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Antiochus and Ptolemy Appeal to Rome

WHEN the war between the kings Antiochus and Ptolemy¹ for the possession of Coele-Syria had just begun, Meleager, Sosiphanes, and Heracleides came as ambassadors from Antiochus, and Timotheos and Damon from Ptolemy. The one actually in possession of Coele-Syria and Phoenicia was Antiochus; for ever since his father’s victory over the generals of Ptolemy at Panium³ all those districts had been subject to the Syrian kings. Antiochus, accordingly, regarding the right of conquest as the strongest and most honourable of all claims, was now eager to defend these places as unquestionably belonging to himself: while Ptolemy, conceiving that the late king Antiochus had unjustly taken advantage of his father’s orphan condition to wrest the cities in Coele-Syria from him, was resolved not to acquiesce in his possession of them. Therefore Meleager and his colleagues came to Rome with instructions to protest before the Senate that Ptolemy had, in breach of all equity, attacked him first; while Timotheos and Damon came to renew their master’s friendship with the Romans, and to offer their mediation for putting an end to the war with Perseus; but, above all, to watch the communications made by Meleager’s embassy. As to putting an end to the war, by the advice of Marcus Aemilius they did not venture to speak of it; but after formally renewing the friendly relations between Ptolemy and Rome, and receiving a favourable answer, they returned to Alexandria. To Meleager and his colleagues the Senate answered that Quintus Marcius should be commissioned to write to Ptolemy on the subject, as he should think it most to the interest of Rome and his own honour. Thus was the business settled for the time. . . .

Embassy from Rhodes

About this time there came also ambassadors from the ⁴ Rhodians towards the end of summer, Agesilochus, Nicagoras, and Nicander. The objects of their mission were to renew the friendship of Rhodes and Rome; to obtain a license for importing corn from the Roman dominions; and to defend their state from certain charges that had been brought against it. For there were most violent party contests going on in Rhodes: Agathagetus, Philophron, Rhodophon, and Theaetetus resting all their hopes on the Romans, and Deinon and Polyaratus on Perseus and the Macedonians; and as these divisions gave rise to frequent debates in the course of their public business, and many contradictory expressions were used in their deliberations, plenty of opportunities were afforded to those who wished to make up stories against the state. On this occasion, however, the Senate affected to be ignorant of all this, though perfectly acquainted with what went on in the island, and granted them a license to import one hundred thousand medimini of corn from Sicily. This answer was given by the Senate to the Rhodians separately. Audience was then given collectively to all the envoys from the rest of Greece that were united in the same policy. . . .

Pressure Put On Achaia and Aetolia

Aulus being thus Proconsul, and wintering in Thessaly ⁵ with the army, sent Gaius Popilius and Gnaeus Octavius to visit certain places in Greece. They first came to Thebes, where, after speaking in complimentary terms of the Thebans, they exhorted them to maintain their good disposition towards Rome. They then went a round of the cities in the Peloponnese, and endeavoured to convince the people of the clemency and humanity of the Senate by producing the⁶ decree which I recently mentioned. ⁷ At the same time they made it clearly understood that the Senate was aware who in the several states were hanging back and trying to evade their obligations, and who were forward and zealous; and they let it be seen that they were as much displeased with those who thus hung back as with those who openly took the opposite side. This brought hesitation and doubt to the minds of the people at large, as to how to frame their words and actions so as to exactly suit the necessities of the times. ⁸ Gaius and Gnaeus were reported to have resolved, as soon as the Achaean congress was assembled, to accuse Lycortas, Archon, and Polybius, and to point out that they were opposed to the policy of Rome; and were at the present moment refraining from active measures, not because that was their genuine inclination, but because they were watching the turn of events, and waiting their opportunity. They did not, however, venture to do this, because they had no wellfounded pretext for attacking these men. Accordingly, when the council⁹ met at Aegium, after delivering a speech of mingled compliments and exhortation, they took ship for Aetolia.

Discussion of the Aetolian Congress

The Aetolian congress being summoned to meet them ¹⁰ at Thermum, they came before the assembled people, and again delivered a speech in which expressions of benevolence were mixed with exhortations. ¹¹ But the real cause of summoning the congress was to announce that the Aetolians must give hostages. On their leaving the speakers’ platform, Proandrus stood forward and desired leave to mention certain services performed by himself to the Romans, and to denounce those who accused him. ¹² Gaius thereupon rose; and, though he well knew that Proandrus was opposed to Rome, he paid him some compliments, and acknowledged the truth of everything he had said. ¹³ After this, Lyciscus stood forward, and, without accusing any one person by name, yet cast suspicion on a great many. For he said that The Romans had been quite right to arrest the ringleaders and take them to Rome (whereby he meant Eupolemus, Nicander, and the rest): but members of their party still remained in Aetolia, all of whom ought to meet with the same correction, unless they gave up their children as hostages to the Romans.¹⁴ In these words he meant to point especially to Archedamus and Pantaleon; and, accordingly, when he retired, Pantaleon stood up, and, after a brief denunciation of Lyciscus for his shameless and despicable flattery of the stronger side, turned to Thoas, conceiving him to be the man whose accusations of himself obtained the greater credit from the fact that he had never been supposed to be at enmity with him. He reminded Thoas first of the events in the time of Antiochus; and then reproached him for ingratitude to himself, because, when he had been surrendered to Rome, he obtained an unexpected release at the intercession of Nicander and himself. He ended by calling upon the Aetolians, not only to hoot Thoas down if he tried to speak, but to join with one accord in stoning him. ¹⁵ This was done; and Gaius, after administering a brief reproof to the Aetolians for stoning Thoas, departed with his colleague to Acarnania, without any more being said about hostages. Aetolia, however, was filled with mutual suspicions and violent factions.

Lycortas Advises Neutrality

In Acarnania the assembly was held at Thurium, at ¹⁶ which Aeschrion, Glaucus, and Chremes, who were all partisans of Rome, begged Gaius and Gnaeus to place a garrison in Acarnania; for they had among them certain persons who were for putting the country in the hands of Perseus and the Macedonians. The advice of Diogenes was the opposite. A garrison, he said, ought not to be put into any of their cities, for that was what was done to those who had been at war with Rome and had been beaten; whereas the Acarnanians had done no wrong, and did not deserve in any respect to have a garrison thrust upon them. Chremes and Glaucus and their partisans were slandering their political opponents, and desired to bring in a garrison which would support their selfseeking policy, in order to establish their own tyrannical power. After these speeches, Gaius and his colleague, seeing that the populace disliked the idea of having garrisons, and wishing to follow the line of policy marked out by the Senate, expressed their adherence to the view of Diogenes; and departed to join the Proconsul at Larisa, after paying some compliments to the Acarnanians. . . .

Council of the Achaeans

The Greeks made up their minds that this embassy ¹⁷ required much consideration on their part. They therefore called to council such men as were of one mind in other political questions,— Arcesilaus and Ariston of Megalopolis, Stratius of Tritaea, Xenon of Patrae and Apollonides of Sicyon. ¹⁸ But Lycortas stood firm to his original view: which was that they should send no help to either Perseus or Rome in any way, nor, on the other hand, take part against either. For he held that co-operation with either would be disadvantageous to the Greeks at large, because he foresaw the overwhelming power which the successful nation would possess; while active hostility, he thought, would be dangerous, because they had already in former times been in opposition to many of the most illustrious Romans in their state policy. ¹⁹ Apollonides and Stratius did not recommend open and avowed hostility to Rome, but thought that Those who were for plunging headlong into the contest, and wished to use the action of the nation to secure their own personal favour at Rome, ought to be put down and boldly resisted.²⁰ Archon said that They must yield to circumstances, and not give their personal enemies a handle for accusations; nor allow themselves to fall into the same misfortune as Nicander, who, before he had learnt what the power of Rome really was, had met with the gravest calamities. With this last view, Polyaenus, Arcesilaus, Ariston, and Xenon agreed. It was thereupon decided that Archon should go without delay to his duties as Strategus, and Polybius to those of Hipparch. ²¹

A Speech of Polybius

Very soon after these events, and when Archon had made ²² up his mind that the Achaeans must take active part with Rome and her allies, it happened most conveniently that Attalus made his proposal to him and found him ready to accept it. Archon at once eagerly promised his support to Attalus’s request: and when thereupon that prince’s envoys appeared at the next congress, and addressed the Achaeans about the restoration of king Eumenes’s honours, begging them to do this for the sake of Attalus, the people did not show clearly what their feeling was, but a good many rose to speak against the proposal from many various motives. Those who were originally the advisers of the honours being paid to the king were now desirous to confirm the wisdom of their own policy; while those who had private reasons for animosity against the king thought this a good opportunity for revenging themselves upon him; while others again, from spite against those who supported him, were determined that Attalus should not obtain his request. Archon, however, the Strategus, rose to support the envoys,—for it was a matter that called for an expression of opinion from the Strategus,— but after a few words he stood down, afraid of being thought to be giving his advice from interested motives and the hope of making money, because he had spent a large sum on his office. Amidst a general feeling of doubt and hesitation, Polybius rose and delivered a long speech. But that part of it which best fell in with the feelings of the populace was that in which he showed that The original decree of the Achaeans in regard to these honours enacted that such honours as were improper and contrary to law were to be abolished, but not all honours by any means. ²³ That Sosigenes and Diopeithes and their colleagues, however, who were at the time judges, and for private reasons personally hostile to Eumenes, seized the opportunity of overturning all the erections put up in honour of the king; and in doing so had gone beyond the meaning of the decree of the Achaeans, and beyond the powers entrusted to them, and, what was worst of all, beyond the demands of justice and right. For the Achaeans had not resolved upon doing away with the honours of Eumenes on the ground of having received any injury at his hands; but had taken offence at his making demands beyond what his services warranted, and had accordingly voted to remove everything that seemed excessive. As then these judges had overthrown these honours, because they had a greater regard for the gratification of their private enmity than for the honour of the Achaeans, so the Achaeans, from the conviction that duty and honour must be their highest consideration, were bound to correct the error of the judges, and the unjustifiable insult inflicted upon Eumenes: especially as, in doing so, they would not be bestowing this favour on Eumenes only, but on his brother Attalus also. The assembly having expressed their agreement with this speech, a decree was written out ordering the magistrates to restore all the honours of king Eumenes, except such as were dishonourable to the Achaean league or contrary to their law. It was thus, and at this time, that Attalus secured the reversal of the insult to his brother Eumenes in regard to the honours once given him in the Peloponnese. . . . ²⁴

Perseus Sends Pleuratus to Genthius

Perseus sent Pleuratus the Illyrian, an exile living at his court, and Adaeus of Beroea on a mission to king Genthius, with instructions to inform him of what he had achieved in his war with the Romans, Dardani, Epirotes, and Illyrians up to the present time; and to urge him to make a friendship and alliance with him in Macedonia. These envoys journeyed beyond Mount Scardus, through Illyria Deserta, as it is called,—a region a short time back depopulated by the Macedonians, in order to make an invasion of Illyria and Macedonia difficult for the Dardani. Their journey through this region was accompanied by much suffering; but they reached Scodra, and being there informed that Genthius was at Lissus, they sent a message to him. He promptly responded: and having been admitted to an interview with him, they discussed the business to which their instructions referred. ²⁶ Genthius had no wish to forfeit the friendship of Perseus; but he alleged want of means as an excuse for not complying with the request at once, and his inability to undertake a war with Rome without money. With this answer, Adaeus and his colleagues returned home. Meanwhile Perseus arrived at Stubera, and sold the booty and gave his army a rest while waiting for the return of Pleuratus and Adaeus. ²⁷ On their arrival with the answer from Genthius, he immediately sent another mission, consisting again of Adaeus, Glaucias, one of his body-guards, and the Illyrian (Pleuratus) also, because he knew the Illyrian language, with the same instructions as before: on the ground that Genthius had not stated distinctly what he wanted, and what would enable him to consent to the proposals. ²⁸ When these envoys had started the king himself removed with his army to Hyscana.²⁹ . . .

Unwise Parsimony of Perseus

The ambassador sent to Genthius returned without ³⁰ having accomplished anything more than the previous envoys, and without any fresh answer; for Genthius remained of the same mind,— willing to join with Perseus in his war, but professing to be in want of money. Perseus disregarded the hint, and sent another mission under Hippias to conclude the treaty, without taking any notice of the main point, while professing a wish to do whatever Genthius wished. It is not easy to decide whether to ascribe such conduct to mere folly, or to a spiritual delusion. For my part, I am inclined to regard it as a sheer spiritual delusion when men aim at bold enterprises, and risk their life, and yet neglect the most important point in their plans, though they see it all the time and have the power to execute it. ³¹ For I do not think it will be denied by any man of reflection that, had Perseus at that time been willing to make grants of money either to states as such, or individually to kings and statesmen, I do not say on a great scale, but even to a moderate extent, they would all—Greeks and kings alike—have yielded to the temptation. As it was, he happily did not take that course, which would have given him, if successful, an overweening supremacy; or, if unsuccessful, would have involved many others in his disaster. But he took the opposite course: which resulted in confining the numbers of the Greeks who adopted the unwise policy at this crisis to very narrow limits. . . .

[Perseus now returned from Stubera to Hyscana, and after a vain attempt upon Stratus in Aetolia, retired into Macedonia for the rest of the winter. In the early spring of B. C. 169 Q. Marcius Philippus began his advance upon Macedonia from his permanent camp in Perrhaebia. Perseus stationed Asclepiodotus and Hippias to defend two passes of the Cambunian mountains, while he himself held Dium, which commanded the coast road from Thessaly into Macedonia. Marcius however, after only a rather severe skirmish with the light-armed troops of Hippias, effected the passage of the mountains and descended upon Dium. The king was taken by surprise: he had not secured the pass of Tempe, which would have cut off the Romans from retreat; and he now hastily retired to Pydna. Q. Marcius occupied Dium, but after a short stay there retired upon Phila, to get provisions and secure the coast road. Whereupon Perseus reoccupied Dium, and contemplated staying there to the end of the summer. Q. Marcius took Heracleum, which was between Phila and Dium, and made preparations for a second advance on Dium. But the winter (B. C. 169-168) was now approaching, and he contented himself with seeing that the roads through Thessaly were put in a proper state for the conveyance of provisions. Livy, 43, 19-23 ; 44, 1-9 .]

Perseus Blames Hippias for the Failure

Having been completely worsted on the entrance of the ³² Romans into Macedonia, Perseus found fault with Hippias. But in my opinion it is easy to find fault with others and to see their mistakes, but it is the hardest thing in the world to do everything that can be done one’s self, and to be thoroughly acquainted with one’s own affairs. And Perseus was now an instance in point. . . .

Heracleum Captured by the Testudo

The capture of Heracleum was effected in a very ³³ peculiar manner. The city wall at one part and for a short distance was low. The Romans attacked with three picked maniples: and the first made a protection for their heads by locking their shields together over them so closely, that they presented the appearance of a sloping tiled roof. . . .

This manœuvre the Romans used also in mock fights. . . .

³⁴

Achaean Aid To Rome Declined

Upon Perseus designing to come into Thessaly and ³⁵ there decide the war by a general engagement, as he probably would have done, Archon and his colleagues resolved to defend themselves against the suspicions and slanders that had been thrown upon them, by taking some practical steps. They therefore brought a decree before the Achaean congress, ordering an advance into Thessaly, with the full force of the league, to co-operate energetically with the Romans. The decree being confirmed, the Achaeans also voted that Archon should superintend the collection of the army and the necessary preparations for the expedition, and should also send envoys to the Consul in Thessaly, to communicate to him the decree of the Achaeans, and to ask when and where their army was to join him. ³⁶ Polybius and others were forthwith appointed, and strictly instructed that, if the Consul approved of the army joining him, they should at once send some messengers to communicate the fact, that they might not be too late on the field; and meanwhile, that Polybius himself should see that the whole army found provisions in the various cities through which it was to pass, and that the soldiers should have no lack of any necessaries. With these instructions the envoys started. The Achaeans also appointed Telocritus to conduct an embassy to Attalus, bearing the decree concerning the restoration of the honours of Eumenes. ³⁷ And as news arrived about the same time that king Ptolemy had just celebrated his anacleteria, the usual ceremony when the kings come of age, they voted to send some ambassadors to confirm the friendly relations existing between the league and the kingdom of Egypt, and thereupon appointed Alcithus and Pasiadas for this duty.

Marcius Declines Assistance from the Achaeans

Polybius and his colleagues found the Romans moved ³⁸ from Thessaly, and encamped in Perrhaebia, between Azorium and Doliche. They therefore postponed communication with the Consul, owing to the critical nature of the occasion, but shared in the dangers of the invasion of Macedonia. ³⁹ When the Roman army at length reached the district of Heracleum, it seemed the right moment for their interview with Q. Marcius, because he considered that the most serious part of his undertaking was accomplished. The Achaean envoys therefore took the opportunity of presenting the decree to Marcius, and declaring the intention of the Achaeans, to the effect that they wished with their full force to take part in his contests and dangers. ⁴⁰ In addition to this they demonstrated to him that every command of the Romans, whether sent by letter or messenger, had been during the present war accepted by the Achaeans without dispute. Marcius acknowledged with great warmth the good feeling of the Achaeans, but excused them from taking part in his labours and expenses, as there was no longer any need for the assistance of allies. ⁴¹ The other ambassadors accordingly returned home; but Polybius stayed there and took part in the campaign, until Marcius, hearing that Appius Cento asked for five thousand Achaean soldiers to be sent to Epirus, despatched Polybius with orders to prevent the soldiers being granted, or such a heavy expense being causelessly imposed on the Achaeans; for Appius had no reason whatever for asking for these soldiers. Whether he did this from consideration for the Achaeans, or from a desire to prevent Appius from obtaining any success, it is difficult to say. Polybius, however, returned to the Peloponnese and found that the letter from Epirus had arrived, and that the Achaean congress had been soon afterwards assembled at Sicyon. He was therefore in a situation of great embarrassment. When Cento’s demand of soldiers was brought before the Congress he did not think it by any means proper to reveal the charge which Q. Marcius had given him privately: and on the other hand to oppose the demand, without some clear pretext, was exceedingly dangerous. ⁴² In this difficult and delicate position he called to his aid the decree of the Roman Senate, forbidding compliance with the written demands of commanders unless made in accordance with its own decree, Now, no mention of such a decree occurred in the despatch from Appius. By this argument he prevailed with the people to refer the matter to the Consul, and by his means to get the nation relieved of an expense which would amount to over a hundred and twenty talents. Still he gave a great handle to those who wished to denounce him to Appius, as having thwarted his design of obtaining a reinforcement. . . .

Treachery of the Cydonians

The people of Cydon at this time committed a shocking act of indisputable treachery. Though ⁴³ many such have occurred in Crete, yet this appeared to go beyond them all. For though they were bound to Apollonia, not only by the ties of friendship, but by those of common institutions also, and in fact by everything which mankind regard as sacred, and though these obligations were confirmed by a sworn treaty engraved and preserved in the temple of Idaean Zeus, yet they treacherously seized Apollonia, put the men to the sword, plundered the property, and divided among themselves the women, children, city, and territory. . . .

The Cydonians Ask Help from Eumenes

Afraid of the Gortynians, because they had narrowly escaped losing their city in the previous year by an attack led by Nothocrates, the Cydonians sent envoys to Eumenes demanding his assistance in virtue of their alliance with him. The king selected Leon and some soldiers, and sent them in haste to Crete; and on their arrival the Cydonians delivered the keys of their city to Leon, and put the town entirely in his hands. . . .

Dissensions In Crete and Rhodes

The factions in Rhodes kept continually becoming ⁴⁴ more and more violent. For when the decree of the Senate, directing that they should no longer conform to the demands of the military magistrates but only to those contained in the Senate’s decrees, was communicated to them, and the people at large expressed satisfaction at the care of the Senate for their interests; Philophron and Theaetetus seized the occasion to carry out their policy further, declaring that they ought to send envoys to the Senate, and to Q. Marcius Philippus the Consul, and Gaius Marcius Figulus, the commander of the fleet. For it was by that time known to everybody which of the magistrates designate in Rome were to come to Greece. ⁴⁵ The proposal was loudly applauded, though some dissent was expressed: and at the beginning of the summer Agesilochus, son of Hegesias, and Nicagoras, son of Nicander, were sent to Rome; Agepolis, Ariston, and Pancrates to the Consul and commander of the fleet, with instructions to renew the friendship of the Cretans with Rome, and to make their defence against the accusations that were being uttered against their state; while Agesilochus and his colleagues were at the same time to make a proposal about a license to export corn from the Roman dominions. The speech made by these envoys to the Senate, and the reply made by the Senate, and the successful termination of their mission, I have already mentioned in the section devoted to Italian affairs. ⁴⁶ But it is useful to repeat such points, as I am careful to do, because I am obliged frequently to record the actual negotiations of ambassadors before mentioning the circumstances attending their appointment and despatch. For since I am recording under each year the contemporary events in several countries, and endeavouring to take a summary review of them all together at the end, this must of necessity form a feature in my history.

Antiochus Invades Egypt

Agepolis and his colleagues found Q. Marcius himself ⁴⁷ encamped near Heracleum in Macedonia, and delivered their commission to him there. In answer, he said that He himself paid no attention to those calumnies, and advised them not to pay any to those who ventured to speak against Rome. He added many other expressions of kindness, and even wrote them in a despatch to the people of Rhodes. ⁴⁸ Agepolis was much charmed by his whole reception; and observing this, the Consul took him aside and said to him privately that He wondered at the Rhodians not trying to put an end to the war,⁴⁹ which it would be eminently in their interests to do. Did the Consul act thus because he was suspicious of Antiochus, and was afraid, if he conquered Alexandria, that he would prove a formidable second enemy to themselves, seeing that the war with Perseus was becoming protracted, and the war for Coele-Syria had already broken out? Or was it because he saw that the war with Perseus was all but decided, now that the Roman legions had entered Macedonia, and because he had confident hopes of its result; and therefore wished, by instigating the Rhodians to interfere between the kings, to give the Romans a pretext for taking any measures they might think good concerning them? It would not be easy to say for certain; but I am inclined to believe that it was the latter, judging from what shortly afterwards happened to the Rhodians. However, Agepolis and his colleagues immediately afterwards proceeded to visit Gaius Marcius Figulus: and, having received from him still more extraordinary marks of favour than from Quintus Marcius, returned with all speed to Rhodes. When they received the report of the embassy, and knew that the two commanders had vied with each other in warmth, both by word of mouth and in their formal answers, the Rhodians were universally elated and filled with pleasing expectation. ⁵⁰ But not all in the same spirit: the sober-minded were delighted at the good feeling of the Romans towards them; but the restless and fractious calculated in their own minds that this excessive complaisance was a sign that the Romans were alarmed at the dangers in which they found themselves, and at their success not having answered to their expectations. But when Agepolis communicated to his friends that he had a private message from Q. ⁵¹ Marcius to the Cretan Council about putting an end to the war (in Syria), then Deinon and his friends felt fully convinced that the Romans were in a great strait; and they accordingly sent envoys also to Alexandria to put an end to the war then existing between Antiochus and Ptolemy. . . .

⁵²

Antiochus IV. Epiphanes

King Antiochus was a man of ability in the field and ⁵³ daring in design, and showed himself worthy of the royal name, except in regard to his manœuvres at Pelusium. . . .

Envoys Sent to Antiochus

When Antiochus was actually in occupation of Egypt, ⁵⁴ Comanus and Cineas, after consultation with king Ptolemy Physcon, determined upon summoning a conference of the most distinguished Egyptian nobles to consult about the danger which threatened them. The first resolution the conference came to was to send the Greek envoys who were then at Alexandria as envoys to Antiochus to conclude a pacification. There were at that time in the country two embassies from the Achaean league, one which had been sent to renew the alliance between the league and Egypt, and which was composed of Alcithus of Aegium, son of Xenephon, and Pasiodes, and another sent to give notice of the festival of the Antigoneia.⁵⁵ There was also an embassy from Athens led by Demaratus on the subject of some present, and two sacred embassies, one in connexion with the Panathenaea under the presidency of Callias the pancratiast, and the other on the subject of the mysteries, of which Cleostratus was the active member and spokesman. There were also there Eudemus and Hicesius from Miletus, and Apollonides and Apollonius from Clazomenae. The king also sent with them Tlepolemus and Ptolemy the rhetorician as envoys. These men accordingly sailed up the river to meet Antiochus. . . .

Antiochus Epiphanes In Egypt

While Antiochus was occupying Egypt,⁵⁶ he was visited ⁵⁷ by the Greek envoys sent to conclude terms of peace. He received them courteously, devoted the first day to giving them a splendid entertainment, and on the next granted them an interview, and bade them deliver their instructions. The first to speak were the Achaeans, the next the Athenian Demaratus, and after him Eudemus of Miletus. And as the occasion and subject of their speeches were the same, the substance of them was also nearly identical. ⁵⁸ They all laid the blame of what had occurred on Eulaeus, and referring to Ptolemy’s youth and his relationship to himself, they intreated the king to lay aside his anger. Thereupon Antiochus, after acknowledging the general truth of their remarks, and even supporting them by additional arguments of his own, entered upon a defence of the justice of his original demands. ⁵⁹ He attempted to establish the claim of the king of Syria on Coele-Syria, Insisting upon the fact that Antigonus, the founder of the Syrian kingdom, exercised authority in that country; and referring to the formal cession of it to Seleucus,⁶⁰ after the death of Antigonus, by the sovereigns of Macedonia. Next he dwelt on the last conquest of it by his father Antiochus; and finally he denied that any such agreement was made between the late king Ptolemy and his father as the Alexandrian ministers asserted, to the effect that Ptolemy was to take Coele-Syria as a dowry when he married Cleopatra, the mother of the present king. Having by these arguments not only persuaded himself, but the envoys also, of the justice of his claim, he sailed down the river to Naucratis. ⁶¹ There he treated the inhabitants with humanity, and gave each of the Greeks living there a gold piece, and then advanced towards Alexandria. He told the envoys that he would give them an answer on the return of Aristeides and Thesis, whom he had sent on a mission to Ptolemy; and he wished, he said, that the Greek envoys should all be cognisant and witnesses of their report. . . .

Eulaeus Convinces Ptolemy to Give Up the Kingdom

The eunuch Eulaeus persuaded Ptolemy to collect his ⁶² money, give up his kingdom to his enemies, and retire to Samothrace. This will be to any one who reflects upon it a convincing proof of the supreme mischief done by evil companions of boyhood. That a monarch so entirely out of reach of personal danger and so far removed from his enemies, should not make one effort to save his honour, while in possession too of such abundant resources, and master over such wide territory and such numerous subjects, but should at once without a blow surrender a most splendid and wealthy kingdom,—is not this the sign of a spirit utterly effeminate and corrupted? And if this had been Ptolemy’s natural character, we must have laid the blame upon nature and not upon any external influence. But since by his subsequent achievements his natural character has vindicated itself, by proving Ptolemy to be sufficiently resolute and courageous in the hour of danger, we may clearly, without any improbability, attribute to this eunuch, and his companionship with the king in his boyhood, the ignoble spirit displayed by him on that occasion, and his idea of going to Samothrace. . . .

Antiochus Leaves Alexandria

After raising the siege of Alexandria, Antiochus sent ⁶³ envoys to Rome, whose names were Meleager, Sosiphanes, and Heracleides, agreeing to pay one hundred and fifty talents, fifty as a complimentary present to the Romans, and the rest as a gift to be divided among certain cities in Greece. . . .

Envoys from Rhodes to Antiochus

In the course of these same days envoys sailed in from ⁶⁴ Rhodes to Alexandria, headed by Pration, to negotiate a pacification; and a few days afterwards presented themselves at the camp of Antiochus. Admitted to an interview, they argued at considerable length, mentioning their own country’s friendly feelings to both kingdoms, and the ties of blood existing between the two kings themselves, and the advantage which a peace would be to both. But the king interrupted the envoy in the middle of his speech by saying that there was no need of much talking, for the kingdom belonged to the elder Ptolemy, and with him he had long ago made terms, and they were friends, and if the people wished now to recall him Antiochus would not prevent them. And he kept his word. . . .

Histories. Polybius. Evelyn S. Shuckburgh (Translator). London. 1889.

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Current edition Perseus

The Histories (English) (Polybius. Vols. 1-2. Shuckburgh, Evelyn S., translator. London, New York, NY: Macmillan and Co., 1889.)

Editions (1)

Ἱστορίαι Perseus (Polybius. Vols. 1-4. Büttner-Wobst, Theodor, editor. Leipzig: Teubner, 1893.) — 28.1 focus

ολψμπ. 152, 3. ι. ρες ιταλιαε

[1] ὅτι τοῦ πολέμου τοῦ περὶ Κοίλης Συρίας ἤδη καταρχὴν λαβόντος Ἀντιόχῳ καὶ Πτολεμαίῳ τοῖς βασιλεῦσιν, ἧκον πρέσβεις εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην παρὰ μὲν Ἀντιόχου Μελέαγρος καὶ Σωσιφάνης καὶ Ἡρακλείδης, παρὰ δὲ Πτολεμαίου Τιμόθεος καὶ Δάμων.

[2] συνέβαινε δὲ κρατεῖν τὸν Ἀντίοχον τῶν κατὰ Κοίλην Συρίαν καὶ Φοινίκην πραγμάτων.

[3] ἐξ οὗ γὰρ Ἀντίοχος ὁ πατὴρ τοῦ νῦν λεγομένου βασιλέως ἐνίκησε τῇ περὶ τὸ Πάνιον μάχῃ τοὺς Πτολεμαίου στρατηγούς, ἀπʼ ἐκείνων τῶν χρόνων ἐπείθοντο πάντες οἱ προειρημένοι τόποι τοῖς ἐν Συρίᾳ βασιλεῦσιν.

[4] διόπερ ὁ μὲν Ἀντίοχος ἡγούμενος τὴν κατὰ πόλεμον ἰσχυροτάτην καὶ καλλίστην εἶναι κτῆσιν, ὡς ὑπὲρ ἰδίων ἐποιεῖτο τὴν σπουδήν·

[5] ὁ δὲ Πτολεμαῖος ἀδίκως ὑπολαμβάνων τὸν πρότερον Ἀντίοχον συνεπιθέμενον τῇ τοῦ πατρὸς ὀρφανίᾳ παρῃρῆσθαι τὰς κατὰ Κοίλην Συρίαν πόλεις αὐτῶν, οὐχ οἷός τʼ ἦν ἐκείνῳ παραχωρεῖν τῶν τόπων τούτων. διόπερ οἱ περὶ τὸν Μελέαγρον ἧκον,

[6] ἐντολὰς ἔχοντες μαρτύρεσθαι τὴν σύγκλητον διότι Πτολεμαῖος αὐτῷ παρὰ πάντα τὰ δίκαια τὰς χεῖρας ἐπιβάλλει πρότερος,

[7] οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Τιμόθεον περί τε τῆς τῶν φιλανθρώπων ἀνανεώσεως καὶ τοῦ διαλύειν τὸν πρὸς Περσέα πόλεμον, μάλιστα δὲ παρατηρεῖν τὰς τῶν περὶ τὸν Μελέαγρον ἐντεύξεις.

[8] περὶ μὲν οὖν τῆς διαλύσεως οὐκ ἐθάρρησαν εἰπεῖν, Μάρκου συμβουλεύσαντος αὐτοῖς Αἰμιλίου· περὶ δὲ τῶν φιλανθρώπων ἀνανεωσάμενοι καὶ λαβόντες ἀποκρίσεις ἀκολούθους τοῖς ἀξιουμένοις ἐπανῆλθον εἰς τὴν Ἀλεξάνδρειαν.

[9] τοῖς δὲ περὶ τὸν Μελέαγρον ἡ σύγκλητος ἀπεκρίθη διότι Κοΐντῳ Μαρκίῳ δώσει τὴν ἐπιτροπὴν γράψαι περὶ τούτων πρὸς Πτολεμαῖον, ὡς αὐτῷ δοκεῖ συμφέρειν ἐκ τῆς ἰδίας πίστεως. καὶ ταῦτα μὲν οὕτως ἐχειρίσθη κατὰ τὸ παρόν. —

[1] ὅτι κατὰ τοὺς καιροὺς τούτους ἦλθον καὶ παρὰ Ῥοδίων πρέσβεις, ἤδη τῆς θερείας ληγούσης, Ἁγησίλοχος καὶ Νικαγόρας καὶ Νίκανδρος,

[2] τήν τε φιλίαν ἀνανεωσόμενοι καὶ σίτου θέλοντες ἐξαγωγὴν λαβεῖν, ἅμα δὲ καὶ περὶ τῶν διαβολῶν ἀπολογησόμενοι τῶν λεγομένων κατὰ τῆς πόλεως.

[3] ἐκφανέστατα γὰρ ἐδόκουν στασιάζειν [ἐν τῇ Ῥόδῳ] οἱ μὲν περὶ τὸν Ἀγαθάγητον καὶ Φιλόφρονα καὶ Ῥοδοφῶντα καὶ Θεαίδητον, ἀπερειδόμενοι πάσας τὰς ἐλπίδας ἐπὶ Ῥωμαίους, οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Δείνωνα καὶ Πολυάρατον ἐπὶ Περσέα καὶ Μακεδόνας.

[4] ἐξ ὧν πλεονάκις ἐν τοῖς ἐκείνων πράγμασιν ἀντιρρήσεως γινομένης, καὶ διελκομένων τῶν διαβουλίων, ἐλάμβανον ἀφορμὰς οἱ βουλόμενοι λογοποιεῖν κατὰ τῆς πόλεως.

[5] οὐ μὴν ἥ γε σύγκλητος τότε προσεποιήθη τούτων οὐδέν, καίπερ σαφῶς εἰδυῖα τὰ γενόμενα παρʼ αὐτοῖς· σίτου δʼ ἔδωκε δέκα μυριάδας μεδίμνων ἐξάγειν ἐκ Σικελίας.

[6] ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ἡ σύγκλητος ἐχρημάτισεν ἰδίᾳ τοῖς Ῥοδίων πρεσβευταῖς,

[7] ἀκολούθως δὲ καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις ἅπασιν ἀπήντησε τοῖς ἀπὸ τῆς Ἑλλάδος παραγεγονόσι, τηροῦσιν τὴν αὐτὴν ὑπόθεσιν.

[8] καὶ τὰ μὲν κατὰ τὴν Ἰταλίαν ἐν τούτοις ἦν.

ιι. βελλυμ περσιξυμ

[1] ὅτι Αὖλος κατὰ τοῦτον τὸν χρόνον ἀντιστράτηγος ὢν καὶ παραχειμάζων ἐν Θετταλίᾳ μετὰ τῶν δυνάμεων ἐξέπεμψε πρεσβευτὰς εἰς τοὺς κατὰ τὴν Ἑλλάδα τόπους Γάιον Ποπίλιον καὶ Γνάιον Ὀκτάουιον·

[2] οἳ πρῶτον μὲν εἰς Θήβας ἐλθόντες ἐπῄνεσαν καὶ παρεκάλεσαν τοὺς Θηβαίους διαφυλάττειν τὴν πρὸς Ῥωμαίους εὔνοιαν.

[3] ἑξῆς δὲ τούτοις ἐπιπορευόμενοι τὰς ἐν Πελοποννήσῳ πόλεις ἐπιδεικνύειν ἐπειρῶντο τοῖς ἀνθρώποις τὴν τῆς συγκλήτου πρᾳότητα καὶ φιλανθρωπίαν, προφερόμενοι τὰ δόγματα τὰ μικρῷ πρότερον ῥηθέντα,

[4] ἅμα δὲ διὰ τῶν λόγων παρενέφαινον ὡς εἰδότες τοὺς ἐν ἑκάσταις τῶν πόλεων παρὰ τὸ δέον ἀναχωροῦντας, ὡσαύτως δὲ καὶ τοὺς προπίπτοντας.

[5] καὶ δῆλοι πᾶσιν ἦσαν δυσαρεστούμενοι τοῖς ἀναχωροῦσιν οὐχ ἧττον ἢ τοῖς ἐκφανῶς ἀντιπράττουσιν.

[6] ἐξ ὧν τοὺς πολλοὺς εἰς ἐπίστασιν καὶ διαπόρησιν ἦγον ὑπὲρ τοῦ τί ποτʼ ἂν ἢ λέγοντες ἢ πράττοντες εὐστοχοῖεν τῶν παρεστώτων καιρῶν.

[7] οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Γάιον, συναχθείσης τῆς τῶν Ἀχαιῶν ἐκκλησίας, ἐλέγοντο μὲν βεβουλεῦσθαι κατηγορήσειν τῶν περὶ τὸν Λυκόρταν καὶ τὸν Ἄρχωνα καὶ Πολύβιον,

[8] καὶ παραδείξειν ἀλλοτρίους ὑπάρχοντας τῆς. τῶν Ῥωμαίων αἱρέσεως καὶ τὴν ἡσυχίαν ἄγοντας κατὰ τὸ παρόν, οὐ φύσει τοιούτους ὄντας, ἀλλὰ παρατηροῦντας τὰ συμβαίνοντα καὶ τοῖς καιροῖς ἐφεδρεύοντας.

[9] οὐ μὴν ἐθάρρησαν τοῦτο ποιῆσαι διὰ τὸ μηδεμίαν εὔλογον ἀφορμὴν ἔχειν κατὰ τῶν προειρημένων ἀνδρῶν.

[10] διὸ συναχθείσης αὐτοῖς τῆς βουλῆς εἰς Αἴγιον, ἀσπαστικήν τε καὶ παρακλητικὴν ποιησάμενοι τὴν πρὸς τοὺς Ἀχαιοὺς ἔντευξιν ἀπέπλευσαν εἰς τὴν Αἰτωλίαν.

[1] καὶ πάλιν ἐκεῖ συναχθείσης αὐτοῖς τῆς ἐκκλησίας εἰς Θέρμον, παρελθόντες εἰς τοὺς πολλοὺς παρακλητικοὺς καὶ φιλανθρώπους διετίθεντο λόγους.

[2] τὸ δὲ συνέχον αὐτοῖς τῆς ἐκκλησίας, ὁμήρους ἔφασαν δεῖν δοθῆναι σφίσι παρὰ τῶν Αἰτωλῶν.

[3] τούτων δὲ καταβάντων, Πρόανδρος ἐπαναστὰς ἐβούλετό τινας εὐχρηστίας πρὸς αὐτοῦ γεγενημένας εἰς τοὺς Ῥωμαίους προφέρεσθαι καὶ κατηγορεῖν τῶν διαβαλλόντων αὐτόν· ἐφʼ ὃν Γάιος πάλιν ἐπαναστάς,

[4] καὶ καλῶς εἰδὼς ἀλλότριον αὐτὸν ὄντα Ῥωμαίων, ὅμως ἐπῄνεσε καὶ πᾶσι τοῖς εἰρημένοις ἀνθωμολογήσατο.

[5] μετὰ δὲ τοῦτον προελθὼν Λυκίσκος ἐπʼ ὀνόματος μὲν οὐδενὸς ἐποιήσατο κατηγορίαν, καθʼ ὑπόνοιαν δὲ πολλῶν.

[6] ἔφη γὰρ περὶ μὲν τῶν κορυφαίων καλῶς βεβουλεῦσθαι Ῥωμαίους, ἀπαγαγόντας αὐτοὺς εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην, λέγων τοὺς περὶ τὸν Εὐπόλεμον καὶ Νίκανδρον,

[7] τοὺς δὲ συναγωνιστὰς καὶ τοὺς παραστάτας τοὺς ἐκείνων ἔτι μένειν κατὰ τὴν Αἰτωλίαν, οὓς δεῖν ἅπαντας τῆς αὐτῆς τυχεῖν ἐκείνοις ἐπιστροφῆς, ἂν μὴ προῶνται τὰ τέκνα Ῥωμαίοις εἰς ὁμηρείαν.

[8] μάλιστα δὲ κατʼ Ἀρχεδάμου καὶ Πανταλέοντος ἐποίει τὰς ἐμφάσεις.

[9] τούτου δὲ παραχωρήσαντος, Πανταλέων ἀναστὰς τὸν μὲν Λυκίσκον διὰ βραχέων ἐλοιδόρησε, φήσας αὐτὸν ἀναισχύντως καὶ ἀνελευθέρως κολακεύειν τοὺς ὑπερέχοντας,

[10] ἐπὶ δὲ τὸν Θόαντα μετέβη, τοῦτον ὑπολαμβάνων εἶναι τὸν ἀξιοπίστως ἐνιέντα τὰς κατʼ αὐτῶν διαβολὰς τῷ δοκεῖν μηδεμίαν ὑπάρχειν αὐτοῖς πρὸς τοῦτον διαφοράν.

[11] καὶ τὰ μὲν ὑπομνήσας τῶν κατʼ Ἀντίοχον καιρῶν, τὰ δʼ ὀνειδίσας εἰς ἀχαριστίαν αὐτῷ, διότι δοθεὶς ἔκδοτος Ῥωμαίοις, πρεσβεύσαντος αὐτοῦ καὶ Νικάνδρου, τύχοι τῆς σωτηρίας ἀνελπίστως,

[12] ταχέως ἐξεκαλέσατο τοὺς ὄχλους εἰς τὸ μὴ μόνον θορυβεῖν τὸν Θόανθʼ, ὅτε βουληθείη τι λέγειν, ἀλλὰ καὶ βάλλειν ὁμοθυμαδόν.

[13] γενομένων δὲ τούτων βραχέα καταμεμψάμενος ὁ Γάιος τοὺς Αἰτωλοὺς ἐπὶ τῷ βάλλειν τὸν Θόανθʼ, οὗτος μὲν εὐθέως μετὰ τοῦ συμπρεσβευτοῦ συναπῆρεν εἰς Ἀκαρνανίαν, ἐκσιωπηθεὶς περὶ τῶν ὁμήρων· τὰ δὲ κατὰ τὴν Αἰτωλίαν ἐν ὑποψίαις ἦν πρὸς ἀλλήλους καὶ ταραχαῖς ὁλοσχερέσιν.

[1] κατὰ δὲ τὴν Ἀκαρνανίαν συναχθείσης τῆς ἐκκλησίας εἰς Θύρρειον, Αἰσχρίων μὲν καὶ Γλαῦκος καὶ Χρέμας ὄντες Ῥωμαίων παρεκάλουν τοὺς περὶ τὸν Γάιον ἔμφρουρον ποιῆσαι τὴν Ἀκαρνανίαν·

[2] εἶναι γὰρ παρʼ αὐτοῖς τοὺς ἀποφέροντας τὰ πράγματα πρὸς Περσέα καὶ Μακεδόνας.

[3] Διογένης δὲ τὴν ἐναντίαν ἐποιήσατο τούτοις συμβουλίαν. οὐ γὰρ ἔφη δεῖν φρουρὰν εἰσάγειν εἰς οὐδεμίαν πόλιν· ταῦτα γὰρ ὑπάρχειν τοῖς πολεμίοις γενομένοις καὶ καταπολεμηθεῖσιν ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίων·

[4] οὐδὲν δὲ πεποιηκότας Ἀκαρνᾶνας οὐκ ἀξίους εἶναι φρουρὰν εἰσδέχεσθαι κατʼ οὐδένα τρόπον.

[5] τοὺς δὲ περὶ Χρέμαν καὶ Γλαῦκον ἰδίαν ἐθέλοντας κατασκευάζεσθαι δυναστείαν διαβάλλειν τοὺς ἀντιπολιτευομένους καὶ θέλειν ἐπισπᾶσθαι φρουρὰν τὴν συνεπισχύουσαν ταῖς αὐτῶν πλεονεξίαις.

[6] ῥηθέντων δὲ τούτων οἱ περὶ τὸν Γάιον θεωροῦντες τοὺς ὄχλους δυσαρεστουμένους ταῖς φρουραῖς καὶ βουλόμενοι στοιχεῖν τῇ τῆς συγκλήτου προθέσει, συγκαταθέμενοι τῇ τοῦ Διογένους γνώμῃ καὶ συνεπαινέσαντες ἀπῆραν ἐπὶ Λαρίσης πρὸς τὸν ἀνθύπατον. —

[1] ὅτι ἔδοξε τοῖς Ἕλλησι περὶ τῆς πρεσβείας ἐπιστάσεως χρείαν ἔχειν τὸ γινόμενον.

[2] παραλαβόντες οὖν τοὺς κατὰ τὴν ἄλλην πολιτείαν ὁμογνωμονοῦντας· οὗτοι δʼ ἦσαν Ἀρκεσίλαος, Ἀρίστων Μεγαλοπολῖται, Στρατίος Τριταιεύς, Ξένων Πατρεύς, Ἀπολλωνίδας Σικυώνιος· ἐβουλεύοντο περὶ τῶν ἐνεστώτων.

[3] ὁ μὲν οὖν Λυκόρτας ἔμεινεν ἐπὶ τῆς ἐξ ἀρχῆς προθέσεως, κρίνων μήτε Περσεῖ μήτε Ῥωμαίοις συνεργεῖν μηδέν, ὁμοίως μηδʼ ἀντιπράττειν μηδετέροις.

[4] τὸ μὲν γὰρ συνεργεῖν ἀλυσιτελὲς ἐνόμιζε πᾶσιν εἶναι τοῖς Ἕλλησιν, προορώμενος τὸ μέγεθος τῆς ἐσομένης ἐξουσίας περὶ τοὺς κρατήσαντας,

[5] τὸ δʼ ἀντιπράττειν Ῥωμαίοις ἐπισφαλὲς διὰ τὸ πολλοῖς καὶ τοῖς ἐπιφανεστάτοις Ῥωμαίων ἀντωφθαλμηκέναι περὶ τῶν κοινῶν πραγμάτων κατὰ τοὺς ἀνώτερον καιρούς.

[6] ὁ δʼ Ἀπολλωνίδας καὶ Στρατίος ἀντιπράττειν μὲν ἐπίτηδες Ῥωμαίοις οὐκ ᾤοντο δεῖν· τοὺς δʼ ὑπερκυβιστῶντας καὶ διὰ τῶν κοινῶν πραγμάτων ἰδίαν χάριν ἀποτιθεμένους παρὰ Ῥωμαίοις καὶ τοῦτο πράττοντας παρὰ τοὺς νόμους καὶ παρὰ τὸ κοινῇ συμφέρον, τούτους ἔφασαν δεῖν κωλύειν καὶ πρὸς τούτους ἀντοφθαλμεῖν εὐγενῶς.

[7] ὁ δʼ Ἄρχων ἀκολουθεῖν ἔφη δεῖν τοῖς καιροῖς καὶ μὴ διδόναι τοῖς ἐχθροῖς ἀφορμὴν εἰς διαβολὴν μηδὲ προέσθαι σφᾶς αὐτοὺς εἰς τὴν αὐτὴν ἐλθεῖν διάθεσιν τοῖς περὶ Νίκανδρον, οἵτινες, πρὶν ἢ λαβεῖν πεῖραν τῆς τούτων ἐξουσίας, ἐν ταῖς μεγίσταις εἰσὶ συνταλαιπωρίαις.

[8] ταύτης δὲ τῆς γνώμης μετέσχον Πολύβιος, Ἀρκεσίλαος, Ἀρίστων, Ξένων.

[9] διὸ καὶ τὸν μὲν Ἄρχωνα πρὸς τὴν στρατηγίαν ἔδοξεν αὐτοῖς εὐθέως προπορεύεσθαι, τὸν δὲ Πολύβιον πρὸς τὴν ἱππαρχίαν.

[1] τούτων δὴ νεωστὶ γεγονότων καὶ προδιειληφότων τῶν περὶ τὸν Ἄρχωνα διότι δεῖ συμπράττειν Ῥωμαίοις καὶ τοῖς τούτων φίλοις, τυχικῶς πως συνέβη τὸν Ἄτταλον πρὸς ἑτοίμους ὄντας ποιήσασθαι τοὺς λόγους.

[2] διὸ καὶ προθύμως αὐτῷ κατανεύσαντες ὑπέσχοντο συμπράξειν ὑπὲρ τῶν παρακαλουμένων.

[3] τοῦ δʼ Ἀττάλου πέμψαντος πρεσβευτάς, καὶ παραγενομένων τούτων εἰς τὴν πρώτην ἀγορὰν καὶ διαλεγομένων τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς περὶ τοῦ τὰς τιμὰς ἀποκατασταθῆναι τῷ βασιλεῖ καὶ παρακαλούντων ποιῆσαι τοῦτο διὰ τῆς Ἀττάλου χάριτος,

[4] ὁ μὲν ὄχλος ἄδηλος ἦν ἐπὶ τίνος ὑπάρχει γνώμης, πρὸς δὲ τὴν ἀντιλογίαν ἀνίσταντο πολλοὶ καὶ διὰ πολλὰς αἰτίας.

[5] οἱ μὲν γὰρ ἐξ ἀρχῆς αἴτιοι γενόμενοι τῆς ἀναιρέσεως τῶν τιμῶν βεβαιοῦν ἐβούλοντο τὴν αὑτῶν γνώμην· οἱ δʼ ἐκ τῶν κατʼ ἰδίαν ἐγκλημάτων ὑπέλαβον καιρὸν ἔχειν ἀμύνεσθαι τὸν βασιλέα· τινὲς δὲ διὰ τὸν πρὸς τοὺς συμπράττοντας φθόνον ἐφιλοτιμοῦντο μὴ κρατῆσαι τὸν Ἄτταλον τῆς ἐπιβολῆς. ὁ δʼ Ἄρχων ἀνέστη μὲν βοηθήσων τοῖς πρεσβευταῖς·

[6] ἐκάλει γὰρ τὰ πράγματα τὴν τοῦ στρατηγοῦ γνώμην. βραχέα δʼ εἰπὼν ἀνεχώρησε,

[7] διευλαβηθεὶς μὴ δόξῃ κέρδους τινὸς ἕνεκεν συμβουλεύειν διὰ τὸ πλῆθος ἱκανὸν χρημάτων εἰς τὴν ἀρχὴν δεδαπανηκέναι.

[8] πολλῆς δʼ οὔσης ἀπορίας ὁ Πολύβιος ἀναστὰς ἐποιήσατο μὲν καὶ πλείονας λόγους, μάλιστα δὲ προσέδραμε πρὸς τὴν τῶν πολλῶν γνώμην, ὑποδείξας τὸ γεγονὸς ἐξ ἀρχῆς ψήφισμα τῶν Ἀχαιῶν ὑπὲρ τῶν τιμῶν, ἐν ᾧ γεγραμμένον ἦν ὅτι δεῖ τὰς ἀπρεπεῖς ἀρθῆναι τιμὰς καὶ τὰς παρανόμους, οὐ μὰ Δίʼ ἁπάσας.

[9] τοὺς δὲ περὶ Σωσιγένη καὶ Διοπείθη, δικαστὰς [Ῥοδίους] ὑπάρχοντας κατʼ ἐκεῖνον τὸν καιρὸν καὶ διαφερομένους ἔκ τινων ἰδίων πρὸς τὸν Εὐμένη, λαβομένους ἔφη τῆς ἀφορμῆς ταύτης πάσας ἀνατετροφέναι τὰς τιμὰς τοῦ βασιλέως·

[10] καὶ τοῦτο πεποιηκέναι παρὰ τὸ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν δόγμα καὶ παρὰ τὴν δοθεῖσαν αὐτοῖς ἐξουσίαν, καὶ τὸ μέγιστον, παρὰ τὸ δίκαιον καὶ τὸ καλῶς ἔχον.

[11] οὐ γὰρ ὡς ἠδικημένους τι τοὺς Ἀχαιοὺς βουλεύσασθαι τὰς τιμὰς αἴρειν τὰς Εὐμένους, ἀλλὰ μείζους αὐτοῦ ζητοῦντος τῶν εὐεργεσιῶν, τούτῳ προσκόψαντας ψηφίσασθαι τὸ πλεονάζον παρελεῖν.

[12] διόπερ ἔφη δεῖν, καθάπερ οἱ δικασταὶ τὴν ἰδίαν ἔχθραν ἐπίπροσθεν ποιήσαντες τοῦ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν εὐσχήμονος ἀνέτρεψαν πάσας τὰς τιμάς, οὕτω τοὺς Ἀχαιοὺς κυριώτατον ἡγησαμένους τὸ σφίσι καθῆκον καὶ πρέπον διορθώσασθαι τὴν τῶν δικαστῶν ἁμαρτίαν καὶ καθόλου τὴν πρὸς τὸν Εὐμένη γεγενημένην ἀλογίαν,

[13] ἄλλως τε καὶ μέλλοντας μὴ μόνον ἐπʼ αὐτὸν τὸν βασιλέα τὴν χάριν ἀπερείδεσθαι ταύτην, ἔτι δὲ μᾶλλον εἰς τὸν ἀδελφὸν Ἄτταλον.

[14] τοῦ δὲ πλήθους εὐδοκήσαντος τοῖς λεγομένοις, ἐγράφη δόγμα προστάττον τοῖς ἄρχουσι πάσας ἀποκαταστῆσαι τὰς Εὐμένους τοῦ βασιλέως τιμάς, πλὴν εἴ τινες ἀπρεπές τι περιέχουσι τῷ κοινῷ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν ἢ παράνομον.

[15] τοῦτον μὲν δὴ τὸν τρόπον καὶ κατὰ τοῦτον τὸν καιρὸν Ἄτταλος διωρθώσατο τὴν γενομένην ἀλογίαν περὶ τὰς ὑπαρχούσας Εὐμένει τἀδελφῷ τιμὰς κατὰ τὴν Πελοπόννησον. —

[1] ὅτι Περσεὺς πρὸς Γένθιον τὸν βασιλέα ἀπέστειλε πρεσβευτὰς Πλευρᾶτόν τε τὸν Ἰλλυριόν, ὄντα φυγάδα παρʼ αὐτῷ,

[2] καὶ τὸν Βεροιαῖον Ἀδαῖον, δοὺς ἐντολὰς διασαφεῖν τὰ πεπραγμένα κατὰ τὸν πόλεμον πρός τε Ῥωμαίους αὐτῷ καὶ πρὸς Δαρδανίους, ἔτι δὲ καὶ πρὸς Ἠπειρώτας καὶ πρὸς Ἰλλυριοὺς κατὰ τὸ παρόν, καὶ παρακαλεῖν αὐτὸν πρὸς τὴν τούτου καὶ Μακεδόνων φιλίαν καὶ συμμαχίαν.

[3] οἳ καὶ ποιησάμενοι τὴν πορείαν ὑπὲρ τὸ Σκάρδον ὄρος διὰ τῆς Ἐρήμου καλουμένης Ἰλλυρίδος, ἣν οὐ πολλοῖς χρόνοις ἀνώτερον ἀνάστατον ἐποίησαν Μακεδόνες εἰς τὸ δυσέργους ποιῆσαι τοῖς Δαρδανεῦσι τὰς εἰς τὴν Ἰλλυρίδα καὶ Μακεδονίαν

[4] εἰσβολάς· πλὴν οἵ γε περὶ τὸν Ἀδαῖον διὰ τούτων τῶν τόπων μετὰ πολλῆς κακοπαθείας ἦλθον εἰς Σκόδραν καὶ πυθόμενοι τὸν Γένθιον ἐν Λίσσῳ διατρίβειν διεπέμψαντο πρὸς αὐτόν.

[5] τοῦ δὲ ταχέως αὐτοὺς μεταπεμψαμένου, συμμίξαντες διελέγοντο περὶ ὧν εἶχον τὰς ἐντολάς.

[6] ὁ δὲ Γένθιος οὐκ ἐδόκει μὲν ἀλλότριος εἶναι τῆς πρὸς τὸν Περσέα φιλίας, ἐσκήπτετο δὲ τοῦ μὴ παραχρῆμα συγκατατίθεσθαι τοῖς ἀξιουμένοις τὴν ἀχορηγησίαν καὶ μὴ δύνασθαι χωρὶς χρημάτων ἀναδέξασθαι τὸν πρὸς Ῥωμαίους πόλεμον.

[7] οἱ μὲν οὖν περὶ τὸν Ἀδαῖον ταύτας λαβόντες τὰς ἀποκρίσεις ἐπανῆγον.

[8] ὁ δὲ Περσεὺς παραγενόμενος εἰς Στύβερραν τήν τε λείαν ἐλαφυροπώλησεν καὶ τὴν δύναμιν ἀνέπαυσε, προσδεχόμενος τοὺς περὶ τὸν Πλευρᾶτον.

[9] παραγενομένων δʼ αὐτῶν, ἀκούσας τὰ παρὰ τοῦ Γενθίου πάλιν ἐξ αὐτῆς ἔπεμπε τὸν Ἀδαῖον καὶ σὺν τούτῳ τὸν Γλαυκίαν, ἕνα τῶν σωματοφυλάκων, καὶ τρίτον τὸν Ἰλλυριὸν διὰ τὸ τὴν διάλεκτον εἰδέναι τὴν Ἰλλυρίδα,

[10] δοὺς ἐντολὰς τὰς αὐτάς, ὥσπερ οὐ κυρίως τοῦ Γενθίου διασεσαφηκότος τίνος προσδεῖται καὶ τίνος γενομένου δύναται συγκαταβαίνειν εἰς τὰ παρακαλούμενα.

[11] τούτων δʼ ἀφορμησάντων, ἀναζεύξας αὐτὸς μετὰ τῆς δυνάμεως ἐποιεῖτο τὴν πορείαν ἐφʼ Ὕσκανα. —

[1] ὅτι κατὰ τὸν καιρὸν τοῦτον ἧκον οἱ πρὸς τὸν Γένθιον ἀποσταλέντες πρέσβεις οὔτʼ ᾠκονομηκότες πλεῖον οὐδὲν τῶν πρότερον οὔτʼ ἀναγγέλλοντες,

[2] διὰ τὸ τὸν Γένθιον μένειν ἐπὶ τῆς αὐτῆς αἱρέσεως, ὄντα μὲν ἕτοιμον τῷ Περσεῖ κοινωνεῖν τῶν αὐτῶν πραγμάτων, χρημάτων δὲ φάσκοντα χρείαν ἔχειν.

[3] ὧν ὁ Περσεὺς παρακούσας πάλιν ἔπεμπε τοὺς περὶ τὸν Ἱππίαν βεβαιωσομένους ὑπὲρ τῶν ὁμολογιῶν, τὸ συνέχον παραλιπών, φάσκων ἐξιγμένον εὐνοοῦντα ποιήσειν τὸν Γένθιον·

[4] ὥστε διαπορεῖν πότερα δεῖ λέγειν ἐπὶ τῶν τοιούτων ἀλογιστίαν ἢ δαιμονοβλάβειαν. δοκῶ μὲν ὅτι δαιμονοβλάβειαν, οἵτινες ἐφίενται μὲν τοῦ μεγάλα τολμᾶν καὶ παραβάλλονται τῇ ψυχῇ, παριᾶσιν δὲ τὸ συνέχον ἐν ταῖς ἐπιβολαῖς, βλέποντες αὐτὸ καὶ δυνάμενοι πράττειν

[5] ὅτι γάρ, εἰ Περσεὺς κατʼ ἐκεῖνον τὸν καιρὸν ἠβουλήθη προέσθαι χρήματα καὶ κοινῇ τοῖς πολιτεύμασι καὶ κατʼ ἰδίαν τοῖς βασιλεῦσι καὶ τοῖς πολιτευομένοις, οὐ λέγω μεγαλομερῶς, καθάπερ ἐξῆν αὐτῷ χορηγιῶν ἕνεκεν, ἀλλὰ μετρίως μόνον, πάντας ἂν συνέβη καὶ τοὺς Ἕλληνας καὶ τοὺς βασιλεῖς,

[6] εἰ δὲ μή γε, τοὺς πλείστους ἐξελεγχθῆναι, δοκῶ μηδένα τῶν νοῦν ἐχόντων πρός με διαμφισβητῆσαι περὶ τούτων.

[7] νῦν δὲ καλῶς ποιῶν οὐκ ἦλθε ταύτην τὴν ὁδόν, διʼ ἧς ἢ κρατήσας τῶν ὅλων ἐξουσίαν ἂν ὑπερήφανον ἔσχεν ἢ σφαλεὶς πολλοὺς ἂν ἐποίησε τῆς αὐτῆς τύχης πεῖραν αὑτῷ λαβεῖν,

[8] ἀλλὰ τὴν ἐναντίαν, διʼ ἧς ὀλίγοι τελέως ἠλογήθησαν τῶν Ἑλλήνων ὑπὸ τὸν τῆς πράξεως καιρόν. —

[1] ὅτι ὁ Περσεὺς ἐπταικὼς τοῖς ὅλοις ἐπὶ τῷ εἰσελθεῖν Ῥωμαίους εἰς Μακεδονίαν τῷ Ἱππίᾳ ἐπετίμα.

[2] ἀλλά μοι δοκεῖ τὸ μὲν ἐπιτιμῆσαι τοῖς ἄλλοις εἶναι ῥᾴδιον καὶ συνιδεῖν τὰς τῶν πέλας ἁμαρτίας, τὸ δʼ αὐτὸν πράττειν τὰ δυνατὰ καὶ γνῶναι τὰ καθʼ αὑτὸν πάντων δυσχερέστατον. ὃ καὶ περὶ τὸν Περσέα συνέβη γενέσθαι. —

[1] τὸ Ἡράκλειον ἥλω ἰδίαν τινὰ ἅλωσιν. ἐχούσης τῆς πόλεως ἐφʼ ἑνὸς μέρους ἐπʼ ὀλίγον τόπον ταπεινὸν τεῖχος, οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι τρεῖς σημείας προεχειρίσαντο.

[2] καὶ τῇ μὲν πρώτῃ τοὺς θυρεοὺς ὑπὲρ τῆς κεφαλῆς ποιήσαντες συνέφραξαν, ὥστε τῇ τῶν ὅπλων πυκνότητι κεραμωτῷ καταρρύτῳ γίνεσθαι παραπλήσιον. ἐφεξῆς δʼ ἕτεραι δύο —

Κεραμωτόν, τακτικὴ διάταξις·

[3] ὅπερ ἐποίουν Ῥωμαῖοι ἐν παιδιᾶς μέρει.

ιιι. ρες γραεξιαε

[1] ὅτι τοῦ Περσέως βουλομένου ἥξειν μετὰ δυνάμεως εἰς τὴν Θετταλίαν καὶ λήψεσθαι τὰ ὅλα κρίσιν ἐκ τῶν κατὰ λόγον, ἔδοξε τοῖς περὶ τὸν Ἄρχωνα διʼ αὐτῶν τῶν πραγμάτων ἀπολογεῖσθαι πάλιν πρὸς τὰς ὑπονοίας καὶ διαβολάς.

[2] εἰσήνεγκαν οὖν εἰς τοὺς Ἀχαιοὺς δόγμα διότι δεῖ πανδημεὶ ποιησαμένους τὴν ἔξοδον εἰς Θετταλίαν κοινωνῆσαι τῶν πραγμάτων ὁλοσχερῶς τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις.

[3] καὶ τούτου κυρωθέντος ἔδοξε τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς τὸν Ἄρχωνα γίνεσθαι περὶ τὴν συναγωγὴν τοῦ στρατεύματος καὶ περὶ τὰς εἰς τὴν ἔξοδον παρασκευάς, πρὸς δὲ τὸν ὕπατον πρεσβευτὰς πέμπειν εἰς Θετταλίαν τοὺς τὰ δεδογμένα τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς διασαφήσοντας καὶ πευσομένους πότε καὶ ποῦ δεῖ συμμιγνύειν αὐτῷ τὸ στρατόπεδον.

[4] καὶ κατέστησαν πρεσβευτὰς παραχρῆμα Πολύβιον καὶ ἄλλους καὶ ἐνετείλαντο τῷ Πολυβίῳ φιλοτίμως, ἐὰν ὁ στρατηγὸς εὐδοκῇ τῇ παρουσίᾳ τοῦ στρατοπέδου, τοὺς μὲν συμπρεσβευτὰς ἐξ αὐτῆς πέμπειν διασαφήσοντας, ἵνα μὴ καθυστερῶσι τῶν καιρῶν,

[5] αὐτὸν δὲ φροντίζειν ἵνα τὸ στράτευμα πᾶν ἐν ταῖς πόλεσιν ἀγορὰς ἔχῃ, διʼ ὧν ἂν πορεύηται, καὶ μηδὲν ἐλλείπῃ τῶν ἐπιτηδείων τοὺς στρατιώτας.

[6] ταύτας μὲν οὖν ἔχοντες οἱ προειρημένοι τὰς ἐντολὰς ἐξώρμησαν·

[7] κατέστησαν δὲ καὶ πρεσβευτὰς πρὸς Ἄτταλον τοὺς περὶ Τηλόκριτον, ἀποκομίζοντας τὸ δόγμα τὸ περὶ τῆς ἀποκαταστάσεως τῶν Εὐμένους τιμῶν.

[8] καὶ κατὰ τὸν αὐτὸν καιρὸν καὶ περὶ τοῦ βασιλέως Πτολεμαίου προσπεσόντος τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς διότι γέγονεν αὐτῷ τὰ νομιζόμενα γίνεσθαι τοῖς βασιλεῦσιν, ὅταν εἰς ἡλικίαν ἔλθωσιν,

[9] ἀνακλητήρια, νομίσαντες σφίσι καθήκειν ἐπισημήνασθαι τὸ γεγονός, ἐψηφίσαντο πέμπειν πρεσβευτὰς ἀνανεωσομένους τὰ προϋπάρχοντα τῷ ἔθνει φιλάνθρωπα πρὸς τὴν βασιλείαν, καὶ παραυτίκα κατέστησαν Ἀλκίθον καὶ Πασιάδαν.

[1] οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Πολύβιον καταλαβόντες τοὺς Ῥωμαίους ἐκ μὲν τῆς Θετταλίας κεκινηκότας, τῆς δὲ Περραιβίας στρατοπεδεύοντας Ἀζωρίου μεταξὺ καὶ Δολίχης,

[2] τὴν μὲν ἔντευξιν ὑπερέθεντο διὰ τοὺς περιεστῶτας καιρούς, τῶν δὲ κατὰ τὴν εἴσοδον τὴν εἰς Μακεδονίαν κινδύνων μετεῖχον.

[3] ἐπεὶ δὲ τοῦ στρατεύματος κατάραντος ἐπὶ τοὺς καθʼ Ἡράκλειον τόπους ἔδοξε καιρὸς εἶναι πρὸς ἔντευξιν, ἅτε τοῦ στρατηγοῦ δοκοῦντος ἠνύσθαι τὸ μέγιστον τῶν προκειμένων,

[4] τότε λαβόντες καιρὸν τὸ ψήφισμα τῷ Μαρκίῳ προσήνεγκαν καὶ διεσάφουν τὴν τῶν Ἀχαιῶν προαίρεσιν διότι βουληθεῖεν αὐτῷ πανδημεὶ τῶν αὐτῶν μετασχεῖν ἀγώνων καὶ κινδύνων. καὶ πρὸς τούτοις ὑπέδειξαν διότι πᾶν τὸ γραφὲν ἢ παραγγελθὲν τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίων κατὰ τὸν ἐνεστῶτα πόλεμον ἀναντίρρητον γέγονεν.

[5] τοῦ δὲ Μαρκίου τὴν μὲν προαίρεσιν ἀποδεχομένου τὴν Ἀχαιῶν μεγαλωστί, τῆς δὲ κακοπαθείας αὐτοὺς καὶ τῆς δαπάνης παραλύοντος διὰ τὸ μηκέτι χρείαν ἔχειν τοὺς καιροὺς τῆς τῶν συμμάχων βοηθείας, οἱ μὲν ἄλλοι πρέσβεις ἐπανῆλθον εἰς τὴν Ἀχαΐαν,

[6] ὁ δὲ Πολύβιος αὐτοῦ μείνας μετεῖχε τῶν ἐνεστώτων πραγμάτων,

[7] ἕως ὁ Μάρκιος ἀκούσας Ἄππιον τὸν Κέντωνα πεντακισχιλίους στρατιώτας αἰτεῖσθαι παρὰ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν εἰς Ἤπειρον, ἐξαπέστειλε τὸν προειρημένον, παρακαλέσας φροντίζειν ἵνα μὴ δοθῶσιν οἱ στρατιῶται μηδὲ τηλικοῦτο δαπάνημα μάταιον γένηται τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς· πρὸς οὐδένα γὰρ λόγον αἰτεῖν τοὺς στρατιώτας τὸν Ἄππιον.

[8] πότερα δὲ τοῦτʼ ἐποίει κηδόμενος τῶν Ἀχαιῶν ἢ τὸν Ἄππιον ἀπραγεῖν βουλόμενος χαλεπὸν εἰπεῖν.

[9] πλὴν ὅ γε Πολύβιος ἀναχωρήσας εἰς τὴν Πελοπόννησον, ἤδη τῶν γραμμάτων ἐκ τῆς Ἠπείρου προσπεπτωκότων καὶ μετʼ οὐ πολὺ συναχθέντων εἰς Σικυῶνα τῶν Ἀχαιῶν, εἰς πρόβλημα παμμέγεθες ἐνέπεσε.

[10] τοῦ γὰρ διαβουλίου προτεθέντος ὑπὲρ ὧν ὁ Κέντων ᾐτεῖτο στρατιωτῶν, ἃ μὲν ὁ Μάρκιος αὐτῷ φροντίζειν κατʼ ἰδίαν ἐνετείλατο, ταῦτα φωτίζειν οὐδαμῶς ἔκρινεν· τὸ δὲ μηδεμιᾶς αἰτίας ὑπαρχούσης φανερῶς ἀντιλέγειν τῇ βοηθείᾳ τελείως ἦν ἐπισφαλές. δυσχρήστου δὲ καὶ ποικίλης οὔσης τῆς ὑποθέσεως,

[11] ἐχρήσατο βοηθήματι πρὸς τὸ παρὸν τῷ τῆς συγκλήτου δόγματι τῷ κελεύοντι μηδένα προσέχειν τοῖς ὑπὸ τῶν στρατηγῶν γραφομένοις, ἐὰν μὴ τοῦτο ποιῶσιν κατὰ τὸ δόγμα τῆς συγκλήτου.

[12] τοῦτο δʼ οὐκ ἦν προσκείμενον τοῖς γράμμασι.

[13] διὸ καὶ κατεκράτησε τοῦ τὴν ἀναφορὰν ἐπὶ τὸν ὕπατον γενέσθαι καὶ διʼ ἐκείνου παραλυθῆναι τῆς δαπάνης τὸ ἔθνος, οὔσης ὑπὲρ ἑκατὸν εἴκοσι τάλαντα μεγάλα.

[14] τοῖς γε μὴν βουλομένοις διαβάλλειν αὐτὸν πρὸς τὸν Ἄππιον ἀφορμὰς ἔδωκεν, ὅτι διακόψαι τὴν ἐπιβολὴν αὐτοῦ τὴν περὶ τῆς βοηθείας. —

[1] ὅτι οἱ Κυδωνιᾶται κατὰ τὸν καιρὸν τοῦτον ἐποίησαν πρᾶγμα δεινὸν καὶ παράσπονδον ὁμολογουμένως.

[2] καίπερ γὰρ πολλῶν τοιούτων γενομένων κατὰ τὴν Κρήτην, ὅμως ἔδοξεν ὑπεραίρειν τὴν συνήθειαν τὸ τότε γενόμενον.

[3] ὑπαρχούσης γὰρ αὐτοῖς οὐ μόνον φιλίας, ἀλλὰ συμπολιτείας πρὸς Ἀπολλωνιάτας καὶ καθόλου κοινωνίας πάντων τῶν ἐν ἀνθρώποις νομιζομένων δικαίων, καὶ περὶ τούτων κειμένης ἐνόρκου συνθήκης παρὰ τὸν Δία τὸν Ἰδαῖον,

[4] παρασπονδήσαντες τοὺς Ἀπολλωνιάτας κατελάβοντο τὴν πόλιν καὶ τοὺς μὲν ἄνδρας κατέσφαξαν, τὰ δʼ ὑπάρχοντα διήρπασαν, τὰς δὲ γυναῖκας καὶ τὰ τέκνα καὶ τὴν πόλιν καὶ τὴν χώραν διανειμάμενοι κατεῖχον. —

[1] ὅτι κατὰ τὴν Κρήτην δεδιότες Κυδωνιᾶται τοὺς Γορτυνίους διὰ τὸ καὶ τῷ πρότερον ἔτει παρʼ ὀλίγον κεκινδυνευκέναι τῇ πόλει τῶν περὶ Νοθοκράτην ἐπιβαλομένων αὐτὴν κατασχεῖν, ἐξέπεμψαν πρέσβεις πρὸς Εὐμένη, βοήθειαν αἰτούμενοι κατὰ τὴν συμμαχίαν.

[2] ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς προχειρισάμενος Λέοντα καὶ στρατιώτας σὺν τούτῳ τριακοσίους ἐξαπέστειλε κατὰ σπουδήν.

[3] ὧν παραγενομένων οἱ Κυδωνιᾶται τάς τε κλεῖς τῶν πυλῶν τῷ Λέοντι παρέδωκαν καὶ καθόλου τὴν πόλιν ἐνεχείρισαν. —

[1] ὅτι ἐν τῇ Ῥόδῳ τὰ τῆς ἀντιπολιτείας αἰεὶ μᾶλλον ἐπέτεινεν.

[2] προσπεσόντος γὰρ αὐτοῖς τοῦ τῆς συγκλήτου δόγματος, ἐν ᾧ διεσάφει μηκέτι προσέχειν τοῖς τῶν στρατηγῶν ἐπιτάγμασιν, ἀλλὰ τοῖς αὑτῆς δόγμασι, καὶ τῶν πολλῶν ἀποδεχομένων τὴν τῆς συγκλήτου πρόνοιαν,

[3] οἱ περὶ τὸν Φιλόφρονα καὶ Θεαίδητον ἐπιλαβόμενοι τῆς ἀφορμῆς ταύτης ἐξειργάζοντο τἀκόλουθα, φάσκοντες δεῖν ἐκπέμπειν πρεσβευτὰς πρὸς τὴν σύγκλητον καὶ τὸν Κόιντον Μάρκιον τὸν ὕπατον καὶ πρὸς Γάιον τὸν ἐπὶ τοῦ ναυτικοῦ.

[4] τότε γὰρ ἤδη γνώριμον ἦν ἅπασιν οἵτινες τῶν καθεσταμένων ἀρχόντων ἐν τῇ Ῥώμῃ παραγίνεσθαι μέλλουσιν εἰς τοὺς κατὰ τὴν Ἑλλάδα τόπους.

[5] κροτηθείσης δὲ τῆς ὑποθέσεως, καίπερ ἀντιρρήσεως γενομένης, ἀπεστάλησαν εἰς μὲν τὴν Ῥώμην ἀρχομένης θερείας Ἁγησίλοχος Ἁγησίου,

[6] Νικαγόρας, Νίκανδρος, πρὸς δὲ τὸν ὕπατον καὶ τὸν ἐπὶ τοῦ ναυτικοῦ στρατηγὸν Ἁγέπολις,

[7] ἀρίστων, Πασικράτης, ἐντολὰς ἔχοντες ἀνανεοῦσθαι τὰ φιλάνθρωπα πρὸς Ῥωμαίους καὶ πρὸς τὰς διαβολὰς ἀπολογεῖσθαι τὰς λεγομένας ὑπό τινων κατὰ τῆς πόλεως,

[8] οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Ἁγησίλοχον ἅμα τοῖς προειρημένοις καὶ περὶ σιτικῆς ἐξαγωγῆς ποιησόμενοι λόγους.

[9] τὰ μὲν οὖν ὑπὸ τούτων ῥηθέντα πρὸς τὴν σύγκλητον καὶ τὰς δοθείσας αὐτοῖς ἀποκρίσεις ὑπὸ τῆς συγκλήτου καὶ διότι πάντων τῶν φιλανθρώπων τυχόντες ἐπανῆλθον, ἐν τοῖς Ἰταλικοῖς εἴπομεν.

[10] περὶ δὲ τούτου τοῦ μέρους χρήσιμόν ἐστι πλεονάκις ὑπομιμνήσκειν, ὃ δὴ καὶ πειρώμεθα ποιεῖν, διότι πολλάκις ἀναγκαζόμεθα τὰς ἐντεύξεις τῶν πρεσβειῶν καὶ τοὺς χρηματισμοὺς προτέρους ἐξαγγέλλειν τῆς καταστάσεως καὶ τῆς ἐξαποστολῆς.

[11] ἐπεὶ γὰρ καθʼ ἕκαστον ἔτος τὰς καταλλήλους πράξεις γράφοντες πειρώμεθʼ ἐν ἑνὶ καιρῷ συγκεφαλαιοῦσθαι τὰς παρʼ ἑκάστοις πράξεις, δῆλον ὡς ἀναγκαῖόν ἐστιν τοῦτο συμβαίνειν περὶ τὴν γραφήν.

[1] οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Ἁγέπολιν ἀφικόμενοι πρὸς τὸν Κόιντον, καταλαβόντες αὐτὸν ἐν Μακεδονίᾳ πρὸς Ἡράκλειον στρατοπεδεύοντα διελέγοντο περὶ ὧν εἶχον τὰς ἐντολάς.

[2] ὁ δὲ διακούσας οὐχ οἷον αὐτὸς ἔφη προσέχειν ταῖς διαβολαῖς, ἀλλὰ κἀκείνους παρεκάλει μηδενὸς ἀνέχεσθαι τῶν λέγειν τι τολμώντων κατὰ Ῥωμαίων, καὶ πολλὰ καθόλου τῶν εἰς φιλανθρωπίαν ἡκόντων ἐπεμέτρησεν.

[3] ἔγραψε δὲ ταῦτα καὶ πρὸς τὸν δῆμον τῶν Ῥοδίων.

[4] τοῦ δʼ Ἁγεπόλιδος ἐψυχαγωγημένου κατὰ τὴν ὅλην ἀπάντησιν ἰσχυρῶς, λαβὼν αὐτὸν κατʼ ἰδίαν εἰς τὰς χεῖρας ὁ Κόιντος θαυμάζειν ἔφη πῶς οὐ πειρῶνται διαλύειν οἱ Ῥόδιοι τὸν ἐνεστῶτα πόλεμον, μάλιστα τοῦ πράγματος ἐκείνοις καθήκοντος.

[5] πότερα δὲ τοῦτʼ ἐποίει τὸν Ἀντίοχον ὑποπτεύων μή ποτε κρατήσας τῆς Ἀλεξανδρείας βαρὺς ἔφεδρος αὐτοῖς γένηται, τοῦ πρὸς τὸν Περσέα πολέμου χρόνον λαμβάνοντος·

[6] ἤδη γὰρ τότε συνέβαινε συγκεχύσθαι τὸν περὶ Κοίλης Συρίας πόλεμον·

[7] ἢ θεωρῶν ὅσον οὔπω κριθησόμενα τὰ κατὰ τὸν Περσέα, τῶν Ῥωμαϊκῶν στρατοπέδων ἐν Μακεδονίᾳ παραβεβληκότων, καὶ

[8] καλὰς ἐλπίδας ἔχων ὑπὲρ τῶν ἀποβησομένων ἐβούλετο τοὺς Ῥοδίους προνύξας μεσίτας ἀποδεῖξαι, καὶ τοῦτο πράξαντας δοῦναι τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις ἀφορμὰς εὐλόγους εἰς τὸ βουλεύεσθαι περὶ αὐτῶν ὡς ἂν αὐτοῖς φαίνηται, τὸ μὲν ἀκριβὲς οὐ ῥᾴδιον εἰπεῖν,

[9] δοκῶ δὲ μᾶλλον τὸ τελευταῖον εἰρημένον, ἐξ ὧν ἐμαρτύρησε τὰ μετʼ ὀλίγον συμβάντα τοῖς Ῥοδίοις.

[10] οἵ γε μὴν περὶ τὸν Ἁγέπολιν ἐξ αὐτῆς βαδίσαντες πρὸς τὸν Γάιον καὶ πάντων τυχόντες τῶν φιλανθρώπων ὑπερβολικώτερον ἢ παρὰ τῷ Μαρκίῳ ταχέως εἰς τὴν Ῥόδον ἀνεχώρησαν.

[11] γινομένης δὲ τῆς ἀποπρεσβείας, καὶ τῆς τε διὰ τῶν λόγων φιλανθρωπίας καὶ τῆς διὰ τῶν ἀποκρίσεων εὐνοίας ἑκατέρων τῶν στρατηγῶν ἐφαμίλλου γενομένης, ὀρθοὶ καὶ μετέωροι ταῖς διανοίαις ἐγενήθησαν οἱ Ῥόδιοι πάντες, οὐ μὴν ὡσαύτως.

[12] οἱ μὲν γὰρ ὑγιαίνοντες περιχαρεῖς ἦσαν ἐπὶ τῇ φιλανθρωπίᾳ τῶν Ῥωμαίων, οἱ δὲ κινηταὶ καὶ καχέκται συνελογίζοντο παρʼ αὑτοῖς σημεῖον εἶναι τὴν ὑπερβολὴν τῆς φιλανθρωπίας τοῦ δεδιέναι τὴν περίστασιν τοὺς Ῥωμαίους καὶ μὴ χωρεῖν αὐτοῖς τὰ πράγματα κατὰ λόγον.

[13] ὅτε δὲ καὶ τὸν Ἁγέπολιν συνέβη παραφθέγξασθαι πρός τινας τῶν φίλων, ὅτι παρὰ τοῦ Μαρκίου κατʼ ἰδίαν ἐντολὰς εἴληφε μνημονεύειν πρὸς τὴν βουλὴν ὑπὲρ τοῦ διαλύειν τὸν πόλεμον,

[14] τότε δὴ τελέως οἱ περὶ τὸν Δείνωνα συνέθεσαν ἐν κακοῖς μεγάλοις εἶναι τοὺς Ῥωμαίους.

[15] ἀπέστειλαν δὲ καὶ πρεσβευτὰς εἰς τὴν Ἀλεξάνδρειαν τοὺς διαλύσοντας τὸν ἐνεστῶτα πόλεμον Ἀντιόχῳ καὶ Πτολεμαίῳ.

ιϝ. βελλυμ αντιοξηι ιϝ ξυμ πτολεμαεο πηιλομετορε

[1] ὅτι Ἀντίοχος ὁ βασιλεὺς ἦν καὶ πρακτικὸς καὶ μεγαλεπίβολος καὶ τοῦ τῆς βασιλείας προσχήματος ἄξιος, πλὴν τῶν κατὰ τὸ Πηλούσιον στρατηγημάτων. —

[1] ὅτι μετὰ τὸ παραλαβεῖν Ἀντίοχον τὰ κατὰ τὴν Αἴγυπτον ἔδοξε τοῖς περὶ τὸν Κομανὸν καὶ Κινέαν συνεδρεύσασιν μετὰ τοῦ βασιλέως κοινοβούλιον καταγράφειν ἐκ τῶν ἐπιφανεστάτων ἡγεμόνων τὸ βουλευσόμενον περὶ τῶν ἐνεστώτων.

[2] πρῶτον οὖν ἔδοξε τῷ συνεδρίῳ τοὺς ἀπὸ τῆς Ἑλλάδος παρεπιδημήσαντας πέμπειν πρεσβευτὰς ὡς τὸν Ἀντίοχον κοινολογησομένους ὑπὲρ διαλύσεως.

[3] ἦσαν δὲ τότε παρὰ μὲν τοῦ κοινοῦ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν πρεσβεῖαι διτταί, μία μὲν ὑπὲρ τῆς τῶν φιλανθρώπων ἀνανεώσεως, ἣν ἐπρέσβευον Ἀλκίθος Ξενοφῶντος Αἰγιεὺς καὶ Πασιάδας, ἄλλη δὲ περὶ τοῦ τῶν Ἀντιγονείων ἀγῶνος.

[4] ἦν δὲ καὶ παρὰ τῶν Ἀθηναίων πρεσβεία περὶ δωρεᾶς, ἧς ἡγεῖτο Δημάρατος, καὶ θεωρίαι διτταί, μία μὲν ὑπὲρ τῶν Παναθηναίων, ἧς προειστήκει Καλλίας ὁ παγκρατιαστής, ἡ δʼ ἄλλη περὶ μυστηρίων, ὑπὲρ ἧς Κλεόστρατος ἐποιεῖτο τὸν χρηματισμὸν καὶ τοὺς λόγους.

[5] ἐκ δὲ Μιλήτου παρῆσαν Εὔδημος καὶ Ἱκέσιος, ἐκ δὲ Κλαζομενῶν Ἀπολλωνίδης καὶ Ἀπολλώνιος.

[6] ἐξαπέστειλε δὲ καὶ Πτολεμαῖος ὁ βασιλεὺς Τληπόλεμον καὶ Πτολεμαῖον τὸν ῥήτορα πρεσβευτάς.

[7] οὗτοι μὲν οὖν ἔπλεον ἀνὰ τὸν ποταμὸν εἰς τὴν ἀπάντησιν. —

[1] ὅτι κατὰ τὸν καιρόν, ὅτε Ἀντίοχος τὴν Αἴγυπτον παρέλαβε, συνῆψαν τῶν ἀπὸ τῆς Ἑλλάδος πρεσβευτῶν οἱ πεμφθέντες ἐπὶ τὰς διαλύσεις. ἀποδεξάμενος δὲ τοὺς ἄνδρας φιλανθρώπως τὴν μὲν πρώτην ὑποδοχὴν αὐτῶν ἐποιήσατο μεγαλομερῆ,

[2] κατὰ δὲ τὴν ἑξῆς ἔδωκεν ἔντευξιν καὶ λέγειν ἐκέλευσεν περὶ ὧν ἔχουσι τὰς ἐντολάς.

[3] πρῶτοι μὲν οὖν οἱ παρὰ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν ἐποιήσαντο λόγους, τούτοις δʼ ἑξῆς Δημάρατος ὁ παρὰ τῶν Ἀθηναίων, μετὰ δὲ τοῦτον Εὔδημος ὁ Μιλήσιος.

[4] πάντων δὲ πρὸς τὸν αὐτὸν καιρὸν καὶ τὴν αὐτὴν ὑπόθεσιν διαλεγομένων, παραπλησίους εἶναι συνέβαινε καὶ τοὺς κατὰ μέρος αὐτῶν λόγους.

[5] τὴν μὲν γὰρ αἰτίαν τῶν συμβεβηκότων πάντες ἀνέφερον ἐπὶ τοὺς περὶ τὸν Εὐλαῖον, τὴν δὲ συγγένειαν καὶ τὴν ἡλικίαν τὴν τοῦ Πτολεμαίου προφερόμενοι παρῃτοῦντο τὴν ὀργὴν τοῦ βασιλέως.

[6] Ἀντίοχος δὲ πᾶσι τούτοις ἀνθομολογησάμενος καὶ προσαυξήσας τὴν ἐκείνων ὑπόθεσιν ἤρξατο λέγειν [τὴν] ὑπὲρ τῶν ἐξ ἀρχῆς δικαίων, διʼ ὧν ἐπειρᾶτο συνιστάνειν τῶν ἐν Συρίᾳ βασιλέων ὑπάρχουσαν τὴν κτῆσιν τῶν κατὰ Κοίλην Συρίαν τόπων,

[7] ἰσχυροποιῶν μὲν τὰς ἐπικρατείας τὰς Ἀντιγόνου τοῦ πρώτου κατασχόντος τὴν ἐν Συρίᾳ βασιλείαν, προφερόμενος δὲ τὰ συγχωρήματα τὰ γενόμενα Σελεύκῳ διὰ τῶν ἀπὸ Μακεδονίας βασιλέων μετὰ τὸν Ἀντιγόνου θάνατον·

[8] ἑξῆς δὲ τούτοις ἀπερειδόμενος ἐπὶ τὴν τελευταίαν κατὰ πόλεμον Ἀντιόχου τοῦ πατρὸς ἔγκτησιν,

[9] ἐπὶ δὲ πᾶσιν ἐξαρνούμενος τὴν ὁμολογίαν, ἣν ἔφασαν οἱ κατὰ τὴν Ἀλεξάνδρειαν γενέσθαι Πτολεμαίῳ τῷ νεωστὶ μετηλλαχότι πρὸς Ἀντίοχον τὸν ἐκείνου πατέρα, διότι δεῖ λαβεῖν αὐτὸν ἐν φερνῇ Κοίλην Συρίαν, ὅτʼ ἐλάμβανε Κλεοπάτραν τὴν τοῦ νῦν βασιλεύοντος μητέρα.

[10] πρὸς ταύτην τὴν ὑπόθεσιν διαλεχθεὶς καὶ πείσας οὐ μόνον αὑτόν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοὺς ἀπηντηκότας ὡς δίκαια λέγει, τότε μὲν διέπλευσεν εἰς τὴν Ναύκρατιν.

[11] χρησάμενος δὲ καὶ τούτοις φιλανθρώπως καὶ δοὺς ἑκάστῳ τῶν Ἑλλήνων τῶν κατοικούντων χρυσοῦν προῆγεν ἐπὶ τῆς Ἀλεξανδρείας.

[12] τοῖς δὲ πρεσβευταῖς τὴν ἀπόκρισιν ὑπέσχετο δώσειν, ὅταν οἱ περὶ τὸν Ἀριστείδην καὶ Θῆριν ἀνακάμψωσιν ὡς αὐτόν.

[13] ἐξαπεσταλκέναι γὰρ ἐκείνους ἔφη πρὸς τὸν Πτολεμαῖον, βούλεσθαι δὲ πάντων συνίστορας εἶναι καὶ μάρτυρας τοὺς ἀπὸ τῆς Ἑλλάδος πρεσβευτάς. —

[1] ὅτι Εὐλαῖος ὁ εὐνοῦχος ἔπεισε Πτολεμαῖον ἀναλαβόντα τὰ χρήματα, τὴν βασιλείαν προιέμενον τοῖς ἐχθροῖς, ὑποχωρεῖν εἰς Σαμοθρᾴκην·

[2] ἐφʼ ἃ τίς οὐκ ἂν ἐπιστήσας ὁμολογήσειεν ὅτι μέγιστα κακὰ ποιοῦσιν αἱ κακαὶ συντροφίαι τοὺς ἀνθρώπους;

[3] τὸ γὰρ μηδʼ, ἐκτὸς γενόμενον τῶν δεινῶν καὶ τοσοῦτον τόπον ἀποστάντα τῶν ἐχθρῶν, ὁρμῆσαι πρός τι τῶν καθηκόντων, ἄλλως τε καὶ τηλικαύτας ἀφορμὰς ἔχοντα καὶ τοιούτων τόπων κυριεύοντα καὶ τοσούτων πληθῶν, ἀλλʼ εὐθέως αὐτόθεν ἀκονιτὶ παραχωρῆσαι βασιλείας τῆς ἐπιφανεστάτης καὶ μακαριωτάτης, πῶς οὐκ ἄν τις εἶναι φήσειε ψυχῆς ἐκτεθηλυμμένης καὶ διεφθαρμένης ὁλοσχερῶς; ἣν εἰ μὲν συνέβαινε φύσει περὶ Πτολεμαῖον ὑπάρχειν,

[4] τὴν φύσιν ἔδει καταμέμψασθαι καὶ μηδενὶ τῶν ἐκτὸς αἰτίαν ἐπιφέρειν·

[5] ἐπειδὴ δὲ διὰ τῶν μετὰ ταῦτα πράξεων ἡ φύσις ὑπὲρ αὑτῆς ἀπελογήθη, δείξασα τὸν Πτολεμαῖον καὶ στάσιμον ἱκανῶς καὶ γενναῖον ἐν τοῖς κινδύνοις ὑπάρχοντα, δῆλον ὡς εἰκότως ἄν τις τῆς τότε περὶ αὐτὸν γενομένης ἀγεννίας καὶ τῆς ὁρμῆς τῆς εἰς τὴν Σαμοθρᾴκην τὴν αἰτίαν ἐπὶ τὸν σπάδωνα καὶ τὴν τούτου συντροφίαν ἀναφέροι. —

[1] ὅτι Ἀντίοχος μετὰ τὸ καταλιπεῖν Ἀλεξάνδρειαν πολιορκεῖν πρεσβευτὰς εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην ἐξέπεμπεν·

[2] οὗτοι δʼ ἦσαν Μελέαγρος, Σωσιφάνης, Ἡρακλείδης·

[3] συνθεὶς ἑκατὸν καὶ πεντήκοντα τάλαντα, πεντήκοντα μὲν στέφανον Ῥωμαίοις, τὰ δὲ λοιπὰ τῶν χρημάτων εἰς δωρεάν τισιν τῶν κατὰ τὴν Ἑλλάδα πόλεων. —

[1] ὅτι κατὰ τὰς αὐτὰς ἡμέρας κατέπλευσαν ἐκ Ῥόδου πρέσβεις εἰς τὴν Ἀλεξάνδρειαν ἐπὶ τὰς διαλύσεις οἱ περὶ Πράξωνα καὶ μετʼ οὐ πολὺ παρῆσαν εἰς τὴν παρεμβολὴν πρὸς Ἀντίοχον.

[2] γενομένης δὲ τῆς ἐντεύξεως, πολλοὺς διετίθεντο λόγους, τήν τε τῆς ἰδίας πατρίδος εὔνοιαν προφερόμενοι πρὸς ἀμφοτέρας τὰς βασιλείας καὶ τὴν αὐτῶν τῶν βασιλέων ἀναγκαιότητα πρὸς ἀλλήλους καὶ τὸ συμφέρον ἑκατέροις ἐκ τῆς διαλύσεως.

[3] ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς ἔτι λέγοντα τὸν πρεσβευτὴν ἐπιτεμὼν οὐκ ἔφη προσδεῖσθαι πολλῶν λόγων.

[4] τὴν μὲν γὰρ βασιλείαν εἶναι Πτολεμαίου τοῦ πρεσβυτέρου, πρὸς δὲ τοῦτον καὶ διαλελύσθαι πάλαι καὶ φίλους ὑπάρχειν, καὶ νῦν βουλομένων τῶν ἐν τῇ πόλει κατάγειν τοῦτον μὴ κωλύειν Ἀντίοχον.

[5] καὶ δὴ πεποίηκεν.

Notes on the current edition

Histories

1. B. C. 169, Antiochus and Ptolemy both appeal to Rome on the subject of Coele-Syria.

1. Antiochus IV. Epiphanes, B. C. 175-164; Ptolemy VI. Philometor, ¹ B. C. 181-146.

3. See .

4. The Rhodians ask for license to import corn.

5. B. C. 169. Aulus Hostilius, in Greece with proconsular authority, sends Popilius and Octavius to visit the Greek towns and read the decree of the Senate.

6. The decree referred to is given in Livy, 43, 17 . No one shall supply any war material to the Roman magistrates other than that which the Senate has decreed. This had been extracted from the Senate by vehement complaints reaching Rome of the cruel extortions of the Roman officers in the previous two years.

7. They visit the Peloponnese, and express some dissatisfaction at the backward policy of certain Achaeans.

8. Lycortas, Archon, and Polybius are supposed to be particularly aimed at.

9. Polybius seems to mean the smaller council, not the public assembly, though Livy evidently understood the latter ( 43, 47 ).

10. The legates in Aetolia.

11. Various Aetolians accuse each other.

12. Proandrus.

13. Lyciscus.

14. Pantaleon.

15. Thoas stoned.

16. Acarnania.

17. Meeting of Achaean statesmen to consider their policy, B. C. 169

18. Lycortas is for complete neutrality.

19. Apollonides and Stratius for suppressing rash declarations for Rome, and yet not openly opposing her.

20. The Strategus Archon is for bending to the storm, and acting frankly for Rome.

21. Polybius Hipparch.

22. Embassy from Attalus to the Achaeans desiring the restoration of the honours formally decreed to his brother Eumenes, See .

23. Speech of Polybius.

24. The expedition of Perseus into Illyricum apparently took place late in the year B.C. 170 and in the first month of B.C. 169. Livy, 43, 18 -20.

24. Early in B. C. 169,²⁴ after taking Hyscana in Illyria, Perseus advances to Stubera, and thence sends envoys to king Genthius at Lissus. Livy, 43, 19 .

26. Genthius temporises.

27. A second mission to Genthius.

28. Perseus goes back to Hyscana in Illyria.

29. Hyscana, or Uscana, a town of the Illyrian tribe Penestae.

30. Genthius being unpersuaded by the second mission, Perseus sends a third, but still without offering money.

31. The dislike of Perseus to give money turned out happily for Greece.

32. Perseus lays the blame of his failure on his generals. Livy, 44, 8 .

33. The testudo. Livy, 44, 9 .

34. While C. Marcius Figulus, the praetor, was engaged in Chalcidice, Q. Marcius sent M. Popilius to besiege Meliboea in Magnesia. Perseus sent Euphranor to relieve it, and, if he succeeded, to enter Demetrias. This he did, and was not attacked at the latter place by Popilius or Eumenes—scandal saying that the latter was in secret communication with Perseus. Livy, 44, 10-13 , B. C. 169.

35. The Achaeans decide to cooperate actively with the Romans in Thessaly.

36. Polybius sent to the Consul.

37. Ptolemy Physcon celebrates his anacleteria.

38. Summer of B. C. 169.

39. Autumn of B. C. 169.

40. Q. Marcius declines the offered army of Achaeans.

41. Appius Claudius Cento defeated at Hyscana in B. C. 170. Livy, 43, 10 .

42. See above, p. 372.

43. Crete. The Cydonians attack and take Apollonia near Cnossus.

44. The Rhodians determine to send a mission to Rome, B.C. 170.

45. B.C. 169.

46. See supra, .

47. The envoys visit Q. Marcius Philippus at Heracleum.

48. Why do not the Rhodians stop the war between Antiochus and Ptolemy?

49. That is, the war between Antiochus and Ptolemy.

50. Effect of the warm reception of their ambassadors on the Rhodians.

51. They endeavour to make peace between Antiochus Epiphanes and Ptolemy Physcon.

52. Ptolemy Epiphanes, who died B.C. 181, left two sons, Ptolemy Philometor and Ptolemy Physcon, and a daughter, Cleopatra, by his wife Cleopatra, sister of Antiochus Epiphanes. After the death of Ptolemy’s mother Cleopatra, his ministers, Eulaeus and Lenaeus, engaged in a war with Antiochus for the recovery of Coele-Syria and Phoenicia, which had been taken by Antiochus the Great, and which they alleged had been assigned as a dower to the late Cleopatra. Their war was singularly unsuccessful. Antiochus Epiphanes defeated their troops at Pelusium, took young Ptolemy Philometor captive, and advanced as far as Memphis. Thereupon Ptolemy Physcon assumed the royal title at Alexandria as Euergetes II., and sent envoys to Antiochus at Memphis. Antiochus, however, treated Ptolemy Philometor with kindness, established him as king at Memphis, and advanced to Naucratis, and thence to Alexandria, which he besieged on the pretext of re-establishing Philometor. B.C. 171. See infra, .

53. Character of Antiochus IV. (Epiphanes).

54. Comanus and Cineas, Physcon’s ministers, determine to send embassies to Antiochus, B. C. 169.

55. The Antigoneia was a festival established in honour of Antigonus Doson, who had been a benefactor of the Achaeans. In , it is mentioned as being celebrated in Sicyon. The benefactions of this Macedonian king to the Achaeans are mentioned by Pausanias ( 8, 8, 12 ).

56. See ; , .

57. The Greek envoys visit Antiochus and endeavour to make peace.

58. Their arguments.

59. Reply of Antiochus.

60. Seleucus Nicanor, B. C. 306-280.

61. Antiochus occupies Naucratis and thence advances to Alexandria.

62. The evil influence of Eulaeus upon Ptolemy Philometor. He advises him to yield to Antiochus and retire to Samothrace.

63. Antiochus leaves Alexandria for a time, being met by some Roman envoys. See .

64. Envoys from Rhodes visit Antiochus in his camp not far from Alexandria.

Polybius Histories 28

Evelyn S. Shuckburgh (Translator)