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In B.C. 174 Perseus forced the Dolopes, who had appealed against him to Rome, to submit to his authority. After this successful expedition he marched through Central and Northern Greece, visiting Delphi, where he stayed three days, Phthiotid Achaia, and Thessaly. He carefully abstained from inflicting any damage in the districts through which he passed, and tried to gain the confidence of the various states. In the same year he made friendly advances to the Achaeans, who had forbidden any Lacedaemonian to enter their territory, by offering to restore their fugitive slaves. But in spite of the exertions of Xenarchus the Strategus, the Achaeans refuse to make any change ( Livy, 41, 22 -24).

The same year saw also commotions in Aetolia, which were settled by five Roman commissioners: and in Crete, on the old score of the status of the Lycians. Q. Minucius was sent to settle this also ( Livy, 41, 25 ).

In B. C. 173 Perseus entered on still more active intrigues in Greece, and in spite of the wildest scandals that were afloat as to his tyranny, he gained a powerful hold in Aetolia, Thessaly, and Perrhaebia. The Senate accordingly sent Marcellus to Aetolia and Achaia, and App. Claudius to Thessaly, to inquire into the facts; and a commission of five into Macedonia, with directions to proceed afterwards to Alexandria ( Livy, 42, 5, 6 ).

In B. C. 172 king Eumenes visited Rome and urged the Senate to take measures in time to counteract the attempts of Perseus; warning them that he had already obtained strong hold upon the Boeotians and Aetolians, and had an inexhaustible recruiting ground in Thrace. That everywhere he had secured the death or exile of the partisans of Rome, and was overrunning in arms Thessaly and Perrhaebia ( Livy, 42, 11 -13).

The Senate, already inclined to listen to these representations, was still more inclined to do so by the defiant tone of Harpalus, the representative of king Perseus; by the attempted assassination of Eumenes by emissaries of Perseus at Delphi on his home journey; by receiving a report from Greece from C. Valerius confirming the speech of Eumenes; and lastly by the confession of one L. Rammius of Brundisium, that he had been requested to poison certain Roman envoys who were accustomed to stay at his house on their journeys to and from Macedonia and Greece ( Livy, 42, 15-17 ).

War was now determined on for the next year, and the praetor ordered to enroll troops. And Eumenes also, now recovered from the wounds of the assassins, made preparations to join in the struggle ( Livy, 42, 18 -27).

In B. C. 171, fresh legions having been enrolled, and an army of sixteen thousand infantry and eight hundred cavalry ordered to Macedonia, envoys appeared from Perseus demanding the reason. The Senate would not allow them to enter the Pomoerium, but received them in the temple of Bellona: and after listening to a report from Sp. Cavilius that Perseus had, among other acts of hostility, taken cities in Thessaly and entered Perrhaebia in arms, the Senate answered the Macedonian envoys that any complaint they had to make must be made to the consul, P. Licinius, who would presently be in Macedonia, but that they must not come into Italy again ( Livy, 42, 36 ).

A few days afterwards five commissioners were sent into Greece, who distributed the districts to be visited among themselves: Servius and Publius Lentulus and Lucius Decimius were to go to Cephallenia, the Peloponnese, and the west coast generally; Q. Marcius and Aulus Atilius to Epirus, Aetolia, Thessaly, and thence to Boeotia and Euboea, where they were to meet the Lentuli. Meanwhile a letter from Perseus, demanding the cause of their coming and of the presence of troops in Macedonia, was received and left unanswered. After visiting the districts assigned to them, in the course of doing which Marcius and Atilius had met Perseus on the river Peneus, and granted him a truce to enable him to send envoys to Rome (Marcius knowing well that the Romans were not yet fully prepared for war² the commissioners reached their destination at Chalcis, where the earlier events narrated in the following extracts occurred ( Livy, 42, 36 -43).

Affairs In Boeotia: The War with Perseus

AT this time Lases and Callias arrived at the head of ³ an embassy from the Thespians, and Ismenias⁴⁵ from Neon. Lases and his colleagues offered to put their city wholly into the hands of the Romans; Ismenias proposed to submit all the cities of Boeotia as one nation to the discretion of the commissioners. But this latter proposal was diametrically opposed to the policy of Marcius and his colleagues. What suited that policy best was to split up Boeotia into separate cities: and they therefore received Lases and his party, as well as the envoys from Chaeronea and Lebadea, and all who came from single cities, with great favour and lavish courtesy; but treated Ismenias with ostentatious neglect and coldness. Some of the exiles⁶ also attacked Ismenias and were very near stoning him to death, and would have done so if he had not saved himself by taking refuge through the door⁷ of the chamber where the commissioners were sitting. At the same period there were disturbances and party contests at Thebes. ⁸ One party were for committing the town unconditionally to Rome; but the Coroneans and Haliartians flocked to Thebes and vehemently maintained that they ought to maintain the alliance with Perseus. For a time neither of the two parties showed any disposition to give in to each other; but when Olympichus of Coronea set the example of changing sides and asserting that they ought to cleave to the Romans, a great change and revolution came over the feelings of the populace. First, they compelled Dicetas to go on an embassy to Marcius and the other commissioners to excuse them for their alliance with Perseus. Next, they expelled Neon and Hippias, crowding to their houses, and bidding them go and make their own defence for the terms that they had made; for they were the men who had negotiated the alliance. When these men had left the town, the people immediately collected into the assembly and first voted honours and gifts to the Romans, and then ordered the magistrates to push on the alliance. Last of all they appointed ambassadors to hand over the city to the Romans and to restore their exiles.

Romans and Perseus Try to Secure Greece

Whilst these things were being accomplished at Thebes, ⁹ the exiles in Chalcis appointed Pompides to state their grievances against Ismenias, Neon, and Dicetas. The bad policy of these men being manifest, and the Romans lending their support to the exiles, Hippias and his party were rendered so odious that they were in danger of falling victims to the fury of the populace, until the Romans, by checking the assaults of the mob, secured them a certain degree of safety.

When the Theban envoys arrived, bringing with them to¹⁰ the commissioners the decrees and honours I have mentioned, a rapid change passed over the face of things in each of the towns, for they were separated by a very narrow interval from each other. The commissioners with Marcius received the Theban envoys, complimented their town and counselled them to restore the exiles, and bade the several towns send embassies to Rome submitting themselves individually and unreservedly to the protection of the Romans. Their policy, therefore, of splitting up the league of the Boeotian towns, and of destroying the popularity of the Macedonian royal house with the Boeotian populace having thus completely succeeded, the commissioners sent for Servius Lentulus from Argos, and leaving him in charge at Chalcis went themselves to the Peloponnese; while Neon a few days afterwards retired to Macedonia; and Ismenias and Dicetas, being thrown at once into prison, shortly afterwards put an end to their lives. Thus it came about that the Boeotians, who had for a long period of years, and through many strange vicissitudes, maintained a national league, by now rashly and inconsiderately adopting the cause of Perseus, and giving way to an outburst of unreasoning excitement, were entirely disintegrated and split up into separate cities.

When Aulus and Marcius arrived at Argos, after communication with the council of the Achaean league,¹¹ they called upon Archon the Strategus to despatch a thousand men to Chalcis, to garrison the town until the arrival of the Romans; an order which Archon readily obeyed. Having thus settled affairs in Greece during the winter, and met Publius Lentulus and his two colleagues, the commissioners sailed back to Rome. . . .

Rhodes Prepares to Assist Rome

Meanwhile Tiberius Claudius and Aulus Postumius ¹² had been engaged on a visitation of the islands and Greek cities in Asia, and had spent the longest time in Rhodes; though the Rhodians at that time did not require any supervision, for the prytanis that year was Agesilochus, a man of high rank, who had once been on an embassy to Rome. Even before the legates came, as soon as it became clear that the Romans intended to go to war with Perseus he had urged his people to throw in their fortunes with those of Rome; and, among other things, had counselled them to repair forty ships, in order that, if any occasion for using them should arise, it should not find them still in the midst of preparations, but ready to answer to the call and to carry out their resolve at once. By stating these facts to the Roman envoys, and showing them the preparations visibly progressing, he let them return to Rome in a high state of satisfaction with Rhodes. . . .

Perseus Sends a Statement to the Greeks

After the conferences had been held between the Roman ¹³ envoys and the Greeks, Perseus drew up a despatch containing a statement of his case, and the arguments employed on either side; partly from an idea that he would thus be shown to have the superiority of right on his side, and partly because he wished to test the feelings of the several states. Copies of this despatch he sent to the other states by his ordinary letter-carriers; but to Rhodes he sent also Antenor and Philip as ambassadors, who, on their arrival in the island, handed over the document to the magistrates, and a few days afterwards entered the Council chamber and urged the Rhodians To remain neutral for the present and watch what happened; and, if the Romans attacked Perseus in violation of the treaty, to endeavour to mediate. For this was the interest of all, and pre-eminently of the Rhodians, who more than most peoples desired equality and freedom of speech, and were ever the protectors, not only of their own liberty, but of that of the rest of Greece also; and therefore ought to be proportionally careful to provide and guard against a policy of an opposite tendency. These and similar arguments of the envoys found favour with the Rhodian people. But, as they were already pledged to an attitude of friendship to Rome, the influence of the upper classes so far prevailed that, though a friendly reception was given to the Macedonian envoys, they demanded in their formal answer that Perseus should not ask them to take any measure which would involve the appearance of hostility to Rome. Antenor and his colleagues would not accept this reply, but with thanks for the kindness of their general reception, sailed back to Macedonia. . . .

Perseus Sends Alexander to Boeotia

Being informed that some of the cities of Boeotia remained faithful to him, Perseus sent Alexander ¹⁴ on a mission to them. On his arrival in Boeotia, Alexander was obliged to abstain from visiting any of the cities except Coronea, Thisbae,¹⁵ and Haliartus, finding that they offered him no facilities for securing close relations. But he entered those three towns and exhorted their inhabitants to cling to their loyalty to the Macedonians. They received his words with enthusiasm, and voted to send ambassadors to Macedonia. ¹⁶ Alexander accordingly returned to the king and reported the state of things in Boeotia. A short time afterwards the ambassadors arrived, desiring the king to send aid to the cities which favoured the Macedonian cause; for the Thebans were oppressing them severely, because they would not agree with them and side with Rome, But Perseus replied that he was precluded by the truce from sending any aid to any one; but he begged them to resist the Thebans to the best of their power, and yet not to go to war with the Romans, but to remain neutral. . . .

The Boeotians and Rhodians

When the report of the commissioners from Asia concerning Rhodes and the other states had been ¹⁷ at Rome, the Senate called in the ambassadors of Perseus, Solon and Hippias: who endeavoured to argue the whole case and to deprecate the anger of the Senate; and particularly to defend their master on the subject of the attempt upon the life of Eumenes. ¹⁸ When they had finished all they had to urge, the Senate, which had all the while been resolved on war, bade them depart forthwith from Rome; and ordered all other Macedonians also that happened to be staying in the country to quit Italy within thirty days. The Senate then called upon the Consuls to act at once and see that they moved in good time. . . .

War With Perseus Begun

Caius Lucretius¹⁹ being at anchor off Cephallenia, wrote a letter to the Rhodians, requesting them to despatch some ships, and entrusted the letter to a certain trainer named Socrates. ²¹²² This letter arrived at Rhodes in the second six months of the Prytany of Stratocles. When the question came on for discussion, Agathagetus, Rhodophon, Astymedes, and many others were for sending the ships and taking part in the war from the first, without any further pretence; but Deinon and Polyaratus, though really displeased at the favour already shown to Rome, now for the present used the case of Eumenes as their pretext, and began by that means to alienate the feelings of the populace. ²³ There had in fact been a long standing feeling of suspicion and dislike in the minds of the Rhodians against Eumenes, dating from the time of his war with Pharnaces; when, upon king Eumenes blockading the entrance of the Hellespont to prevent ships sailing into the Pontus, the Rhodians had interfered with his design and thwarted him. This ill-feeling had again been recently exasperated during the Lycian war on the question of certain forts, and a strip of territory on the frontier of the Rhodian Peraea, which was being damaged by some of Eumenes’s subjects. These incidents taken together made the Rhodians ready to listen to anything against the king. Seizing on this pretext, the party of Deinon tried to discredit the despatch, asserting that it did not come from the Romans but from Eumenes, who wished to involve them on any possible pretext in a war, and bring expense and perfectly unnecessary suffering upon the people. In support of their contention they put forward the fact that the man who brought the letter was some obscure trainer or another; and asserted that the Romans were not accustomed to employ such messengers, but were rather inclined to act with unnecessary care and dignity in the despatch of such missives. When they said this they were perfectly aware that the letter had really been written by Lucretius: their object was to persuade the Rhodian people to do nothing for the Romans readily, but rather to perpetually make difficulties, and thus give occasions for offence and displeasure to crop up between the two nations. For their deliberate purpose was to alienate Rhodes from the Roman friendship, and to join it to that of Perseus, by every means in their power. Their motives for thus clinging to Perseus were that Polyaratus, who was ostentatious and vain, had become heavily in debt; and that Deinon, who was avaricious and unscrupulous, had from the first relied on increasing his wealth by getting presents from princes and kings. These speeches having been delivered, the Prytanis Stratocles rose, and, after inveighing at some length against Perseus, and speaking with equal warmth in praise of the Romans, induced the people to confirm the decree for the despatch of the ships. Forthwith six quadriremes were prepared, five of which were sent to Chalcis under the command of Timagoras, and the other under the command of another Timagoras to Tenedos. This latter commander fell in at Tenedos with Diophanes, who had been despatched by Perseus to Antiochus, and captured both him and his crew. All such allies as arrived with offers of help by sea Lucretius thanked warmly, but excused from taking part in this service, observing that the Romans had no need of naval support. . . .

²⁴

Perseus Summons a Council

After the Macedonian victory Perseus summoned ²⁵ his Council, when some of his friends expressed an opinion that he ought to send an embassy to the Roman general, to signify his readiness even now to pay the Romans the same amount of tribute as his father had formerly undertaken to pay when beaten in war, and to evacuate the same places. For if, they argued, the Romans accept the terms the war will be ended in a manner honourable to the king after his victory in the field; and the Romans, after this taste of Macedonian valour, will be much more careful in the future not to impose an unjust or harsh burden upon the Macedonians. And if, on the other hand, in spite of the past, they prove obstinate and refuse to accept them, the anger of heaven will with justice fall on them; while the king by his moderation will gain the support of Gods and men alike. The majority of his friends held this view, and Perseus expressing his assent to it, Pantauchus, son of Balacrus, and Midon of Beroea, were forthwith sent as ambassadors to Licinius. ²⁶ On their arrival, Licinius summoned his Council, and the ambassadors having stated their proposals in accordance with their instructions, Pantauchus and his colleague were requested to withdraw, and they deliberated on the proposition thus made to them. They decided unanimously to return as stern an answer as possible. For this is a peculiarity of the Romans, which they have inherited from their ancestors, and are continually displaying,—to show themselves most peremptory and imperious in the presence of defeat, and most moderate when successful: a very noble peculiarity, as every one will acknowledge; but whether it be feasible under certain circumstances may be doubted. However that may be, on the present occasion they made answer that Perseus must submit without reserve himself, and give the Senate full power to take whatever measures it might think good concerning Macedonia and all in it. On this being communicated to Pantauchus and Midon, they returned and informed Perseus and his friends; some of whom were roused to anger at this astonishing display of haughtiness, and advised Perseus to send no more embassies or messages about anything whatever. Perseus, however, was not the man to take such a line. He sent again and again to Licinius, with continually enhanced offers, and promising a larger and larger sum of money. But as nothing that he could do had any effect, and as his friends found fault with him, and told him that, though he had won a victory, he was acting like one who had been defeated and lost all, he was at length compelled to renounce the sending of embassies, and remove his camp back to Sicyrium. ²⁷ Such was the position of the campaign. . . .

Moral Effect of Perseus’s Successes

When the report of the favourable result for Perseus of ²⁸ the cavalry engagement, and of the victory of the Macedonians, spread through Greece, the inclination of the populace to the cause of Perseus blazed out like a fire, most of them having up to that time concealed their real feelings. Their conduct, to my mind, was like what one sees at gymnastic contests. When some obscure and far inferior combatant descends into the arena with a famous champion reputed to be invincible, the spectators immediately bestow their favour upon the weaker of the two, and try to keep up his spirits by applause, and eagerly second his efforts by their enthusiasm. And if he succeeds so far as even to touch the face of his opponent, and make a mark to prove the blow, the whole of the spectators again show themselves on his side. Sometimes they even jeer at his antagonist: not because they dislike or undervalue him, but because their sympathies are roused by the unexpected, and they are naturally inclined to take the weaker side. But if any one checks them at the right moment, they are quick to change and see their mistake. And this is what Cleitomachus is said to have done. ²⁹ He had the character of being an invincible athlete, and, as his reputation was spread all over the world, King Ptolemy is said to have been inspired with the ambition of putting an end to it. He therefore had Aristonicus the boxer, who was thought to have unusual physical capabilities for that kind of thing trained with extraordinary care, and sent to Greece. When he appeared on the arena at Olympia a great number of the spectators, it seems, immediately showed their favour for him, and cheered him on, being rejoiced that some one should have had the courage to make some sort of stand against Cleitomachus. But when, as the fight went on, he showed that he was a match for his antagonist, and even gave him a well-placed wound, there was a general clapping of hands, and the popular enthusiasm showed itself loudly on his side, the spectators calling out to Aristonicus to keep up his spirits. Thereupon they say that Cleitomachus stepped aside, and after waiting a short time to recover his breath, turned to the crowd and asked them Why, they cheered Aristonicus, and supported him all they could? Had they detected him in playing foul in the combat? Or were they not aware that Cleitomachus was at that moment fighting for the honour of Greece, Aristonicus for that of king Ptolemy? Would they prefer an Egyptian to carry off the crown by beating Greeks, or that a Theban and Boeotian should be proclaimed victor in boxing over all comers? Upon this speech of Cleitomachus, they say that such a revulsion of feeling came over the spectators, that Aristonicus in his turn was conquered more by the display of popular feeling than by Cleitomachus.

The Unthinking Multitude

What happened in the case of Perseus in regard to the feeling of the multitude was very similar to this. For if any one had pulled them up and asked them plainly, in so many words, whether they wished such great power to fall to one man, and were desirous of trying the effect of an utterly irresponsible despotism, I presume that they would have promptly bethought themselves, recanted all they had said, and gone to the other extreme of feeling. Or if some one had briefly recalled to their recollection all the tyrannical acts of the royal house of Macedonia from which the Greeks had suffered, and all the benefits they had received from the Romans, I imagine they would have at once and decisively changed their minds. However, for the present, at the first burst of thoughtless enthusiasm, the people showed unmistakable signs of joy at the news, being delighted at the unlooked-for appearance of a champion able to cope with Rome. I say this much to prevent any one, in ignorance of human nature, from bringing a rash charge of ingratitude against the Greeks for the feelings which they displayed at that time. . . .

Invention of the Cestros

The cestros was a novel invention, made during the war ³⁰ with Perseus. This weapon consisted of an iron bolt two palms long, half of which was spike, and half a tube for the reception of the wooden shaft which was fixed into the tube, and measured a span in length and a finger-breadth in diameter. At the middle point of the shaft three wooden plumes were morticed in. The sling had thongs of unequal length, and on the leather between them the missile was loosely set. When the sling was being swung round, with the two thongs taut, the missile kept its place; but when the slinger let go one of the thongs, it flew from the leather like a leaden bullet, and was projected from the sling with such force as to inflict a very grievous wound upon any one whom it hit.³¹

Character of Cotys

Cotys was a man of distinguished appearance and of ³² great ability in military affairs, and besides, quite unlike a Thracian in character. For he was of sober habits, and gave evidence of a gentleness of temper and a steadiness of disposition worthy of a man of gentle birth. . . .

Indecisive Result of the First Campaign

Ptolemy, the general serving in Cyprus, was by no ³³ means like an Egyptian, but was a man of sense and administrative ability. He received the governorship of the island when the king of Egypt was quite a child, and devoted himself with great zeal to the collection of money, refusing payments of any kind to any one, though he was often asked for them by the king’s agents, and subjected to bitter abuse for refusing to part with any. But when the king came of age he made up a large sum and sent it to Alexandria, so that both king Ptolemy himself and his courtiers expressed their approval of his previous parsimony and determination not to part with any money. . . .

³⁴

Dispute at Rhodes

Just about the time when Perseus retired for the ³⁵ winter from the Roman war, Antenor arrived at Rhodes from him, to negotiate for the ransom of Diophanes and those who were on board with him. Thereupon there arose a great dispute among the statesmen as to what course they ought to take. Philophron, Theaetetus, and their party were against entering into such an arrangement on any terms; Deinon and Polyaratus and their party were for doing so. Finally they did enter upon an arrangement with Perseus for their redemption. . . .

Charops of Epirus

Cephalus came [to Pella] from Epirus. He had long ³⁶ been connected by friendship with the royal house of Macedonia, but was now compelled by the force of circumstances to embrace the side of Perseus, the cause of which was as follows: There was a certain Epirote named Charops, a man of high character, and well disposed to Rome, who, when Philip was holding the passes into Epirus, was the cause of his being driven from the country, and of Titus Flamininus conquering Epirus and Macedonia. Charops had a son named Machatus, who had a son also named Charops. Machatus having died when this son was quite a youth, the elder Charops sent his grandson with a suitable retinue to Rome to learn to speak and read Latin. In the course of time the young man returned home, having made many intimate friendships at Rome. ³⁷ The elder Charops then died, and the young man, being of a restless and designing character, began giving himself airs and attacking the distinguished men in the country. At first he was not much noticed, Antinous and Cephalus, his superiors in age and reputation, managing public affairs as they thought right. But when the war with Perseus broke out, the young man at once began laying information against these statesmen at Rome, grounding his accusations on their former intimacy with the Macedonian royal family; and by watching everything they said or did, and putting the worst construction on it, suppressing some facts and adding others, he succeeded in getting his accusations against them believed. Now Cephalus had always shown good sense and consistency, and at the present crisis had adhered to a course of the highest wisdom. He had begun by praying heaven that the war might not take place, or the question come to the arbitrament of arms; but when the war was actually begun, he was for performing all treaty obligations towards Rome, but for not going a step beyond this, or showing any unbecoming subservience or officiousness. When Charops then vehemently accused Cephalus at Rome, and represented everything that happened contrary to the wishes of the Romans as malice prepense on his part, at first he and others like him thought little of the matter, being not conscious of entertaining any designs hostile to Rome. ³⁸ But when they saw Hippolochus, Nicander, and Lochagus arrested without cause, and conveyed to Rome after the cavalry battle, and that the accusations made against them by Lyciscus were believed,—Lyciscus being a leader of the same party in Aetolia as Charops was in Epirus,—they at length began to be anxious about what would happen, and to consider their position. They resolved therefore to try every possible means to prevent themselves from being similarly arrested without trial and carried to Rome, owing to the slanders of Charops. It was thus that Cephalus and his friends were compelled, contrary to their original policy, to embrace the cause of Perseus. . . .

Plot to Kidnap a Roman Consul

Theodotus and Philostratus committed an act of flagrant impiety and treachery. ³⁹ They learnt that the Roman consul Aulus Hostilius was on his way to Thessaly to join the army; and thinking that, if they could deliver Aulus to Perseus, they would have given the latter the strongest possible proof of their devotion, and have done the greatest possible damage to the Romans at this crisis, they wrote urgently to Perseus to make haste. The king was desirous of advancing at once and joining them; but he was hindered by the fact that the Molossians had seized the bridge over the Aous, and was obliged to give them battle first. Now it chanced that Aulus had arrived at Phanota,⁴⁰ and put up at the house of Nestor the Cropian,⁴¹ and thus gave his enemies an excellent opportunity; and had not fortune interfered on his behalf, I do not think that he would have escaped. But, in fact, Nestor providentially suspected what was brewing, and compelled him to change his quarters for the night to the house of a neighbour. Accordingly he gave up the idea of going by land through Epirus, and, having sailed to Anticyra,⁴² thence made his way into Thessaly. . . .

Pharnaces, King of Pontus

Pharnaces was the worst of all his predecessors on the throne. . . .

Attalus Wants his Brother’s Honours Restored

While Attalus was spending the winter in Elateia (in ⁴³ Phocis), knowing that his brother Eumenes was annoyed in the highest possible degree at the splendid honours which had been awarded to him having been annulled by a public decree of the Peloponnesians, though he concealed his annoyance from every one,—he took upon himself to send messages to certain of the Achaeans, urging that not only the statues of honour, but the complimentary inscriptions also, which had been placed in his brother’s honour, should be restored. His motive in acting thus was the belief that he could give his brother no greater gratification, and at the same time would display to the Greeks by this act his own brotherly affection and generosity.⁴⁴ . . .

Antiochus Protests Ptolemy’s War Plans

When Antiochus saw that the government of Alexandria was openly making preparations for a war ⁴⁵ of annexation in Coele-Syria, he sent Meleager at the head of an embassy to Rome, with instructions to inform the Senate of the fact, and to protest that Ptolemy was attacking him without the least justification. . . .

The Need of Promptness and Persistence

In all human affairs perhaps one ought to regulate every undertaking by considerations of time; but this is especially true in war, in which a moment makes all the difference between success and failure, and to miss this is the most fatal of errors. . . .

Many men desire honour, but it is only the few who venture to attempt it; and of those who do so, it is rare to find any that have the resolution to persevere to the end. . . .

Histories. Polybius. Evelyn S. Shuckburgh (Translator). London. 1889.

Sponsored by Perseus Project, Tufts University.

Funding provided by Robert B. Strassler.

Current edition Perseus

The Histories (English) (Polybius. Vols. 1-2. Shuckburgh, Evelyn S., translator. London, New York, NY: Macmillan and Co., 1889.)

Editions (1)

Ἱστορίαι Perseus (Polybius. Vols. 1-4. Büttner-Wobst, Theodor, editor. Leipzig: Teubner, 1893.) — 27.1 focus

α. ολψμπ. 152, 1. ι. βελλυμ περσιξυμ

[1] ὅτι ἐν τῷ καιρῷ τούτῳ παρεγένοντο πρέσβεις παρὰ μὲν Θεσπιέων οἱ περὶ Λασῆν καὶ Καλλέαν, παρὰ δὲ Νέωνος Ἰσμηνίας,

[2] οἱ μὲν περὶ Λασῆν ἐγχειρίζοντες τὴν ἑαυτῶν πατρίδα Ῥωμαίοις, ὁ δʼ Ἰσμηνίας κατὰ κοινὸν πάσας τὰς ἐν τῇ Βοιωτίᾳ πόλεις διδοὺς εἰς τὴν τῶν πρεσβευτῶν πίστιν.

[3] ἦν δὲ τοῦτο μὲν ἐναντιώτατον τοῖς περὶ τὸν Μάρκιον, τὸ δὲ κατὰ πόλιν διελεῖν τοὺς Βοιωτοὺς οἰκειότατον.

[4] διὸ τοὺς μὲν περὶ τὸν Λασῆν καὶ τοὺς Χαιρωνεῖς καὶ τοὺς Λεβαδεῖς καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους, ὅσοι παρῆσαν ἀπὸ τῶν πόλεων, ἀσμένως ἀπεδέχοντο καὶ κατέψων,

[5] τὸν δʼ Ἰσμηνίαν παρεδειγμάτιζον, ἀποτριβόμενοι καὶ παρορῶντες.

[6] ὅτε καὶ συνεπιθέμενοί τινες τῶν φυγάδων μικροῦ κατέλευσαν τὸν Ἰσμηνίαν, εἰ μὴ κατέφυγεν ὑπὸ τὰ δίθυρα τῶν Ῥωμαίων.

[7] κατὰ δὲ τὸν καιρὸν τοῦτον ἐν ταῖς Θήβαις συνέβαινε ταραχὰς εἶναι καὶ στάσεις.

[8] οἱ μὲν γὰρ ἔφασαν δεῖν διδόναι τὴν πόλιν εἰς τὴν Ῥωμαίων πίστιν, οἱ δὲ Κορωνεῖς καὶ Ἁλιάρτιοι συνδεδραμηκότες εἰς τὰς Θήβας ἀκμὴν ἀντεποιοῦντο τῶν πραγμάτων καὶ μένειν ἔφασαν δεῖν ἐν τῇ πρὸς τὸν Περσέα συμμαχίᾳ.

[9] καὶ μέχρι μέν τινος ἐφάμιλλος ἦν ἡ διάθεσις τῶν στασιαζόντων. Ὀλυμπίχου δὲ τοῦ Κορωνέως πρώτου μεταθεμένου καὶ φάσκοντος δεῖν ἀντέχεσθαι Ῥωμαίων, ἐγένετό τις ὁλοσχερὴς ῥοπὴ καὶ μετάπτωσις τοῦ πλήθους,

[10] καὶ πρῶτον μὲν τὸν Δικέταν ἠνάγκασαν πρεσβεύειν πρὸς τοὺς περὶ τὸν Μάρκιον, ἀπολογησόμενον ὑπὲρ τῆς πρὸς τὸν Περσέα συμμαχίας.

[11] μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα τοὺς περὶ τὸν Νέωνα καὶ τὸν Ἱππίαν ἐξέβαλον, συντρέχοντες ἐπὶ τὰς οἰκίας αὐτῶν καὶ κελεύοντες αὐτοὺς ὑπὲρ αὑτῶν ἀπολογεῖσθαι περὶ τῶν διῳκονομημένων· οὗτοι γὰρ ἦσαν οἱ τὰ περὶ τὴν συμμαχίαν οἰκονομήσαντες. τούτων δὲ παραχωρησάντων,

[12] ἐξ αὐτῆς ἁθροισθέντες εἰς ἐκκλησίαν πρῶτον μὲν τιμὰς ἐψηφίσαντο καὶ δωρεὰς τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις, εἶτʼ ἐνεργεῖν ἐπέταξαν τοῖς ἄρχουσι τὴν συμμαχίαν,

[13] ἐπὶ δὲ πᾶσιν πρεσβευτὰς κατέστησαν τοὺς ἐγχειριοῦντας τὴν πόλιν Ῥωμαίοις καὶ κατάξοντας τοὺς παρʼ αὑτῶν φυγάδας.

[1] τούτων δὲ συντελουμένων ἐν ταῖς Θήβαις, οἱ φυγάδες ἐν τῇ Χαλκίδι προστησάμενοι Πομπίδην κατηγορίαν ἐποιοῦντο τῶν περὶ τὸν Ἰσμηνίαν καὶ Νέωνα καὶ Δικέταν.

[2] προδήλου δὲ τῆς ἀγνοίας οὔσης τῶν προειρημένων, καὶ τῶν Ῥωμαίων συνεπισχυόντων τοῖς φυγάσιν,

[3] εἰς τὴν ἐσχάτην διάθεσιν ἧκον οἱ περὶ τὸν Ἱππίαν, ὥστε καὶ τῷ βίῳ κινδυνεῦσαι παρʼ αὐτὸν τὸν καιρὸν ὑπὸ τῆς ὁρμῆς τοῦ πλήθους, ἕως οὗ βραχύ τι τῆς ἀσφαλείας αὐτῶν προυνοήθησαν οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι, παρακατασχόντες τὴν ἐπιφορὰν τῶν ὄχλων.

[4] τῶν δὲ Θηβαίων παραγενομένων καὶ κομιζόντων τὰ προειρημένα δόγματα καὶ τὰς τιμάς, ταχεῖαν ἕκαστα τῶν πραγμάτων ἐλάμβανε τὴν ἀνταπόδοσιν, ἅτε τῶν πόλεων παρακειμένων ἀλλήλαις ἐν πάνυ βραχεῖ διαστήματι.

[5] πλὴν ἀποδεξάμενοι τοὺς Θηβαίους οἱ περὶ τὸν Μάρκιον τήν τε πόλιν ἐπῄνεσαν καὶ τοὺς φυγάδας συνεβούλευσαν καταγαγεῖν εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν.

[6] εὐθύς τε παρήγγειλαν πρεσβεύειν πᾶσι τοῖς ἀπὸ τῶν πόλεων εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην, διδόντας αὑτοὺς εἰς τὴν πίστιν κατʼ ἰδίαν ἑκάστους.

[7] πάντων δὲ κατὰ τὴν πρόθεσιν αὐτοῖς χωρούντων — ταῦτα δʼ ἦν τὸ διαλῦσαι τῶν Βοιωτῶν τὸ ἔθνος καὶ λυμήνασθαι τὴν τῶν πολλῶν εὔνοιαν πρὸς τὴν Μακεδόνων οἰκίαν —

[8] οὗτοι μὲν μεταπεμψάμενοι Σέρουιον ἐξ Ἄργους καὶ καταλιπόντες ἐπὶ τῆς Χαλκίδος προῆγον ἐπὶ Πελοπόννησον, Νέων δὲ μετά τινας ἡμέρας ἀνεχώρησεν εἰς Μακεδονίαν.

[9] οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Ἰσμηνίαν καὶ Δικέταν τότε μὲν ἀπήχθησαν εἰς φυλακήν, μετὰ δέ τινα χρόνον ἀπήλλαξαν αὑτοὺς ἐκ τοῦ ζῆν.

[10] τὸ δὲ τῶν Βοιωτῶν ἔθνος ἐπὶ πολὺν χρόνον συντετηρηκὸς τὴν κοινὴν συμπολιτείαν καὶ πολλοὺς καὶ ποικίλους καιροὺς διαπεφευγὸς παραδόξως τότε προπετῶς καὶ ἀλογίστως ἑλόμενον τὰ παρὰ Περσέως, εἰκῇ καὶ παιδαριωδῶς πτοηθὲν κατελύθη καὶ διεσκορπίσθη κατὰ πόλεις.

[11] οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Αὖλον καὶ Μάρκιον παραγενηθέντες εἰς τὴν τῶν Ἀργείων πόλιν ἐχρημάτισαν ταῖς συναρχίαις ταῖς τῶν Ἀχαιῶν καὶ παρεκάλεσαν Ἄρχωνα τὸν στρατηγὸν χιλίους ἐκπέμψαι στρατιώτας εἰς Χαλκίδα, παραφυλάξοντας τὴν πόλιν μέχρι τῆς Ῥωμαίων διαβάσεως.

[12] τοῦ δʼ Ἄρχωνος ἑτοίμως συνυπακούσαντος, οὗτοι μὲν ταῦτα διαπράξαντες ἐν τοῖς Ἕλλησι κατὰ χειμῶνα καὶ τῷ Ποπλίῳ συμμίξαντες ἀπέπλεον εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην. —

[1] ὅτι οἱ περὶ τὸν Τεβέριον καὶ Ποστόμιον καὶ Ἰούνιον κατὰ τοὺς αὐτοὺς καιροὺς ἐπιπορευόμενοι τὰς νήσους καὶ τὰς κατὰ τὴν Ἀσίαν πόλεις πλεῖστον δʼ ἐν τῇ Ῥόδῳ,

[2] καίπερ οὐ προσδεομένων τῶν Ῥοδίων κατὰ τοὺς τότε χρόνους.

[3] Ἁγησίλοχος γάρ, τότε πρυτανεύων, ἀνὴρ τῶν εὐδοκιμούντων, ὁ καὶ μετὰ ταῦτα πρεσβεύσας εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην, ἔτι πρότερον ἅμα τῷ φανερὸν γενέσθαι διότι μέλλουσι πολεμεῖν Ῥωμαῖοι τῷ Περσεῖ, τἄλλα τε παρακεκλήκει τοὺς πολλοὺς ὑπὲρ τοῦ κοινωνεῖν τῶν αὐτῶν ἐλπίδων καὶ τετταράκοντα ναῦς συμβουλεύσας τοῖς Ῥοδίοις ὑποζωννύειν,

[4] ἵνʼ, ἐάν τις ἐκ τῶν καιρῶν γένηται χρεία, μὴ τότε παρασκευάζωνται πρὸς τὸ παρακαλούμενον, ἀλλʼ ἑτοίμως διακείμενοι πράττωσι τὸ κριθὲν ἐξ αὐτῆς.

[5] ἃ τότε προφερόμενος τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις καὶ δεικνὺς ὑπὸ τὴν ὄψιν τὰς παρασκευάς, εὐδοκουμένους τῇ πόλει τοὺς πρεσβευτὰς ἐξαπέστειλεν. οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Τεβέριον ἀποδεδεγμένοι τὴν τῶν Ῥοδίων εὔνοιαν ἐκομίζοντο εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην. —

[1] ὅτι Περσεὺς μετὰ τὸν σύλλογον τὸν πρὸς τοὺς Ῥωμαίους, τῶν Ἑλλήνων, πάντα τὰ δίκαια κατέταττεν εἰς τὴν ἐπιστολὴν καὶ τοὺς ὑφʼ ἑκατέρων ῥηθέντας λόγους,

[2] ἅμα μὲν ὑπολαμβάνων ὑπερδέξιος φανήσεσθαι τοῖς δικαίοις, ἅμα δὲ βουλόμενος ἀπόπειραν λαμβάνειν τῆς ἑκάστων προαιρέσεως.

[3] πρὸς μὲν οὖν τοὺς ἄλλους διʼ αὐτῶν τῶν γραμματοφόρων ἔπεμπε τὰς ἐπιστολάς, εἰς δὲ τὴν Ῥόδον καὶ πρεσβευτὰς συναπέστειλεν Ἀντήνορα καὶ Φίλιππον.

[4] οἳ καὶ παραγενηθέντες τὰ γεγραμμένα τοῖς ἄρχουσιν ἀπέδωκαν· καὶ μετά τινας ἡμέρας ἐπελθόντες ἐπὶ τὴν βουλὴν παρεκάλουν τοὺς Ῥοδίους κατὰ μὲν τὸ παρὸν ἡσυχίαν ἔχειν, ἀποθεωροῦντας τὸ γινόμενον·

[5] ἐὰν δὲ Ῥωμαῖοι παρὰ τὰς συνθήκας ἐγχειρῶσι τὰς χεῖρας ἐπιβάλλειν τῷ Περσεῖ καὶ Μακεδόσιν, πειρᾶσθαι διαλύειν.

[6] τοῦτο γὰρ πᾶσι μὲν συμφέρειν, πρέπειν δὲ μάλιστα Ῥοδίοις.

[7] ὅσῳ γὰρ πλεῖον ὀρέγονται τῆς ἰσηγορίας καὶ παρρησίας καὶ διατελοῦσι προστατοῦντες οὐ μόνον τῆς αὑτῶν ἀλλὰ καὶ τῆς τῶν ἄλλων Ἑλλήμων ἐλευθερίας, τοσούτῳ καὶ τὴν ἐναντίαν προαίρεσιν μάλιστα δεῖν αὐτοὺς προορᾶσθαι καὶ φυλάττεσθαι κατὰ δύναμιν.

[8] ταῦτα καὶ τούτοις παραπλήσια διαλεχθέντων τῶν πρέσβεων, ἤρεσκε μὲν ἅπασι τὰ λεγόμενα·

[9] προκατεχόμενοι δὲ τῇ πρὸς Ῥωμαίους εὐνοίᾳ, καὶ νικῶντος αὐτοῖς τοῦ βελτίονος, τἄλλα μὲν ἀπεδέξαντο φιλανθρώπως τοὺς πρεσβευτάς, ἠξίουν δὲ τὸν Περσέα διὰ τῆς ἀποκρίσεως εἰς μηδὲν αὑτοὺς παρακαλεῖν τοιοῦτον ἐξ οὗ φανήσονται πρὸς τὴν Ῥωμαίων ἀντιπράττοντες βούλησιν.

[10] οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Ἀντήνορα τὴν μὲν ἀπόκρισιν οὐκ ἔλαβον , τὴν δὲ λοιπὴν φιλανθρωπίαν ἀποδεξάμενοι τὴν Ῥοδίων ἀπέπλευσαν εἰς τὴν Μακεδονίαν. —

[1] ὅτι Περσεὺς πυνθανόμενος ἔτι τινὰς τῶν ἐν τῇ Βοιωτίᾳ πόλεις ἀντέχεσθαι τῆς πρὸς αὐτὸν εὐνοίας, Ἀντίγονον ἐξαπέστειλε τὸν Ἀλεξάνδρου πρεσβευτήν.

[2] ὃς καὶ παραγενόμενος εἰς Βοιωτοὺς τὰς μὲν ἄλλας πόλεις παρῆκε διὰ τὸ μηδεμίαν ἀφορμὴν λαμβάνειν ἐπιπλοκῆς,

[3] εἰς δὲ Κορώνειαν καὶ Θίσβας, ἔτι δʼ Ἁλίαρτον εἰσελθὼν παρεκάλεσε τοὺς ἀνθρώπους ἀντέχεσθαι τῆς πρὸς Μακεδόνας εὐνοίας.

[4] τῶν δὲ προθύμως ἀποδεχομένων τὰ λεγόμενα καὶ πρεσβευτὰς ψηφισαμένων πέμπειν εἰς Μακεδονίαν, οὗτος μὲν ἀπέπλευσε καὶ συμμίξας τῷ βασιλεῖ διεσάφει τὰ κατὰ τὴν Βοιωτίαν.

[5] παραγενομένων δὲ καὶ τῶν πρεσβευτῶν μετʼ ὀλίγον καὶ παρακαλούντων βοήθειαν ἐκπέμψαι ταῖς πόλεσι ταῖς αἱρουμέναις τὰ Μακεδόνων·

[6] τοὺς γὰρ Θηβαίους βαρεῖς ὄντας ἐπικεῖσθαι καὶ παρενοχλεῖν αὐτοὺς διὰ τὸ μὴ βούλεσθαι συμφρονεῖν σφίσιν μηδʼ αἱρεῖσθαι τὰ Ῥωμαίων·

[7] ἅπερ ὁ Περσεὺς διακούσας βοήθειαν μὲν οὐδαμῶς ἔφη δύνασθαι πέμπειν οὐδενὶ διὰ τὰς ἀνοχάς,

[8] καθόλου δʼ αὐτοὺς παρεκάλει Θηβαίους μὲν ἀμύνασθαι κατὰ δύναμιν, Ῥωμαίοις δὲ μὴ πολεμεῖν, ἀλλὰ τὴν ἡσυχίαν ἔχειν. —

[1] ὅτι οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι τῶν ἀπὸ τῆς Ἀσίας παραγεγονότων πρεσβευτῶν διακούσαντες τά τε κατὰ τὴν Ῥόδον καὶ τὰ κατὰ τὰς ἄλλας πόλεις προσεκαλέσαντο τοὺς παρὰ τοῦ Περσέως πρεσβευτάς.

[2] οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Σόλωνα καὶ τὸν Ἱππίαν ἐπειρῶντο μὲν καὶ περὶ τῶν ὅλων λέγειν τι καὶ παραιτεῖσθαι τὴν σύγκλητον· τὸ δὲ πλέον ἀπελογοῦντο περὶ τῆς ἐπιβουλῆς τῆς κατὰ τὸν Εὐμένη. ληξάντων δὲ τῆς δικαιολογίας αὐτῶν,

[3] πάλαι προδιειληφότες ὑπὲρ τοῦ πολεμεῖν προσέταξαν αὐτοῖς ἐκ μὲν τῆς Ῥώμης εὐθέως ἀπαλλάττεσθαι καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις ἅπασιν Μακεδόσιν, ὅσοι παρεπιδημοῦντες ἔτυχον, ἐκ δὲ τῆς Ἰταλίας ἐν τριάκονθʼ ἡμέραις ἐκχωρεῖν.

[4] μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα τοὺς ὑπάτους ἀνακαλεσάμενοι παρώρμων ἔχεσθαι τοῦ καιροῦ καὶ μὴ καθυστερεῖν. —

[1] ὅτι Γάιος ἔτι περὶ τὴν Κεφαλληνίαν ὁρμῶν ἐξέπεμψε τοῖς Ῥοδίοις γράμματα περὶ πλοίων ἐξαποστολῆς, συνθεὶς τὴν ἐπιστολὴν ἀλείπτῃ τινὶ Σωκράτει.

[2] παραγενομένων δὲ τῶν γραμμάτων εἰς τὴν Ῥόδον, Στρατοκλέους πρυτανεύοντος τὴν δευτέραν ἕκμηνον,

[3] καὶ τοῦ διαβουλίου προτεθέντος, τοῖς μὲν περὶ τὸν Ἀγαθάγητον καὶ Ῥοδοφῶντα καὶ Ἀστυμήδην καὶ ἑτέροις πλείοσιν ἐδόκει πέμπειν τὰς ναῦς καὶ συνάπτεσθαι τῆς ἀρχῆς εὐθέως τοῦ πολέμου, μηδεμίαν πρόφασιν ποιουμένους.

[4] οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Δείνωνα καὶ Πολυάρατον δυσαρεστοῦντες μὲν καὶ τοῖς ἤδη γεγονόσι φιλανθρώποις πρὸς Ῥωμαίους, τότε δὲ προθέμενοι τὸ τοῦ βασιλέως Εὐμένους πρόσωπον ἤρξαντο λυμαίνεσθαι τὴν τῶν πολλῶν προαίρεσιν.

[5] ὑπαρχούσης γὰρ τοῖς Ῥοδίοις ὑποψίας καὶ διαφορᾶς πρὸς τὸν Εὐμένη, πάλαι μὲν ἐκ τοῦ πολέμου τοῦ πρὸς Φαρνάκην, ὅτε, τοῦ βασιλέως Εὐμένους ἐφορμοῦντος ἐπὶ τοῦ κατὰ τὸν Ἑλλήσποντον στόματος χάριν τοῦ κωλύειν τοὺς πλέοντας εἰς τὸν Πόντον, ἐπελάβοντο τῆς ὁρμῆς αὐτοῦ καὶ διεκώλυσαν Ῥόδιοι,

[6] μικροῖς δʼ ἀνώτερον χρόνοις ἐκ τῶν Λυκιακῶν ἀναξαινομένης τῆς διαφορᾶς ἔκ τινων ἐρυμάτων καὶ χώρας, ἣν συνέβαινε κεῖσθαι μὲν ἐπὶ τῆς ἐσχατιᾶς τῆς τῶν Ῥοδίων Περαίας, κακοποιεῖσθαι δὲ συνεχῶς διὰ τῶν ὑπʼ Εὐμένει ταττομένων·

[7] ἐκ πάντων δὴ τούτων εὐηκόως διέκειντο πρὸς πᾶν τὸ λεγόμενον κατὰ τοῦ βασιλέως.

[8] διὸ ταύτης ἐπιλαβόμενοι τῆς ἀφορμῆς οἱ περὶ τὸν Δείνωνα διέσυρον τὴν ἐπιστολήν, φάσκοντες οὐ παρὰ Ῥωμαίων αὐτὴν ἥκειν, ἀλλὰ παρʼ Εὐμένους, θέλοντος αὐτοὺς ἐκείνου κατὰ πάντα τρόπον ἐμβιβάζειν εἰς τὸν πόλεμον καὶ προσάπτειν τῷ δήμῳ δαπάνας καὶ κακοπαθείας οὐκ ἀναγκαίας.

[9] καὶ μαρτύριον ἐποίουν τῆς ἑαυτῶν ἀποφάσεως τὸ παραγεγονέναι φέροντα τὴν ἐπιστολὴν [ἀλείπτην τινὰ καὶ] τοιοῦτον ἄνθρωπον, οὐκ εἰωθότων τοῦτο ποιεῖν Ῥωμαίων, ἀλλὰ καὶ λίαν μετὰ πολλῆς σπουδῆς καὶ προστασίας διαπεμπομένων ὑπὲρ τῶν τοιούτων. ἔλεγον δὲ ταῦτα,

[10] καλῶς μὲν εἰδότες ὅτι συμβαίνει γεγράφθαι τὴν ἐπιστολὴν ὑπὸ τοῦ Λοκρητίου, βουλόμενοι δὲ τοὺς πολλοὺς διδάσκειν μηδὲν ἐξ ἑτοίμου ποιεῖν Ῥωμαίοις, ἀλλʼ ἐν πᾶσι δυσχρηστεῖν καὶ διδόναι προσκοπῆς καὶ δυσαρεστήσεως ἀφορμάς.

[11] ἦν γὰρ τὸ προκείμενον αὐτοῖς ἀπὸ μὲν τῆς πρὸς Ῥωμαίους εὐνοίας ἀλλοτριοῦν τὸν δῆμον, εἰς δὲ τὴν τοῦ Περσέως φιλίαν ἐμπλέκειν, καθʼ ὅσον οἷοί τʼ ἦσαν.

[12] συνέβαινε δὲ τοὺς προειρημένους οἰκείους ὑπάρχειν διὰ τὸ τὸν μὲν Πολυάρατον, ἀλαζονικώτερον ὄντα καὶ κενόδοξον, ὑπόχρεων πεποιηκέναι τὴν οὐσίαν, τὸν δὲ Δείνωνα, φιλάργυρον ὄντα καὶ θρασύν, ἐξ ἀρχῆς οἰκεῖον εἶναι τῆς ἐκ τῶν δυναστῶν καὶ βασιλέων ἐπανορθώσεως.

[13] ἐφʼ οἷς Στρατοκλῆς ὁ πρύτανις ἐπαναστὰς καὶ πολλὰ μὲν κατὰ τοῦ Περσέως εἰπών, πολλὰ δὲ περὶ Ῥωμαίων ἐπʼ ἀγαθῷ, παρώρμησε τοὺς πολλοὺς εἰς τὸ κυρῶσαι τὸ ψήφισμα τὸ περὶ τῆς ἐξαποστολῆς τῶν πλοίων.

[14] καὶ παραυτίκα καταρτίσαντες τετρήρεις ἕξ, πέντε μὲν ἐξαπέστειλαν ἐπὶ Χαλκίδος, ἡγεμόνα συστήσαντες ἐπʼ αὐτῶν Τιμαγόραν, τὴν δὲ μίαν εἰς Τένεδον, ἐφʼ ἧς ἄρχων ἐπέπλει

[15] Τιμαγόρας. ὃς καὶ καταλαβὼν ἐν Τενέδῳ Διοφάνην, ἀπεσταλμένον ὑπὸ τοῦ Περσέως πρὸς Ἀντίοχον, αὐτοῦ μὲν οὐκ ἐγενήθη κύριος, τοῦ δὲ πληρώματος.

[16] ὁ δὲ Λοκρήτιος πάντας ἀποδεξάμενος φιλανθρώπως τοὺς κατὰ θάλατταν παραγεγονότας συμμάχους ἀπέλυσε τῆς χρείας, φήσας οὐ προσδεῖσθαι τὰ πράγματα τῆς κατὰ θάλατταν βοηθείας. —

[1] ὅτι μετὰ τὴν νίκην τῶν Μακεδόνων, συνεδρίου παρὰ τῷ Περσεῖ συναχθέντος, ὑπέδειξάν τινες τῶν φίλων διότι δεῖ πρεσβείαν πέμψαι τὸν βασιλέα πρὸς τὸν στρατηγὸν τῶν Ῥωμαίων,

[2] ἐπιδεχόμενον ἔτι καὶ νῦν ὅτι φόρους δώσει Ῥωμαίοις, ὅσους πρότερον ὑπέσχετο [ὁ] πατὴρ καταπολεμηθείς, καὶ τόπων ἐκχωρήσει τῶν αὐτῶν.

[3] ἐάν τε γὰρ δέξωνται τὰς διαλύσεις, καλὴν ἔφασαν ἔσεσθαι τῷ βασιλεῖ τὴν ἐξαγωγὴν τοῦ πολέμου, πεπροτερηκότι διὰ τῶν ὑπαίθρων, καὶ καθόλου πρὸς τὸ μέλλον εὐλαβεστέρους ὑπάρξειν τοὺς Ῥωμαίους, πεῖραν εἰληφότας τῆς Μακεδόνων ἀνδρείας εἰς τὸ μηδὲν ἄδικον μηδὲ βαρὺ προστάττειν Μακεδόσιν.

[4] ἐάν τε μὴ δέξωνται θυμομαχοῦντες ἐπὶ τοῖς γεγονόσιν, ἐκείνοις μὲν δικαίως νεμεσήσειν τὸ δαιμόνιον, αὐτῷ δὲ διὰ τὴν μετριότητα συναγωνιστὰς ὑπάρξειν τοὺς θεοὺς καὶ τοὺς ἀνθρώπους.

[5] ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ἐδόκει τοῖς πλείοσι τῶν φίλων. συγκαταθεμένου δὲ τοῦ Περσέως ἐπέμποντο παραχρῆμα πρεσβευταὶ Πάνταυχος Βαλάκρου καὶ Μίδων Βεροιεύς.

[6] ὧν παραγενομένων πρὸς τὸν Λικίννιον εὐθέως ὁ στρατηγὸς συνῆγε συνέδριον. τῶν δὲ πρέσβεων διασαφησάντων τὰ κατὰ τὰς ἐντολάς, μεταστησάμενοι τοὺς περὶ τὸν Πάνταυχον ἐβουλεύοντο περὶ τῶν προσπεπτωκότων.

[7] ἔδοξεν οὖν αὐτοῖς ὁμοθυμαδὸν ὡς βαρυτάτην δοῦναι τὴν ἀπόκρισιν.

[8] ἴδιον γὰρ τοῦτο πάντῃ παρὰ Ῥωμαίοις ἔθος καὶ πάτριόν ἐστι τὸ κατὰ μὲν τὰς ἐλαττώσεις αὐθαδεστάτους καὶ βαρυτάτους φαίνεσθαι, κατὰ δὲ τὰς ἐπιτυχίας ὡς μετριωτάτους.

[9] τοῦτο δʼ ὅτι καλὸν πᾶς ἄν τις ὁμολογήσειεν· εἰ δὲ καὶ δυνατὸν ἐν ἐνίοις καιροῖς, εἰκότως ἄν τις ἐπαπορήσειεν.

[10] πλὴν τότε γε τοιαύτην ἔδωκαν τὴν ἀπόκρισιν· ἐκέλευον γὰρ ἐπιτρέπειν τὸν Περσέα τὰ καθʼ αὑτόν, καὶ καθόλου διδόναι τῇ συγκλήτῳ τὴν ἐξουσίαν, ὡς ἂν αὐτῇ δοκῇ, βουλεύεσθαι περὶ τῶν κατὰ τὴν Μακεδονίαν.

[11] οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Πάνταυχον ταῦτʼ ἀκούσαντες ἐπανῆλθον καὶ διεσάφουν τῷ Περσεῖ καὶ τοῖς φίλοις.

[12] ὧν τινες ἐκπληττόμενοι τὴν ὑπερηφανίαν παρωξύνοντο καὶ συνεβούλευον τῷ Περσεῖ μήτε διαπρεσβεύεσθαι μηκέτι μήτε διαπέμπεσθαι περὶ μηδενός.

[13] οὐ μὴν ὁ Περσεὺς τοιοῦτος ἦν, ἀλλὰ προστιθεὶς καὶ τὸ πλῆθος αὔξων τῶν χρημάτων διεπέμπετο πλεονάκις πρὸς τὸν Λικίννιον. προκόπτων δʼ οὐδέν,

[14] ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν πλείστων φίλων ἐπιτιμώντων αὐτῷ καὶ φασκόντων ὅτι νικῶν ποιεῖ τὰ τοῦ λειπομένου καὶ τοῖς ὅλοις ἐπταικότος,

[15] οὕτως ἠναγκάσθη τὰς διαπρεσβείας ἀπογνοὺς μεταστρατοπεδεῦσαι πάλιν ἐπὶ τὸ Συκύριον. καὶ ταῦτα μὲν ἐπὶ τούτων ἦν. —

[1] ὅτι τῆς κατὰ τὴν ἱππομαχίαν φήμης μετὰ τὴν νίκην τῶν Μακεδόνων εἰς τὴν Ἑλλάδα διαγγελθείσης ἐξέλαμψε καθαπερεὶ πῦρ ἡ τῶν πολλῶν πρὸς τὸν Περσέα διάθεσις, τὸν πρὸ τούτου χρόνον ἐπικρυπτομένων τῶν πλείστων.

[2] ἦν δὲ περὶ αὐτοὺς τοιαύτη τις, ἐμοὶ δοκεῖ, διάθεσις· παραπλήσιον ἦν τὸ γινόμενον τῷ συμβαίνοντι περὶ τοὺς γυμνικοὺς ἀγῶνας.

[3] καὶ γὰρ ἐν ἐκείνοις ὅταν πρὸς ἐπιφανῆ καὶ ἀήττητον ἀθλητὴν εἶναι δοκοῦντα συγκαταστῇ ταπεινὸς καὶ πολὺ καταδεέστερος ἀνταγωνιστής, εὐθέως ἀπομερίζει τὰ πλήθη τὴν εὔνοιαν τῷ καταδεεστέρῳ καὶ θαρρεῖν παρακαλεῖ καὶ συνεξανίσταται τούτῳ ταῖς ὁρμαῖς·

[4] ἐὰν δὲ καὶ ψαύσῃ τοῦ προσώπου καὶ ποιήσῃ τι σημεῖον τῆς πληγῆς, παραυτίκα πάλιν ἁπάντων ἀγὼν μικρὸς γίνεται·

[5] ποτὲ δὲ καὶ χλευάζειν ἐγχειροῦσι τὸν ἕτερον, οὐ μισοῦντες οὐδὲ καταγινώσκοντες, ἀλλὰ παραδόξως τε συμπαθεῖς γινόμενοι καὶ τῷ καταδεεστέρῳ φύσει προσμερίζοντες τὴν ἑαυτῶν εὔνοιαν·

[6] οὓς ἐὰν ἐπιστήσῃ τις ἐν καιρῷ, ταχέως μετατίθενται καὶ παρὰ πόδας ἐπιλαμβάνονται τῆς ἑαυτῶν ἀγνοίας.

ὅ φασι ποιῆσαι Κλειτόμαχον·

[7] ἐκείνου γὰρ ἀνυποστάτου δοκοῦντος εἶναι κατὰ τὴν ἄθλησιν, καὶ τῆς αὐτοῦ δόξης ἐπιπολαζούσης κατὰ πᾶσαν τὴν οἰκουμένην, Πτολεμαῖόν φασι τὸν βασιλέα φιλοδοξήσαντα πρὸς τὸ καταλῦσαι τὴν δόξαν αὐτοῦ, παρασκευάσαντα μετὰ πολλῆς φιλοτιμίας Ἀριστόνικον τὸν πύκτην ἐξαποστεῖλαι, δοκοῦντα φύσιν ἔχειν ὑπερέχουσαν ἐπὶ ταύτην τὴν χρείαν·

[8] παραγενομένου δʼ εἰς τὴν Ἑλλάδα τοῦ προειρημένου καὶ συγκαταστάντος Ὀλυμπίασι πρὸς τὸν Κλειτόμαχον, ἐξ αὐτῆς, ὡς ἔοικεν, ἀπένευσαν οἱ πολλοὶ πρὸς τὸν Ἀριστόνικον καὶ παρεκάλουν, χαίροντες ἐπὶ τῷ βραχύ τι τετολμηκέναι τινὰ συγκαταστῆναι πρὸς τὸν Κλειτόμαχον·

[9] ὡς δέ γε προβαίνων ἐφάμιλλος ἐφαίνετο κατὰ τὸν ἀγῶνα καί που καὶ τραῦμα καίριον ἐποίησε, κρότος ἐγίνετο καὶ συνεξέπιπτον οἱ πολλοὶ ταῖς ὁρμαῖς, θαρρεῖν παρακαλοῦντες τὸν Ἀριστόνικον.

[10] ἐν ᾧ καιρῷ φασι τὸν Κλειτόμαχον ἀποστάντα καὶ διαπνεύσαντα βραχὺν χρόνον, ἐπιστρέψαντα πρὸς τὰ πλήθη πυνθάνεσθαι τί βουλόμενοι παρακαλοῦσι τὸν Ἀριστόνικον καὶ συναγωνίζονται ʼκείνῳ καθʼ ὅσον εἰσὶ δυνατοί,

[11] πότερον οὐ συνοίδασιν αὐτῷ ποιοῦντι τὰ δίκαια κατὰ τὴν ἄθλησιν ἢ τοῦτʼ ἀγνοοῦσι διότι Κλειτόμαχος μὲν ἀγωνίζεται νῦν ὑπὲρ τῆς τῶν Ἑλλήνων δόξης, Ἀριστόνικος δὲ περὶ τῆς Πτολεμαίου τοῦ βασιλέως.

[12] πότερον ἂν οὖν βουληθεῖεν τὸν Ὀλυμπίασι στέφανον Αἰγύπτιον ἀποφέρειν ἄνθρωπον νικήσαντα τοὺς Ἕλληνας, ἢ Θηβαῖον καὶ Βοιώτιον κηρύττεσθαι νικῶντα τῇ πυγμῇ τοὺς ἄνδρας.

[13] ταῦτα δʼ εἰπόντος τοῦ Κλειτομάχου τηλικαύτην φασὶ γενέσθαι τὴν μετάπτωσιν τῶν πολλῶν ὥστε πάλιν ἐκ μεταβολῆς μᾶλλον ὑπὸ τοῦ πλήθους ἢ τοῦ Κλειτομάχου καταγωνισθῆναι τὸν Ἀριστόνικον.

[1] τούτῳ δὲ παραπλήσιον ἦν καὶ τὸ κατὰ τὸν Περσέα συμβαῖνον περὶ τοὺς ὄχλους·

[2] εἰ γάρ τις ἐπιστήσας αὐτοὺς ἤρετο μετὰ παρρησίας εἰ βούλοιντʼ ἂν εἰς ἕνα πεσεῖν τὴν τηλικαύτην ὑπεροχὴν καὶ λαβεῖν μοναρχικῆς πεῖραν ἐξουσίας, ἀνυπευθύνου κατὰ πάντα τρόπον, ταχέως ἂν αὐτοὺς ὑπολαμβάνω συννοήσαντας παλινῳδίαν ποιῆσαι καὶ μεταπεσεῖν εἰς τοὐναντίον·

[3] εἰ δὲ καὶ βραχέα τις ὑπέμνησε τῶν γεγονότων ἐκ μὲν τῆς Μακεδόνων οἰκίας δυσκόλων τοῖς Ἕλλησιν, ἐκ δὲ τῆς Ῥωμαίων ἀρχῆς συμφερόντων, καὶ λίαν ἂν παρὰ πόδας αὐτοὺς ὑπολαμβάνω μεταμεληθῆναι.

[4] πλὴν τότε γε κατὰ τὴν ἀνεπίστατον καὶ πρώτην ὁρμὴν ἐκφανὴς ἦν ἡ τῶν πολλῶν εὐδόκησις τοῖς προσαγγελλομένοις, ἀσμενιζόντων διὰ τὸ παράδοξον, εἰ καθόλου πέφηνέ τις ἱκανὸς ἀνταγωνιστὴς Ῥωμαίοις.

[5] περὶ μὲν οὖν τούτων ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον προήχθην εἰπεῖν, ἵνα μή τις ἀκρίτως εἰς ἀχαριστίαν ὀνειδίζῃ τοῖς Ἕλλησι τὴν τότε διάθεσιν, ἀγνοῶν τὰ φύσει παρεπόμενα τοῖς ἀνθρώποις. —

[1] Κέστρος. ξένον ἦν τοῦτο τὸ εὕρημα κατὰ τὸν Περσικὸν πόλεμον.

[2] τὸ δὲ βέλος τοιοῦτον· διπάλαιστον ἦν, ἴσον ἔχον τὸν αὐλίσκον τῇ προβολῇ. τούτῳ ξύλον ἐνήρμοστο τῷ μὲν μήκει σπιθαμιαῖον,

[3] τῷ δὲ πάχει δακτυλιαίαν ἔχον τὴν διάμετρον.

[4] εἰς δὲ τούτου τὸ μέσον ἐσφήνωτο πτερύγια τρία ξύλινα, βραχέα παντελῶς.

[5] τοῦτο, δυεῖν κώλων ἀνίσων ὑπαρχόντων τῆς σφενδόνης, εἰς τὸ μέσον ἐνηγκυλίζετο τῶν κώλων εὐλύτως.

[6] λοιπὸν ἐν μὲν τῇ περιαγωγῇ τεταμένων τούτων ἔμενεν· ὅτε δὲ παραλυθείη θάτερον τῶν κώλων κατὰ τὴν ἄφεσιν, ἐκπῖπτον ἐκ τῆς ἀγκύλης καθαπερεὶ

[7] μολυβδὶς ἐκ τῆς σφενδόνης ἐφέρετο καὶ προσπῖπτον μετὰ βιαίας πληγῆς κακῶς διετίθει τοὺς συγκυρήσαντας. —

[1] ὅτι ὁ Κότυς ἦν ἀνὴρ καὶ κατὰ τὴν ἐπιφάνειαν ἀξιόλογος καὶ πρὸς τὰς πολεμικὰς χρείας διαφέρων, ἔτι δὲ κατὰ τὴν ψυχὴν πάντα μᾶλλον ἢ Θρᾷξ· καὶ γὰρ νήπτης ὑπῆρχε καὶ πρᾳότητα καὶ βάθος ὑπέφαινεν ἐλευθέριον.

ιι. ρες αεγψπτι

[1] ὅτι Πτολεμαῖος ὁ στρατηγὸς ὁ κατὰ Κύπρον οὐδαμῶς Αἰγυπτιακὸς γέγονεν, ἀλλὰ νουνεχὴς καὶ πρακτικός.

[2] παραλαβὼν γὰρ τὴν νῆσον ἔτι νηπίου τοῦ βασιλέως ὄντος ἐγίνετο μὲν ἐπιμελῶς περὶ συναγωγὴν χρημάτων, ἐδίδου δʼ ἁπλῶς οὐδὲν οὐδενί, καίπερ αἰτούμενος πολλάκις ὑπὸ τῶν βασιλικῶν διοικητῶν καὶ καταλαλούμενος πικρῶς ἐπὶ τῷ μηδὲν προΐεσθαι. τοῦ δὲ βασιλέως εἰς ἡλικίαν παραγεγονότος,

[3] συνθεὶς πλῆθος ἱκανὸν χρημάτων ἐξαπέστειλεν,

[4] ὥστε καὶ τὸν Πτολεμαῖον αὐτὸν καὶ τοὺς περὶ τὴν αὐλὴν εὐδοκῆσαι τῇ πρότερον αὐτοῦ συστολῇ καὶ τῷ μηδὲν προΐεσθαι.

β. ολψμπ. 152, 2. ι. βελλυμ περσιξυμ

[1] ὅτι κατὰ τὸν καιρὸν ἡνίκα Περσεὺς ἐκ τοῦ πολέμου τοῦ πρὸς Ῥωμαίους ἀπελύθη, Ἀντήνορος παραγενομένου παρὰ τοῦ Περσέως περὶ τῆς τῶν αἰχμαλώτων διαλυτρώσεως τῶν μετὰ Διοφάνους πλεόντων, ἐνέπεσε μεγάλη τοῖς πολιτευομένοις ἀπορία περὶ τοῦ τί δέον εἴη ποιεῖν.

[2] τοῖς μὲν γὰρ περὶ τὸν Φιλόφρονα καὶ Θεαίδητον οὐδαμῶς ἤρεσκε προσδέχεσθαι τὴν τοιαύτην ἐπιπλοκήν, τοῖς δὲ περὶ τὸν Δείνωνα καὶ Πολυάρατον ἤρεσκε.

[3] καὶ τέλος ἐποιήσαντο διάταξιν πρὸς τὸν Περσέα περὶ τῆς τῶν αἰχμαλώτων διαλυτρώσεως. —

[1] ὅτι Κέφαλος ἧκεν ἐξ Ἠπείρου, ἔχων μὲν καὶ πρότερον ἤδη σύστασιν πρὸς τὴν Μακεδόνων οἰκίαν, τότε δὲ διὰ τῶν πραγμάτων ἠναγκασμένος αἱρεῖσθαι τὰ τοῦ Περσέως. ἡ δʼ αἰτία τοῦ συμβαίνοντος ἐγένετο τοιαύτη.

[2] Χάροψ ἦν Ἠπειρώτης, ἀνὴρ τἄλλα μὲν καλὸς κἀγαθὸς καὶ φίλος Ῥωμαίων, ὃς Φιλίππου τὰ κατὰ τὴν Ἤπειρον στενὰ κατασχόντος αἴτιος ἐγένετο τοῦ Φίλιππον μὲν ἐκπεσεῖν ἐκ τῆς Ἠπείρου, Τίτον δὲ καὶ τῆς Ἠπείρου κρατῆσαι καὶ τῶν Μακεδόνων.

[3] οὗτος υἱὸν ἔσχε Μαχατᾶν, οὗ Χάροψ ἐγένετο.

[4] τοῦτον ἀντίπαιδα κατὰ τὴν ἡλικίαν ὄντα τοῦ πατρὸς μεταλλάξαντος ὁ Χάροψ μετὰ τῆς καθηκούσης προστασίας εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην ἀπέστειλε χάριν τοῦ καὶ τὴν διάλεκτον καὶ τὰ γράμματα τὰ Ῥωμαϊκὰ μαθεῖν.

[5] τοῦτο τὸ μειράκιον πολλοῖς σύνηθες γεγονὸς ἐπανῆλθε μετά τινα χρόνον εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν.

[6] ὁ μὲν οὖν πρεσβύτερος Χάροψ μετήλλαξε τὸν βίον. τὸ δὲ μειράκιον μετέωρον ὂν τῇ φύσει καὶ πάσης πονηρίας ἔμπλεων ἐκορωνία καὶ παρετρίβετο πρὸς τοὺς ἐπιφανεῖς ἄνδρας.

[7] τὰς μὲν οὖν ἀρχὰς οὐδεὶς ἦν αὐτοῦ λόγος, ἀλλʼ οἱ προκατέχοντες καὶ ταῖς ἡλικίαις καὶ ταῖς δόξαις, οἱ περὶ τὸν Ἀντίνουν, ἐχείριζον τὰ κοινὰ κατὰ τὰς αὑτῶν γνώμας. τοῦ δὲ πολέμου τοῦ Περσικοῦ συστάντος,

[8] εὐθέως διέβαλλε τὸ μειράκιον τοὺς προειρημένους ἄνδρας πρὸς Ῥωμαίους, ἀφορμῇ μὲν χρώμενον τῇ προγεγενημένῃ συστάσει τῶν ἀνδρῶν πρὸς τὴν Μακεδόνων οἰκίαν,

[9] κατὰ δὲ τὸ παρὸν πάντα παρατηροῦν καὶ πᾶν τὸ λεγόμενον ἢ πραττόμενον ὑπʼ αὐτῶν ἐπὶ τὸ χεῖρον ἐκδεχόμενον καὶ τὰ μὲν ἀφαιροῦν τὰ δὲ προστιθὲν ἐλάμβανε πιθανότητας κατὰ τῶν ἀνθρώπων.

[10] ὁ δὲ Κέφαλος, τἄλλα τε φρόνιμος καὶ στάσιμος ἄνθρωπος, καὶ κατὰ τοὺς καιροὺς τούτους ἐπὶ τῆς ἀρίστης ὑπῆρχε γνώμης.

[11] ἀρχόμενος γὰρ ηὔξατο τοῖς θεοῖς μὴ συστῆναι τὸν πόλεμον μηδὲ κριθῆναι τὰ πράγματα·

[12] πραττομένου δὲ τοῦ πολέμου τὰ κατὰ τὴν συμμαχίαν ἐβούλετο δίκαια ποιεῖν Ῥωμαίοις, πέρα δὲ τούτου μήτε προστρέχειν ἀγεννῶς μήθʼ ὑπηρετεῖν μηδὲν παρὰ τὸ δέον.

[13] τοῦ δὲ Χάροπος ἐνεργῶς χρωμένου ταῖς κατʼ αὐτοῦ διαβολαῖς καὶ πᾶν τὸ παρὰ τὴν Ῥωμαίων βούλησιν γινόμενον εἰς ἐθελοκάκησιν ἄγοντος, τὸ μὲν πρῶτον οἱ προειρημένοι κατεφρόνουν, οὐδὲν αὑτοῖς συνειδότες ἀλλότριον βουλευομένοις Ῥωμαίων.

[14] ὡς δὲ τοὺς περὶ τὸν Ἱππόλοχον καὶ Νίκανδρον καὶ Λόχαγον εἶδον τοὺς Αἰτωλοὺς ἀναγομένους εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην ἀπὸ τῆς ἱππομαχίας ἀλόγως, καὶ τὰς διαβολὰς τὰς ἐκ τῶν περὶ Λυκίσκον πεπιστευμένας κατʼ αὐτῶν, οἵτινες κατὰ τὴν Αἰτωλίαν τὴν αὐτὴν αἵρεσιν ἦγον τῷ Χάροπι, τὸ τηνικάδε προϊδόμενοι τὸ μέλλον ἐβουλεύοντο περὶ αὑτῶν.

[15] ἔδοξεν οὖν αὐτοῖς παντὸς πεῖραν λαμβάνειν ἐφʼ ᾧ μὴ προέσθαι σφᾶς αὐτοὺς ἀκρίτως εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην ἐπανάγεσθαι διὰ τὰς Χάροπος διαβολάς.

[16] οὕτω μὲν οὖν οἱ περὶ τὸν Κέφαλον ἠναγκάσθησαν παρὰ τὰς αὑτῶν προαιρέσεις ἑλέσθαι τὰ τοῦ Περσέως. —

[1] ὅτι οἱ περὶ Θεόδοτον καὶ Φιλόστρατον ἐποίησαν ἀσεβὲς πρᾶγμα καὶ παράσπονδον ὁμολογουμένως.

[2] πυθόμενοι γὰρ τὸν ὕπατον τῶν Ῥωμαίων Αὖλον Ὁστίλιον παραγίνεσθαι κομιζόμενον εἰς Θετταλίαν ἐπὶ τὸ στρατόπεδον καὶ νομίζοντες, εἰ παραδοῖεν τὸν Αὖλον τῷ Περσεῖ, μεγίστην μὲν ἂν πίστιν προσενέγκασθαι, μέγιστα δʼ ἂν βλάψαι κατὰ τὸ παρὸν Ῥωμαίους, ἔγραφον τῷ Περσεῖ συνεχῶς ἐπισπεύδειν.

[3] ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς ἐβούλετο μὲν ἐξ αὐτῆς προάγειν καὶ συνάπτειν, τῶν δὲ Μολοττῶν κατὰ τὸν Ἀῷον ποταμὸν τὴν γέφυραν κατειληφότων ἐκωλύετο τῆς ὁρμῆς καὶ πρῶτον ἠναγκάζετο διαμάχεσθαι πρὸς τούτους.

[4] συνέβη δὲ τὸν Αὖλον εἰς τοὺς Φανοτεῖς παραγενόμενον καταλῦσαι παρὰ Νέστορι τῷ Κρωπίῳ καὶ παραδοῦναι καθʼ αὑτοῦ τοῖς ἐχθροῖς καιρὸν ὁμολογούμενον· ὃν εἰ μὴ τύχη τις ἐβράβευσε πρὸς τὸ βέλτιον, οὐκ ἄν μοι δοκεῖ διαφυγεῖν.

[5] νῦν δὲ δαιμονίως πως ὁ Νέστωρ τὸ μέλλον ὀττευσάμενος ἐξ αὐτῆς ἠνάγκασε μετελθεῖν εἰς Γίτανα τῆς νυκτός.

[6] καὶ ἀπογνοὺς τὴν διὰ τῆς Ἠπείρου πορείαν ἀνήχθη καὶ πλεύσας εἰς Ἀντίκυραν ἐκεῖθεν ἐποιήσατο τὴν ὁρμὴν εἰς Θετταλίαν.

ιι. ρες ασιαε

[1] ὅτι Φαρνάκης πάντων τῶν πρὸ τοῦ βασιλέων ἐγένετο παρανομώτατος. —

[1] ὅτι Ἄτταλος χειμάζων ἐν Ἐλατείᾳ καὶ σαφῶς εἰδὼς τὸν ἀδελφὸν Εὐμένη λυπούμενον ὡς ἔνι μάλιστα καὶ βαρυνόμενον ἐπὶ τῷ τὰς ἐπιφανεστάτας αὐτοῦ τιμὰς ἠθετῆσθαι παρὰ τῶν ἐν Πελοποννήσῳ διὰ κοινοῦ δόγματος, ἐπικρυπτόμενον δὲ πρὸς πάντας τὴν περὶ αὐτὸν ὑπάρχουσαν διάθεσιν,

[2] ἐπεβάλετο διαπέμπεσθαι πρός τινας τῶν ἐν Ἀχαΐᾳ, σπουδάζων ἀποκατασταθῆναι τἀδελφῷ διʼ αὑτοῦ μὴ μόνον τὰς ἀναθηματικάς, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰς ἐγγράπτους τιμάς.

[3] τοῦτο δʼ ἐποίει πεπεισμένος μεγίστην μὲν ἂν ἐκείνῳ ταύτην τὴν χάριν προσενέγκασθαι, μάλιστα δʼ ἂν τὸ φιλάδελφον καὶ γενναῖον τῆς αὑτοῦ προαιρέσεως ἐναποδείξασθαι τοῖς Ἕλλησι διὰ ταύτης τῆς πράξεως. —

[1] ὅτι Ἀντίοχος ὁρῶν ἐκφανῶς ἤδη τοὺς κατὰ τὴν Ἀλεξάνδρειαν παρασκευαζομένους εἰς τὸν περὶ Κοίλης Συρίας πόλεμον, εἰς μὲν τὴν Ῥώμην ἔπεμψε πρεσβευτὰς τοὺς περὶ Μελέαγρον,

[2] ἐντειλάμενος λέγειν τῇ συγκλήτῳ καὶ διαμαρτύρασθαι διότι παρὰ πάντα τὰ δίκαια Πτολεμαῖος αὐτῷ τὰς χεῖρας ἐπιβάλλει πρότερος —

[1] ἴσως μὲν οὖν ἐν πᾶσι τοῖς ἀνθρωπείοις τῷ καιρῷ δεῖ μετρεῖν ἕκαστα τῶν ἐνεργουμένων· μεγίστην γὰρ οὗτος ἔχει δύναμιν· μάλιστα δʼ ἐν τοῖς πολεμικοῖς·

[2] ὀξύταται γὰρ περὶ τούτων εἰς ἑκάτερα τὰ μέρη γίνονται ῥοπαί· τὸ δʼ ἀστοχεῖν τούτων μέγιστόν ἐστι τῶν ἁμαρτημάτων. —

[3] ὅτι δοκοῦσι πολλοὶ μὲν τῶν ἀνθρώπων ἐπιθυμεῖν τῶν καλῶν, ὀλίγοι δὲ τολμᾶν ἐγχειρεῖν αὐτοῖς, σπάνιοι δὲ τῶν ἐγχειρησάντων ἐπὶ τέλος ἀγαγεῖν τὰ πρὸς τὸ καθῆκον ἐν ἑκάστοις ποιούμενα.

Notes on the current edition

Histories

1. The events of the years B.C. 174, 173, 172, which gradually led up to the war with Perseus, to be described in the twenty-seventh book, were briefly these:—

2. Marcius on his return to Rome gloried in having thus deceived the king and gained time for preparations at Rome, but his action was repudiated by the Senate. Livy, 42, 47 .

3. B. C. 171. Coss. P. Licinius Crassus C. Cassius Longinus.

4. Ismenias had just been elected Strategus of Boeotia; but the party who had supported a rival candidate had in revenge obtained a decree of the league banishing the Boeotarchs from all the Boeotian cities. They had, however been received at Thespiae, whence they were recalled to Thebes and reinstated by a reaction in popular feeling. Then they obtained another decree banishing the twelve men who, though not in office, had convened the league assembly; and Ismenias as Strategus sentenced them to the loss of all rights in their absence. These are the exiles here meant ( Livy, 42, 43 ). Who Neon was is not certain; but we find in the next chapter that he had been a leader in the Macedonising party at Thebes, perhaps a son of Brachylles, whose father’s name was Neon (see ). He was captured in B.C. 167 and put to death by the Romans ( Livy, 45, 31 ).

5. The Roman commissioners at Chalcis: ambassadors from Thespiae and Neon of Boeotia.

6. See note 2, page 356.

7. τὰ δίθυρα, Livy (42, 44) says in tribunal legatorum, and Casaubon contents himself with the same word. Schweighaeuser translates it podium, as if a raised platfrom on which the commissioners sat was meant. I think it is used in the natural sense of a door leading into the hall in which they were sitting, and into which Ismenias fied for refuge. Livy used tribunal from the ideas of his age as to the construction of such a building.

8. Thebes.

9. The cause of the exiles’ triumph at Chalcis.

10. Dissolution of the Boeotian league, B. C. 171.

11. The Commissioners in the Peloponnese.

12. The Rhodians prepare to co-operate with Rome.

13. Perseus sends a circular despatch to the Greek States.

14. Mission of Perseus to Boeotia.

15. The text has Θήβας, which is inconsistent with what follows as to the Thebans. An inscription found on the site of Thisbae supplies the correction of an error as old as Livy ( 42, 46, 47 ). See Hicks’s G. I. p. 330.

16. Truce made with Q. Marcius. See Livy, 42. 43 . B. C. 171.

17. War is decided upon at the expiration of the truce.

18. Attempted assassination of Eumenes at Delphi. Livy, 42, 16 , B. C. 172.

19. Politics at Rhodes.

19. Gaius Lucretius had seen naval service as duumvir navalis on the coast ¹⁹ of Liguria in B. C. 181. Livy, 40, 26 . He was now (B. C. 171) Praetor, his provincia being the fleet, and commanded 40 quinqueremes. Id. 42, 48 .

21. The Romanising party.

22. The Macedonian party

23. Jealousy of Eumenes.

24. Perseus now collected a large army at Citium, thirty-nine thousand foot and four thousand horse, and advanced through the north of Thessaly taking many towns, and finally taking up his quarters at Sicyrium, at the foot of Mount Ossa. The Roman consul, P. Licinius, marched from the south-west through Gomphi, and thence to Larisa, where he crossed the river Peneus. After some cavalry skirmishes, which were generally favourable to the king, Perseus advanced nearer to the Roman camp, and a more important battle was fought, in which the king again scored a considerable success with his cavalry and light-armed troops. The Romans lost two hundred cavalry killed and as many prisoners and two thousand infantry, while Perseus only had twenty cavalry and forty infantry killed. He did not, however, follow up the victory sufficiently to inflict a crushing blow upon the Roman army; and though the Consul withdrew to the south of the Peneus, after some days’ reflection the king made proposals of peace. See Livy, 42, 51-62 . B. C. 171 (summer).

25. After beating the Roman cavalry on the Peneus, and obliging Licinius to retire south of the river, Perseus endeavours to make terms.

26. The Romans are inexorable.

27. Perseus returns to Sicyrium.

28. The effect of the success of Perseus upon the Greeks.

29. A scene at Olympia.

30. A new kind of missile used in the army of Perseus.

31. Livy, who translates this passage, calls the missile a cestrosphendona ( 42, 65 ).

32. Character of Cotys, king of the Odrysae, an ally of Perseus.

33. A prudent governor of Cyprus. See above, .

34. The battle on the Peneus was followed by other engagements of no great importance; and finally Perseus returned to Macedonia, and the Romans went into winter quarters in various towns in Thessaly, without a decisive blow having been struck on either side. Winter of B.C. 171-170. Livy, 42, 64-67 .

35. Winter of B. C. 171- 170. Dispute at Rhodes as to the release of Diophanes, the envoy of Perseus, captured at Tenedos. See .

36. What induced the leading men in Epirus to join Perseus.

37. Charops.

38. Aetolian leaders arrested.

39. Coss. A. Hostilius Mancinus, A. Atilius Serranus, B. C. 170. Attempt of two Molossian leaders to seize the consul.

40. In Phocis. The name was variously given as Phanoteis, Phanote, Phanota (Steph. Byz.)

41. Schweighaeuser seems to regard this as a second name. But the Greeks seldom had such, and it is more likely the designation of some unknown locality. There was an Attic deme named Cropia, and therefore the name is a recognised one (Steph. Byz.) Gronovius conjectured Ὀρωπίῳ of Oropus.

42. Apparently the Anticyra on the Sperchius, on the borders of Achaia Phthiotis.

43. Attalus desires that his brother Eumenes should be restored to honour in the Peloponnese.

44. Hence Attalus obtained the name of Philadelphus. The origin of Eumenes’s loss of popularity in the Peloponnese is referred to in , but no adequate cause is alleged. A reference to Achaia in his speech at Rome was not perhaps altogether friendly ( Livy, 42, 12 ), and we shall see that he was afterwards suspected of intriguing with Perseus; but if this extract is rightly placed, it can hardly be on this latter ground that the Achaeans had renounced him.

45. Preparations for the attack upon Coele-Syria by the ministers of Ptolemy Philometor.

Polybius Histories 27

Evelyn S. Shuckburgh (Translator)