Titus Livius (Livy), Ab urbe condita, Benjamin Oliver Foster, Ph.D. (Editor), Frank Gardener Moore (Editor), Evan T. Sage, Ph.D. (Editor), Alfred C. Schlesinger, Ph.D. (Editor), 33.44

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[1] When the provinces had been thus assigned, -¹ the consuls, before they left the city, were instructed, in accordance with the decision of the

[2] priests, to conduct the ceremony of the

sacred spring

which the praetor Aulus Cornelius Mammula had vowed by decree of the senate and vote of the people, in the consulship of Gnaeus Servilius and Gaius Flaminius. The performance took place twenty-one years after the vow.²

[3] At this time Gaius Claudius Pulcher, son of Appius, was chosen augur in place of Quintus Fabius Maximus, who had died the year before, and was installed in office.

[4] When everyone wondered why the war which Spain had begun was receiving so little attention, a letter arrived from Quintus Minucius, saying that he had fought successfully in a pitched battle near the town of Turda with Budares and Baesadines, the Spanish commanders; that twelve thousand of the enemy had been killed, Budares their general captured, and the rest routed and put to flight.

[5] When this letter was read, less fear was felt with respect to Spain, where a great war had been anticipated; all their anxieties, especially after the return of the ten commissioners, were centred on King Antiochus.

[6] These reported what had been done in the matter of Philip and on what terms peace had been granted, and gave warning that a war of no less magnitude was threatened by Antiochus: he had already invaded Europe with a huge fleet and a splendid army, and if an idle hope — sprung

[7] from an idler rumour — of invading Egypt, had not diverted his attention, Greece would presently be flaming with war; for not even the Aetolians would remain quiet, a people both naturally restless and ill-disposed towards the Romans.

[8] There was, they said, another great evil in Greece, clinging to its³ vitals, Nabis, now tyrant of the Lacedaemonians, but soon, if it were permitted, to be tyrant of all Greece, the equal in greed and cruelty of all the tyrants known to fame;

[9] if he were allowed to hold Argos, which dominates Peloponnesus almost like a citadel, when the Roman armies were withdrawn to Italy, the liberation of Greece from Philip would prove to have been in vain, and in place of a king who was at least far distant, if nothing else could be said for him, they would have as master a tyrant close at hand.

Ab urbe condita. Titus Livius (Livy). Benjamin Oliver Foster, Ph.D. (Editor), Frank Gardener Moore (Editor), Evan T. Sage, Ph.D. (Editor), Alfred C. Schlesinger, Ph.D. (Editor). Medford, MA. .

Sponsored by Perseus Project, Tufts University.

Funding provided by The National Endowment for the Humanities.

Current edition Perseus

History of Rome (English) (Foster, Benjamin Oliver; Moore, Frank Gardener; Sage, Evan T.; Schlesinger, Alfred C., translators. Cambridge, Mass.; London: Harvard University Press; William Heinemann, Ltd., 1919-1959. (Loeb Classical Library))

Editions (3)

Ab urbe condita Perseus (Pars I-IV, Libri I-XL. Editio Stereotypica. Weissenborn, Wilhelm; Mueller, Moritz, editors. Leipzig: Teubner, 1884-1911.) — 33.44 focus

[1] provinciis ita distributis consules, priusquam ab urbe proficiscerentur, ver sacrum ex decreto pontificum iussi facere,

[2] quod A. Cornelius Mammula praetor voverat de senatus sententia populique iussu Cn. Servilio C. Flaminio consulibus. annis post uno et viginti factum est quam votum.

[3] per eosdem dies C. Claudius Appi filius Pulcher augur in Q. Fabi Maximi locum, qui priore anno mortuus erat, lectus inauguratusque est.

[4] mirantibus iam vulgo hominibus, quod Hispania movisset bellum neglegi, litterae a Q. Minucio adlatae sunt se ad Turdam oppidum cum Budare et Baesadine, imperatoribus Hispanis, signis conlatis prospere pugnasse; duodecim milia hostium caesa, Budarem imperatorem captum, ceteros fusos fugatosque.

[5] his litteris lectis minus terroris ab Hispanis erat, unde ingens bellum expectatum fuerat; omnes curae, utique post adventum decem legatorum, in Antiochum regem conversae.

[6] hi expositis prius, quae cum Philippo acta essent et quibus legibus data pax, non minorem belli molem instare ab Antiocho docuerunt:

[7] ingenti classe, egregio terrestri exercitu in Europam eum traiecisse et, nisi avertisset vana spes, ex vaniore rumore orta, Aegypti invadendae, mox bello Graeciam arsuram fuisse; neque enim ne Aetolos quidem quieturos, cum ingenio inquietam tum iratam Romanis gentem.

[8] haerere et aliud in visceribus Graeciae ingens malum,

[9] Nabim, nunc Lacedaemoniorum, mox, si liceat, universae Graeciae futurum tyrannum, avaritia et crudelitate omnis fama celebratos tyrannos aequantem; cui si Argos velut arcem Peloponneso inpositam tenere liceat, deportatis in Italiam Romanis exercitibus nequiquam liberatam a Philippo Graeciam fore, pro rege, si nihil aliud, longinquo vicinum tyrannum dominum habituram.

Ab urbe condita Perseus (Livy in Fourteen Volumes. Foster, Benjamin Oliver; Moore, Frank Gardener; Schlesinger, Alfred C., editors. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press; London: William Heinemann, Ltd., 1919-1959 (printing).) — 30.44 focus

[1]

annis ante quadraginta pax cum Carthaginiensibus postremo facta erat, Q. Lutatio, A. Manlio consulibus.

[2] bellum initum annis post tribus et viginti, P. Cornelio, Ti. Sempronio consulibus, finitum est septimo decimo anno, Cn. Cornelio, P. Aelio consulibus. ¹

[3] saepe postea ferunt Scipionem dixisse Ti. Claudi primum cupiditatem, deinde Cn. Corneli fuisse in mora, quo minus id bellum exitio Carthaginis finiret. ²

[4] Carthagini³ cum prima conlatio pecuniae diutino ⁴ bello exhaustis difficilis videretur, maestitiaque et fletus in curia esset, ridentem Hannibalem ferunt conspectum.

[5] cuius cum Hasdrubal Haedus risum increparet in publico fletu, cum ipse lacrimarum causa esset,

[6]

si , quem ad modum oris habitus cernitur oculis,

inquit,

sic et animus intus cerni posset, ⁵ facile vobis appareret non laeti, sed prope amentis malis cordis hunc quem increpatis risum esse; qui tamen nequaquam adeo est intempestivus quam vestrae istae absurdae atque abhorrentes lacrimae sunt.

[7]

tunc flesse decuit cum adempta sunt nobis arma, incensae naves, interdictum externis bellis; illo enim volnere concidimus. nec est cur ⁶ vos otio ⁷ vestro consultum ab Romanis credatis.

[8]

nulla magna civitas diu ⁸ quiescere potest; si foris hostem hosted non habet, domi invenit, ut praevalida corpora ab externis causis tuta videntur, sed ⁹ suis ipsa viribus onerantur.

[9]

tantum nimirum ex publicis malis sentimus quantum ad privatas res pertinet, nec in iis quicquam acrius quam pecuniae damnum stimulat.

[10]

itaque cum spolia victae Carthagini detrahebantur, cum inermem iam ac nudam destitui inter tot armatas gentes Africae cerneretis, ¹⁰ nemo ingemuit;

[11]

nunc, quia tributum ex privato conferendum est, tamquam ¹¹ in publico funere comploratis. quam vereor ne propediem sentiatis levissimo in malo vos hodie lacrimasse.

haec Hannibal apud Carthaginienses.

[12] Scipio contione advocata Masinissam ad regnum paternum Cirta oppido et ceteris urbibus agrisque quae ex regno Syphacis in populi Romani potestatem venissent adiectis donavit.

[13] Cn . Octavium classem in Siciliam ductam Cn. Cornelio consuli tradere iussit, legatos Carthaginiensium Romam proficisci, ut quae ab se ex decem legatorum sententia acta essent, ea patrum auctoritate populique iussu confirmarentur.

Ab urbe condita libri, erklärt von M. Weissenborn Perseus (Weissenborn, W.; Müller, H. J., editors. Berlin: Weidmannsche Buchhandlung, 1873-1883.) — 33.44 focus

[1]

provinciis ita distributis consules, priusquam ab urbe proficiscerentur, ver sacrum ex decreto pontificum iussi facere,

[2] quod A. Cornelius Mammula praetor voverat de senatus sententia ¹ populique iussu Cn. Servilio C. Flaminio consulibus. annis post uno et viginti factum est quam votum.

[3] per eosdem dies C. Claudius Appi filius Pulcher augur in Q. Fabi Maximi locum, qui priore anno mortuus erat, lectus inauguratusque est.

[5] his litteris lectis minus terroris ab Hispanis erat, unde ingens bellum expectatum fuerat; omnes curae, utique post adventum decem legatorum, in Antiochum regem conversae.

[6] hi expositis prius, quae cum Philippo acta essent et quibus legibus data pax, non minorem belli molem instare ab Antiocho docuerunt:

[8] haerere et aliud in visceribus Graeciae ingens malum, Nabim, nunc Lacedaemoniorum, mox, si liceat, universae Graeciae futurum tyrannum, avaritia et crudelitate omnis fama celebratos tyrannos aequantem;

[9] cui si Argos velut arcem Peloponneso inpositam tenere liceat, deportatis in Italiam Romanis exercitibus nequiquam liberatam a Philippo Graeciam fore, pro rege, si nihil aliud, longinquo vicinum tyrannum dominum habituram.

Translations (2)

History of Rome Perseus (Spillan, D.; Edmonds, Cyrus; McDevitte, William A., translators. London: Henry G. Bohn, 1849-1868. (Bohn's Classical Library)) — 33.44 focus

[1]

The provinces being thus distributed, the consuls, before their departure from the city, were ordered, in accordance with a decree of the pontiffs, to proclaim a

[2] sacred spring, which Aulus Cornelius Mammula, praetor, had vowed in pursuance of a vote of the senate, and an order of the people, in the consulate of Cneius Servilius and Caius Flaminius. It was celebrated twenty-one years after the vow had been made.

[3] About the same time, Caius Claudius Pulcher, son of Appius, was chosen and inaugurated into the office of augur, in the room of Quintus Fabius Maximus, who died the year before.

[4] While people, in general, wondered that, though Spain had arisen in arms, they were neglecting the war, a letter was brought from Quintus Minucius, announcing that he had fought a pitched battle with the Spanish generals, Budar and Besasis, near the town of Tura, and had gained the victory: that twelve thousand of the enemy were slain; their general, Budar, taken; and the rest routed and dispersed." After the reading of this letter less alarm prevailed with respect to Spain, where a very formidable war had been apprehended.

[5] The whole anxiety of the public was directed towards king Antiochus, especially after the arrival of the ten ambassadors.

[6] These, after relating the proceedings with Philip, and the conditions on which peace had been granted him, gave information, that

there still subsisted a war of no less magnitude to be waged with Antiochus; that he had come over into Europe with a very numerous fleet and a powerful army; that, had not a delusive prospect of an opportunity of invading Egypt, raised by a more delusive rumour, diverted him to another quarter, all Greece would have quickly been involved in the flames of war.

[7]

Nor would even the Aetolians remain quiet, a race as well restless by nature as full of anger against the Romans.

[8]

That, besides, there was another evil, of a most dangerous nature, lurking in the bowels of Greece: Nabis, tyrant at present of Lacedaemon, but who would soon, if suffered, become tyrant of all Greece, equalling in avarice and cruelty all the tyrants most remarkable in history.

[9]

For, if he were allowed to keep possession of Argos, which served as a citadel commanding the Peloponnesus, when the Roman armies should be brought home to Italy, Greece would have been in vain delivered out of bondage to Philip; because, instead of that king, who, supposing no other difference, resided at a distance, she would have for a master, a tyrant, close to her side.

History of Rome Perseus (Volumes 1-2. Roberts, Canon, Rev, translator. London, New York: J. M. Dent and Sons; E. P. Dutton and Co., 1912.) — 33.44 focus

[1]

Such was the distribution of the provinces. Before the consuls left the City they were required, in accordance with a decree of the pontiffs, to proclaim a Sacred Spring.

[2] This was in fulfilment of a vow made by the praetor A. Cornelius Mammula at the desire of the senate and by order of the people twenty-one years previously in the consulship of Cn. Servilius and C. Flaminius.

[3] C. Claudius Pulcher, the son of Appius, was at the same time appointed augur in place of Q. Fabius Maximus, who had died the year before.

[4] Whilst general surprise was felt that nothing was being done about the war which had broken out in Spain, a despatch arrived from Q. Minucius announcing that he had successfully engaged the Spanish generals Budar and Baesadines, and that the enemy had lost 12,000 men, Budar being made prisoner and the rest routed and put to flight. When the despatch was read less apprehension was felt about the two Spains, where a very serious war had been anticipated.

[5] The general anxiety now centered on Antiochus, especially after the return of the ten commissioners. After giving their report on the negotiations with Philip and the terms on which peace had been made with him, they made it evident that a war on at least as great a scale with Antiochus was imminent.

[6] He had, so they informed the senate, landed in Europe with an enormous fleet and a splendid army, and if his attention had not been diverted by a groundless hope based upon a still more groundless rumour, to the invasion of Egypt, Greece would very soon have been in the blaze of war.

[7] Even the Aetolians, a nation naturally restless and now intensely embittered against the Romans, would no longer remain quiet.

[8] And there was another most formidable mischief with its roots in the very vitals of Greece-Nabis, who was for the time being tyrant of Lacedaemon, but who if he were allowed would soon become tyrant of the whole of Greece, a man who in greed and brutality rivalled the most notorious tyrants in history.

[9] If, after the Roman armies had been carried back to Italy, he were allowed to hold Argos as a stronghold threatening the whole of the Peloponnese, the deliverance of Greece from Philip would have been effected in vain; in any case instead of a distant monarch as their lord they would have a tyrant at their doors.

Notes on the current edition

Ab Urbe Condita With An English Translation, books 1-10, 21-45, with periochae 11-20

1. B.C. 195

2. This vow taken in 217 B.C. and its text are found in XXII. ix. 10-x. 6 (the name of the praetor given there is M. Aemilius, instead of A. Cornelius Mammula. Such confusions are too frequent in Livy or in the MSS.). A briefer description of the ver sacrum is given also in XXXIV. xliv. 3 below, where reference is made to the repetition of the celebration because of flaws in the performance of 195 B.C. The essence of the rite is the dedication to the gods of all animals born within a designated period in the

spring.

3. B.C. 195

Titus Livius (Livy) Ab urbe condita 33.44

Benjamin Oliver Foster, Ph.D. (Editor), Frank Gardener Moore (Editor), Evan T. Sage, Ph.D. (Editor), Alfred C. Schlesinger, Ph.D. (Editor)

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