Sir Richard C. Jebb The Attic Orators from Antiphon to Isaeos 1.3.5

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The Attic Orators from Antiphon to Isaeos. Sir Richard C. Jebb. London. 1876.

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Current edition Perseus

The Attic Orators from Antiphon to Isaeos (English) (The Attic Orators from Antiphon to Isaeos. Jebb, Richard Claverhouse, author. London: Macmillan, 1876.)

Notes on the current edition

The Attic Orators from Antiphon to Isaeos

1. § 58.
2. § 78.
3. Compare § 28 with § 23.
4. See § 61; and also § 62, ἀπεστέρει μὲν ἐμὲ τῆς πατρίδος, ἀπεστέρει δὲ αὑτὸν ἱερῶν, which implies, as Blass points out, that Lesbos was not the πατρίς of Lykînos, as it was of the defendant.
5. Mode of legal procedure.
6. ἔνδειξις κακουργίας: cf. § 9 κακοῦργος ἐνδεδειγμένος. When the accused arrived in Athens, he was, on the strength of the ἔνδειξις, arrested by the Eleven: § 85 ἀπήχθην. Hence in § 9 he speaks of ταύτην τὴν ἀπαγωγήν. The terms ἔνδειξις κακουργίας and ἀπαγωγὴ κακουργιας do not denote two different processes, but two parts of the same process. Ἔνδειξις was the laying of information against a person not yet apprehended: ἀπαγωγή was the act of apprehending him.
7. The two murderers of Phrynichos in 411 were ‘seized and put in prison’ by his friends ( ληφθέντων καὶ ἐς τὸ δεσμωτήριον ἀποτεθέντων), —that is, were proceeded against by ἀπαγωγή: Lykurgos in Leokr. § 12. The procedure in the case of Agoratos (391 B.C.), again, was by an ἔνδειξις, not by a γραφὴ φόνου, and there was an ἀπαγωγή of the accused (Lys. in Agorat. § 85). Strictly speaking the ἔνδειξις and ἀπαγωγή were applicable only to those cases in which the accused was taken ἐπ’ αὐτοφώρῳ: that is, in which no further proof of his guilt was required. Thus Pollux defines ἔνδειξις as ὁμολογουμένου ἀδικήματος μήνυσις, οὐ κρίσεως ἀλλὰ τιμωρίας δεομένου. Agoratos appears to have raised this very point: Lys. in Agor. § 85. But, since the procedure of the Areiopagos was so highly favourable to the accused, a prosecutor would generally prefer the procedure by ἔνδειξις if there was any decent pretence for it. And the condition of manifest guilt does not seem to have been rigorously insisted upon by the authorities. There was, probably, a feeling that the forms of the Areiopagos would be in a manner profaned by application to criminals of the vilest class.
8. De caed. Herod. § 12, δέον σε διομόσασθαι ὅρκον τὸν μέγιστον καὶ ἰσχυρότατον, ἐξώλειαν αὐτῷ καὶ γέvει καὶ οἰκίᾳ τῇ σῇ ἐπαρώμενον.
9. § 17.
10. Date of the speech.
11. § 76.
12. § 75.
13. Kirchner De temporibus orationum Antiphont. pp. 2 ff., quoted by Blass, Attisch. Bereds. p. 166.
14. §§ 67—70.
15. Analysis.
16. Remarks.
17. In § 39 it is contended that the slave cannot have represented himself as taking part in the murder, but only as helping to dispose of the corpse. In § 54, on the contrary, it is assumed that the slave represented himself as the actual murderer. Lastly, in § 68, the view taken in § 39 is not only reasserted, but is ascribed to the adversaries as their own.
18. § 26 λέγουσι δὲ ὡς ἐν μὲν τῇ γῇ ἀπέθανεν ὁ ἀνήρ, κἀγὼ λίθον ἐπέβαλον αὐτῷ εἰς τὴν κεφαλήν, ὃς οὐκ ἐξέβην τὸ παράπαν ἐκ τοῦ πλοίου.
19. § 79: ‘For all Mytileneans, the memory of their past error has been made indelible; they exchanged great prosperity for great misery; they beheld their country made desolate.’