terris tribuerint populi, Romanus Carthaginiensisque,

[4] ut Scipio imperator suus ad amicitiam eius petendam, relicta provincia Hispania exercituque, duabus quinqueremibus in Africam navigaverit,

[5] Hasdrubal Poenorum imperator non ipse modo ad eum in regnum venerit, sed etiam filiam ei nuptum dederit. habuisse eum uno tempore in potestate duos imperatores, Poenum Romanumque.

[6] sicut ab dis immortalibus pars utraque hostiis mactandis pacem petisset, ita ab eo utrimque pariter amicitiam petitam.

[7] iam tantas habuisse opes ut Masinissam regno pulsum eo redegerit ut vita eius fama mortis et latebris, ferarum modo in silvis rapto viventis, tegeretur.

[8] his sermonibus circumstantium celebratus rex in praetorium ad Scipionem est perductus. movit et Scipionem cum ⁴ fortuna pristina viri praesenti fortunae conlata, tum recordatio hospitii dextraeque datae et foederis publice ac privatim iuncti.

[9] eadem haec et Syphaci animum dederunt in adloquendo victore. nam cum Scipio quid sibi voluisset quaereret qui non societatem solum abnuisset Romanam, sed ultro bellum intulisset,

[10] tum ille peccasse quidem sese atque insanisse fatebatur, sed non tum demum cum arma adversus populum Romanum cepisset; exitum sui furoris eum ⁵ fuisse, non principium; tum se insanisse,

[11] tum hospitia privata et publica public⁶ foedera omnia ex animo eiecisse, ⁷ cum Carthaginiensem matronam domum acceperit.

[12] illis nuptialibus facibus regiam conflagrasse suam; illam furiam pestemque omnibus delenimentis animum suum avertisse atque alienasse, nec conquiesse donec done ipsa manibus suis nefaria sibi arma adversus hospitem atque amicum induerit.

[13] perdito tamen atque adflicto sibi hoc in miseriis solatii esse, quod in omnium hominum inimicissimi sibi domum ac penates eandem pestem ac furiam transisse videat.

[14] neque prudentiorem ⁸ neque constantiorem Masinissam quam Syphacem esse, etiam ⁹ iuventa incautiorem; certe stultius illum ilium atque intemperantius ¹⁰ eam quam se duxisse.

Ab urbe condita libri, erklärt von M. Weissenborn Perseus (Weissenborn, W.; Müller, H. J., editors. Berlin: Weidmannsche Buchhandlung, 1873-1883.) — 35.13 focus

[1]

Nabis extemplo circa omnis maritimos vicos dimisit ad seditiones in iis miscendas, et alios principum donis ad suam causam perduxit, alios pertinaciter in societate Romana manentis occidit.

[2] Achaeis omnium maritimorum Laconum tuendorum a T. Quinctio cura mandata erat. itaque extemplo et ad tyrannum legatos miserunt, ¹ qui admonerent foederis Romani,

[3] denuntiarentque, ne pacem, quam tantopere petisset, turbaret, et auxilia ad Gytheum, quod iam oppugnabatur ab tyranno, et Romam qui ea nuntiarent, legatos miserunt.

[4] Antiochus rex, ea hieme Raphiae in Phoenice Ptolomaeo regi Aegypti filia in matrimonium data, cum Antiochiam se recepisset, per Ciliciam Tauro monte superato extremo iam hiemis Ephesum pervenit;

[6] eo tempore legati Romani P. Sulpicius et P. Villius , qui ad Antiochum, sicut ante dictum est, missi erant, iussi prius Eumenem adire Elaeam venere; inde Pergamum — ibi regia Eumenis fuit —

[7] escenderunt. cupidus belli adversus Antiochum Eumenes erat, gravem, si pax esset, accolam tanto potentiorem regem ² credens, eundem, si motum bellum esset, non magis parem Romanis fore,

[8] quam Philippus fuisset, et aut funditus sublatum iri, aut, si pax victo daretur, multa illi detracta sibi accessura, ut facile deinde se ab eo sine ullo auxilio Romano tueri posset.

[9] etiam si quid adversi casurum foret, satius esse Romanis sociis quamcumque fortunam subire, quam solum aut imperium pati Antiochi aut abnuentem vi atque armis cogi:

[10] ob haec, quantum auctoritate, quantum consilio valebat, incitabat Romanos ad bellum.

Translations (2)

History of Rome Perseus (Spillan, D.; Edmonds, Cyrus; McDevitte, William A., translators. London: Henry G. Bohn, 1849-1868. (Bohn's Classical Library)) — 35.13 focus

[1]

Nabis immediately despatched emissaries through all the towns on the coast, to sow dissensions among the inhabitants: some of the men in power he brought over to his party by presents; others, who more firmly adhered to the alliance with Rome, he put to death.

[2] The charge of' protecting all the Lacedaemonians on the coast, had been committed by Titus Quinctius to the Achaeans; they therefore instantly sent ambassadors to the tyrant, to remind him of his treaty with the Romans, and to warn him against violating a peace which he had so earnestly sued for.

[3] They also sent succours to Gythium which he had already besieged, and ambassadors to Rome to make known these transactions.

[4] King Antiochus having, this winter, solemnized the nuptials of his daughter with Ptolemy, king of Egypt, at Raphia, in Phœnicia, returned thence to Antioch, and came, towards the end of the season, through Cilicia, after passing Mount Taurus, to the city of Ephesus.

[5] Early in the spring, he sent his son Antiochus thence into Syria, to guard the remote frontiers of his dominions, lest, during his absence, any commotion might arise behind him and then he marched himself, with all his land forces, to attack the Pisidians, inhabiting the country near Sida.

[6] At this time, Publius Sulpicius and Publius Villius, the Roman ambassadors, who were sent to Antiochus, as above mentioned, having received orders to wait on Eumenes, first came to Elaea, and thence went up to Pergamus, for the palace of Eumenes was there. Eumenes was very desirous of a war against Antiochus, for he thought that, if peace continued, a king so much superior in power would be a troublesome neighbour;

[7] but that, in case of hostilities, he would prove no more a match for the Romans than Philip had been; and that, either he would be entirely removed out of the way, or, should peace be granted to him, after a defeat he (Eumenes) might reasonably expect, that a great deal of what should be taken from Antiochus would fall to his own share;

[8] so that, in future, he might be very well able to defend himself against him, without any aid from the Romans;

[9] and even if any misfortune were to happen, it would be better for him, in conjunction with the Romans, to undergo any turn of fortune, than, standing alone, either suffer himself to be ruled by Antiochus, or, on refusal, be compelled to submission by force of arms.

[10] Therefore, with all his influence, and every argument which he could devise, he urged the Romans to a war.

History of Rome Perseus (Volumes 1-2. Roberts, Canon, Rev, translator. London, New York: J. M. Dent and Sons; E. P. Dutton and Co., 1912.) — 35.13 focus

[1]

The kings, however, took no action, or at all events their action was too late. Nabis promptly sent emissaries to all the coast towns to foment a rising; some of their leading citizens he won over by bribes, others who remained steadfast to the cause of Rome he put to death.

[2] T. Quinctius had entrusted the Achaeans with the defence of the coast towns and they lost no time in sending envoys to the tyrant to remind him of his treaty with Rome and to warn him against disturbing the peace which he had so ardently sought for.

[3] They also sent succours to Gytheum, which the tyrant was already attacking, and sent a report to Rome of what was happening.

[4] During the winter Antiochus went to Raphia in Phenicia to be present at the marriage of his daughter to Ptolemy, the king of Egypt, and at the close of the winter returned through Cilicia to Ephesus.

[5] After sending his son Antiochus into Syria to watch the more distant frontiers of his kingdom in case any disturbance should take place in his rear, he left Ephesus and marched with the whole of his land army against the Pisidians in the neighbourhood of Sida.

[6] Whilst he was thus engaged the Roman commissioners, P. Sulpicius and P. Villius, who, as I have already stated, had been sent to interview him, received instructions to visit Eumenes first, and after landing at Elea they went up to Pergamum, where the king's palace was situated.

[7] Eumenes welcomed the prospect of a war with Antiochus, for he felt certain that if a monarch so much more powerful than himself were left in peace he would prove a troublesome neighbour, and if there was war Antiochus would be no more a match for the Romans than Philip had been, and would either be altogether got rid of or so completely defeated as to submit to terms of peace.

[8] In this case much taken from Antiochus would be added to his dominions, and then he would easily be able to defend himself without any assistance from Rome.

[9] Even at the worst, Eumenes thought it better to meet any misfortune with the Romans as his allies than, standing alone, have to accept the supremacy of Antiochus, or if he refused, be compelled to do so by force.

[10] For these reasons he did his utmost by personal influence and by argument to urge the Romans to war.

Notes on the current edition

Ab Urbe Condita With An English Translation, books 1-10, 21-45, with periochae 11-20

1. This statement is not confirmed by explicit testimony. Technically, these cities, like the rest of Greece, were socii of the Romans.

2. B.C. 193

3. Livy makes no effort to report on the recent activities of Antiochus, the last mention of whom, save for the reference in the preceding chapter, was in XXXIV. lix. 8.

4. This was apparently the winter of 194- 193 B.C. Raphia lay to the south-west of Gaza, on the coast between Cilicia and Egypt, but not, strictly speaking, in Phoenicia.

5. In XXXIV. lix. 8 the embassy consisted of Sulpicius, Villius and P. Aelius; the last is not mentioned in this Book. Sulpicius and Villius had commanded against Philip and were frequently employed on missions in the east.

6. Eumenes had succeeded Attalus as king of Pergamum in 197 B.C. (XXXIII. xxi; xxxiv. 10). Elaea was the port of his capital of Pergamum, which lay inland on higher ground (hence escenderunt).

7. B.C. 193

8. Frontiers were always vaguely defined in antiquity, as was inevitable when precise geographical information was scanty and maps practically unknown. The hopes of Eumenes for territorial gains after the defeat of Antiochus were realized in 188 B.C. (XXXVIII. xxxviii-xxxix).

Titus Livius (Livy) Ab urbe condita 35.13

Benjamin Oliver Foster, Ph.D. (Editor), Frank Gardener Moore (Editor), Evan T. Sage, Ph.D. (Editor), Alfred C. Schlesinger, Ph.D. (Editor)

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