Titus Livius (Livy), Ab urbe condita, Benjamin Oliver Foster, Ph.D. (Editor), Frank Gardener Moore (Editor), Evan T. Sage, Ph.D. (Editor), Alfred C. Schlesinger, Ph.D. (Editor), 28.8

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[2] ¹he heard that Machanidas, alarmed by the report of his coming, had fled back to Sparta. Thereupon the king went to Aegium for the council of the Achaeans, at the same time thinking that there he would find the Carthaginian fleet which he had summoned that he might be able to accomplish something by sea as well.

A few days earlier the Carthaginians had crossed over to the Oxēae, ²and then had made for the Acarnanian ports, on hearing that Attalus and the Romans had set sail from Oreum. They were afraid they might be pursued and overpowered inside of Rhium, ³the narrows, that is, of the Gulf of Corinth.

[3] VIII. Philip was sorry indeed and vexed that, although he had himself made rapid marches in every direction, nevertheless he had not met a single situation at the right moment, and that fortune had mocked his speed by whisking everything out of his sight.

[4] In the council, however, concealing his vexation, he made a proud speech, calling gods and men to witness that at no place or time had he failed to ⁴hasten with all possible speed to any place where the din of enemies' arms had been heard.

[5] But it could scarcely be made out, he said, whether his audacity in carrying on the war was the greater, or his enemies' eagerness to run away. So from Opus Attalus had slipped out of his hands, so had Sulpicius from Chalcis, so in those very days had Machanidas.

[6] But not always was flight successful, nor must that be accounted a difficult war in which you are the victor if you have merely made contact with the enemy. What was of most significance, he said, he had the confession of his enemies that they were by no means his equals.

[7] Soon he would likewise have no uncertain victory, and they would fight against him with a result no better than they had hoped.

[8] The allies rejoiced when they listened to the king. Thereupon he delivered Heraea and Triphylia ⁵to the Achaeans, but restored Aliphēra ⁶to Megalopolis, because the citizens of the latter gave sufficient proofs that it had belonged to their territory.

[9] Then on receiving ships-they were three quadriremes and as many biremes-from the Achaeans, he sailed over to Anticyra. ⁷From there he set sail with seven quinqueremes and more than twenty light vessels previously sent by him into the Gulf of Corinth to be added to the Carthaginian fleet, and made a landing at Erythrae, ⁸in Aetolia and near Eupalium.

[10] He did ⁹not surprise the Aetolians, for all the men who were either on the farms or in the nearest strongholds, Potidania ¹⁰and Apollonia, fled into the forests and the mountains. Sheep and goats which in their haste could not be driven away were seized and loaded on the ships.

[11] With these and the rest of the booty Nicias, chief magistrate of the Achaeans, was sent to Aegium; and when the king had reached Corinth, he ordered his land forces to march from there overland across Boeotia.

[12] He himself sailing from Cenchreae along the coast of Attica round Sunium, almost through the midst of enemy fleets, came to Chalcis. Then, after praising their loyalty and courage, in that neither fear nor hope had swayed their spirit, and encouraging them to remain his allies with the same steadfastness for the future, if they preferred their own lot to that of the men of Oreum and Opus, he sailed from Chalcis to Oreum.

[13] Then entrusting the government and defence of the city to leading citizens who had preferred to flee after the capture of the city rather than to surrender to the Romans, he himself crossed over from Euboea to Demetrias, from which he had first set out to bring aid to his allies.

[14] At Cassandrīa ¹¹he then laid down the keels of a hundred war-ships and brought together a great number of ship-carpenters to complete the task. Having done so, inasmuch as peaceful conditions had been produced in Greece both by the departure of Attalus and by the timely aid which he had himself borne to his distressed allies, he withdrew ¹²into his own kingdom in order to wage war against the Dardanians. ¹³

Ab urbe condita. Titus Livius (Livy). Benjamin Oliver Foster, Ph.D. (Editor), Frank Gardener Moore (Editor), Evan T. Sage, Ph.D. (Editor), Alfred C. Schlesinger, Ph.D. (Editor). Medford, MA. .

Sponsored by Perseus Project, Tufts University.

Funding provided by The National Endowment for the Humanities.

Current edition Perseus

History of Rome (English) (Foster, Benjamin Oliver; Moore, Frank Gardener; Sage, Evan T.; Schlesinger, Alfred C., translators. Cambridge, Mass.; London: Harvard University Press; William Heinemann, Ltd., 1919-1959. (Loeb Classical Library))

Editions (3)

Ab urbe condita Perseus (Pars I-IV, Libri I-XL. Editio Stereotypica. Weissenborn, Wilhelm; Mueller, Moritz, editors. Leipzig: Teubner, 1884-1911.) — 28.8 focus

[1] Philippus maerebat quidem et angebatur, cum ad omnia ipse raptim isset, nulli tamen se rei in tempore occurrisse, et rapientem omnia ex oculis elusisse celeritatem suam fortunam.

[2] in concilio autem dissimulans aegritudinem elato animo disseruit, testatus deos hominesque se nulli loco nec tempori defuisse, quin, ubi hostium arma concrepuissent, eo quanta maxima posset celeritate tenderet;

[3] sed vix rationem iniri posse, utrum a se audacius an fugacius ab hostibus geratur bellum: sic ab Opunte Attalum, sic Sulpicium a Chalcide si ei ipsi diebu Machanida e manibu sui elapsum

[4] no sempe felice ess fugam ne pr difficil i bellu habendum i qu s mod congressu cu hostibu sis viceris

[5] primu esset confessione s hostiu haber nequaqua pare ess sibi brev e victoria bau baud hauddubia habiturum ne melior event eo secu qua sp pugnaturos

[6] rege soci audierunt reddidi ind Achaei Heraea e Triphyliam Aliphera aute Megalopolitis quo suoru fuiss finiu sati probabant restituit

[7] navibu accepti a Achaei — eran aute tre quadrireme e bireme totide — Anticyra traiecit

[8] quinqueremibu septe e lembi vigint amplius quo u adiungere Carthaginiensiu classi misera i Corinthiu sinum profectu a Erythra Aetolorum qua prop Eupaliu sunt escensione fecit

[9] baud haudfefelli Aetolos na hominu quo au i agri au i propinqui castelli Potidania atqu Apollonia fuit i silva montesqu refugit

[10] a qua inte festinatione abig nequierant sun dirept e i nave conpulsa

[11] ceteraqu praed Nici praetor Achaeoru Aegiu misso cu Corinthu petisset pedestri ind copia pe Boeotia terr duc iussit ips a Cenchrei praete terra Attica supe Suniu navigan inte media prop hostiu classe Chalcide pervenitinde conlaudata fide ac virtute,

[12] quod neque timor nec spes flexisset eorum animos, hortatusque, in posterum ut eadem constantia permanerent in societate, si suam quam Oritanorum atque Opuntiorum fortunam mallent, ab Chalcide Oreum navigat principumque iis,

[13] qui fugere capta urbe quam se Romanis tradere maluerant, summa rerum et custodia urbis permissa, ipse Demetriadem ab Euboea, unde primum ad opem ferendam sociis profectus erat, traiecit.

[14] Cassandreae deinde centum navium longarum carinis positis contractaque ad effectum eius operis multitudine fabrorum navalium, qui re i Graeci tranquilla e profecti Attal fecera e i tempor laborantibu socii latu a s auxilium retr i regnu concessit u Dardani bellu inferret

Ab urbe condita Perseus (Conway, Robert Seymour; Walters, Charles Flamstead; Johnson, Stephen Keymer, editors. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1914-1935. (Oxford Classical Texts)) — 28.8 focus

[1]

Philippu maereba quide e angebatu cu a omni ips rapti isse null tame s re i tempor occurrisse e rapiente omni e oculi elusiss celeritate sua fortunam in

[2] n concil o aut m dissimula s aegritudin m ela o ani o disserui , testat s de s hominesq e e nul o lo o n c tempo e defuis e qu n u i hosti m ar a concrepuisse t o quan a maxi a poss t celerita e tendere :

[3] ed ix ratio em in ri po se ut u a se audac us an fugac us ab hosti us gera ur bell m. ic ab Opu te Attal m, ic Sulpic um ab Chalci e, ic is ip is die us Machani a e mani us s is elaps m.

[4] sed non se per fel cem sse f gam nec pro diffi il id be lum habe du in, uo si odo congre sus cum h ste, is, uice is.

[5] quod p imume set, confess on m se ho tium h bere nequ quam ares esse: ibi: re i et uict riam haud d biam habit rum nec me iore e ent eos ecum qua spe pugnat ros. aeti egem ocii audie unt. re

[6] didi inde A haeis H ra am et Triph liam, Ali heram autem Megalop liti quod uorum uisse inium satis pro abant rest tuit inde

[7] auibus a ce tis abAchaei —eran aut m tres quad ir mes et iremestotidem—An icyram tr ieci . inde quinqu

[8] remibu s ptem e lembis uiginti, mpli s, quos ut ad ungeret Carthagi iensiu classi mi erat in Co inthiu sinum, p of ctus ad ruthras Ae olor m, qu e prope upali m sunt, esc nsione fec t. haud

[9] fefellit Aet los; na hom num qu d aut in gr s aut in p opinquis astellis P tidan ae atque A ollo ia fuit n siluas ontesque refugi : p

[10] cora uae inter fes inati nem abigi equi rant su t ir pta e in naues com uls . cumiis cetera ue pr eda Nici praetore Achaeo um Ae ium misso cum Corinthum petisset, pede tres i de opias pe Boeo iam erra du i iu si : ipse a

[11] Cenchr is pra ter ter am At icam s per Suni m nau gans i ter m dias pr pe hosti m classes Chalcide

[12] ind conlaudat fid a uirtut quo nequ timo ne spe flexisse eoru animos hortatusqu i posteru u eade constanti permaneren i societat s sua qua Oritanoru atqu Opuntioru fortuna mallent ab

[13] b Chalci e Ore m nauiga , principumq e i s q i fuge e cap a ur e qu m e Roman s trade e maluera t sum a rer m t custod a urb s permis a ip e Demetriad m b Euboe , un e prim m d op m ferend m soci s profect s era , traieci . Cassandr

[14] ae dei de cen um nau um longa um cari is posi is contracta ue ad effec um e us ope is multitud ne fabro um nauali m, q ia es in Grae ia tranquil as et profec io Att li fece at et in temp re laboranti us soc is la um ab se auxili m, re ro in reg um conces it ut Darda is bel um inferr

Ab urbe condita Perseus (Livy in Fourteen Volumes. Foster, Benjamin Oliver; Moore, Frank Gardener; Schlesinger, Alfred C., editors. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press; London: William Heinemann, Ltd., 1919-1959 (printing).) — 28.8 focus

[1]

Philippus maerebat quidem et angebatur, cum ad omnia ipse raptim isset, nulli tamen se rei in tempore occurrisse, et rapientem omnia ex oculis elusisse celeritatem suam fortunam.

[2] In concilio autem dissimulans aegritudinem elato animo disseruit, testatu deo hominesqu s null loc ne tempor defuis ¹²e qui , u i hosti m ar a concrepuissen , o quan a maxi a poss t celerita e tendere ;

[3] ed ix rati ³nem i iri p sse u r m se auda iu an fuga iu ab host bus ger tur bel um. Si ab Op nte Atta um, sic Sulpi iu ab Chalc de, sic eis i sis di bus Machan d m e man bus uis elap um.

[4] Sed non se per fel cem sse fu am, nec pro diffi il id be lum habe du in, uo si odo congre sus cum host bus, ⁴sis, vic ris.

[5] quod p imume set, confess on m se ho tium h bere nequ quam ares esse s bi ; ⁵br vi et vic oria haud ubiam habi uru , nec m liore ven u eos secu qu m spe pugna uros.

[6] laeti regem socii audi runt. re didi inde A haeis H ra am et Triph liam, Ali heram autem Megalopo itis quod uorum uisse inium satis prob bant, rest tuit inde n

[7] indevibus ac ep is ab Achaeis erant aute tres quadr re es et b remes totidem—Ant cyram tra ecit inde quinquer

[8] indemibus ep em et embis v ginti am lius, qu s, ut adiu geret Carthagini nsiumc assi, m se at in Cori thium, inum, pr fe tus ad E uthras Aet loru , qua prope E paliu sunt, esc ⁶nsione fec t. haud

[9] haudefellit; eto os; nam homi um uo aut n a ri aut in pr pinquis c stellis Po idani e atque Ap llon ae fuit i silvas m ntesque; efugit;

[10] pec ra, q ae inter fest natio em abigi ne uier nt, sun d re ta et in naves. onp lsa cum i cumis eteraq e pra da Nicia praetore chaeor m Aegi m m sso, cum orinthum, etisset, edes ris in e c pias per Boeot am t rra duc ius it ipse ab

[11] ipseenchrei praet r terra Atti am su ⁷er Suniu navi ans in er me ias pro e hosti m classes Chalcidem

[12] inde conlaudata fide ac virtute, quod neque timor nec spes flexisset eorum animos, hortatusque in posterum ut eadem constantia permanerent in societate, si suam quam Oritanorum atque ⁸Opuntioru fortuna mallent ab

[13] b Chalci e Ore m naviga , principumq e i s q i fuge e cap a ur e qu m e Roman s trade e maluera t sum a rer m t custod a urb s permiss , ip e Demetriad m b Euboe , un e prim m ⁹ad o em feren am soc is profec us er t, traiec t. cassandr

[14] ae dei de cen um nav um longa um cari is posi is contracta ue ad effec um e us ope is multitud ne fabro um navali m, q ia es in Grae ia tranquil as et profec io Att li fece at et in temp re laboranti us soc is la um ab s 2 2 auxil um, r tr in re num conces it ut Dard nis b ¹⁰llum infe

Translations (2)

History of Rome Perseus (Spillan, D.; Edmonds, Cyrus; McDevitte, William A., translators. London: Henry G. Bohn, 1849-1868. (Bohn's Classical Library)) — 28.8 focus

[1]

Philip was grieved and vexed when he reflected, that though he proceeded with the utmost speed on all occasions, yet he had not come up in time to accomplish any one object, and that fortune had frustrated his activity by snatching away every advantage from before his eyes.

[2] In the assembly, however, concealing his chagrin, he discoursed with elated spirits, calling gods and men to witness, that

he had never been wanting at any time or place, so as not to repair instantly wherever the enemy's arms resounded, but that it was difficult to calculate whether the war was carried on more boldly by him or more pusillanimously by the enemy.

[3]

Such was the manner in which Attalus had slipped out of his hands from Opus; Sulpicius from Chalcis; and so, within these few days, Machanidas.

[4]

That flight, however, was not always successful; and that that should not be esteemed a difficult war in which victory would be certain if the enemy could be brought to a regular engagement.

[5]

He had already obtained one very great advantage, which was a confession on the part of the enemy themselves, that they were not a match for him; and in a short time,

he said,

he would be in possession of undoubted victory;

[6]

for that he would engage with him with a result no better than their expectations.

The allies listened to the king with great satisfaction.

[7] He then gave up to the Achaeans Heraera and Triphylia. Aliphera he restored to the Megalopolitans, they having brought satisfactory proof that it belonged to their territories.

[8] Then having received some ships from the Achaeans, three quadriremes and three biremes, he sailed to Anticyra, whence with seven quinqueremes and more than twenty barks, which he had sent to the bay of Corinth

[9] to join the Carthaginian fleet, he proceeded to Erythrae, a town of the Aetolians near Eupalium, where he made a descent.

[10] He was not unobserved by the Aetolians; for all who were either in the fields or in the neighbouring forts of Potidania and Apollonia, fled to the woods and mountains. The cattle which they could not drive off in their haste they seized and put on board.

[11] He sent Nicias, praetor of the Achaeans, to Aegium with these and the other boot; and then going to Corinth, ordered his army to march by land through Bœotia, while he himself, sailing from Cenchrea along the coast of Attica, round the promontory of Sunium, reached Chalcis, having passed almost through the midst of the enemy's fleet.

[12] After commending in the highest terms their fidelity and bravery, as neither fear nor hope had influenced their minds, and after exhorting them to show the same fidelity in maintaining the alliance, he sailed to Oreum;

[13] and having placed such of the chief inhabitants as chose to fly, rather than surrender to the Romans, in the command of the city and the direction of affairs, he sailed over from Eubœa to Demetrias, from which place he at first set out to succour his allies.

[14] After this, having laid the keels of one hundred ships of war at Cassandria, and collected a large number of ship carpenters for the completion of that business, and as both the departure of Attalus and the seasonable assistance he had brought to his allies had tranquillized affairs in Greece, he retired into his own dominions, in order to make war upon the Dardanians.

History of Rome Perseus (Volumes 1-2. Roberts, Canon, Rev, translator. London, New York: J. M. Dent and Sons; E. P. Dutton and Co., 1912.) — 28.8 focus

[1]

Philip was extremely disappointed and vexed at finding that in spite of his rapid movements he was always

[2] too late to do anything, and that Fortune mocked his energy and activity by snatching away every opportunity from before his eyes.

[3] However, he concealed his disappointment in the presence of the council, and spoke in a very confident tone. Appealing to gods and men he declared that at no time or place

[4] had he ever failed to go with all possible speed wherever the clash of hostile arms was heard. It would be difficult, he continued, to estimate whether the enemy's anxiety to flee or his own eagerness to fight played the greater part in the war.

[5] In this way Attalus got away from Opus, and Sulpicius from Chalcis, and now Machanidas had slipped out of his hands. But flight did not always mean victory, and it was impossible to regard as serious a war in which when once you have come into touch with the enemy, you have conquered.

[6] The most important thing was the enemy's own admission that they were no match for him, and in a short

[7] time he would win a decisive victory, the enemy would find the result of the battle no better than they had anticipated.

[8] His allies were delighted with his speech. He then made over Heraea and Triphylia to the Achaeans, and on their bringing forward satisfactory evidence that Aliphera in Megalopolis had formed part of their territory, he restored that place also to them.

[9] Subsequently with some vessels furnished by the Achaeans-three quadriremes and as many biremes-he sailed to Anticyra.

[10] He had previously sent into the Gulf of Corinth seven quinqueremes and more than twenty light vessels, intending to strengthen the Carthaginian fleet, and with these he proceeded to Eruthrae in Aetolia near Eupalium, where he disembarked.

[11] The Aetolians were aware of his landing, for all the men who were in the fields or in the neighbouring forts of Potidania or Apollonia fled to the woods and the mountains; their flocks and herds which they were unable in their haste to drive away Philip secured and placed on board.

[12] The whole of the plunder was despatched in charge of Nicias the praetor of the Achaeans to Aegium; Philip, sending his army overland through Boeotia, went himself to Corinth, and from there to Cenchreae.

[13] Here he re-embarked, and sailing past the coast of Attica, round the headland of Sunium and almost through the hostile fleets, arrived at Chalcis.

[14] In his address to the citizens he spoke in the highest terms of their loyalty and courage in refusing to be moved by either threats or promises, and

[15] he urged them, in case they were attacked, to show the same determination to be true to their ally if they thought their own position preferable to that of Opus or Oreus.

[16] From Chalcis he sailed to Oreus, where he entrusted the administration and defence of the city to those magnates who had fled on the capture of the place rather than betray it to the Romans.

[17] Then he returned to Demetrias, the place from which he had started to render assistance to his allies.

[18] He now proceeded to lay down the keels of 100 war-ships at Cassandrea, and a large number of shipwrights were assembled for their construction.

[19] As matters were now quiet in Greece, owing to the departure of Attalus and the effective assistance which Philip had given to his allies in their difficulties, he returned to Macedonia to commence operations against the Maedi.

Notes on the current edition

Ab Urbe Condita With An English Translation, books 1-10, 21-45, with periochae 11-20

1. 1 xxvi.

2. The Oxēae were small western islands off the mouth of the Achelōus and opposite Cephallenia. They formed the southernmost group of the Echinades archipelago. Cf. Strabo VIII. iii. 26 fin.; X. ii. 19.

3. Properly the Headland on the south side of the strait, and its counterpart, Antirrhium, on the Aetolian side, marking the entrance to the Gulf of Corinth; Thuc. II. 86; Strabo VIII. ii. 3; Pausanias VII. xxii. 10 (Frazer). Also at times of the strait itself; so Livy here and in XXVII. xxix. 9.

4. B.C. 207

5. Not actually given back to Achaia until 198 B.C. ; XXXII. v. 4. Cf. Strabo VIII. iii. 3. For Heraea cf. p. 30, n. 2. Triphylia lay south of the Alphēus, and reached the sea on the west.

6. In Arcadia, near the border of Triphylia; XXXII. l.c.; Pausanias VIII. xxvi. 5-7.

7. The Locrian Anticyra, near the entrance to the Gulf; cf. Vol. VII. p. 100, n.

8. A seaport of the Ozolian Locrians, on the north shore of the Gulf, but at this time belonging to the Aetolians. Inland and to the north lay Eupalium.

9. B.C. 207

10. Mentioned by Thucydides III. 96; along the upper course of the Daphnus river, north-west of Anticyra and Erythrae. Not far away was a similar stronghold, Apollonia, not to be confused with any of the better-known Apollonias.

11. On the Chalcidic Peninsula; formerly called Potidaea, but rebuilt by Cassander (founder of Thessalonica also) in 316 B.C. Cf. XLIV. xi. 2.

12. B.C. 207

13. For their threatened invasion cf. XXVII. xxxii. 9; xxxiii. 1.

Titus Livius (Livy) Ab urbe condita 28.8

Benjamin Oliver Foster, Ph.D. (Editor), Frank Gardener Moore (Editor), Evan T. Sage, Ph.D. (Editor), Alfred C. Schlesinger, Ph.D. (Editor)

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