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Recapitulation of Book 1

IN the previous book I have described how the Romans, ¹ having subdued all Italy , began to aim at foreign dominion; how they crossed to Sicily , and the reasons of the war which they entered into against the Carthaginians for the possession of that island. Next I stated at what period they began the formation of a navy; and what befell both the one side and the other up to the end of the war; the consequence of which was that the Carthaginians entirely evacuated Sicily , and the Romans took possession of the whole island, except such parts as were still under the rule of Hiero. Following these events I endeavoured to describe how the mutiny of the mercenaries against Carthage , in what is called the Libyan War, burst out; the lengths to which the shocking outrages in it went; its surprises and extraordinary incidents, until its conclusion, and the final triumph of Carthage . I must now relate the events which immediately succeeded these, touching summarily upon each in accordance with my original plan.

As soon as they had brought the Libyan war to a conclusion² the Carthaginian government collected an army and despatched it under the command of Hamilcar to Iberia . This general took over the command of the troops, and with his son Hannibal, then nine years old, crossing by the Pillars of Hercules, set about recovering the Carthaginian possessions in Iberia . ³ He spent nine years in Iberia , and after reducing many Iberian tribes by war or diplomacy to obedience to Carthage he died in a manner worthy of his great achievements; for he lost his life in a battle against the most warlike and powerful tribes, in which he showed a conspicuous and even reckless personal gallantry. The Carthaginians appointed his son-in-law Hasdrubal to succeed him, who was at the time in command of the fleet.

Situation in Illyria

It was at this same period that the Romans for the first ⁴ time crossed to Illyricum and that part of Europe with an army. The history of this expedition must not be treated as immaterial; but must be carefully studied by those who wish to understand clearly the story I have undertaken to tell, and to trace the progress and consolidation of the Roman Empire.

Agron, king of the Illyrians, was the son of Pleuratus, and⁵ possessed the most powerful force, both by land and sea, of any of the kings who had reigned in Illyria before him. By a bribe received from Demetrius he was induced to promise help to the Medionians, who were at that time being besieged by the Aetolians, who, being unable to persuade the Medionians to join their league, had determined to reduce the city by force. ⁶ They accordingly levied their full army, pitched their camp under the walls of the city, and kept up a continuous blockade, using every means to force their way in, and every kind of siege-machine. But when the time of the annual election of their Strategus drew near, the besieged being now in great distress, and seeming likely every day to surrender, the existing Strategus made an appeal to the Aetolians. He argued that as he had had during his term of office all the suffering and the danger, it was but fair that when they got possession of the town he should have the apportioning of the spoil, and the privilege of inscribing his name on such arms as should be preserved for dedication. This was resisted by some, and especially by those who were candidates for the office, who urged upon the Assembly not to prejudge this matter, but to leave it open for fortune to determine who was to be invested with this honour; and, finally, the Aetolians decided that whoever was general when the city was taken should share the apportioning of the spoils, and the honour of inscribing the arms, with his predecessor.

The Illyrians Relieve Medion

The decision was come to on the day before the election of a new Strategus, and the transference of the command had, according to the Aetolian custom, to take place. ⁷ But on that very night a hundred galleys with five thousand Illyrians on board, sailed up to land near Medion. Having dropped anchor at daybreak, they effected a disembarkation with secrecy and despatch; they then formed in the order customary in their country, and advanced in their several companies against the Aetolian lines. These last were overwhelmed with astonishment at the unexpected nature and boldness of the move; but they had long been inspired with overweening self-confidence, and having full reliance in their own forces were far from being dismayed. They drew up the greater part of their hoplites and cavalry in front of their lines on the level ground, and with a portion of their cavalry and their light infantry they hastened to occupy some rising ground in front of their camp, which nature had made easily defensible. A single charge, however, of the Illyrians, whose numbers and close order gave them irresistible weight, served to dislodge the light-armed troops, and forced the cavalry who were on the ground with them to retire to the hoplites. But the Illyrians, being on the higher ground, and charging down from it upon the Aetolian troops formed up on the plain, routed them without difficulty; the Medionians at the same time making a diversion in their favour by sallying out of the town and charging the Aetolians. Thus, after killing a great number, and taking a still greater number prisoners, and becoming masters also of their arms and baggage, the Illyrians, having carried out the orders of their king, conveyed their baggage and the rest of the booty to their boats, and immediately set sail for their own country.

Death of Agron of Illyria

This was a most unexpected relief to the Medionians. They met in public assembly and deliberated on the whole business, and especially as to the inscribing the arms reserved for dedication. They decided, in mockery of the Aetolian decree, that the inscription should contain the name of the Aetolian commander on the day of battle, and of the candidates for succession to his office. And indeed Fortune seems, in what happened to them, to have designed a display of her power to the rest of mankind. The very thing which these men were in momentary expectation of undergoing at the hands of their enemies, she put it in their power to inflict upon those enemies, and all within a very brief interval. The unexpected disaster of the Aetolians, too, may teach all the world not to calculate on the future as though it were the actually existent, and not to reckon securely on what may still turn out quite otherwise, but to allow a certain margin to the unexpected. And as this is true everywhere and to every man, so is it especially true in war.

When his galleys returned, and he heard from his officers⁸ the events of the expedition, King Agron was so beside himself with joy at the idea of having conquered the Aetolians, whose confidence in their own prowess had been extreme, that, giving himself over to excessive drinking and other similar indulgences, he was attacked by a pleurisy of which in a few days he died. His wife Teuta succeeded him on the throne; and managed the various details of administration by means of friends whom she could trust. But her woman’s head had been turned by the success just related, and she fixed her gaze upon that, and had no eyes for anything going on outside the country. Her first measure was to grant letters of marque to privateers, authorising them to plunder all whom they fell in with; and she next collected a fleet and military force as large as the former one, and despatched them with general instructions to the leaders to regard every land as belonging to an enemy.

Queen Teuta’s Pirates

Their first attack was to be upon the coast of Elis and ⁹ Messenia , which had been from time immemorial the scene of the raids of the Illyrians. For owing to the length of their seaboard, and to the fact that their most powerful cities were inland, troops raised to resist them had a great way to go, and were long in coming to the spot where the Illyrian pirates landed; who accordingly overran those districts, and swept them clean without having anything to fear. However, when this fleet was off Phoenice in Epirus they landed to get supplies. ¹⁰ There they fell in with some Gauls, who to the number of eight hundred were stationed at Phoenice, being in the pay of the Epirotes; and contracted with them to betray the town into their hands. Having made this bargain, they disembarked and took the town and everything in it at the first blow, the Gauls within the walls acting in collusion with them. When this news was known, the Epirotes raised a general levy and came in haste to the rescue. Arriving in the neighbourhood of Phoenice, they pitched their camp so as to have the river which flows past Phoenice between them and the enemy, tearing up the planks of the bridge over it for security. But news being brought them that Scerdilaidas with five thousand Illyrians was marching overland by way of the pass near Antigoneia , they detached some of their forces to guard that town; while the main body gave themselves over to an unrestrained indulgence in all the luxuries which the country could supply; and among other signs of demoralisation they neglected the necessary precaution of posting sentries and night pickets. The division of their forces, as well as the careless conduct of the remainder, did not escape the observation of the Illyrians; who, sallying out at night, and replacing the planks on the bridge, crossed the river safely, and having secured a strong position, remained there quietly for the rest of the night. At daybreak both armies drew up their forces in front of the town and engaged. In this battle the Epirotes were decidedly worsted: a large number of them fell, still more were taken prisoners, and the rest fled in the direction of the country of the Atintanes.

The Aetolians and Achaeans Support the Epirotes

Having met with this reverse, and having lost all the ¹¹ hopes which they had cherished, the Epirotes turned to the despatch of ambassadors to the Aetolians and Achaeans, earnestly begging for their assistance. Moved by pity for their misfortunes, these nations consented; and an army of relief sent out by them arrived at Helicranum. Meanwhile the Illyrians who had occupied Phoenice, having effected a junction with Scerdilaidas, advanced with him to this place, and, taking up a position opposite to this army of relief, wished at first to give it battle. But they were embarrassed by the unfavourable nature of the ground; and just then a despatch was received from Teuta, ordering their instant return, because certain Illyrians had revolted to the Dardani Accordingly, after merely stopping to plunder Epirus , they made a truce with the inhabitants, by which they undertook to deliver up all freemen, and the city of Phoenice, for a fixed ransom. They then took the slaves they had captured and the rest of their booty to their galleys, and some of them sailed away; while those who were with Scerdilaidas retired by land through the pass at Antigoneia , after inspiring no small or ordinary terror in the minds of the Greeks who lived along the coast. For seeing the most securely placed and powerful city of Epirus thus unexpectedly reduced to slavery, they one and all began henceforth to feel anxious, not merely as in former times for their property in the open country, but for the safety of their own persons and cities.

The Epirotes were thus unexpectedly preserved: but so far from trying to retaliate on those who had wronged them, or expressing gratitude to those who had come to their relief, they sent ambassadors in conjunction with the Acarnanians to Queen Teuta, and made a treaty with the Illyrians, in virtue of which they engaged henceforth to co-operate with them and against the Achaean and Aetolian leagues. All which proceedings showed conclusively the levity of their conduct towards men who had stood their friends, as well as an originally shortsighted policy in regard to their own interests.

A Band of Gallic Mercenaries

That men, in the infirmity of human nature, should fall into misfortunes which defy calculation, is the fault not of the sufferers but of Fortune, and of those who do the wrong; but that they should from mere levity, and with their eyes open, thrust themselves upon the most serious disasters is without dispute the fault of the victims themselves. Therefore it is that pity and sympathy and assistance await those whose failure is due to Fortune: reproach and rebuke from all men of sense those who have only their own folly to thank for it.

It is the latter that the Epirotes now richly deserved at the¹² hands of the Greeks. For in the first place, who in his senses, knowing the common report as to the character of the Gauls, would not have hesitated to trust to them a city so rich, and offering so many opportunities for treason? And again, who would not have been on his guard against the bad character of this particular body of them? For they had originally been driven from their native country by an outburst of popular indignation at an act of treachery done by them to their own kinsfolk and relations. ¹³¹⁴ Then having been received by the Carthaginians, because of the exigencies of the war in which the latter were engaged, and being drafted into Agrigentum to garrison it (being at the time more than three thousand strong), they seized the opportunity of a dispute as to pay, arising between the soldiers and their generals, to plunder the city; and again being brought by the Carthaginians into Eryx to perform the same duty, they first endeavoured to betray the city and those who were shut up in it with them to the Romans who were besieging it; and when they failed in that treason, they deserted in a body to the enemy: whose trust they also betrayed by plundering the temple of Aphrodite in Eryx . ¹⁵ Thoroughly convinced, therefore, of their abominable character, as soon as they had made peace with Carthage the Romans made it their first business to disarm them, put them on board ship, and forbid them ever to enter any part of Italy . These were the men whom the Epirotes made the protectors of their democracy and the guardians of their laws! To such men as these they entrusted their most wealthy city! How then can it be denied that they were the cause of their own misfortunes?

My object, in commenting on the blind folly of the Epirotes, is to point out that it is never wise to introduce a foreign garrison, especially of barbarians, which is too strong to be controlled.

Queen Teuta and Rome

To return to the Illyrians. From time immemorial ¹⁶ they had oppressed and pillaged vessels sailing from Italy ; and now while their fleet was engaged at Phoenice a considerable number of them, separating from the main body, committed acts of piracy on a number of Italian merchants: some they merely plundered, others they murdered, and a great many they carried off alive into captivity. ¹⁷ Now, though complaints against the Illyrians had reached the Roman government in times past, they had always been neglected; but now when more and more persons approached the Senate on this subject, they appointed two ambassadors, Gaius and Lucius Coruncanius, to go to Illyricum and investigate the matter. But on the arrival of her galleys from Epirus , the enormous quantity and beauty of the spoils which they brought home (for Phoenice was by far the wealthiest city in Epirus at that time), so fired the imagination of Queen Teuta, that she was doubly eager to carry on the predatory warfare on the coasts of Greece . At the moment, however, she was stopped by the rebellion at home; but it had not taken her long to put down the revolt in Illyria , and she was engaged in besieging Issa , the last town which held out, when just at that very time the Roman ambassadors arrived. A time was fixed for their audience, and they proceeded to discuss the injuries which their citizens had sustained. ¹⁸ Throughout the interview, however, Teuta listened with an insolent and disdainful air; and when they had finished their speech, she replied that she would endeavour to take care that no injury should be inflicted on Roman citizens by Illyrian officials; but that it was not the custom for the sovereigns of Illyria to binder private persons from taking booty at sea. Angered by these words, the younger of the two ambassadors used a plainness of speech which, though thoroughly to the point, was rather ill-timed. The Romans, he said, O Teuta, have a most excellent custom of using the State for the punishment of private wrongs and the redress of private grievances: and we will endeavour, God willing, before long to compel you to improve the relations between the sovereign and the subject in Illyria . The queen received this plain speaking with womanish passion and unreasoning anger. ¹⁹ So enraged was she at the speech that, in despite of the conventions universally observed among mankind, she despatched some men after the ambassadors, as they were sailing home, to kill the one who had used this plainness. Upon this being reported at Rome the people were highly incensed at the queen’s violation of the law of nations, and at once set about preparations for war, enrolling legions and collecting a fleet.

Teuta Sends Out Another Fleet

When the season for sailing was come Teuta sent out a ²⁰ larger fleet of galleys than ever against the Greek shores, some of which sailed straight to Corcyra ; while a portion of them put into the harbour of Epidamnus on the pretext of taking in victual and water, but really to attack the town. The Epidamnians received them without suspicion and without taking any precautions. ²¹ Entering the town therefore clothed merely in their tunics, as though they were only come to fetch water, but with swords concealed in the water vessels, they slew the guards stationed at the gates, and in a brief space were masters of the gate-tower. Being energetically supported by a reinforcement from the ships, which came quickly up in accordance with a pre-arrangement, they got possession of the greater part of the walls without difficulty. But though the citizens were taken off their guard they made a determined and desperate resistance, and the Illyrians after maintaining their ground for some time were eventually driven out of the town. So the Epidamnians on this occasion went near to lose their city by their carelessness; but by the courage which they displayed they saved themselves from actual damage while receiving a useful lesson for the future. The Illyrians who had engaged in this enterprise made haste to put to sea, and, rejoining the advanced squadron, put in at Corcyra : there, to the terror of the inhabitants, they disembarked and set about besieging the town. ²² Dismayed and despairing of their safety, the Corcyreans, acting in conjunction with the people of Apollonia and Epidamnus , sent off envoys to the Achaean and Aetolian leagues, begging for instant help, and entreating them not to allow of their being deprived of their homes by the Illyrians. ²³ The petition was accepted, and the Achaean and Aetolian leagues combined to send aid. The ten decked ships of war belonging to the Achaeans were manned, and having been fitted out in a few days, set sail for Corcyra in hopes of raising the siege.

Illyrian Victories

But the Illyrians obtained a reinforcement of seven decked ships from the Acarnanians, in virtue of their treaty with that people, and, putting to sea, engaged the Achaean fleet off the islands called Paxi. ²⁴ The Acarnanian and Achaean ships fought without victory declaring for either, and without receiving any further damage than having some of their crew wounded. But the Illyrians lashed their galleys four together, and, caring nothing for any damage that might happen to them, grappled with the enemy by throwing their galleys athwart their prows and encouraging them to charge; when the enemies’ prows struck them, and got entangled by the lashed-together galleys getting hitched on to their forward gear, the Illyrians leaped upon the decks of the Achaean ships and captured them by the superior number of their armed men. In this way they took four triremes, and sunk one quinquereme with all hands, on board of which Margos of Caryneia was sailing, who had all his life served the Achaean league with complete integrity. The vessels engaged with the Acarnanians, seeing the triumphant success of the Illyrians, and trusting to their own speed, hoisted their sails to the wind and effected their voyage home without further disaster. ²⁵ The Illyrians, on the other hand, filled with self-confidence by their success, continued their siege of the town in high spirits, and without putting themselves to any unnecessary trouble; while the Corcyreans, reduced to despair of safety by what had happened, after sustaining the siege for a short time longer, made terms with the Illyrians, consenting to receive a garrison, and with it Demetrius of Pharos. After this had been settled, the Illyrian admirals put to sea again; and, having arrived at Epidamnus , once more set about besieging that town.

Corcyra Submits To the Romans

In this same season one of the Consuls, Gnaeus ²⁶ Fulvius, started from Rome with two hundred ships, and the other Consul, Aulus Postumius, with the land forces. The plan of Gnaeus was to sail direct to Corcyra , because he supposed that he should find the result of the siege still undecided. But when he found that he was too late for that, he determined nevertheless to sail to the island because he wished to know the exact facts as to what had happened there, and to test the sincerity of the overtures that had been made by Demetrius. ²⁷ For Demetrius, being in disgrace with Teuta, and afraid of what she might do to him, had been sending messages to Rome , offering to put the city and everything else of which he was in charge into their hands. ²⁸ Delighted at the appearance of the Romans, the Corcyreans not only surrendered the garrison to them, with the consent of Demetrius, but committed themselves also unconditionally to the Roman protection; believing that this was their only security in the future against the piratical incursions of the Illyrians. So the Romans, having admitted the Corcyreans into the number of the friends of Rome , sailed for Apollonia , with Demetrius to act as their guide for the rest of the campaign. ²⁹ At the same time the other Consul, Aulus Postumius, conveyed his army across from Brundisium , consisting of twenty thousand infantry and about two thousand horse. This army, as well as the fleet under Gnaeus Fulvius, being directed upon Apollonia , which at once put itself under Roman protection, both forces were again put in motion on news being brought that Epidamnus was being besieged by the enemy. No sooner did the Illyrians learn the approach of the Romans than they hurriedly broke up the siege and fled. ³⁰ The Romans, taking the Epidamnians under their protection, advanced into the interior of Illyricum , subduing the Ardiaei as they went. They were met on their march by envoys from man tribes: those of the Partheni offered an unconditional surrender, as also did those of the Atintanes. Both were accepted: and the Roman army proceeded towards Issa , which was being besieged by Illyrian troops. On their arrival, they forced the enemy to raise the siege, and received the Issaeans also under their protection. Besides, as the fleet coasted along, they took certain Illyrian cities by storm; among which was Nutria, where they lost not only a large number of soldiers, but some of the Military Tribunes also and the Quaestor. But they captured twenty of the galleys which were conveying the plunder from the country.

Of the Illyrian troops engaged in blockading Issa , those that belonged to Pharos were left unharmed, as a favour to Demetrius; while all the rest scattered and fled to Arbo. Teuta herself, with a very few attendants, escaped to Rhizon, a small town very strongly fortified, and situated on the river of the same name. Having accomplished all this, and having placed the greater part of Illyria under Demetrius, and invested him with a wide dominion, the Consuls retired to Epidamnus with their fleet and army.

Teuta Agrees to Pay Tribute to Rome

Then Gnaeus Fulvius sailed back to Rome with the ³¹ larger part of the naval and military forces, while Postumius, staying behind and collecting forty vessels and a legion from the cities in that district, wintered there to guard the Ardiaei and other tribes that had committed themselves to the protection of Rome . Just before spring in the next year, Teuta sent envoys to Rome and concluded a treaty; in virtue of which she consented to pay a fixed tribute, and to abandon all Illyricum , with the exception of some few districts: and what affected Greece more than anything, she agreed not to sail beyond Lissus with more than two galleys, and those unarmed. When this arrangement had been concluded, Postumius sent legates to the Aetolian and Achaean leagues, who on their arrival first explained the reasons for the war and the Roman invasion; and then stated what had been accomplished in it, and read the treaty which had been made with the Illyrians. The envoys then returned to Corcyra after receiving the thanks of both leagues: for they had freed Greece by this treaty from a very serious cause for alarm, the fact being that the Illyrians were not the enemies of this or that people, but the common enemies of all alike.

Such were the circumstances of the first armed interference of the Romans in Illyricum and that part of Europe , and their first diplomatic relations with Greece ; and such too were the motives which suggested them. But having thus begun, the Romans immediately afterwards sent envoys to Corinth and Athens . And it was then that the Corinthians first admitted Romans to take part in the Isthmian games.

Jealousy At Rome of Hasdrubal In Spain

We must now return to Hasdrubal in Iberia . He had ³² during this period been conducting his command with ability and success, and had not only given in general a great impulse to the Carthaginian interests there, but in particular had greatly strengthened them by the fortification of the town, variously called Carthage, and New Town , the situation of which was exceedingly convenient for operations in Libya as well as in Iberia . ³³ I shall take a more suitable opportunity of speaking of the site of this town, and pointing out the advantages offered by it to both countries: I must at present speak of the impression made by Hasdrubal’s policy at Rome . Seeing him strengthening the Carthaginian influence in Spain , and rendering it continually more formidable, the Romans were anxious to interfere in the politics of that country. They discovered, as they thought, that they had allowed their suspicions to be lulled to sleep, and had meanwhile given the Carthaginians the opportunity of consolidating their power. They did not venture, however, at the moment to impose conditions or make war on them, because they were in almost daily dread of an attack from the Celts. ³⁴ They determined therefore to mollify Hasdrubal by gentle measures, and to leave themselves free to attack the Celts first and try conclusions with them: for they were convinced that, with such enemies on their flank, they would not only be unable to keep their hold over the rest of Italy , but even to reckon on safety in their own city. ³⁵ Accordingly, while sending envoys to Hasdrubal, and making a treaty with him by which the Carthaginians, without saying anything of the rest of Iberia , engaged not to cross the Iber in arms, they pushed on the war with the Celts in Italy .

Cisalpine Gaul

This war itself I shall treat only summarily, to avoid breaking the thread of my history; but I must go back somewhat in point of time, and refer to the period at which these tribes originally occupied their districts in Italy . For the story I think is worth knowing for its own sake, and must absolutely be kept in mind, if we wish to understand what tribes and districts they were on which Hannibal relied to assist him in his bold design of destroying the Roman dominion. I will first describe the country in which they live, its nature, and its relation to the rest of Italy ; for if we clearly understand its peculiarities, geographical and natural, we shall be better able to grasp the salient points in the history of the war.

Italy , taken as a whole, is a triangle, of which the eastern³⁶ side is bounded by the Ionian Sea and the Adriatic Gulf, its southern and western sides by the Sicilian and Tyrrhenian seas; these two sides converge to form the apex of the triangle, which is represented by the southern promontory of Italy called Cocinthus, and which separates the Ionian from the Sicilian Sea.³⁷ The third side, or base of this triangle, is on the north, and is formed by the chain of the Alps stretching right across the country, beginning at Marseilles and the coast of the Sardinian Sea, and with no break in its continuity until within a short distance of the head of the Adriatic. To the south of this range, which I said we must regard as the base of the triangle, are the most northerly plains of Italy , the largest and most fertile of any with which I am acquainted in all Europe . This is the district with which we are at present concerned. ³⁸ Taken as a whole, it too forms a triangle, the apex of which is the point where the Apennines and Alps converge, above Marseilles , and not far from the coast of the Sardinian Sea. The northern side of this triangle is formed by the Alps , extending for 2200 stades; the southern by the Apennines , extending 3600; and the base is the seaboard of the Adriatic, from the town of Sena to the head of the gulf, a distance of more than 2500 Stades. The total length of the three sides will thus be nearly 10,000 stades.

Grain Production in Cisalpine Gaul

The yield of corn in this district is so abundant that ³⁹ wheat is often sold at four obols a Sicilian medimnus, barley at two, or a metretes of wine for an equal measure of barley. The quantity of panic and millet produced is extraordinary; and the amount of acorns grown in the oak forests scattered about the country may be gathered from the fact that, though nowhere are more pigs slaughtered than in Italy , for sacrifices as well as for family use, and for feeding the army, by far the most important supply is form these plains. The cheapness and abundance of all articles of food may also be clearly shown from the fact that travellers in these parts, when stopping at inns, do not bargain for particular articles, but simply ask what the charge is per head for board. And for the most part the innkeepers are content to supply their guests with every necessary at a charge rarely exceeding half an as (that is, the fourth part of an obol)⁴⁰ a day each. Of the numbers, stature, and personal beauty of the inhabitants, and still more of their bravery in war, we shall be able to satisfy ourselves from the facts of their history.

Rivers and Mountains in Northern Italy

Such parts of both slopes of the Alps as are not too ⁴¹ rocky or too precipitous are inhabited by different tribes; those on the north towards the Rhone by the Gauls, called Transalpine; those towards the Italian plains by the Taurisci and Agones and a number of other barbarous tribes. The name Transalpine is not tribal, but local, from the Latin proposition trans, across. The summits of the Alps , from their rugged character, and the great depth of eternal snow, are entirely uninhabited. ⁴² Both slopes of the Apennines , towards the Tuscan Sea and towards the plains, are inhabited by the Ligurians, from above Marseilles and the Junction with the Alps to Pisae on the cast, the first city on the west of Etruria, and inland to Arretium . Next to them come the Etruscans; and next on both slopes the Umbrians. The distance between the Apennines and the Adriatic averages about five hundred stades; and when it leaves the northern plains the chain verges to the right, and goes entirely through the middle of the rest of Italy , as far as the Sicilian Sea. ⁴³ The remaining portion of this triangle, namely the plain along the sea coast, extends as far as the town of Sena . The Padus , celebrated by the poets under the name of Eridanus , rises in the Alps near the apex of the triangle, and flows down to the plains with a southerly course; but after reaching the plains, it turns to the east, and flowing through them discharges itself by two mouths into the Adriatic. The larger part of the plain is thus cut off by it, and lies between this river and the Alps to the head of the Adriatic. ⁴⁴ In body of water it is second to no river in Italy , because the mountain streams, descending from the Alps and Apennines to the plain, one and all flow into it on both sides; and its stream is at its height and beauty about the time ⁴⁵ of the rising of the Dog Star, because it is then swollen by the melting snows on those mountains. It is navigable for nearly two thousand stades up stream, the ships entering by the mouth called Olana; for though it is a single main stream to begin with, it branches off into two at the place called Trigoboli, of which streams the northern is called the Padoa, the southern the Olana. At the mouth of the latter there is a harbour affording as safe anchorage as any in the Adriatic. The whole river is called by the country folk the Bodencus. As to the other stories current in Greece about this river,—I mean Phaethon and his fall, and the tears of the poplars and the black clothes of the inhabitants along this stream, which they are said to wear at this day as mourning for Phaethon,—all such tragic incidents I omit for the present, as not being suitable to the kind of work I have in hand; but I shall return to them at some other more fitting opportunity, particularly because Timaeus has shown a strange ignorance of this district. ⁴⁶

Gallic Settlements In the Valley of the Po

To continue my description. These plains were anciently inhabited by Etruscans,⁴⁷ at the same period as what are called the Phlegraean plains round Capua and Nola ; which latter, however, have enjoyed the highest reputation, because they lay in a great many people’s way and so got known. In speaking then of the history of the Etruscan Empire, we should not refer to the district occupied by them at the present time, but to these northern plains, and to what they did when they inhabited them. Their chief intercourse was with the Celts, because they occupied the adjoining districts; who, envying the beauty of their lands, seized some slight pretext to gather a great host and expel the Etruscans from the valley of the Padus , which they at once took possession of themselves. First, the country near the source of the Padus was occupied by the Laevi and Lebecii; after them the Insubres settled in the country, the largest tribe of all; and next them, along the bank of the river, the Cenomani . But the district along the shore of the Adriatic was held by another very ancient tribe called Venĕti, in customs and dress nearly allied to Celts, but using quite a different language, about whom the tragic poets have written a great many wonderful tales. South of the Padus , in the Apennine district, first beginning from the west, the Ananes, and next them the Boii settled. Next them, on the coast of the Adriatic, the Lingones ; and south of these, still on the sea-coast, the Senones . These are the most important tribes that took possession of this part of the country. ⁴⁸ They lived in open villages, and without any permanent buildings. As they made their beds of straw or leaves, and fed on meat, and followed no pursuits but those of war and agriculture, they lived simple lives without being acquainted with any science or art whatever. Each man’s property, moreover, consisted in cattle and gold; as they were the only things that could be easily carried with them, when they wandered from place to place, and changed their dwelling as their fancy directed. They made a great point, however, of friendship: for the man who had the largest number of clients or companions in his wanderings, was looked upon as the most formidable and powerful member of the tribe.⁴⁹

Early Conflicts between Gauls and Romans

In the early times of their settlement they did not merely subdue the territory which they occupied, but rendered also many of the neighbouring peoples subject to them, whom they overawed by their audacity. Some time afterwards they conquered the Romans in battle, and pursuing the flying legions, in three days after the battle occupied Rome itself with the exception of the Capitol. ⁵⁰ But a circumstance intervened which recalled them home, an invasion, that is to say, of their territory by the Venĕti. Accordingly they made terms with the Romans, handed back the city, and returned to their own land; and subsequently were occupied with domestic wars. Some of the tribes, also, who dwelt on the Alps , comparing their own barren districts with the rich territory occupied by the others, were continually making raids upon them, and collecting their force to attack them. ⁵¹ This gave the Romans time to recover their strength, and to come to terms with the people of Latium . When, thirty years after the capture of the city, the Celts came again as far as Alba, the Romans were taken by surprise; and having had no intelligence of the intended invasion, nor time to collect the forces of the Socii, did not venture to give them battle. ⁵² But when another invasion in great force took place twelve years later, they did get previous intelligence of it; and, having mustered their allies, sallied forth to meet them with great spirit, being eager to engage them and fight a decisive battle. ⁵³ But the Gauls were dismayed at their approach; and, being besides weakened by internal feuds, retreated homewards as soon as night fell, with all the appearance of a regular flight.⁵⁴ After this alarm they kept quiet for thirteen years; at the end of which period, seeing that the power of the Romans was growing formidable, they made a peace and a definite treaty with them.

Gallic Wars

They abided by this treaty for thirty years: but at that ⁵⁵ time, alarmed by a threatening movement on the part of the Transalpine tribes, and fearing that a dangerous war was imminent, they diverted the attack of the invading horde from themselves by presents and appeals to their ties of kindred, but incited them to attack the Romans, joining in the expedition themselves. They directed their march through Etruria, and were joined by the Etruscans; and the combined armies, after taking a great quantity of booty, got safely back from the Roman territory. But when they got home, they quarrelled about the division of the spoil, and in the end destroyed most of it, as well as the flower of their own force. This is the way of the Gauls when they have appropriated their neighbours’ property; and it mostly arises from brutal drunkenness, and intemperate feeding. ⁵⁶ In the fourth year after this, the Samnites and Gauls made a league, gave the Romans battle in the neighbourhood of Camerium, and slew a large number. Incensed at this defeat, the Romans marched out a few days afterwards, and with two Consular armies engaged the enemy in the territory of Sentinum ; and, having killed the greater number of them, forced the survivors to retreat in hot haste each to his own land. ⁵⁷ Again, after another interval of ten years, the Gauls besieged Arretium with a great army, and the Romans went to the assistance of the town, and were beaten in an engagement under its walls. The Praetor Lucius⁵⁸ having fallen in this battle, Manius Curius was appointed in his place. The ambassadors, sent by him to the Gauls to treat for the prisoners, were treacherously murdered by them. At this the Romans, in high wrath, sent an expedition against them, which was met by the tribe called the Senones . In a pitched battle the army of the Senones were cut to pieces, and the rest of the tribe expelled from the county; into which the Romans sent the first colony which they ever planted in Gaul—namely, the town of Sena , so called from the tribe of Gauls which formerly occupied it. ⁵⁹ This is the town which I mentioned before as lying on the coast at the extremity of the plains of the Padus .

The Boii Attack the Romans and Lose

Seeing the expulsion of the Senones , and fearing the ⁶⁰ same fate for themselves, the Boii made a general levy, summoned the Etruscans to join them, and set out to war. They mustered their forces near the lacus Vadimonis, and there gave the Romans battle; in which the Etruscans indeed suffered a loss of more than half their men, while scarcely any of the Boii escaped. But yet in the very next year the same two nations joined forces once more; and arming even those of them who had only just reached manhood, gave the Romans battle again; and it was not until they had been utterly defeated in this engagement that they humbled themselves so far as to send ambassadors to Rome and make a treaty.⁶¹

These events took place in the third year before Pyrrhus crossed into Italy , and in the fifth before the destruction of the Gauls at Delphi . For at this period fortune seems to have plagued the Gauls with a kind of epidemic of war. But the Romans gained two most important advantages from these events. First, their constant defeats at the hands of the Gauls had inured them to the worst that could befall them; and so, when they had to fight with Pyrrhus, they came to the contest like trained and experienced gladiators. And in the second place, they had crushed the insolence of the Gauls just in time to allow them to give an undivided attention, first to the war with Pyrrhus for the possession of Italy , and then to the war with Carthage for the supremacy in Sicily .

War with Insubres and Boii and Gaesatae

After these defeats the Gauls maintained an unbroken ⁶² peace with Rome for forty-five years. But when the generation which had witnessed the actual struggle had passed away, and a younger generation of men had taken their places, filled with unreflecting hardihood, and who had neither experienced nor seen any suffering or reverse, they began, as was natural, to disturb the settlement; and on the one hand to let trifling causes exasperate them against Rome , and on the other to invite the Alpine Gauls to join the fray. At first these intrigues were carried on by their chiefs without the knowledge of the tribesmen; and accordingly, when an armed host of Transalpine Gauls arrived at Ariminum , the Boii were suspicious; and forming a conspiracy against their own leaders, as well as against the new-comers, they put their own two kings Atis and Galatus to death, and cut each other to pieces in a pitched battle. Just then the Romans, alarmed at the threatened invasion, had despatched an army; but learning that the Gauls had committed this act of self-destruction, it returned home again. In the fifth year after this alarm, in the Consulship of Marcus Aemilius Lepidus, the Romans divided among their citizens the territory of Picenum, from which they had ejected the Senones when they conquered them: a democratic measure introduced by Gaius Flaminius, and a policy which we must pronounce to have been the first step in the demoralisation of the people, as well as the cause of the next Gallic war. ⁶³ For many of the Gauls, and especially the Boii whose lands were coterminous with the Roman territory, entered upon that war from the conviction that the object of Rome in her wars with them was no longer supremacy and empire over them, but their total expulsion and destruction.

Several Gallic Tribes Join Forces

Accordingly the two most extensive tribes, the Insubres ⁶⁴ and Boii, joined in the despatch of messengers to the tribes living about the Alps and on the Rhone, who from a word which means serving for hire, are called Gaesatae. To their kings Concolitanus and Aneroetes they offered a large sum of gold on the spot; and, for the future, pointed out to them the greatness of the wealth of Rome , and all the riches of which they would become possessed, if they took it. In these attempts to inflame their cupidity and induce them to join the expedition against Rome they easily succeeded. For they added to the above arguments pledges of their own alliance; and reminded them of the campaign of their own ancestors in which they had seized Rome itself, and had been masters of all it contained, as well as the city itself, for seven months; and had at last evacuated it of their own free will, and restored it by an act of free grace, returning unconquered and scatheless with the booty to their own land. These arguments made the leaders so eager for the expedition, that there never at any other time came from that part of Gaul a larger host, or one consisting of more notable warriors. Meanwhile, the Romans, informed of what was coming, partly by report and partly by conjecture, were in such a state of constant alarm and excitement, that they hurriedly enrolled legions, collected supplies, and sent out their forces to the frontier, as though the enemy were already in their territory, before the Gauls had stirred from their own lands.

It was this movement of the Gauls that, more than anything else, helped the Carthaginians to consolidate their power in Iberia . For the Romans, as I have said, looked upon the Celtic question as the more pressing one of the two, as being so near home; and were forced to wink at what was going on in Iberia , in their anxiety to settle it satisfactorily first. Having, therefore, put their relations with the Carthaginians on a safe footing by the treaty with Hasdrubal, which I spoke of a short time back,⁶⁵ they gave an undivided attention to the Celtic war, convinced that their interest demanded that a decisive battle should be fought with them.

The Roman Forces

The Gaesatae, then, having collected their forces, crossed ⁶⁶ the Alps and descended into the valley of the Padus with a formidable army, furnished with a variety of armour, in the eighth year after the distribution of the lands of Picenum. The Insubres and Boii remained loyal to the agreement they had made with them: but the Venĕti and Cenomani being induced by embassies from Rome to take the Roman side, the Celtic kings were obliged to leave a portion of their forces behind, to guard against an invasion of their territory by those tribes. They themselves, with their main army, consisting of one hundred and fifty thousand foot, and twenty thousand horse and chariots, struck camp and started on their march, which was to be through Etruria, in high spirits. As soon as it was known at Rome that the Celts had crossed the Alps , one of the Consuls, Lucius Aemilius Papus, was sent with an army to Ariminum to guard against the passage of the enemy, and one of the Praetors into Etruria: for the other Consul, Gaius Atilius Regulus, happened to be in Sardinia with his legions. There was universal terror in Rome , for the danger threatening them was believed to be great and formidable. And naturally so: for the old fear of the Gauls had never been eradicated from their minds. No one thought of anything else: they were incessantly occupied in mustering the legions, or enrolling new ones, and in ordering up such of the allies as were ready for service. The proper magistrates were ordered to give in lists of all citizens of military age; that it might at once be known to what the total of the available forces amounted. And such stores of corn, and darts, and other military equipments were collected as no one could remember on any former occasion. From every side assistance was eagerly rendered; for the inhabitants of Italy , in their terror at the Gallic invasion, no longer thought of the matter as a question of alliance with Rome , or of the war as undertaken to support Roman supremacy, but each people regarded it as a danger menacing themselves and their own city and territory. The response to the Roman appeal therefore was prompt.

Forces Available to the Romans

But in order that we may learn from actual facts how ⁶⁷ great the power was which Hannibal subsequently ventured to attack, and what a mighty empire he faced when he succeeded in inflicting upon the Roman people the most severe disasters, I must now state the amount of the forces they could at that time bring into the field. The two Consuls had marched out with four legions, each consisting of five thousand two hundred infantry and three hundred cavalry. Besides this there were with each Consul allies to the number of thirty thousand infantry and two thousand cavalry. Of Sabines and Etruscans too, there had come to Rome , for that special occasion, four thousand horse and more than fifty thousand foot. These were formed into an army and sent in advance into Etruria, under the command of one of the Praetors. Moreover, the Umbrians and Sarsinatae, hill tribes of the Apennine district, were collected to the number of twenty thousand; and with them were twenty thousand Venĕti and Cenomani . These were stationed on the frontier of the Gallic territory, that they might divert the attention of the invaders, by making an incursion into the territory of the Boii. These were the forces guarding the frontier. In Rome itself, ready as a reserve in case of the accidents of war, there remained twenty thousand foot and three thousand horse of citizens, and thirty thousand foot and two thousand horse of the allies. Lists of men for service had also been returned, of Latins eighty thousand foot and five thousand horse; of Samnites seventy thousand foot and seven thousand horse; of Iapygians and Messapians together fifty thousand foot and sixteen thousand horse; and of Lucanians thirty thousand foot and three thousand horse; of Marsi, and Marrucini, and Ferentani, and Vestini, twenty thousand foot and four thousand horse. And besides these, there were in reserve in Sicily and Tarentum two legions, each of which consisted of about four thousand two hundred foot, and two hundred horse. Of the Romans and Campanians the total of those put on the roll was two hundred and fifty thousand foot and twentythree thousand horse; so that the grand total of the forces actually defending Rome was over 150,000 foot, 6000 cavalry:⁶⁸ and of the men able to bear arms, Romans and allies, over 700,000 foot and 70,000 horse; while Hannibal, when he invaded Italy , had less than twenty thousand to put against this immense force.

Defeat of the Romans Near Faesulae

There will be another opportunity of treating the ⁶⁹ subject in greater detail; for the present I must return to the Celts. Having entered Etruria, they began their march through the country, devastating it as they chose, and without any opposition; and finally directed their course against Rome itself. But when they were encamped under the walls of Clusium , which is three days’ march from Rome , news was brought them that the Roman forces, which were on duty in Etruria, were following on their rear and were close upon them; upon which they turned back to meet them, eager to offer them battle. ⁷⁰ The two armies came in sight of each other about sunset, and encamped for the night a short distance apart. But when night fell, the Celts lit their watch fires; and leaving their cavalry on the ground, with instructions that, as soon as daylight made them visible to the enemy, they should follow by the same route, they made a secret retreat along the road to Faesulae , and took up their position there; that they might be joined by their own cavalry, and might disconcert the attack of the enemy. Accordingly, when at daybreak the Romans saw that the cavalry were alone, they believed that the Celts had fled, and hastened in pursuit of the retreating horse; but when they approached the spot where the enemy were stationed, the Celts suddenly left their position and fell upon them. The struggle was at first maintained with fury on both sides: but the courage and superior numbers of the Celts eventually gave them the victory. No less than six thousand Romans fell: while the rest fled, most of whom made their way to a certain strongly fortified height, and there remained. The first impulse of the Celts was to besiege them: but they were worn out by their previous night march, and all the suffering and fatigue of the day; leaving therefore a detachment of cavalry to keep guard round the hill, they hastened to procure rest and refreshment, resolving to besiege the fugitives next day unless they voluntarily surrendered.

Aemilius Deters the Gauls

But meanwhile Lucius Aemilius, who had been stationed ⁷¹ on the coast of the Adriatic at Ariminum , having been informed that the Gauls had entered Etruria and were approaching Rome , set off to the rescue; and after a rapid march appeared on the ground just at the critical moment. He pitched his camp close to the enemy; and the fugitives on the hill, seeing his watch fires, and understanding what had happened, quickly recovered their courage and sent some of their men unarmed to make their way through the forest and tell the Consul what had happened. This news left the Consul as he thought no alternative but to fight. He therefore ordered the Tribunes to lead out the infantry at daybreak, while he, taking command of the cavalry, led the way towards the hill. The Gallic chieftains too had seen his watch fires, and understood that the enemy was come; and at once held council of war. The advice of King Aneroestes was, that seeing the amount of booty they had taken,—an incalculable quantity indeed of captives, cattle, and other spoil,—they had better not run the risk of another general engagement, but return home in safety; and having disposed of this booty, and freed themselves from its incumbrance, return, if they thought good, to make another determined attack upon Rome . Having resolved to follow the advice of Aneroestes in the present juncture, the chiefs broke up their night council, and before daybreak struck camp, and marched through Etruria by the road which follows the coast of the Ligurian bay. While Lucius, having taken off the remnant of the army from the hill, and combined it with his own forces, determined that it would not be by any means advantageous to offer the enemy regular battle; but that it was better to dog their footsteps, watching for favourable times and places at which to inflict damage upon them, or wrest some of their booty from their hands.

Atilius Meets the Gauls

Just at that time the Consul Gaius Atilius had crossed ⁷² from Sardinia , and having landed at Pisae was on his way to Rome ; and therefore he and the enemy were advancing to meet each other. When the Celts were at Telamon in Etruria, their advanced guard fell in with that of Gaius, and the men being made prisoners informed the Consul in answer to questions of what had taken place; and told him that both the armies were in the neighbourhood: that of the Celts, namely, and that of Lucius close upon their rear. Though somewhat disturbed at the events which he thus learnt, Gaius regarded the situation as a hopeful one, when he considered that the Celts were on the road between two hostile armies. He therefore ordered the Tribunes to martial the legions and to advance at the ordinary pace, and in line as far as the breadth of the ground permitted; while he himself having surveyed a piece of rising ground which commanded the road, and under which the Celts must march, took his cavalry with him and hurried on to seize the eminence, and so begin the battle in person; convinced that by these means he would get the principal credit of the action for himself. At first the Celts not knowing anything about the presence of Gaius Atilius, but supposing from what was taking place, that the cavalry of Aemilius had outmarched them in the night, and were seizing the points or vantage in the van of their route, immediately detached some cavalry and light armed infantry to dispute the possession of this eminence. But having shortly afterwards learnt the truth about the presence of Gaius from a prisoner who was brought in, they hurriedly got their infantry into position, and drew them up so as to face two opposite ways, some, that is, to the front and others to the rear. For they knew that one army was following on their rear; and they expected from the intelligence which had reached them, and from what they saw actually occurring, that they would have to meet another on their front.

The Gauls Defeated On Their Way Home

Aemilius had heard of the landing of the legions at Pisae , but had not expected them to be already so far on their road; but the contest at the eminence proved to him that the two armies were quite close. ⁷³He accordingly despatched his horse at once to support the struggle for the possession of the hill, while he marshalled his foot in their usual order, and advanced to attack the enemy who barred his way. The Celts had stationed the Alpine tribe of the Gaesatae to face their enemies on the rear, and behind them the Insubres; on their front they had placed the Taurisci, and the Cispadane tribe of the Boii, facing the legions of Gaius. Their waggons and chariots they placed on the extremity of either wing, while the booty they massed upon one of the hills that skirted the road, under the protection of a guard. The army of the Celts was thus double-faced, and their mode of marshalling their forces was effective as well as calculated to inspire terror. The Insubres and Boii were clothed in their breeches and light cloaks; but the Gaesatae from vanity and bravado threw these garments away, and fell in in front of the army naked, with nothing but their arms; believing that, as the ground was in parts encumbered with brambles, which might possibly catch in their clothes and impede the use of their weapons, they would be more effective in this state. At first the only actual fighting was that for the possession of the hill: and the numbers of the cavalry, from all three armies, that had joined in the struggle made it a conspicious sight to all. In the midst of it the Consul Gaius fell, fighting with reckless bravery in the thick of the battle, and his head was brought to the king of the Celts. The Roman cavalry, however, continued the struggle with spirit, and finally won the position and overpowered their opponents. Then the foot also came to close quarters.

A Peculiar and Surprising Battle

It was surely a peculiar and surprising battle to witness, and scarcely less so to hear described. A battle, to begin with, in which three distinct armies were engaged, must have presented a strange and unusual appearance, and must have been fought under strange and unusual conditions. Again, it must have seemed to a spectator open to question, whether the position of the Gauls were the most dangerous conceivable, from being between two attacking forces; or the most favourable, as enabling them to meet both armies at once, while their own two divisions afforded each other a mutual support: and, above all, as putting retreat out of the question, or any hope of safety except in victory. For this is the peculiar advantage of having an army facing in two opposite directions. The Romans, on the other hand, while encouraged by having got their enemy between two of their own armies, were at the same time dismayed by the ornaments and clamour of the Celtic host. For there were among them such innumerable horns and trumpets, which were being blown simultaneously in all parts of their army, and their cries were so loud and piercing, that the noise seemed not to come merely from trumpets and human voices, but from the whole country-side at once. Not less terrifying was the appearance and rapid movement of the naked warriors in the van, which indicated men in the prime of their strength and beauty: while all the warriors in the front ranks were richly adorned with gold necklaces and bracelets. These sights certainly dismayed the Romans; still the hope they gave of a profitable victory redoubled their eagerness for the battle.

Great Slaughter of the Gauls

When the men who were armed with the pilum advanced in front of the legions, in accordance ⁷⁴ with the regular method of Roman warfare, and hurled their pila in rapid and effective volleys, the inner ranks of the Celts found their jerkins and leather breeches of great service; but to the naked men in the front ranks this unexpected mode of attack caused great distress and discomfiture. For the Gallic shields not being big enough to cover the man, the larger the naked body the more certainty was there of the pilum hitting. And at last, not being able to retaliate, because the pilum-throwers were out of reach, and their weapons kept pouring in, some of them, in the extremity of their distress and helplessness, threw themselves with desperate courage and reckless violence upon the enemy, and thus met a voluntary death; while others gave ground step by step towards their own friends, whom they threw into confusion by this manifest acknowledgment of their panic. Thus the courage of the Gaesatae had broken down before the preliminary attack of the pilum. But when the throwers of it had rejoined their ranks, and the whole Roman line charged, the Insubres, Boii, and Taurisci received the attack, and maintained a desperate hand-to-hand fight. Though almost cut to pieces, they held their ground with unabated courage, in spite of the fact that man for man, as well as collectively, they were inferior to the Romans in point of arms. The shields and swords of the latter were proved to be manifestly superior for defence and attack, for the Gallic sword can only deliver a cut, but cannot trust. And when, besides the Roman horse charged down from the high ground on their flank, and attacked them vigorously, the infantry of the Celts were cut to pieces on the field, while their horse turned and fled.

Aemilius Returns Victorious

Forty thousand of them were slain, and quite ten ⁷⁵ thousand taken prisoners, among whom was one of their kings, Concolitanus: the other king, Aneroestes, fled with a few followers; joined a few of his people in escaping to a place of security; and there put an end to his own life and that of his friends. Lucius Aemilius, the surviving Consul, collected the spoils of the slain and sent them to Rome , and restored the property taken by the Gauls to its owners. Then taking command of the legions, he marched along the frontier of Liguria , and made a raid upon the territory of the Boii; and having satisfied the desires of the legions with plunder, returned with his forces to Rome in a few days’ march. There he adorned the Capitol with the captured standards and necklaces, which are gold chains worn by the Gauls round their necks; but the rest of the spoils, and the captives, he converted to the benefit of his own estate and to the adornment of his triumph.

Thus was the most formidable Celtic invasion repelled,⁷⁶ which had been regarded by all Italians, and especially by the Romans, as a danger of the utmost gravity. The victory inspired the Romans with a hope that they might be able to entirely expel the Celts from the valley of the Padus : and accordingly the Consuls of the next year, Quintus Fulvius Flaccus and Titus Manlius Torquatus, were both sent out with their legions, and military preparations on a large scale, against them. By a rapid attack they terrified the Boii into making submission to Rome ; but the campaign had no other practical effect, because, during the rest of it, there was a season of excessive rains, and an outbreak of pestilence in the army.

Victory Over the Insubres

The Consuls of the next year, however, Publius Furius ⁷⁷ Philus and Caius Flaminius, once more invaded the Celtic lands, marching through the territory of the Anamares, who live not far from Placentia .⁷⁸ Having secured the friendship of this tribe, they crossed into the country of the Insubres, near the confluence of the Adua and Padus . They suffered some annoyance from the enemy, as they were crossing the river, and as they were pitching their camp; and after remaining for a short time, they made terms with the Insubres and left their country. After a circuitous march of several days, they crossed the River Clusius, and came into the territory of the Cenomani . As these people were allies of Rome , they reinforced the army with some of their men, which then descended once more from the Alpine regions into the plains belonging to the Insubres, and began laying waste their land and plundering their houses. The Insubrian chiefs, seeing that nothing could change the determination of the Romans to destroy them, determined that they had better try their fortune by a great and decisive battle. They therefore mustered all their forces, took down from the temple of Minerva the golden standards, which are called the immovables, and having made other necessary preparations, in high spirits and formidable array, encamped opposite to their enemies to the number of fifty thousand. Seeing themselves thus outnumbered, the Romans at first determined to avail themselves of the forces of the allied Celtic tribes; but when they reflected on the fickle character of the Gauls, and that they were about to fight with an enemy of the same race as these auxiliary troops, they hesitated to associate such men with themselves, at a crisis of such danger, and in an action of such importance. However, they finally decided to do this. They themselves stayed on the side of the river next the enemy: and sending the Celtic contingent to the other side, they pulled up the bridges; which at once precluded any fear of danger from them, and left themselves no hope of safety except in victory; the impassable river being thus in their rear. These dispositions made, they were ready to engage.

Tactics Against the Gauls

The Romans are thought to have shown uncommon ⁷⁹ skill in this battle; the Tribunes instructing the troops how they were to conduct themselves both collectively and individually. They had learned from former engagements that Gallic tribes were always most formidable at the first onslaught, before their courage was at all damped by a check; and that the swords with which they were furnished, as I have mentioned before, could only give one downward cut with any effect, but that after this the edges got so turned and the blade so bent, that unless they had time to straighten them with their foot against the ground, they could not deliver a second blow. The Tribunes accordingly gave out the spears of the Triarii, who are the last of the three ranks, to the first ranks, or Hastati: and ordering the men to use their swords only, after their spears were done with, they charged the Celts full in front. When the Celts had rendered their swords useless by the first blows delivered on the spears, the Romans close with them, and rendered them quite helpless, by preventing them from raising their hands to strike with their swords, which is their peculiar and only stroke, because their blade has no point. The Romans, on the contrary, having excellent points to their swords, used them not to cut but to thrust: and by thus repeatedly hitting the breasts and faces of the enemy, they eventually killed the greater number of them. And this was due to the foresight of the Tribunes: for the Consul Flaminius is thought to have made a strategic mistake in his arrangements for this battle. By drawing up his men along the very brink of the river, he rendered impossible a manœuvre characteristic of Roman tactics, because he left the lines no room for their deliberate retrograde movements; for if, in the course of the battle, the men had been forced ever so little from their ground, they would have been obliged by this blunder of their leader to throw themselves into the river. However, the valour of the soldiers secured them a brilliant victory, as I have said, and they returned to Rome with abundance of booty of every kind, and of trophies stripped from the enemy.

Capture of Mediolanum and End of the War

Next year, upon embassies coming from the Celts, ⁸⁰ desiring peace and making unlimited offers of submission, the new Consuls, Marcus Claudius Marcellus and Gnaeus Cornelius Scipio Calvus, were urgent that no peace should be granted them. Thus frustrated, they determined to try a last chance, and once more took active measures to hire thirty thousand Gaesatae,—the Gallic tribe which lives on the Rhone . Having obtained these, they held themselves in readiness, and waited for the attack of their enemies. At the beginning of spring the Consuls assumed command of their forces, and marched them into the territory of the Insubres; and there encamped under the walls of the city of Acerrae, which lies between the Padus and the Alps , and laid siege to it. The Insubres, being unable to render any assistance, because all the positions of vantage had been seized by the enemy first, and being yet very anxious to break up the siege of Acerrae, detached a portion of their forces to affect a diversion by crossing the Padus and laying siege to Clastidium . Intelligence of this movement being brought to the Consuls, Marcus Claudius, taking with him his cavalry and some light infantry, made a forced march to relieve the besieged inhabitants. When the Celts heard of his approach, they raised the siege; and, marching out to meet him, offered him battle. At first they held their ground against a furious charge of cavalry which the Roman Consul launched at them; but when they presently found themselves surrounded by the enemy on their rear and flank, unable to maintain the fight any longer, they fled before the cavalry; and many of them were driven into the river, and were swept away by the stream, though the larger number were cut down by their enemies. Acerrae also, richly stored with corn, fell into the hands of the Romans: the Gauls having evacuated it, and retired to Mediolanum , which is the most commanding position in the territory of the Insubres. Gnaeus followed them closely, and suddenly appeared at Mediolanum . The Gauls at first did not stir; but upon his starting on his return march to Acerrae, they sallied out, and having boldly attacked his rear, killed a good many men, and even drove a part of it into flight; until Gnaeus recalled some of his vanguard, and urged them to stand and engage the enemy. The Roman soldiers obeyed orders, and offered a vigorous resistance to the attacking party. The Celts, encouraged by their success, held their ground for a certain time with some gallantry, but before long turned and fled to the neighbouring mountains. Gnaeus followed them, wasting the country as he went, and took Mediolanum by assault. At this the chiefs of the Insubres, despairing of safety, made a complete and absolute submission to Rome .

Character of the Gauls

Such was the end of the Celtic war: which, for the ⁸¹ desperate determination and boldness of the enemy, for the obstinacy of the battles fought, and for the number of those who fell and of those who were engaged, is second to none recorded in history, but which, regarded as a specimen of scientific strategy, is utterly contemptible. The Gauls showed no power of planning or carrying out a campaign, and in everything they did were swayed by impulse rather than by sober calculation. As I have seen these tribes, after a short struggle, entirely ejected from the valley of the Padus , with the exception of some few localities lying close to the Alps , I thought I ought not to let their original attack upon Italy pass unrecorded, any more than their subsequent attempts, or their final ejectment: for it is the function of the historian to record and transmit to posterity such episodes in the drama of Fortune; that our posterity may not from ignorance of the past be unreasonably dismayed at the sudden and unexpected invasions of these barbarians, but may reflect how shortlived and easily damped the spirit of this race is; and so may stand to their defence, and try every possible means before yielding an inch to them. I think, for instance, that those who have recorded for our information the invasion of Greece by the Persians, and of Delphi by the Gauls, have contributed materially to the struggles made for the common freedom of Greece . For a superiority in supplies, arms, or numbers, would scarcely deter any one from putting the last possible hope to the test, in a struggle for the integrity and the safety of his city and its territory, if he had before his eyes the surprising result of those expeditions; and remembered how many myriads of men, what daring confidence, and what immense armaments were baffled by the skill and ability of opponents, who conducted their measures under the dictates of reason and sober calculation. And as an invasion of Gauls has been a source of alarm to Greece in our day, as well as in ancient times, I thought it worth while to give a summary sketch of their doings from the earliest times.

Hasdrubal Dies and Hannibal Succeeds Him

Our narrative now returns to Hasdrubal, whom we left ⁸² in command of the Carthaginian forces in Iberia . After eight years command in that country, he was assassinated in his own house at night by a certain Celt in revenge for some private wrong. Before his death he had done much to strengthen the Carthaginian power in Iberia , not so much by military achievements, as by the friendly relations which he maintained with the native princes. Now that he was dead, the Carthaginians invested Hannibal with the command in Iberia , in spite of his youth, because of the ability in the conduct of affairs, and the daring spirit which he had displayed.⁸³ He had no sooner assumed the command, than he nourished a fixed resolve to make war on Rome ; nor was it long before he carried out this resolution. From that time forth there were constant suspicious and causes of offence arising between the Carthaginians and Romans. And no wonder: for the Carthaginians were meditating revenge for their defeats in Sicily ; and the Romans were made distrustful from a knowledge of their designs. These things made it clear to every one of correct judgment that before long a war between these two nations was inevitable.

Greece At This Time

At the same period the Achaean league and King ⁸⁴ Philip, with their allies, were entering upon the war with the Aetolian league, which is called the Social war. Now this was the point at which I proposed to begin my general history; and as I have brought the account of the affairs of Sicily and Libya , and those which immediately followed, in a continuous narrative, up to the date of the beginning of the Social and Second Punic, generally called the Hannibalic, wars, it will be proper to leave this branch of my subject for a while, and to take up the history of events in Greece , that I may start upon my full and detailed narrative, after bringing the prefatory sketch of the history of the several countries to the same point of time. For since I have not undertaken, as previous writers have done, to write the history of particular peoples, such as the Greeks or Persians, but the history of all known parts of the world at once, because there was something in the state of our own times which made such a plan peculiarly feasible,—of which I shall speak more at length hereafter,—it will be proper, before entering on my main subject, to touch briefly on the state of the most important of the recognised nations of the world.

Of Asia and Egypt I need not speak before the time at which my history commences. The previous history of these countries has been written by a number of historians already, and is known to all the world; nor in our days has any change specially remarkable or unprecedented occurred to them demanding a reference to their past.⁸⁵ But in regard to the Achaean league, and the royal family of Macedonia , it will be in harmony with my design to go somewhat farther back: for the latter has become entirely extinct; while the Achaeans, as I have stated before, have in our time made extraordinary progress in material prosperity and internal unity. For though many statesmen had tried in past times to induce the Peloponnesians to join in a league for the common interests of all, and had always failed, because every one was working to secure his own power rather than the freedom of the whole; yet in our day this policy has made such progress, and been carried out with such completeness, that not only is there in the Peloponnese a community of interests such as exists between allies or friends, but an absolute identity. of laws, weights, measures, and currency.⁸⁶ All the States have the same magistrates, senate, and judges. Nor is there any difference between the entire Peloponnese and a single city, except in the fact that its inhabitants are not included within the same wall; in other respects, both as a whole and in their individual cities, there is a nearly absolute assimilation of institutions.

Origin of the Name Achaean

It will be useful to ascertain, to begin with, how it ⁸⁷ came to pass that the name of the Achaeans became the universal one for all the inhabitants of the Peloponnese . For the original bearers of this ancestral name have no superiority over others, either in the size of their territory and cities, or in wealth, or in the prowess of their men. For they are a long way off being superior to the Arcadians and Lacedaemonians in number of inhabitants and extent of territory; nor can these latter nations be said to yield the first place in warlike courage to any Greek people whatever. Whence then comes it that these nations, with the rest of the inhabitants of the Peloponnese , have been content to adopt the constitution and the name of the Achaeans? To speak of chance in such a matter would not be to offer any adequate solution of the question, and would be a mere idle evasion. A cause must be sought; for without a cause nothing, expected or unexpected, can be accomplished. The cause then, in my opinion, was this. Nowhere could be found a more unalloyed and deliberately established system of equality and absolute freedom, and, in a word, of democracy, than among the Achaeans. This constitution found many of the Peloponnesians ready enough to adopt it of their own accord: many were brought to share in it by persuasion and argument: some, though acting under compulsion at first, were quickly brought to acquiesce in its benefits; for none of the original members had any special privilege reserved for them, but equal rights were given to all comers: the object aimed at was therefore quickly attained by the two most unfailing expedients of equality and fraternity. This then must be looked upon as the source and original cause of Peloponnesian unity and consequent prosperity.

That this was the original principle on which the Achaeans acted in forming their constitution might be demonstrated by many proofs; but for the present purpose it will be sufficient to allege one or two in confirmation of my assertion.

The First Achaean League

And first: When the burning of the Pythagorean clubs in Magna Grecia was followed by great constitutional disturbances, as was natural on the sudden disappearance of the leading men in each state; and the Greek cities in that part of Italy became the scene of murder, revolutionary warfare, and every kind of confusion; deputations were sent from most parts of Greece to endeavour to bring about some settlement of these disorders.⁸⁸ But the disturbed states preferred the intervention of the Achaeans above all others, and showed the greatest confidence in them, in regard to the measures to be adopted for removing the evils that oppressed them. Nor was this the only occasion on which they displayed this preference. For shortly afterwards there was a general movement among them to adopt the model of the Achaean constitution. The first states to move in the matter were Croton , Sybaris , and Caulonia, who began by erecting a common temple to Zeus Homorios,⁸⁹ and a place in which to hold their meetings and common councils. ⁹⁰They then adopted the laws and customs of the Achaeans, and determined to conduct their constitution according to their principles; but finding themselves hampered by the tyranny of Dionysius of Syracuse , and also by the encroachment of the neighbouring barbarians, they were forced much against their will to abandon them. ⁹¹ Again, later on, when the Lacedaemonians met with their unexpected reverse at Leuctra, and the Thebans as unexpectedly claimed the hegemony in Greece , a feeling of uncertainty prevailed throughout the country, and especially among the Lacedaemonians and Thebans themselves, because the former refused to allow that they were beaten, the latter felt hardly certain that they had conquered. ⁹² On this occasion, once more, the Achaeans were the people selected by the two parties, out of all Greece , to act as arbitrators on the points in dispute. And this could not have been from any special view of their power, for at that time they were perhaps the weakest state in Greece ; it was rather from a conviction of their good faith and high principles, in regard to which there was but one opinion universally entertained. At that period of their history, however, they possessed only the elements of success; success itself, and material increase, were barred by the fact that they had not yet been able to produce a leader worthy of the occasion. Whenever any man had given indications of such ability, he was systematically thrust into the background and hampered, at one time by the Lacedaemonian government, and at another, still more effectually, by that of Macedonia .

Unification of the Peloponnese

When at length, however, the country did obtain leaders of sufficient ability, it quickly manifested its intrinsic excellence by the accomplishment of that most glorious achievement,—the union of the Peloponnese . The originator of this policy in the first instance was Aratus of Sicyon ; its active promotion and consummation was due to Philopoemen of Megalopolis ; while Lycortas and his party must be looked upon as the authors of the permanence which it enjoyed. The actual achievements of these several statesmen I shall narrate in their proper places: but while deferring a more detailed account of the other two, I think it will be right to briefly record here, as well as in a future portion of my work, the political measures of Aratus, because he has left a record of them himself in an admirably honest and lucid book of commentaries.

I think the easiest method for myself, and most intelligible to my readers, will be to start from the period of the restoration of the Achaean league and federation, after its disintegration into separate states by the Macedonian kings: from which time it has enjoyed an unbroken progress towards the state of completion which now exists, and of which I have already spoken at some length.

The Second League

The period I mean is the 124th Olympiad. In this ⁹³ occurred the first league of Patrae and Dyme , and the deaths of Ptolemy son of Lagus, Lysimachus, Seleucus, Ptolemy Ceraunus. In the period before this the state of Achaia was as follows. It was ruled by kings from the time of Tisamenus, son of Orestes, who, being expelled from Sparta on the return of the Heraclidae, formed a kingdom in Achaia . The last of this royal line to maintain his power was Ogyges, whose sons so alienated the people by their unconstitutional and tyrannical government, that a revolution took place and a democracy was established.⁹⁴ In the period subsequent to this, up to the time of the establishment of the supreme authority of Alexander and Philip, their fortunes were subject to various fluctuations, but they always endeavoured to maintain intact in their league a democratical form of government, as I have already stated. This league consisted of twelve cities, all of them still surviving, with the exception of Olenus , and Helice which was engulfed by the sea before the battle of Leuctra. ⁹⁵ The other ten were Patrae , Dyme , Pharae, Tritaea, Leontium, Aegium, Aegeira, Pellene , Bura , Caryneia.⁹⁶ In the period immediately succeeding Alexander, and before the above-named 124th Olympiad, these cities, chiefly through the instrumentality of the Macedonian kings, became so estranged and ill-disposed to each other, and so divided and opposed in their interests, that some of them had to submit to the presence of foreign garrisons, sent first by Demetrius and Cassander, and afterwards by Antigonus Gonatas, while others even fell under the power of Tyrants; for no one set up more of such absolute rulers in the Greek states than this last-named king.

But about the 124th Olympiad, as I have said, a change⁹⁷ of sentiment prevailed among the Achaean cities, and they began again to form a league. This was just at the time of Pyrrhus’s invasion of Italy . The first to take this step were the peoples of Dyme , Patrae , Tritaea, and Pharae. And as they thus formed the nucleus of the league, we find no column extant recording the compact between these cities. But about five years afterwards the people of Aegium expelled their foreign garrison and joined the league; next, the people of Bura put their tyrant to death and did the same; simultaneously, the state of Caryneia was restored to the league. For Iseas, the then tyrant of Caryneia, when he saw the expulsion of the garrison from Aegium, and the death of the despot in Bura at the hands of Margos and the Achaeans, and when he saw that he was himself on the point of being attacked on all sides, voluntarily laid down his office; and having obtained a guarantee for his personal safety from the Achaeans, formally gave in the adhesion of his city to the league.

Policy of the Achaean League

My object in thus going back in point of time was, first, to show clearly at what epoch the Achaeans entered into the second league, which exists at this day, and which were the first members of the original league to do so; and, secondly, that the continuity of the policy pursued by the Achaeans might rest, not on my word only, but on the evidence of the actual facts. It was in virtue of this policy,—by holding out the bait of equality and freedom, and by invariably making war upon and crushing those who on their own account, or with the support of the kings, enslaved any of the states within their borders, that they finally accomplished the design which they had deliberately adopted, in some cases by their own unaided efforts, and in others by the help of their allies. For in fact whatever was effected in this direction, by the help of these allies in after times, must be put down to the credit of the deliberately adopted policy of the Achaeans themselves. They acted indeed jointly with others in many honourable undertakings, and in none more so than with the Romans: yet in no instance can they be said to have aimed at obtaining from their success any advantage for a particular state. In return for the zealous assistance rendered by them to their allies, they bargained for nothing but the freedom of each state and the union of the Peloponnese . But this will be more clearly seen from the record of their actual proceedings.

Margos First Sole Strategus

For the first twenty-five years of the league between the cities I have mentioned, a secretary and two strategi for the whole union were elected by each city in turn. But after this period they determined to appoint one strategus only,⁹⁸ and put the entire management of the affairs of the union in his hands.⁹⁹ The first to obtain this honour was Margos of Caryneia. In the fourth year after this man’s tenure of the office, Aratus of Sicyon caused his city to join the league, which, by his energy and courage, he had, when only twenty years of age, delivered from the yoke of its tyrant.¹⁰⁰ In the eighth year again after this, Aratus, being elected strategus for the second time, laid a plot to seize the Acrocorinthus, then held by Antigonus; and by his success freed the inhabitants of the Peloponnese from a source of serious alarm: and having thus liberated Corinth he caused it to join the league.¹⁰¹ In his same term of office he got Megara into his hands, and caused it to join also. These events occurred in the year before the decisive defeat of the Carthaginians, in consequence of which they evacuated Sicily and consented for the first time to pay tribute to Rome .

Having made this remarkable progress in his design in so short a time, Aratus continued thenceforth in the position of leader-of the Achaean league, and in the consistent direction of his whole policy to one single end; which was to expel Macedonians from the Peloponnese , to depose the despots, and to establish in each state the common freedom which their ancestors had enjoyed before them. ¹⁰² So long, therefore, as Antigonus Gonatas was alive, he maintained a continual opposition to his interference, as well as to the encroaching spirit of the Aetolians, and in both cases with signal skill and success; although their presumption and contempt for justice had risen to such a pitch, that they had actually made a formal compact with each other for the disruption of the Achaeans.

Death of Demetrius

After the death of Antigonus, however, the Achaeans made terms with the Aetolians, and joined them energetically in the war against Demetrius; and, in place of the feelings of estrangement and hostility, there gradually grew up a sentiment of brotherhood and affection between the two peoples. Upon the death of Demetrius, after a reign of only ten years, just about the time of the first invasion of Illyricum by the Romans, the Achaeans had a most excellent opportunity of establishing the policy which they had all along maintained. ¹⁰³ For the despots in the Peloponnese were in despair at the death of Demetrius. It was the loss to them of their chief supporter and paymaster. And now Aratus was for ever impressing upon them that they ought to abdicate, holding out rewards and honours for those of them who consented, and threatening those who refused with still greater vengeance from the Achaeans. There was therefore a general movement among them to voluntarily restore their several states to freedom and to join the league. I ought however to say that Ludiades of Megalopolis , in the lifetime of Demetrius, of his own deliberate choice, and foreseeing with great shrewdness and good sense what was going to happen, had abdicated his sovereignty and become a citizen of the national league. His example was followed by Aristomachus, tyrant of Argos , Xeno of Hermione , and Cleonymus of Phlius, who all likewise abdicated and joined the democratic league.

The Aetolians Envy the Achaeans

But the increased power and national advancement ¹⁰⁴ which these events brought to the Achaeans excited the envy of the Aetolians; who, besides their natural inclination to unjust and selfish aggrandisement, were inspired with the hope of breaking up the union of Achaean states, as they had before succeeded in partitioning those of Acarnania with Alexander,¹⁰⁵ and had planned to do those of Achaia with Antigonus Gonatas. Instigated once more by similar expectations, they had now the assurance to enter into communication and close alliance at once with Antigonus (at that time ruling Macedonia as guardian of the young King Philip), and with Cleomenes, King of Sparta . They saw that Antigonus had undisputed possession of the throne of Macedonia , while he was an open and avowed enemy of the Achaeans owing to the surprise of the Acrocorinthus; and they supposed that if they could get the Lacedaemonians to join them in their hostility to the league, they would easily subdue it, by selecting a favourable opportunity for their attack, and securing that it should be assaulted on all sides at once. And they would in all probability have succeeded, but that they had left out the most important element in the calculation, namely, that in Aratus they had to reckon with an opponent to their plans of ability equal to almost any emergency. Accordingly, when they attempted this violent and unjust interference in Achaia , so far from succeeding in any of their devices, they, on the contrary, strengthened Aratus, the then president of the league, as well as the league itself. So consummate was the ability with which he foiled their plan and reduced them to impotence. The manner in which this was done will be made clear in what I am about to relate.

Intrigues of the Aetolians

There could be no doubt of the policy of the Aetolians. ¹⁰⁶ They were ashamed indeed to attack the Achaeans openly, because they could not ignore their recent obligations to them in the war with Demetrius: but they were plotting with the Lacedaemonians; and showed their jealousy of the Achaeans by not only conniving at the treacherous attack of Cleomenes upon Tegea , Mantinea , and Orchomenus (cities not only in alliance with them, but actually members of their league), but by confirming his occupation of those places. In old times they had thought almost any excuse good enough to justify an appeal to arms against those who, after all, had done them no wrong: yet they now allowed themselves to be treated with such treachery, and submitted without remonstrance to the loss of the most important towns, solely with the view of creating in Cleomenes a formidable antagonist to the Achaeans. These facts were not lost upon Aratus and the other officers of the league: and they resolved that, without taking the initiative in going to war with any one, they would resist the attempts of the Lacedaemonians. Such was their determination, and for a time they persisted in it: but immediately afterwards Cleomenes began to build the hostile fort in the territory of Megalopolis , called the Athenaeum,¹⁰⁷ and showed an undisguised and bitter hostility. Aratus and his colleagues accordingly summoned a meeting of the league, and it was decided to proclaim war openly against Sparta .

The Cleomenic War

This was the origin of what is called the Cleomenic ¹⁰⁸ war. At first the Achaeans were for depending on their own resources for facing the Lacedaemonians. They looked upon it as more honourable not to look to others for preservation, but to guard their own territory and cities themselves; and at the same time the remembrances of his former services made them desirous of keeping up their friendship with Ptolemy,¹⁰⁹ and averse from the appearance of seeking aid elsewhere. But when the war had lasted some time; and Cleomenes had revolutionised the constitution of his country, and had turned its constitutional monarchy into a despotism; and, moreover, was conducting the war with extraordinary skill and boldness: seeing clearly what would happen, and fearing the reckless audacity of the Aetolians, Aratus determined that his first duty was to be well beforehand in frustrating their plans. ¹¹⁰ He satisfied himself that Antigonus was a man of activity and practical ability, with some pretensions to the character of a man of honour; he however knew perfectly well that kings look on no man as a friend or foe from personal considerations, but ever measure friendships and enmities solely by the standard of expediency. He, therefore, conceived the idea of addressing himself to this monarch, and entering into friendly relations with him, taking occasion to point out to him the certain result of his present policy. But to act openly in this matter he thought inexpedient for several reasons. By doing so he would not only incur the opposition of Cleomenes and the Aetolians, but would cause consternation among the Achaeans themselves, because his appeal to their enemies would give the impression that he had abandoned all the hopes he once had in them. This was the very last idea he desired should go abroad; and he therefore determined to conduct this intrigue in secrecy. The result of this was that he was often compelled to speak and act towards the public in a sense contrary to his true sentiments, that he might conceal his real design by suggesting one of an exactly opposite nature. For which reason there are some particulars which he did not even commit to his own commentaries.

Aratus Involves Megalopolis

It did not escape the observation of Aratus that the people of Megalopolis would be more ready than others to seek the protection of Antigonus, and the hopes of safety offered by Macedonia ; for their neighbourhood to Sparta exposed them to attack before the other states; while they were unable to get the help which they ought to have, because the Achaeans were themselves hard pressed and in great difficulties. Besides they had special reasons for entertaining feelings of affection towards the royal family of Macedonia , founded on the favours received in the time of Philip, son of Amyntas. ¹¹¹ He therefore imparted his general design under pledge of secrecy to Nicophanes and Cercidas of Megalopolis , who were family friends of his own and of a character suited to the undertaking; and by their means experienced no difficulty in inducing the people of Megalopolis to send envoys to the league, to advise that an application for help should be made to Antigonus. Nicophanes and Cercidas were themselves selected to go on this mission to the league, and thence, if their view was accepted, to Antigonus. The league consented to allow the people of Megalopolis to send the mission; and accordingly Nicophanes lost no time in obtaining an interview with the king. About the interests of his own country he spoke briefly and summarily, confining himself to the most necessary statements; the greater part of his speech was, in accordance with the directions of Aratus, concerned with the national question.

Message to Antigonus Doson from Aratus

The points suggested by Aratus for the envoy to dwell ¹¹² on were the scope and object of the understanding between the Aetolians and Cleomenes, and the necessity of caution on the part primarily of the Achaeans, but still more even on that of Antigonus himself: first, because the Achaeans plainly could not resist the attack of both; and, secondly, because if the Aetolians and Cleomenes conquered them, any man of sense could easily see that they would not be satisfied or stop there. For the encroaching spirit of the Aetolians, far from being content to be confined by the boundaries of the Peloponnese , would find even those of Greece too narrow for them. Again, the ambition of Cleomenes was at present directed to the supremacy in the Peloponnese : but this obtained, he would promptly aim at that of all Greece , in which it would be impossible for him to succeed without first crushing the government of Macedonia . They were, therefore, to urge him to consider, with a view to the future, which of the two courses would be the more to his own interests,—to fight for supremacy in Greece in conjunction with the Achaeans and Boeotians against Cleomenes in the Peloponnese ; or to abandon the most powerful race, and to stake the Macedonian empire on a battle in Thessaly , against a combined force of Aetolians and Boeotians, with the Achaeans and Lacedaemonians to boot. If the Aetolians, from regard to the goodwill shown them by the Achaeans in the time of Demetrius, were to pretend to be anxious to keep the peace as they were at present doing, they were to assert that the Achaeans were ready to engage Cleomenes by themselves; and if fortune declared in their favour they would want no assistance from any one: but if fortune went against them, and the Aetolians joined in the attack, they begged him to watch the course of events, that he might not let things go too far, but might aid the Peloponnesians while they were still capable of being saved. He had no need to be anxious about the good faith or gratitude of the Achaeans: when the time for action came, Aratus pledged himself to find guarantees which would be satisfactory to both parties; and similarly would himself indicate the moment at which the aid should be given.

Antigonus Doson Will Help the League

These arguments seemed to Antigonus to have been put by Aratus with equal sincerity and ability: and after listening to them, he eagerly took the first necessary step by writing a letter to the people of Megalopolis with an offer of assistance, on condition that such a measure should receive the consent of the Achaeans. When Nicophanes and Cercidas returned home and delivered this despatch from the king, reporting at the same time his other expressions of goodwill and zeal in the cause, the spirits of the people of Megalopolis were greatly elated; and they were all eagerness to attend the meeting of the league, and urge that measures should be taken to secure the alliance of Antigonus, and to put the management of the war in his hands with all despatch. ¹¹³ Aratus learnt privately from Nicophanes the king’s feelings towards the league and towards himself; and was delighted that his plan had not failed, and that he had not found the king completely alienated from himself, as the Aetolians hoped he would be. He regarded it also as eminently favourable to his policy, that the people of Megalopolis were so eager to use the Achaean league as the channel of communication with Antigonus. For his first object was if possible to do without this assistance; but if he were compelled to have recourse to it, he wished that the invitation should not be sent through himself personally, but that it should rather come from the Achaeans as a nation. For he feared that, if the king came, and conquered Cleomenes and the Lacedaemonians in the war, and should then adopt any policy hostile to the interests of the national constitution, he would have himself by general consent to bear the blame of the result: while Antigonus would be justified, by the injury which had been inflicted on the royal house of Macedonia in the matter of the Acrocorinthus. Accordingly when Megalopolitan envoys appeared in the national council, and showed the royal despatch, and further declared the general friendly disposition of the king, and added an appeal to the congress to secure the king’s alliance without delay; and when also the sense of the meeting was clearly shown to be in favour of taking this course, Aratus rose, and, after setting forth the king’s zeal, and complimenting the meeting upon their readiness to act in the matter, he proceeded to urge upon them in a long speech that They should try if possible to preserve their cities and territory by their own efforts, for that nothing could be more honourable or more expedient than that: but that, if it turned out that fortune declared against them in this effort, they might then have recourse to the assistance of their friends; but not until they had tried all their own resources to the uttermost. This speech was received with general applause: and it was decided to take no fresh departure at present, and to endeavour to bring the existing war to a conclusion unaided.

The Achaeans Must Appeal to Antigonus

But when Ptolemy, despairing of retaining the league’s ¹¹⁴ friendship, began to furnish Cleomenes with supplies,—which he did with a view of setting him up as a foil to Antigonus, thinking the Lacedaemonians offered him better hopes than the Achaeans of being able to thwart the policy of the Macedonian kings.; and when the Achaeans themselves had suffered three defeats,—one at Lycaeum in an engagement with Cleomenes whom they had met on a march; and again in a pitched battle at Ladocaea in the territory of Megalopolis , in which Lydiades fell; and a third time decisively at a place called Hecatomboeum in the territory of Dyme where their whole forces had been engaged,—after these misfortunes, no further delay was possible, and they were compelled by the force of circumstances to appeal unanimously to Antigonus. Thereupon Aratus sent his son to Antigonus, and ratified the terms of the subvention. The great difficulty was this: it was believed to be certain that the king would send no assistance, except on the condition of the restoration of the Acrocorinthus, and of having the city of Corinth put into his hands as a base of operations in this war; and on the other hand it seemed impossible that the Achaeans should venture to put the Corinthians in the king’s power against their own consent. The final determination of the matter was accordingly postponed, that they might investigate the question of the securities to be given to the king.

Antigonus Doson at the Isthmus

Meanwhile, on the strength of the dismay caused by ¹¹⁵ his successes, Cleomenes was making an unopposed progress through the cities, winning some by persuasion and others by threats. In this way he got possession of Caphyae, Pellene , Pheneus, Argos , Phlius, Cleonae, Epidaurus , Hermione , Troezen , and last of all Corinth , while he personally commanded a siege of Sicyon . But this in reality relieved the Achaeans from a very grave difficulty. For the Corinthians by ordering Aratus, as Strategus of the league, and the Achaeans to evacuate the town, and by sending messages to Cleomenes inviting his presence, gave the Achaeans a ground of action and a reasonable pretext for moving. Aratus was quick to take advantage of this; and, as the Achaeans were in actual possession of the Acrocorinthus, he made his peace with the royal family of Macedonia by offering it to Antigonus; and at the same time gave thus a sufficient guarantee for friendship in the future, and further secured Antigonus a base of operations for the war with Sparta .

Upon learning of this compact between the league and¹¹⁶ Antigonus, Cleomenes raised the siege of Sicyon and pitched his camp near the Isthmus; and, having thrown up a line of fortification uniting the Acrocorinthus with the mountain called the Ass’s Back, began from this time to expect with confidence the empire of the Peloponnese . But Antigonus had made his preparations long in advance, in accordance with the suggestion of Aratus, and was only waiting for the right moment to act. ¹¹⁷ And now the news which he received convinced him that the entrance of Cleomenes into Thessaly , at the head of an army, was only a question of a very few days: he accordingly despatched envoys to Aratus and the league to conclude the terms of the treaty¹¹⁸ and marched to the Isthmus with his army by way of Euboea . He took this route because the Aetolians, after trying other expedients for preventing Antigonus bringing this aid, now forbade his marching south of Thermopylae with an army, threatening that, if he did, they would offer armed opposition to his passage.

Cleomenes Returns to Sparta after the Achaeans Take Argos

Thus Antigonus and Cleomenes were encamped face to face: the former desirous of effecting an entrance into the Peloponnese , Cleomenes determined to prevent him.

Meanwhile the Achaeans, in spite of their severe disasters,¹¹⁹ did not abandon their purpose or give up all hopes of retrieving their fortunes. They gave Aristotle of Argos assistance when he headed a rising against the Cleomenic faction; and, under the command of Timoxenus the Strategus, surprised and seized Argos . And this must be regarded as the chief cause of the improvement which took place in their fortunes; for this reverse checked the ardour of Cleomenes and damped the courage of his soldiers in advance, as was clearly shown by what took place afterwards. For though Cleomenes had already possession of more advantageous posts, and was in the enjoyment of more abundant supplies than Antigonus, and was at the same time inspired with superior courage and ambition: yet, as soon as he was informed that Argos was in the hands of the Achaeans, he at once drew back, abandoned all these advantages, and retreated from the Isthmus with every appearance of precipitation, in terror of being completely surrounded by his enemies. At first he retired upon Argos , and for a time made some attempt to regain the town. But the Achaeans offered a gallant resistance; and the Argives themselves were stirred up to do the same by remorse for having admitted him before: and so, having failed in this attempt also, he marched back to Sparta by way of Mantinea .

Antigonus Doson Appointed Generalissimo

On his part, Antigonus advanced without any casualty ¹²⁰ into the Peloponnese , and took over the Acrocorinthus; and, without wasting time there, pushed on in his enterprise and entered Argos . He only stayed there long enough to compliment the Argives on their conduct, and to provide for the security of the city; and then immediately starting again directed his march towards Arcadia ; and after ejecting. the garrisons from the posts which had been fortified by Cleomenes in the territories of Aegys and Belmina, and, putting those strongholds in the hands of the people of Megalopolis , he went to Aegium to attend the meeting of the Achaean league. There he made a statement of his own proceedings, and consulted with the meeting as to the measures to be taken in the future. He was appointed commander-in-chief of the allied army, and went into winter quarters at Sicyon and Corinth .

At the approach of spring he broke up his camp and got¹²¹ on the march. On the third day he arrived at Tegea , and being joined there by the Achaean forces, he proceeded to regularly invest the city. But the vigour displayed by the Macedonians in conducting the siege, and especially in the digging of mines, soon reduced the Tegeans to despair, and they accordingly surrendered. After taking the proper measures for securing the town, Antigonus proceeded to extend his expedition. ¹²² He now marched with all speed into Laconia ; and having found Cleomenes in position on the frontier, he was trying to bring him to an engagement, and was harassing him with skirmishing attacks, when news was brought to him by his scouts that the garrison of Orchomenus had started to join Cleomenes. ¹²³ He at once broke up his camp, hurried thither, and carried the town by assault. Having done that, he next invested Mantinea and began to besiege it. This town also being soon terrified into surrender by the Macedonians, he started again along the road to Heraea and Telphusa. These towns, too, being secured by the voluntary surrender of their inhabitants, as the winter was by this time approaching, he went again to Aegium to attend the meeting of the league. His Macedonian soldiers he sent away to winter at home, while he himself remained to confer with the Achaeans on the existing state of affairs.

Capture of Megalopolis

But Cleomenes was on the alert. He saw that the Macedonians in the army of Antigonus had been sent home; and that the king and his mercenaries in Aegium were three days’ march from Megalopolis ; and this latter town he well knew to be difficult to guard, owing to its great extent, and the sparseness of its inhabitants; and, moreover, that it was just then being kept with even greater carelessness than usual, owing to Antigonus being in the country; and what was more important than anything else, he knew that the larger number of its men of military age had fallen at the battles of Lycaeum and Ladoceia. There happened to be residing in Megalopolis some Messenian exiles; by whose help he managed, under cover of night, to get within the walls without being detected. When day broke he had a narrow escape from being ejected, if not from absolute destruction, through the valour of the citizens. This had been his fortune three months before, when he had made his way into the city by the region which is called the Cōlaeum: but on this occasion, by the superiority of his force, and the seizure in advance of the strongest positions in the town, he succeeded in effecting his purpose. He eventually ejected the inhabitants, and took entire possession of the city; which, once in his power, he dismantled in so savage and ruthless a manner as to preclude the least hope that it might ever be restored. The reason of his acting in this manner was, I believe, that Megalopolis and Stymphalus were the only towns in which, during the vicissitudes of that period, he never succeeded in obtaining a single partisan, or inducing a single citizen to turn traitor. For the passion for liberty and the loyalty of the Clitorians had been stained by the baseness of one man, Thearces; whom the Clitorians, with some reason, denied to be a native of their city, asserting that he had been foisted in from Orchomenus , and was the offspring of one of the foreign garrison there.

The Credibility of Phylarchus

For the history of the same period, with which we are ¹²⁴ now engaged, there are two authorities, Aratus and Phylarchus,¹²⁵ whose opinions are opposed in many points and their statements contradictory. I think, therefore, it will be advantageous, or rather necessary, since I follow Aratus in my account of the Cleomenic war, to go into the question; and not by any neglect on my part to suffer mis-statements in historical writings to enjoy an authority equal to that of truth. The fact is that the latter of these two writers has, throughout the whole of his history, made statements at random and without discrimination. It is not, however, necessary for me to criticise him on other points on the present occasion, or to call him to strict account concerning them; but such of his statements as relate to the period which I have now in hand, that is the Cleomenic war, these I must thoroughly sift. They will be quite sufficient to enable us to form a judgment on the general spirit and ability with which he approaches historical writing. ¹²⁶ It was his object to bring into prominence the cruelty of Antigonus and the Macedonians, as well as that of Aratus and the Achaeans; and he accordingly asserts that, when Mantinea fell into their hands, it was cruelly treated; and that the most ancient and important of all the Arcadian towns was involved in calamities so terrible as to move all Greece to horror and tears. And being eager to stir the hearts of his readers to pity, and to enlist their sympathies by his story, he talks of women embracing, tearing their hair, and exposing their breasts; and again of the tears and lamentations of men and women, led off into captivity along with their children and aged parents. And this he does again and again throughout his whole history, by way of bringing the terrible scene vividly before his readers. I say nothing of the unworthiness and unmanliness of the course he has adopted: let us only inquire what is essential and to the purpose in history. Surely an historian’s object should not be to amaze his readers by a series of thrilling anecdotes; nor should he aim at producing speeches which might have been delivered, nor study dramatic propriety in details like a writer of tragedy: but his function is above all to record with fidelity what was actually said or done, however commonplace it may be. For the purposes of history and of the drama are not the same, but widely opposed to each other. In the former the object is to strike and delight by words as true to nature as possible; in the latter to instruct and convince by genuine words and deeds; in the former the effect is meant to be temporary, in the latter permanent.¹²⁷ In the former, again, the power of carrying an audience is the chief excellence. because the object is to create illusion; but in the latter the thing of primary importance is truth, because the object is to benefit the learner. And apart from these considerations, Phylarchus, in most of the catastrophes which he relates, omits to suggest the causes which gave rise to them, or the course of events which led up to them: and without knowing these, it is impossible to feel the due indignation or pity at anything which occurs. For instance, everybody looks upon it as an outrage that the free should be struck: still, if a man provokes it by an act of violence, he is considered to have got no more than he deserved; and, where it is done for correction and discipline, those who strike free men are deemed worthy of honour and gratitude. Again, the killing of a fellow-citizen is regarded as a heinous crime, deserving the severest penalties: and yet it is notorious that the man who kills a thief, or his wife’s paramour, is held guiltless; while he who kills a traitor or tyrant in every country receives honours and pre-eminence. And so in everything our final judgment does not depend upon the mere things done, but upon their causes and the views of the actors, according as these differ.

The Treatment of Mantinea

Now the people of Mantinea had in the first instance ¹²⁸ abandoned the league, and voluntarily submitted, first to the Aetolians, and afterwards to Cleomenes. Being therefore, in accordance with this policy, members of the Lacedaemonian community, in the fourth year before the coming of Antigonus, their city was forcibly taken possession of by the Achaeans owing to the skilful plotting of Aratus. But on that occasion, so far from being subjected to any severity for their act of treason, it became a matter of general remark how promptly the feelings of the conquerors and the conquered underwent a revolution. As soon as he had got possession of the town, Aratus issued orders to his own men that no one was to lay a finger on anything that did not belong to him; and then, having summoned the Mantineans to a meeting, he bade them be of good cheer, and stay in their own houses; for that, as long as they remained members of the league, their safety was secured. On their part, the Mantineans, surprised at this unlooked - for prospect of safety, immediately experienced a universal revulsion of feeling. The very men against whom they had a little while before been engaged in a war, in which they had seen many of their kinsfolk killed, and no small number grievously wounded, they now received into their houses, and entertained as their guests, interchanging every imaginable kindness with them. And naturally so. For I believe that there never were men who met with more kindly foes, or came out of a struggle with what seemed the most dreadful disasters more scatheless, than did the Mantineans, owing to the humanity of Aratus and the Achaeans towards them.

The Mantineans Turn Over their City to the Lacedaemonians

But they still saw certain dangers ahead from intestine disorders, and the hostile designs of the Aetolians and Lacedaemonians; they subsequently, therefore, sent envoys to the league asking for a guard for their town. The request was granted: and three hundred of the league army were selected by lot to form it. These men on whom the lot fell started for Mantinea ; and, abandoning their native cities and their callings in life, remained there to protect the lives and liberties of the citizens. Besides them, the league despatched two hundred mercenaries, who joined the Achaean guard in protecting the established constitution. But this state of things did not last long: an insurrection broke out in the town, and the Mantineans called in the aid of the Lacedaemonians; delivered the city into their hands; and put to death the garrison sent by the league. It would not be easy to mention a grosser or blacker act of treachery. Even if they resolved to utterly set at nought the gratitude they owed to, and the friendship they had formed with, the league; they ought at least to have spared these men, and to have let every one of them depart under some terms or another: for this much it is the custom by the law of nations to grant even to foreign enemies. But in order to satisfy Cleomenes and the Lacedaemonians of their fidelity in the policy of the hour, they deliberately, and in violation of international law, consummated a crime of the most impious description. To slaughter and wreak vengeance on the men who had just before taken their city, and refrained from doing them the least harm, and who were at that very moment engaged in protecting their lives and liberties,—can anything be imagined more detestable? What punishment can be conceived to correspond with its enormity? If one suggests that they would be rightly served by being sold into slavery, with their wives and children, as soon as they were beaten in war; it may be answered that this much is only what, by the laws of warfare, awaits even those who have been guilty of no special act of impiety. They deserved therefore to meet with a punishment even more complete and heavy than they did; so that, even if what Phylarchus mentions did happen to them, there was no reason for the pity of Greece being bestowed on them: praise and approval rather were due to those who exacted vengeance for their impious crime. But since, as a matter of fact, nothing worse befell the Mantineans than the plunder of their property and the selling of their free citizens into slavery, this historian, for the mere sake of a sensational story, has not only told a pure lie, but an improbable lie. His wilful ignorance also was so supreme, that he was unable to compare with this alleged cruelty of the Achaeans the conduct of the same people in the case of Tegea , which they took by force at the same period, and yet did no injury to its inhabitants. And yet, if the natural cruelty of the perpetrators was the sole cause of the severity to Mantinea , it is to be presumed that Tegea would have been treated in the same way. But if their treatment of Mantinea was an exception to that of every other town, the necessary inference is that the cause for their anger was exceptional also.

Execution of Aristomachus

Again Phylarchus says that Aristomachus the Argive , ¹²⁹ a man of a most distinguished family, who had been despot of Argos , as his fathers had been before him, upon falling into the hands of Antigonus and the league was hurried off to Cenchreae and there racked to death,—an unparalleled instance of injustice and cruelty. But in this matter also our author preserves his peculiar method. He makes up a story about certain cries of this man, when he was on the rack, being heard through the night by the neighbours: some of whom, he says, rushed to the house in their horror, or incredulity, or indignation at the outrage. As for the sensational story, let it pass; I have said enough on that point. But I must express my opinion that, even if Aristomachus had committed no crime against the Achaeans besides, yet his whole life and his treason to his own country deserved the heaviest possible punishment. And in order, forsooth, to enhance this man’s reputation, and move his reader’s sympathies for his sufferings, our historian remarks that he had not only been a tyrant himself, but that his fathers had been so before him. It would not be easy to bring a graver or more bitter charge against a man than this: for the mere word tyrant involves the idea of everything that is wickedest, and includes every injustice and crime possible to mankind. And if Aristomachus endured the most terrible tortures, as Phylarchus says, he yet would not have been sufficiently punished for the crime of one day, in which, when Aratus had effected an entrance into Argos with the Achaean soldiers,—and after supporting the most severe struggles and dangers for the freedom of its citizens, had eventually been driven out, because the party within who were in league with him had not ventured to stir, for fear of the tyrant,—Aristomachus availed himself of the pretext of their complicity with the irruption of the Achaeans to put to the rack and execute eighty of the leading citizens, who were perfectly innocent, in the presence of their relations. I pass by the history of his whole life and the crimes of his ancestors; for that would be too long a story.

Crimes of Aristomachus

But this shows that we ought not to be indignant if a man reaps as he has sown; but rather if he is allowed to end his days in peace, without experiencing such retribution at all. Nor ought we to accuse Antigonus or Aratus of crime, for having racked and put to death a tyrant whom they had captured in war: to have killed and wreaked vengeance on whom, even in time of peace, would have brought praise and honour to the doers from all right-minded persons.

But when, in addition to these crimes, he was guilty also of treachery to the league, what shall we say that he deserved? The facts of the case are these. He abdicated his sovereignty of Argos shortly before, finding himself in difficulties, owing to the state of affairs brought on by the death of Demetrius. He was, however, protected by the clemency and generosity of the league; and, much to his own surprise, was left unmolested. For the Achaean government not only secured him an indemnity for all crimes committed by him while despot, but admitted him as a member of the league, and invested him with the highest office in it,—that, namely, of Commander-in-Chief and Strategus.¹³⁰ All these favours he immediately forgot, as soon as his hopes were a little raised by the Cleomenic war; and at a crisis of the utmost importance he withdrew his native city, as well as his own personal adhesion, from the league, and attached them to its enemies. For such an act of treason what he deserved was not to be racked under cover of night at Cenchreae, and then put to death, as Phylarchus says: he ought to have been taken from city to city in the Peloponnese , and to have ended his life only after exemplary torture in each of them. And yet the only severity that this guilty wretch had to endure was to be drowned in the sea by order of the officers at Cenchreae.

The Loyalty of the Megalopolitans

There is another illustration of this writer’s manner ¹³¹ to be found in his treatment of the cases of Mantinea and Megalopolis . The misfortunes of the former he has depicted with his usual exaggeration and picturesqueness: apparently from the notion, that it is the peculiar function of an historian to select for special mention only such actions as are conspicuously bad. But about the noble conduct of the Megalopolitans at that same period he has not said a word: as though it were the province of history to deal with crimes rather than with instances of just and noble conduct; or as though his readers would be less improved by the record of what is great and worthy of imitation, than by that of such deeds as are base and fit only to be avoided. For instance, he has told us clearly enough how Cleomenes took the town, preserved it from damage, and forthwith sent couriers to the Megalopolitans in Messene with a despatch, offering them the safe enjoyment of their country if they would throw in their lot with him;—and his object in telling all this is to enhance the magnanimity and moderation of Cleomenes towards his enemies. Nay, he has gone farther, and told us how the people of Megalopolis would not allow the letter to be read to the end, and were not far from stoning the bearers of it. Thus much he does tell us. But the sequel to this, so appropriate to an historian,—the commendation, I mean, and honourable mention of their noble conduct,—this he has altogether left out. And yet he had an opportunity ready to his hand. For if we view with approval the conduct of a people who merely by their declarations and votes support a war in behalf of friends and allies; while to those who go so far as to endure the devastation of their territory, and a siege of their town, we give not only praise but active gratitude: what must be our estimate of the people of Megalopolis ? Must it not be of the most exalted character? First of all, they allowed their territory to be at the mercy of Cleomenes, and then consented to be entirely deprived of their city, rather than be false to the league: and, finally, in spite of an unexpected chance of recovering it, they deliberately preferred the loss of their territory, the tombs of their ancestors, their temples, their homes and property, of everything in fact which men value most, to forfeiting their faith to their allies. No nobler action has ever been, or ever will be performed; none to which an historian could better draw his reader’s attention. For what could be a higher incentive to good faith, or the maintenance of frank and permanent relations between states? But of all this Phylarchus says not a word, being, as it seems to me, entirely blind as to all that is noblest and best suited to be the theme of an historian.

The Wealth of Megalopolis

He does, however, state in the course of his narrative that, from the spoils of Megalopolis , six thousand talents fell to the Lacedaemonians, of which two thousand, according to custom, were given to Cleomenes. This shows, to begin with, an astounding ignorance of the ordinary facts as to the resources of Greece : a knowledge which above all others should be possessed by historians. I am not of course now speaking of the period in which the Peloponnese had been ruined by the Macedonian kings, and still more completely by a long continuance of intestine struggles; but of our own times, in which it is believed, by the establishment of its unity, to be enjoying the highest prosperity of which it is capable. Still even at this period, if you could collect all the movable property of the whole Peloponnese (leaving out the value of slaves), it would be impossible to get so large a sum of money together. That I speak on good grounds and not at random will appear from the following fact. ¹³² Every one has read that when the Athenians, in conjunction with the Thebans, entered upon the war with the Lacedaemonians, and despatched an army of twenty thousand men, and manned a hundred triremes, they resolved to supply the expenses of the war by the assessment of a property tax; and accordingly had a valuation taken, not only of the whole land of Attica and the houses in it, but of all other property: but yet the value returned fell short of six thousand talents by two hundred and fifty; which will show that what I have just said about the Peloponnese is not far wide of the mark. But at this period the most exaggerated estimate could scarcely give more than three hundred talents, as coming from Megalopolis itself; for it is acknowledged that most of the inhabitants, free and slaves, escaped to Messene . But the strongest confirmation of my words is the case of Mantinea , which, as he himself observes, was second to no Arcadian city in wealth and numbers. Though it was surrendered after a siege, so that no one could escape, and no property could without great difficulty be concealed; yet the value of the whole spoil of the town, including the price of the captives sold, amounted at this same period to only three hundred talents.

Cleomenes Invades Argolis

But a more astonishing mis-statement remains to be remarked. In the course of his history of this war, Phylarchus asserts that about ten days ¹³³ before the battle an ambassador came from Ptolemy announcing to Cleomenes, that the king declined to continue to support him with supplies, and advised him to make terms with Antigonus. And that when this message had been delivered to Cleomenes, he made up his mind that he had better put his fortune to the supreme test as soon as possible, before his forces learnt about this message, because he could not hope to provide the soldiers’ pay from his own resources. But if he had at that very time become the master of six thousand talents, he would have been better supplied than Ptolemy himself. And as for war with Antigonus, if he had become master of only three hundred talents, he would have been able to continue it without any difficulty. But the writer states two inconsistent propositions—that Cleomenes depended wholly on Ptolemy for money: and that he at the same time had become master of that enormous sum. Is this not irrational, and grossly careless besides? I might mention many instances of a similar kind, not only in his account of this period, but throughout his whole work; but I think for my present purpose enough has been said.

Cleomenes Invades Argos

Megalopolis having fallen, then, Antigonus spent the ¹³⁴ winter at Argos . But at the approach of spring Cleomenes collected his army, addressed a suitable exhortation to them, and led them into the Argive territory. Most people thought this a hazardous and foolhardy step, because the places at which the frontier was crossed were strongly fortified; but those who were capable of judging regarded the measure as at once safe and prudent. For seeing that Antigonus had dismissed his forces, he reckoned on two things,—there would be no one to resist him, and therefore he would run no risk; and when the Argives found that their territory was being laid waste up to their walls, they would be certain to be roused to anger and to lay the blame upon Antigonus: therefore, if on the one hand Antigonus, unable to bear the complaints of the populace, were to sally forth and give him battle with his present forces, Cleomenes felt sure of an easy victory; but if on the other hand Antigonus refused to alter his plans, and kept persistently aloof, he believed that he would be able to effect a safe retreat home, after succeeding by this expedition in terrifying his enemies and inspiring his own forces with courage. And this was the actual result. For as the devastation of the country went on, crowds began to collect and abuse Antigonus: but like a wise general and king, he refused to allow any consideration to outweigh that of sound strategy, and persisted in remaining inactive. Accordingly Cleomenes, in pursuance of his plan, having terrified his enemies and inspired courage in his own army for the coming struggle, returned home unmolested.

Battle of Sellasia

Summer having now come, and the Macedonian and Achaean soldiers having assembled from their winter quarters, Antigonus moved his army, along with his allies, into Laconia . ¹³⁵ The main force consisted of ten thousand Macedonians for the phalanx, three thousand light armed, and three hundred cavalry. With these were a thousand Agraei; the same number of Gauls; three thousand mercenary infantry, and three hundred cavalry; picked troops of the Achaeans, three thousand infantry and three hundred cavalry; and a thousand Megalopolitans armed in the Macedonian manner, under the command of Cercidas of Megalopolis . Of the allies there were two thousand infantry, and two hundred cavalry, from Boeotia ; a thousand infantry and fifty cavalry from Epirus ; the same number from Acarnania ; and sixteen hundred from Illyria , under the command of Demetrius of Pharos. The whole amounted to twenty-eight thousand infantry and twelve hundred cavalry.

Cleomenes had expected the attack, and had secured the¹³⁶ passes into the country by posting garrisons, digging trenches, and felling trees; while he took up position at a place called Sellasia , with an army amounting to twenty thousand, having calculated that the invading forces would take that direction: which turned out to be the case. This pass lies between two hills, called respectively Evas and Olympus , and the road to Sparta follows the course of the river Oenus. Cleomenes strengthened both these hills by lines of fortification, consisting of trench and palisade. On Evas he posted the perioeci and allies, under the command of his brother Eucleides; while he himself held Olympus with the Lacedaemonians and mercenaries. On the level ground along the river he stationed his cavalry, with a division of his mercenaries, on both sides of the road. When Antigonus arrived, he saw at once the strength of the position, and the skill with which Cleomenes had selected the different branches of his army to occupy the points of vantage, so that the whole aspect of the position was like that of skilled soldiers drawn up ready for a charge. For no preparation for attack or defence had been omitted; but everything was in order, either for offering battle with effect, or for holding an almost unassailable position.

The Two Armies Line Up

The sight of these preparations decided Antigonus not to make an immediate attack upon the position, or rashly hazard an engagement. He pitched his camp a short distance from it, covering his front by the stream called Gorgylus, and there remained for some days; informing himself by reconnaisances of the peculiarities of the ground and the character of the troops, and at the same time endeavouring by feigned movements to elicit the intentions of the enemy. But he could never find an unguarded point, or one where the troops were not entirely on the alert, for Cleomenes was always ready at a moment’s notice to be at any point that was attacked. He therefore gave up all thoughts of attacking the position; and finally an understanding was come to between him and Cleomenes to bring the matter to the decision of battle. And, indeed, Fortune had there brought into competition two commanders equally endowed by nature with military skill. To face the division of the enemy on Evas Antigonus stationed his Macedonian hoplites with brazen shields, and the Illyrians, drawn up in alternate lines, under the command of Alexander, son of Acmetus, and Demetrius of Pharos, respectively. Behind them he placed the Acarnanians and Cretans, and behind them again were two thousand Achaeans to act as a reserve. His cavalry, on the banks of the river Oenous, were posted opposite the enemy’s cavalry, under the command of Alexander, and flanked by a thousand Achaean infantry and the same number of Megalopolitans. Antigonus himself determined to lead his mercenaries and Macedonian troops in person against the division on Olympus commanded by Cleomenes. Owing to the narrowness of the ground, the Macedonians were arranged in a double phalanx, one close behind the other, while the mercenaries were placed in front of them. It was arranged that the Illyrians, who had bivouacked in full order during the previous night along the river Gorgylus, close to the foot of Evas, were to begin their assault on the hill when they saw a flag of linen raised from the direction of Olympus ; and that the Megalopolitans and cavalry should do the same when the king raised a scarlet flag.

Battle Begins

The moment for beginning the battle had come: the signal was given to the Illyrians, and the word passed by the officers to their men to do their duty, and in a moment they started into view of the enemy and began assaulting the hill. ¹³⁷ But the light-armed troops who were stationed with Cleomenes’s cavalry, observing that the Achaean lines were not covered by any other troops behind them, charged them on the rear; and thus reduced the division while endeavouring to carry the hill of Evas to a state of great peril,—being met as they were on their front by Eucleidas from the top of the hill, and being charged and vigorously attacked by the light-armed mercenaries on their rear. ¹³⁸ It was at this point that Philopoemen of Megalopolis , with a clear understanding of the situation and a foresight of what would happen, vainly endeavoured to point out the certain result to his superior officers. They disregarded him for his want of experience in command and his extreme youth; and, accordingly he acted for himself, and cheering on the men of his own city, made a vigorous charge on the enemy. This effected a diversion; for the light-armed mercenaries, who were engaged in harassing the rear of the party ascending Evas, hearing the shouting and seeing the cavalry engaged, abandoned their attack upon this party and hurried back to their original position to render assistance to the cavalry. The result was that the division of Illyrians, Macedonians, and the rest who were advancing with them, no longer had their attention diverted by an attack upon their rear, and so continued their advance upon the enemy with high spirits and renewed confidence. And this afterwards caused it to be acknowledged that to Philopoemen was due the honour of the success against Eucleidas.

Skill and Gallantry of Philopoemen

It is clear that Antigonus at any rate entertained that opinion, for after the battle he asked Alexander, the commander of the cavalry, with the view of convicting him of his shortcoming, Why he had engaged before the signal was given? And upon Alexander answering that He had not done so, but that a young officer from Megalopolis had presumed to anticipate the signal, contrary to his wish: Antigonus replied, That young man acted like a good general in grasping the situation; you, general, were the youngster.

What Eucleidas ought to have done, when he saw the enemy’s lines advancing, was to have rushed down at once upon them; thrown their ranks into disorder; and then retired himself, step by step, to continually higher ground into a safe position: for by thus breaking them up and depriving them, to begin with, of the advantages of their peculiar armour and disposition, he would have secured the victory by the superiority of his position. But he did the very opposite of all this, and thereby forfeited the advantages of the ground. As though victory were assured, he kept his original position on the summit of the hill, with the view of catching the enemy at as great an elevation as possible, that their flight might be all the longer over steep and precipitous ground. The result, as might have been anticipated, was exactly the reverse. ¹³⁹ For he left himself no place of retreat, and by allowing the enemy to reach his position, unharmed and in unbroken order, he was placed at the disadvantage of having to give them battle on the very summit of the hill; and so, as soon as he was forced by the weight of their heavy armour and their close order to give any ground, it was immediately occupied by the Illyrians; while his own men were obliged to take lower ground, because they had no space for manœuvring on the top. The result was not long in arriving: they suffered a repulse, which the difficult and precipitous nature of the ground over which they had to retire turned into a disastrous flight.

Defeat of Cleomenes

Simultaneously with these events the cavalry engagement was also being brought to a decision; in which all the Achaean cavalry, and especially Philopoemen, fought with conspicuous gallantry, for to them it was a contest for freedom. Philopoemen himself had his horse killed under him, and while fighting accordingly on foot received a severe wound through both his thighs. Meanwhile the two kings on the other hill Olympus began by bringing their light-armed troops and mercenaries into action, of which each of them had five thousand. Both the kings and their entire armies had a full view of this action, which was fought with great gallantry on both sides: the charges taking place sometimes in detachments, and at other times along the whole line, and an eager emulation being displayed between the several ranks, and even between individuals. But when Cleomenes saw that his brother’s division was retreating, and that the cavalry in the low ground were on the point of doing the same, alarmed at the prospect of an attack at all points at once, he was compelled to demolish the palisade in his front, and to lead out his whole force in line by one side of his position. A recall was sounded on the bugle for the light-armed troops of both sides, who were on the ground between the two armies: and the phalanxes shouting their war cries, and with spears couched, charged each other. Then a fierce struggle arose: the Macedonians sometimes slowly giving ground and yielding to the superior courage of the soldiers of Sparta , and at another time the Lacedaemonians being forced to give way before the overpowering weight of the Macedonian phalanx. At length Antigonus ordered a charge in close order and in double phalanx; the enormous weight of this peculiar formation proved sufficient to finally dislodge the Lacedaemonians from their strongholds, and they fled in disorder and suffering severely as they went. Cleomenes himself, with a guard of cavalry, effected his retreat to Sparta : but the same night he went down to Gythium , where all preparations for crossing the sea had been made long before in case of mishap, and with his friends sailed to Alexandria .

End of the Introductory Period

Having surprised and taken Sparta , Antigonus treated the citizens with magnanimity and humanity; and after reestablishing their ancient constitution, he left the town in a few days, on receiving intelligence that the Illyrians had invaded Macedonia and were laying waste the country. This was a instance of the fantastic way in which Fortune decides the most important matters. For if Cleomenes had only put off the battle for a few days, or if when he returned to Sparta he had only held out for a brief space of time, he would have saved his crown.

As it was, Antigonus after going to Tegea and restoring¹⁴⁰ its constitution, arrived on the second day at Argos , at the very time of the Nemean games. Having at this assembly received every mark of immortal honour and glory at the hands of the Achaean community, as well as of the several states, he made all haste to reach Macedonia . He found the Illyrians still in the country, and forced them to give him battle, in which, though he proved entirely successful, he exerted himself to such a pitch in shouting encouragement to his men, that he ruptured a bloodvessel, and fell into an illness which terminated shortly in his death. He was a great loss to the Greeks, whom he had inspired with good hopes, not only by his support in the field, but still more by his character and good principles. He left the kingdom of Macedonia to Philip, son of Demetrius.

Conclusion of Book 2

My reason for writing about this war at such length, was the advisability, or rather necessity, in view of the general purpose of my history, of making clear the relations existing between Macedonia and Greece at a time which coincides with the period of which I am about to treat.

Just about the same time, by the death of Euergetes,¹⁴¹ Ptolemy Philopator succeeded to the throne of Egypt . At the same period died Seleucus, son of that Seleucus who had the double surnames of Callinicus and Pogon: he was succeeded on the throne of Syria by his brother Antiochus. The deaths of these three sovereigns—Antigonus, Ptolemy, and Seleucus—fell in the same Olympiad, as was the case with the three immediate successors to Alexander the Great,—Seleucus, Ptolemy, and Lysimachus,— for the latter all died in the 124th Olympiad, and the former in the 139th.

I may now fitly close this book. I have completed the introduction and laid the foundation on which my history must rest. I have shown when, how, and why the Romans, after becoming supreme in Italy , began to aim at dominion outside of it, and to dispute with the Carthaginians the dominion of the sea. I have at the same time explained the state of Greece , Macedonia , and Carthage at this epoch. I have now arrived at the period which I originally marked out,—that namely in which the Greeks were on the point of beginning the Social, the Romans the Hannibalic war, and the kings in Asia the war for the possession of Coele-Syria . The termination therefore of the wars just described, and the death of the princes engaged in them, forms a natural period to this book.

Histories. Polybius. Evelyn S. Shuckburgh (Translator). London. 1889.

Sponsored by Perseus Project, Tufts University.

Funding provided by Robert B. Strassler.

Current edition Perseus

The Histories (English) (Polybius. Vols. 1-2. Shuckburgh, Evelyn S., translator. London, New York, NY: Macmillan and Co., 1889.)

Editions (1)

Ἱστορίαι Perseus (Polybius. Vols. 1-4. Büttner-Wobst, Theodor, editor. Leipzig: Teubner, 1893.) — 2.1 focus

[1] ἐν μὲν τῇ πρὸ ταύτης βύβλῳ διεσαφήσαμεν πότε Ῥωμαῖοι συστησάμενοι τὰ κατὰ τὴν Ἰταλίαν τοῖς ἐκτὸς ἐγχειρεῖν ἤρξαντο πράγμασιν, ἐπὶ δὲ τούτοις πῶς εἰς Σικελίαν διέβησαν καὶ διʼ ἃς αἰτίας τὸν περὶ τῆς προειρημένης νήσου συνεστήσαντο πόλεμον πρὸς Καρχηδονίους,

[2] μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα πότε πρῶτον συνίστασθαι ναυτικὰς ἤρξαντο δυνάμεις, καὶ τὰ συμβάντα κατὰ τὸν πόλεμον ἑκατέροις ἕως τοῦ τέλους, ἐν ᾧ Καρχηδόνιοι μὲν ἐξεχώρησαν πάσης Σικελίας, Ῥωμαῖοι δʼ ἐπεκράτησαν τῆς ὅλης νήσου πλὴν τῶν ὑφʼ Ἱέρωνι ταττομένων μερῶν.

[3] ἑξῆς δὲ τούτοις ἐπεβαλόμεθα λέγειν πῶς στασιάσαντες οἱ μισθοφόροι πρὸς τοὺς Καρχηδονίους τὸν προσαγορευθέντα Λιβυκὸν πόλεμον ἐξέκαυσαν, καὶ τὰ συμβάντα κατὰ τοῦτον ἀσεβήματα μέχρι τίνος προύβη, καὶ τίνα διέξοδον ἔλαβεν τὰ παράλογα τῶν ἔργων ἕως τοῦ τέλους καὶ τῆς Καρχηδονίων ἐπικρατείας.

[4] νυνὶ δὲ τὰ συνεχῆ τούτοις πειρασόμεθα δηλοῦν, κεφαλαιωδῶς ἑκάστων ἐπιψαύοντες κατὰ τὴν ἐξ ἀρχῆς πρόθεσιν.

[5] Καρχηδόνιοι γὰρ ὡς θᾶττον κατεστήσαντο τὰ κατὰ τὴν Λιβύην, εὐθέως Ἀμίλκαν ἐξαπέστελλον, δυνάμεις συστήσαντες, εἰς τοὺς κατὰ τὴν Ἰβηρίαν τόπους.

[6] ὁ δʼ ἀναλαβὼν τὰ στρατόπεδα καὶ τὸν υἱὸν Ἀννίβαν, ὄντα τότε κατὰ τὴν ἡλικίαν ἐτῶν ἐννέα, καὶ διαβὰς κατὰ τὰς Ἡρακλέους στήλας ἀνεκτᾶτο τὰ κατὰ τὴν Ἰβηρίαν πράγματα τοῖς Καρχηδονίοις.

[7] διατρίψας δʼ ἐν τοῖς τόποις τούτοις ἔτη σχεδὸν ἐννέα καὶ πολλοὺς μὲν πολέμῳ, πολλοὺς δὲ πειθοῖ ποιήσας Ἰβήρων ὑπηκόους Καρχηδόνι κατέστρεψε τὸν βίον ἀξίως τῶν προγεγενημένων πράξεων.

[8] πρὸς γὰρ τοὺς ἀνδρωδεστάτους καὶ μεγίστην δύναμιν ἔχοντας παραταττόμενος καὶ χρώμενος τολμηρῶς καὶ παραβόλως ἑαυτῷ κατὰ τὸν τοῦ κινδύνου καιρὸν ἐρρωμένως τὸν βίον μετήλλαξεν.

[9] τὴν δὲ στρατηγίαν οἱ Καρχηδόνιοι παρέδοσαν Ἀσδρούβᾳ, τῷ ʼκείνου κηδεστῇ καὶ τριηράρχῳ.

[1] κατὰ δὲ τοὺς καιροὺς τούτους Ῥωμαῖοι τὴν πρώτην διάβασιν εἰς τὴν Ἰλλυρίδα καὶ ταῦτα τὰ μέρη τῆς Εὐρώπης ἐπεβάλοντο ποιεῖσθαι μετὰ δυνάμεως. ἅπερ οὐ παρέργως,

[2] ἀλλὰ μετʼ ἐπιστάσεως θεωρητέον τοῖς βουλομένοις ἀληθινῶς τήν τε πρόθεσιν τὴν ἡμετέραν συνθεάσασθαι καὶ τὴν αὔξησιν καὶ κατασκευὴν τῆς Ῥωμαίων δυναστείας.

[3] ἔγνωσαν δὲ διαβαίνειν διά τινας τοιαύτας αἰτίας.

[4] Ἄγρων ὁ τῶν Ἰλλυριῶν βασιλεὺς ἦν μὲν υἱὸς Πλευράτου, δύναμιν δὲ πεζὴν καὶ ναυτικὴν μεγίστην ἔσχε τῶν πρὸ αὐτοῦ βεβασιλευκότων ἐν Ἰλλυριοῖς.

[5] οὗτος ὑπὸ Δημητρίου τοῦ Φιλίππου πατρὸς πεισθεὶς χρήμασιν ὑπέσχετο βοηθήσειν Μεδιωνίοις ὑπʼ Αἰτωλῶν πολιορκουμένοις.

[6] Αἰτωλοὶ γὰρ οὐδαμῶς δυνάμενοι πεῖσαι Μεδιωνίους μετέχειν σφίσι τῆς αὐτῆς πολιτείας, ἐπεβάλοντο κατὰ κράτος ἑλεῖν αὐτούς.

[7] στρατεύσαντες οὖν πανδημεὶ καὶ περιστρατοπεδεύσαντες αὐτῶν τὴν πόλιν κατὰ τὸ συνεχὲς ἐπολιόρκουν, πᾶσαν βίαν προσφέροντες καὶ μηχανήν.

[8] συνάψαντος δὲ τοῦ χρόνου τῶν ἀρχαιρεσίων, καὶ δέον στρατηγὸν ἕτερον αἱρεῖσθαι, καὶ τῶν πολιορκουμένων ἤδη κακῶς διακειμένων καὶ δοκούντων ἀνʼ ἑκάστην ἡμέραν ἐνδώσειν ἑαυτούς, ὁ προϋπάρχων στρατηγὸς προσφέρει λόγον τοῖς Αἰτωλοῖς φάσκων,

[9] ἐπειδὴ τὰς κακοπαθείας καὶ τοὺς κινδύνους αὐτὸς ἀναδέδεκται τοὺς κατὰ τὴν πολιορκίαν, δίκαιον εἶναι καὶ τὴν οἰκονομίαν τῶν λαφύρων, ἐπὰν κρατήσωσι, καὶ τὴν ἐπιγραφὴν τῶν ὅπλων ἑαυτῷ συγχωρεῖσθαι. τινῶν δέ,

[10] καὶ μάλιστα τῶν προϊόντων πρὸς τὴν ἀρχήν, ἀμφισβητούντων πρὸς τὰ λεγόμενα καὶ παρακαλούντων τὰ πλήθη μὴ προδιαλαμβάνειν, ἀλλʼ ἀκέραιον ἐᾶν, ᾧ ποτʼ ἂν ἡ τύχη βουληθῇ περιθεῖναι τοῦτον τὸν στέφανον,

[11] ἔδοξε τοῖς Αἰτωλοῖς, ὃς ἂν ἐπικατασταθεὶς στρατηγὸς κρατήσῃ τῆς πόλεως, κοινὴν ποιεῖν τῷ προϋπάρχοντι καὶ τὴν οἰκονομίαν

[1] τῶν λαφύρων καὶ τὴν ἐπιγραφὴν τῶν ὅπλων. δεδογμένων δὲ τούτων, καὶ δέον τῇ κατὰ πόδας ἡμέρᾳ γενέσθαι τὴν αἵρεσιν καὶ τὴν παράληψιν τῆς ἀρχῆς, καθάπερ ἔθος ἐστὶν Αἰτωλοῖς, προσπλέουσιν τῆς νυκτὸς ἑκατὸν λέμβοι πρὸς τὴν Μεδιωνίαν κατὰ τοὺς ἔγγιστα τόπους τῆς πόλεως, ἐφʼ ὧν ἦσαν Ἰλλυριοὶ πεντακισχίλιοι.

[2] καθορμισθέντες δὲ καὶ τῆς ἡμέρας ἐπιγενομένης ἐνεργὸν καὶ λαθραίαν ποιησάμενοι τὴν ἀπόβασιν καὶ χρησάμενοι τῇ παρʼ αὐτοῖς εἰθισμένῃ τάξει προῆγον κατὰ σπείρας ἐπὶ τὴν τῶν Αἰτωλῶν στρατοπεδείαν.

[3] οἱ δʼ Αἰτωλοὶ συνέντες τὸ γινόμενον ἐπὶ μὲν τῷ παραδόξῳ καὶ τῇ τόλμῃ τῶν Ἰλλυριῶν ἦσαν ἐκπλαγεῖς· πεφρονηματισμένοι δʼ ἐκ πολλοῦ χρόνου καὶ καταπιστεύσαντες ταῖς ἰδίαις δυνάμεσιν κατὰ ποσὸν εὐθαρσῶς εἶχον.

[4] τὸ μὲν οὖν πολὺ μέρος τῶν ὁπλιτῶν καὶ τῶν ἱππέων αὐτοῦ πρὸ τῆς στρατοπεδείας ἐν τοῖς ἐπιπέδοις παρενέβαλλον, μέρει δέ τινι τῆς ἵππου καὶ τοῖς εὐζώνοις τοὺς ὑπερδεξίους καὶ πρὸ τοῦ χάρακος εὐφυῶς κειμένους τόπους προκατελάμβανον.

[5] οἱ δʼ Ἰλλυριοὶ τοὺς μὲν ἐλαφροὺς ἐξ ἐφόδου προσπεσόντες τῷ τε πλήθει καὶ τῷ βάρει τῆς συντάξεως ἐξέωσαν, τοὺς δὲ μετὰ τούτων ἱππεῖς συγκινδυνεύοντας ἠνάγκασαν ἀποχωρῆσαι πρὸς τὰ βαρέα τῶν ὅπλων.

[6] λοιπὸν ἐξ ὑπερδεξίου ποιούμενοι τὴν ἔφοδον ἐπὶ τοὺς ἐν τῷ πεδίῳ τεταγμένους ταχέως ἐτρέψαντο, συνεπιθεμένων τοῖς Αἰτωλοῖς ἅμα καὶ τῶν Μεδιωνίων ἐκ τῆς πόλεως.

[7] καὶ πολλοὺς μὲν αὐτῶν ἀπέκτειναν, ἔτι δὲ πλείους αἰχμαλώτους ἔλαβον· τῶν δʼ ὅπλων καὶ τῆς ἀποσκευῆς ἐγένοντο πάσης ἐγκρατεῖς.

[8] οἱ μὲν οὖν Ἰλλυριοὶ πράξαντες τὸ συνταχθὲν ὑπὸ τοῦ βασιλέως καὶ διακομίσαντες τὴν ἀποσκευὴν καὶ τὴν ἄλλην ὠφέλειαν ἐπὶ τοὺς λέμβους εὐθέως ἀνήγοντο, ποιούμενοι τὸν

[1] πλοῦν εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν. οἱ δὲ Μεδιώνιοι τετευχότες ἀνελπίστου σωτηρίας, ἁθροισθέντες εἰς τὴν ἐκκλησίαν ἐβουλεύοντο περί τε τῶν ἄλλων καὶ περὶ τῆς τῶν ὅπλων ἐπιγραφῆς.

[2] ἔδοξεν οὖν αὐτοῖς κοινὴν ποιήσειν τὴν ἐπιγραφὴν ἀπό τε τοῦ τὴν ἀρχὴν τῶν Αἰτωλῶν ἔχοντος καὶ τῶν εἰς τὸ μέλλον προπορευομένων κατὰ τὸ τῶν Αἰτωλῶν δόγμα,

[3] τῆς τύχης ὥσπερ ἐπίτηδες καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις ἀνθρώποις ἐπὶ τῶν ἐκείνοις συμβαινόντων ἐνδεικνυμένης τὴν αὑτῆς δύναμιν.

[4] ἃ γὰρ ὑπὸ τῶν ἐχθρῶν αὐτοὶ προσεδόκων ὅσον ἤδη πείσεσθαι, ταῦτα πράττειν αὐτοῖς ἐκείνοις παρέδωκεν ἐν πάνυ βραχεῖ χρόνῳ κατὰ τῶν πολεμίων.

[5] Αἰτωλοὶ δὲ τῇ παραδόξῳ χρησάμενοι συμφορᾷ πάντας ἐδίδαξαν μηδέποτε βουλεύεσθαι περὶ τοῦ μέλλοντος ὡς ἤδη γεγονότος, μηδὲ προκατελπίζειν βεβαιουμένους ὑπὲρ ὧν ἀκμὴν ἐνδεχόμενόν ἐστιν ἄλλως γενέσθαι, νέμειν δὲ μερίδα τῷ παραδόξῳ πανταχῇ μὲν ἀνθρώπους ὄντας, μάλιστα δʼ ἐν τοῖς πολεμικοῖς.

ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς Ἄγρων,

[6] ἐπεὶ κατέπλευσαν οἱ λέμβοι, διακούσας τῶν ἡγεμόνων τὰ κατὰ τὸν κίνδυνον καὶ περιχαρὴς γενόμενος ἐπὶ τῷ δοκεῖν Αἰτωλοὺς τοὺς μέγιστον ἔχοντας τὸ φρόνημα νενικηκέναι, πρὸς μέθας καί τινας τοιαύτας ἄλλας εὐωχίας τραπεὶς ἐνέπεσεν εἰς πλευρῖτιν· ἐκ δὲ ταύτης ἐν ὀλίγαις ἡμέραις μετήλλαξε τὸν βίον.

[7] τὴν δὲ βασιλείαν ἡ γυνὴ Τεύτα διαδεξαμένη τὸν κατὰ μέρος χειρισμὸν τῶν πραγμάτων ἐποιεῖτο διὰ τῆς τῶν φίλων πίστεως.

[8] χρωμένη δὲ λογισμοῖς γυναικείοις καὶ πρὸς αὐτὸ τὸ γεγονὸς εὐτύχημα μόνον ἀποβλέπουσα, τῶν δʼ ἐκτὸς οὐδὲν περισκεπτομένη πρῶτον μὲν συνεχώρησε τοῖς κατʼ ἰδίαν πλέουσι λῄζεσθαι τοὺς ἐντυγχάνοντας,

[9] δεύτερον δʼ ἁθροίσασα στόλον καὶ δύναμιν οὐκ ἐλάττω τῆς πρότερον ἐξέπεμψε, πᾶσαν παραλίαν ἀποδείξασα πολεμίαν τοῖς ἡγουμένοις.

[1] οἱ δʼ ἐξαποσταλέντες τὴν μὲν πρώτην ἐπιβολὴν ἔσχον ἐπὶ τὴν Ἠλείαν καὶ τὴν Μεσσηνίαν· ταύτας γὰρ ἀεὶ τὰς χώρας Ἰλλυριοὶ πορθοῦντες διετέλουν.

[2] διὰ γὰρ τὸ μῆκος τῆς παραλίας καὶ διὰ τὸ μεσογαίους εἶναι τὰς δυναστευούσας ἐν αὐταῖς πόλεις μακραὶ καὶ βραδεῖαι λίαν ἐγίνοντο τοῖς προειρημένοις αἱ παραβοήθειαι πρὸς τὰς ἀποβάσεις τῶν Ἰλλυριῶν· ὅθεν ἀδεῶς ἐπέτρεχον καὶ κατέσυρον ἀεὶ ταύτας τὰς χώρας.

[3] οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ τότε γενόμενοι τῆς Ἠπείρου κατὰ Φοινίκην προσέσχον ἐπισιτισμοῦ χάριν.

[4] συμμίξαντες δὲ τῶν Γαλατῶν τισιν, οἳ μισθοφοροῦντες παρὰ τοῖς Ἠπειρώταις διέτριβον ἐν τῇ Φοινίκῃ, τὸ πλῆθος ὄντες εἰς ὀκτακοσίους, καὶ κοινολογηθέντες τούτοις περὶ προδοσίας τῆς πόλεως ἐξέβησαν, συγκαταθεμένων σφίσι τῶν προειρημένων, καὶ τῆς πόλεως ἐξ ἐφόδου καὶ τῶν ἐν αὐτῇ κύριοι κατέστησαν, συνεργησάντων ἔσωθεν αὐτοῖς τῶν Γαλατῶν.

[5] οἱ δʼ Ἠπειρῶται πυθόμενοι τὸ γεγονὸς ἐβοήθουν πανδημεὶ μετὰ σπουδῆς. παραγενόμενοι δὲ πρὸς τὴν Φοινίκην καὶ προβαλόμενοι τὸν παρὰ τῇ πόλει ῥέοντα ποταμὸν ἐστρατοπέδευσαν, τῆς ἐπʼ αὐτῷ γεφύρας ἀνασπάσαντες τὰς σανίδας ἀσφαλείας χάριν.

[6] προσαγγελθέντος δʼ αὐτοῖς Σκερδιλαΐδαν ἔχοντα πεντακισχιλίους Ἰλλυριοὺς παραγίνεσθαι κατὰ γῆν διὰ τῶν παρʼ Ἀντιγόνειαν στενῶν, μερίσαντες αὑτῶν τινας ἐξαπέστειλαν παραφυλάξοντας τὴν Ἀντιγόνειαν· αὐτοὶ δὲ τά τε λοιπὰ ῥᾳθύμως διῆγον, ἀπολαύοντες τῶν ἐκ τῆς χώρας ἀνέδην, τῶν τε κατὰ τὰς φυλακὰς καὶ προκοιτίας ὠλιγώρουν.

[7] οἱ δʼ Ἰλλυριοὶ συνέντες τὸν μερισμὸν αὐτῶν καὶ τὴν λοιπὴν ῥᾳθυμίαν ἐκπορεύονται νυκτός· καὶ τῇ γεφύρᾳ σανίδας ἐπιβαλόντες τόν τε ποταμὸν ἀσφαλῶς διέβησαν καὶ λαβόντες ὀχυρὸν τόπον ἔμειναν τὸ λοιπὸν μέρος τῆς νυκτός.

[8] ἐπιγενομένης δὲ τῆς ἡμέρας, καὶ παραταξαμένων ἀμφοτέρων πρὸ τῆς πόλεως, συνέβη λειφθῆναι τοὺς Ἠπειρώτας, καὶ πολλοὺς μὲν αὐτῶν πεσεῖν, ἔτι δὲ πλείους ἁλῶναι, τοὺς δὲ λοιποὺς διαφυγεῖν ὡς ἐπʼ Ἀτιντάνων.

[1] οὗτοι μὲν οὖν τοιούτοις περιπεσόντες ἀτυχήμασι καὶ πάσας ἀπολέσαντες τὰς ἐν αὑτοῖς ἐλπίδας ἐπρέσβευον πρὸς τοὺς Αἰτωλοὺς καὶ τὸ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν ἔθνος, δεόμενοι μεθʼ ἱκετηρίας σφίσι βοηθεῖν.

[2] οἱ δὲ κατελεήσαντες τὰς συμφορὰς αὐτῶν ὑπήκουσαν καὶ μετὰ ταῦτα παραβοηθοῦντες ἧκον εἰς Ἑλίκρανον.

[3] οἱ δὲ τὴν Φοινίκην κατασχόντες τὸ μὲν πρῶτον, παραγενόμενοι μετὰ Σκερδιλαΐδου πρὸς τὸ χωρίον, παρεστρατοπέδευσαν τοῖς βεβοηθηκόσι, βουλόμενοι συμβαλεῖν.

[4] δυσχρηστούμενοι δὲ διὰ τὰς δυσχωρίας τῶν τόπων, ἅμα δὲ καὶ προσπεσόντων παρὰ τῆς Τεύτας γραμμάτων, διʼ ὧν ᾤετο δεῖν αὐτοὺς τὴν ταχίστην εἰς οἶκον ἀναχωρεῖν διὰ τὸ τινὰς τῶν Ἰλλυριῶν ἀφεστηκέναι πρὸς τοὺς Δαρδανεῖς,

[5] οὕτω λεηλατήσαντες τὴν Ἤπειρον ἀνοχὰς ἐποιήσαντο πρὸς τοὺς Ἠπειρώτας.

[6] ἐν αἷς τὰ μὲν ἐλεύθερα σώματα καὶ τὴν πόλιν ἀπολυτρώσαντες αὐτοῖς, τὰ δὲ δουλικὰ καὶ τὴν λοιπὴν σκευὴν ἀναλαβόντες εἰς τοὺς λέμβους, οἱ μὲν ἀπέπλευσαν, οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Σκερδιλαΐδαν πεζῇ πάλιν ἀνεχώρησαν διὰ τῶν παρὰ τὴν Ἀντιγόνειαν στενῶν,

[7] οὐ μικρὰν οὐδὲ τὴν τυχοῦσαν κατάπληξιν καὶ φόβον ἐνεργασάμενοι τοῖς τὰς παραλίας οἰκοῦσι τῶν Ἑλλήνων.

[8] ἕκαστοι γὰρ θεωροῦντες τὴν ὀχυρωτάτην ἅμα καὶ δυνατωτάτην πόλιν τῶν ἐν Ἠπείρῳ παραλόγως οὕτως ἐξηνδραποδισμένην οὐκέτι περὶ τῶν ἀπὸ τῆς χώρας ἠγωνίων, καθάπερ ἐν τοῖς ἔμπροσθεν χρόνοις, ἀλλὰ περὶ σφῶν αὐτῶν καὶ τῶν πόλεων.

[9] οἱ δʼ Ἠπειρῶται παραδόξως διασεσωσμένοι τοσοῦτον ἀπεῖχον τοῦ πειράζειν ἀμύνεσθαι τοὺς ἠδικηκότας ἢ χάριν ἀποδιδόναι τοῖς βοηθήσασιν ὥστε τοὐναντίον διαπρεσβευσάμενοι πρὸς τὴν Τεύταν συμμαχίαν ἔθεντο μετʼ Ἀκαρνάνων πρὸς τοὺς Ἰλλυριούς,

[10] καθʼ ἣν ἐκείνοις μὲν κατὰ τοὺς ἑξῆς καιροὺς συνήργουν, τοῖς δʼ Ἀχαιοῖς καὶ τοῖς Αἰτωλοῖς ἀντέπραττον.

[11] ἐξ ὧν ἐγένοντο καταφανεῖς ἀκρίτως μὲν κεχρημένοι τότε τοῖς εὐεργέταις, ἀφρόνως δʼ ἐξ ἀρχῆς βεβουλευμένοι περὶ τῶν καθʼ αὑτοὺς πραγ

[1] μάτων. τὸ μὲν γὰρ ἀνθρώπους ὄντας παραλόγως περιπεσεῖν τινι τῶν δεινῶν οὐ τῶν παθόντων, τῆς τύχης δὲ καὶ τῶν πραξάντων ἐστὶν ἔγκλημα,

[2] τὸ δʼ ἀκρίτως καὶ προφανῶς περιβαλεῖν αὑτοὺς ταῖς μεγίσταις συμφοραῖς ὁμολογούμενόν ἐστι τῶν πασχόντων ἁμάρτημα.

[3] διὸ καὶ τοῖς μὲν ἐκ τύχης πταίουσιν ἔλεος ἕπεται μετὰ συγγνώμης καὶ ἐπικουρία, τοῖς δὲ διὰ τὴν αὑτῶν ἀβουλίαν ὄνειδος καὶ ἐπιτίμησις συνεξακολουθεῖ παρὰ τοῖς εὖ φρονοῦσιν.

[4] ἃ δὴ καὶ τότε παρὰ τῶν Ἑλλήνων εἰκότως ἂν τοῖς Ἠπειρώταις ἀπηντήθη.

[5] πρῶτον γὰρ τίς οὐκ ἂν τὴν κοινὴν περὶ Γαλατῶν φήμην ὑπιδόμενος εὐλαβηθείη τούτοις ἐγχειρίσαι πόλιν εὐδαίμονα καὶ πολλὰς ἀφορμὰς ἔχουσαν εἰς παρασπόνδησιν;

[6] δεύτερον τίς οὐκ ἂν ἐφυλάξατο τὴν αὐτοῦ τοῦ συστήματος ἐκείνου προαίρεσιν; οἵ γε τὴν μὲν ἀρχὴν ἐξέπεσον ἐκ τῆς ἰδίας, συνδραμόντων ἐπʼ αὐτοὺς τῶν ὁμοεθνῶν διὰ τὸ παρασπονδῆσαι τοὺς αὑτῶν οἰκείους καὶ συγγενεῖς·

[7] ὑποδεξαμένων γε μὴν αὐτοὺς Καρχηδονίων διὰ τὸ κατεπείγεσθαι πολέμῳ, τὸ μὲν πρῶτον γενομένης τινὸς ἀντιρρήσεως τοῖς στρατιώταις πρὸς τοὺς στρατηγοὺς ὑπὲρ ὀψωνίων ἐξ αὐτῆς ἐπεβάλοντο διαρπάζειν τὴν τῶν Ἀκραγαντίνων πόλιν, φυλακῆς χάριν εἰσαχθέντες εἰς αὐτήν, ὄντες τότε πλείους τῶν τρισχιλίων·

[8] μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα παρεισαγαγόντων αὐτοὺς πάλιν εἰς Ἔρυκα τῆς αὐτῆς χρείας ἕνεκεν, πολιορκούντων τὴν πόλιν Ῥωμαίων, ἐπεχείρησαν μὲν καὶ τὴν πόλιν καὶ τοὺς συμπολιορκουμένους προδοῦναι·

[9] τῆς δὲ πράξεως ταύτης ἀποτυχόντες ηὐτομόλησαν πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους· παρʼ οἷς πιστευθέντες πάλιν ἐσύλησαν τὸ τῆς Ἀφροδίτης τῆς Ἐρυκίνης ἱερόν.

[10] διὸ σαφῶς ἐπεγνωκότες Ῥωμαῖοι τὴν ἀσέβειαν αὐτῶν ἅμα τῷ διαλύσασθαι τὸν πρὸς Καρχηδονίους πόλεμον οὐδὲν ἐποιήσαντο προυργιαίτερον τοῦ παροπλίσαντας αὐτοὺς ἐμβαλεῖν εἰς πλοῖα καὶ τῆς Ἰταλίας πάσης ἐξορίστους καταστῆσαι.

[11] οὓς Ἠπειρῶται τῆς δημοκρατίας καὶ τῶν νόμων φύλακας ποιησάμενοι καὶ τὴν εὐδαιμονεστάτην πόλιν ἐγχειρίσαντες, πῶς οὐκ ἂν εἰκότως φανείησαν αὐτοὶ τῶν συμπτωμάτων αὑτοῖς αἴτιοι γεγονότες;

[12] περὶ μὲν οὖν τῆς Ἠπειρωτῶν ἀγνοίας καὶ περὶ τοῦ μηδέποτε δεῖν τοὺς εὖ φρονοῦντας ἰσχυροτέραν εἰσάγεσθαι φυλακὴν ἄλλως τε καὶ βαρβάρων, ἐπὶ

[1] τοσοῦτον ἔκρινον ποιήσασθαι μνήμην. οἱ δʼ Ἰλλυριοὶ καὶ κατὰ τοὺς ἀνωτέρω μὲν χρόνους συνεχῶς ἠδίκουν τοὺς πλοϊζομένους ἀπʼ Ἰταλίας·

[2] καθʼ οὓς δὲ καιροὺς περὶ τὴν Φοινίκην διέτριβον, καὶ πλείους ἀπὸ τοῦ στόλου χωριζόμενοι πολλοὺς τῶν Ἰταλικῶν ἐμπόρων ἔσθʼ οὓς μὲν ἐσύλησαν, οὓς δʼ ἀπέσφαξαν, οὐκ ὀλίγους δὲ καὶ ζωγρίᾳ τῶν ἁλισκομένων ἀνῆγον.

[3] οἱ δὲ Ῥωμαῖοι παρακούοντες τὸν πρὸ τοῦ χρόνον τῶν ἐγκαλούντων τοῖς Ἰλλυριοῖς, τότε καὶ πλειόνων ἐπελθόντων ἐπὶ τὴν σύγκλητον, κατέστησαν πρεσβευτὰς εἰς τὴν Ἰλλυρίδα τοὺς ἐπίσκεψιν ποιησομένους περὶ τῶν προειρημένων Γάϊον καὶ Λεύκιον Κορογκανίους.

[4] ἡ δὲ Τεύτα, καταπλευσάντων πρὸς αὐτὴν τῶν ἐκ τῆς Ἠπείρου λέμβων, καταπλαγεῖσα τὸ πλῆθος καὶ τὸ κάλλος τῆς ἀγομένης κατασκευῆς — πολὺ γὰρ ἡ Φοινίκη διέφερε τότε τῶν κατὰ τὴν Ἤπειρον πόλεων εὐδαιμονίᾳ — διπλασίως ἐπερρώσθη πρὸς τὴν κατὰ τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἀδικίαν.

[5] οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ τότε μὲν ἐπέσχεν διὰ τὰς ἐγχωρίους ταραχάς, καταστησαμένη δὲ ταχέως τὰ κατὰ τοὺς ἀποστάντας Ἰλλυριοὺς ἐπολιόρκει τὴν Ἴσσαν διὰ τὸ ταύτην ἔτι μόνην ἀπειθεῖν αὐτῇ.

[6] κατὰ δὲ τὸν καιρὸν τοῦτον κατέπλευσαν οἱ τῶν Ῥωμαίων πρέσβεις· καὶ δοθέντος αὐτοῖς καιροῦ πρὸς ἔντευξιν διελέγοντο περὶ τῶν εἰς αὐτοὺς γεγονότων ἀδικημάτων.

[7] ἡ δὲ Τεύτα καθόλου μὲν παρʼ ὅλην τὴν κοινολογίαν ἀγερώχως καὶ λίαν ὑπερηφάνως αὐτῶν διήκουεν.

[8] καταπαυσάντων δὲ τὸν λόγον, κοινῇ μὲν ἔφη πειρᾶσθαι φροντίζειν ἵνα μηδὲν ἀδίκημα γίνηται Ῥωμαίοις ἐξ Ἰλλυριῶν· ἰδίᾳ γε μὴν οὐ νόμιμον εἶναι τοῖς βασιλεῦσι κωλύειν Ἰλλυριοῖς τὰς κατὰ θάλατταν ὠφελείας.

[9] ὁ δὲ νεώτερος τῶν πρεσβευτῶν δυσχεράνας ἐπὶ τοῖς εἰρημένοις ἐχρήσατο παρρησίᾳ καθηκούσῃ μέν, οὐδαμῶς δὲ πρὸς καιρόν. εἶπεν γὰρ ὅτι Ῥωμαίοις μέν,

[10] ὦ Τεύτα, κάλλιστον ἔθος ἐστὶ τὰ κατʼ ἰδίαν ἀδικήματα κοινῇ μεταπορεύεσθαι καὶ βοηθεῖν τοῖς ἀδικουμένοις·

[11] πειρασόμεθα δὴ θεοῦ βουλομένου σφόδρα καὶ ταχέως ἀναγκάσαι σε τὰ βασιλικὰ νόμιμα διορθώσασθαι πρὸς Ἰλλυριούς.

[12] ἡ δὲ γυναικοθύμως καὶ ἀλογίστως δεξαμένη τὴν παρρησίαν ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον ἐξωργίσθη πρὸς τὸ ῥηθὲν ὡς ὀλιγωρήσασα τῶν παρʼ ἀνθρώποις ὡρισμένων δικαίων ἀποπλέουσιν αὐτοῖς ἐπαποστεῖλαί τινας τὸν παρρησιασάμενον τῶν πρέσβεων ἀποκτεῖναι.

[13] προσπεσόντος δὲ τοῦ γεγονότος εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην, διοργισθέντες ἐπὶ τῇ παρανομίᾳ τῆς γυναικὸς εὐθέως περὶ παρασκευὴν ἐγίνοντο καὶ στρατόπεδα κατέγραφον καὶ στόλον συνήθροιζον.

[1] ἡ δὲ Τεύτα, τῆς ὥρας ἐπιγενομένης, ἐπισκευάσασα λέμβους πλείους τῶν πρότερον ἐξαπέστειλε πάλιν εἰς τοὺς κατὰ τὴν Ἑλλάδα τόπους.

[2] ὧν οἱ μὲν διὰ πόρου τὸν πλοῦν ἐπὶ τὴν Κέρκυραν ἐποιοῦντο, μέρος δέ τι προσέσχε τὸν τῶν Ἐπιδαμνίων λιμένα, λόγῳ μὲν ὑδρείας καὶ ἐπισιτισμοῦ χάριν, ἔργῳ δʼ ἐπιβουλῆς καὶ πράξεως ἐπὶ τὴν πόλιν.

[3] τῶν δʼ Ἐπιδαμνίων ἀκάκως ἅμα καὶ ῥᾳθύμως αὐτοὺς παραδεξαμένων, εἰσελθόντες ἐν αὐτοῖς τοῖς περιζώμασιν ὡς ὑδρευσόμενοι, μαχαίρας ἔχοντες ἐν τοῖς κεραμίοις, οὕτως κατασφάξαντες τοὺς φυλάττοντας τὴν πύλην ταχέως ἐγκρατεῖς ἐγένοντο τοῦ πυλῶνος.

[4] ἐπιγενομένης δὲ κατὰ τὸ συντεταγμένον ἐνεργῶς τῆς ἀπὸ τῶν πλοίων βοηθείας, παραδεξάμενοι τούτους ῥᾳδίως κατεῖχον τὰ πλεῖστα τῶν τειχῶν.

[5] τῶν δʼ ἐκ τῆς πόλεως ἀπαρασκεύως μὲν διὰ τὸ παράδοξον, ἐκθύμως δὲ βοηθούντων καὶ διαγωνιζομένων, συνέβη τοὺς Ἰλλυριοὺς ἐπὶ πολὺν χρόνον ἀντιποιησαμένους τέλος ἐκπεσεῖν ἐκ τῆς πόλεως.

[6] Ἐπιδάμνιοι μὲν οὖν ἐν ταύτῃ τῇ πράξει διὰ μὲν τὴν ὀλιγωρίαν ἐκινδύνευσαν ἀποβαλεῖν τὴν πατρίδα, διὰ δὲ τὴν εὐψυχίαν ἀβλαβῶς ἐπαιδεύθησαν πρὸς τὸ μέλλον.

[7] τῶν δʼ Ἰλλυριῶν οἱ προεστῶτες κατὰ σπουδὴν ἀναχθέντες καὶ συνάψαντες τοῖς προπλέουσι κατῆραν εἰς τὴν Κέρκυραν· καὶ ποιησάμενοι καταπληκτικὴν τὴν ἀπόβασιν ἐνεχείρησαν πολιορκεῖν τὴν πόλιν.

[8] ὧν συμβαινόντων οἱ Κερκυραῖοι δυσχρηστούμενοι καὶ δυσελπίστως διακείμενοι τοῖς ὅλοις ἐπρεσβεύοντο πρός τε τοὺς Ἀχαιοὺς καὶ τοὺς Αἰτωλούς, ἅμα δὲ τούτοις Ἀπολλωνιᾶται καὶ Ἐπιδάμνιοι, δεόμενοι σφίσι βοηθεῖν κατὰ σπουδὴν καὶ μὴ περιιδεῖν σφᾶς αὐτοὺς ἀναστάτους γενομένους ὑπὸ τῶν Ἰλλυριῶν.

[9] οἱ δὲ διακούσαντες τῶν πρέσβεων καὶ προσδεξάμενοι τοὺς λόγους ἐπλήρωσαν κοινῇ τὰς τῶν Ἀχαιῶν δέκα ναῦς καταφράκτους, καταρτίσαντες δʼ ἐν ὀλίγαις ἡμέραις ἔπλεον ἐπὶ τῆς Κερ

[1] κύρας, ἐλπίζοντες λύσειν τὴν πολιορκίαν. οἱ δʼ Ἰλλυριοὶ συμπαραλαβόντες Ἀκαρνάνων ναῦς κατὰ τὴν συμμαχίαν, οὔσας ἑπτὰ καταφράκτους, ἀνταναχθέντες συνέβαλλον τοῖς τῶν Ἀχαιῶν σκάφεσιν περὶ τοὺς καλουμένους Παξούς.

[2] οἱ μὲν οὖν Ἀκαρνᾶνες καὶ τῶν Ἀχαϊκῶν νεῶν αἱ κατὰ τούτους ταχθεῖσαι πάρισον ἐποίουν τὸν ἀγῶνα καὶ διέμενον ἀκέραιοι κατὰ τὰς συμπλοκὰς πλὴν τῶν εἰς αὐτοὺς τοὺς ἄνδρας γινομένων τραυμάτων.

[3] οἱ δʼ Ἰλλυριοὶ ζεύξαντες τοὺς παρʼ αὑτῶν λέμβους ἀνὰ τέτταρας συνεπλέκοντο τοῖς πολεμίοις. καὶ τῶν μὲν ἰδίων ὠλιγώρουν καὶ παραβάλλοντες πλαγίους συνήργουν ταῖς ἐμβολαῖς τῶν ὑπεναντίων.

[4] ὅτε δὲ τρώσαντα καὶ δεθέντα κατὰ τὰς ἐμβολὰς δυσχρήστως διέκειτο πρὸς τὸ παρὸν τὰ τῶν ἀντιπάλων σκάφη, προσκρεμαμένων αὐτοῖς περὶ τοὺς ἐμβόλους τῶν ἐζευγμένων λέμβων, τότʼ ἐπιπηδῶντες ἐπὶ τὰ καταστρώματα τῶν Ἀχαϊκῶν νεῶν κατεκράτουν διὰ τὸ πλῆθος τῶν ἐπιβατῶν.

[5] καὶ τούτῳ τῷ τρόπῳ τεττάρων μὲν πλοίων ἐκυρίευσαν τετρηρικῶν, μίαν δὲ πεντήρη σὺν αὐτοῖς τοῖς ἀνδράσιν ἐβύθισαν, ἐφʼ ἧς ἔπλει Μάργος ὁ Καρυνεύς, ἀνὴρ πάντα τὰ δίκαια τῷ κοινῷ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν πολιτεύματι πεποιηκὼς μέχρι τῆς καταστροφῆς.

[6] οἱ δὲ πρὸς τοὺς Ἀκαρνᾶνας διαγωνιζόμενοι, συνιδόντες τὸ κατὰ τοὺς Ἰλλυριοὺς προτέρημα καὶ πιστεύοντες τῷ ταχυναυτεῖν, ἐπουρώσαντες ἀσφαλῶς τὴν ἀποχώρησιν εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν ἐποιήσαντο.

[7] τὸ δὲ τῶν Ἰλλυριῶν πλῆθος φρονηματισθὲν ἐπὶ τῷ προτερήματι λοιπὸν ἤδη ῥᾳδίως ἐχρήσατο τῇ πολιορκίᾳ καὶ τεθαρρηκότως.

[8] οἱ δὲ Κερκυραῖοι δυσελπιστήσαντες τοῖς ὅλοις ἐκ τῶν συμβεβηκότων, βραχὺν ἔτι χρόνον ὑπομείναντες τὴν πολιορκίαν συνέθεντο τοῖς Ἰλλυριοῖς καὶ παρεδέξαντο φρουρὰν καὶ μετὰ τῆς φρουρᾶς Δημήτριον τὸν Φάριον.

[9] τούτων δὲ πραχθέντων εὐθέως οἱ τῶν Ἰλλυριῶν προεστῶτες ἀνήγοντο· καὶ κατάραντες εἰς τὴν Ἐπίδαμνον ταύτην πάλιν ἐπεβάλοντο πολιορκεῖν τὴν πόλιν.

[1] κατὰ δὲ τοὺς αὐτοὺς καιροὺς τῶν τὰς ὑπάτους ἀρχὰς ἐχόντων Γνάιος μὲν Φόλουιος ἐξέπλει ναυσὶ διακοσίαις ἐκ τῆς Ῥώμης, Αὖλος δὲ Ποστόμιος τὰς πεζικὰς ἔχων δυνάμεις ἐξώρμα.

[2] τὴν μὲν οὖν πρώτην ἐπιβολὴν ἔσχε πλεῖν ὁ Γνάιος ἐπὶ τῆς Κερκύρας, ὑπολαμβάνων ἔτι καταλήψεσθαι τὴν πολιορκίαν ἄκριτον·

[3] ὑστερήσας δὲ τῶν καιρῶν ὅμως ἐπὶ τὴν νῆσον ἔπλει, βουλόμενος ἅμα μὲν ἐπιγνῶναι σαφῶς τὰ γεγονότα περὶ τὴν πόλιν, ἅμα δὲ πεῖραν λαβεῖν τῶν παρὰ τοῦ Δημητρίου προσαγγελλομένων.

[4] ὁ γὰρ Δημήτριος ἐν διαβολαῖς ὢν καὶ φοβούμενος τὴν Τεύταν διεπέμπετο πρὸς τοὺς Ῥωμαίους, ἐπαγγελλόμενος τήν τε πόλιν ἐγχειριεῖν καὶ τὰ λοιπὰ πράγματα παραδώσειν, ὧν ἦν αὐτὸς κύριος.

[5] οἱ δὲ Κερκυραῖοι τὴν παρουσίαν τῶν Ῥωμαίων ἀσμένως ἰδόντες, τήν τε φρουρὰν παρέδοσαν τῶν Ἰλλυριῶν μετὰ τῆς τοῦ Δημητρίου γνώμης, αὐτοί τε σφᾶς ὁμοθυμαδὸν ἔδωκαν παρακληθέντες εἰς τὴν τῶν Ῥωμαίων πίστιν, μίαν ταύτην ὑπολαβόντες ἀσφάλειαν αὑτοῖς ὑπάρχειν εἰς τὸν μέλλοντα χρόνον πρὸς τὴν Ἰλλυριῶν παρανομίαν.

[6] Ῥωμαῖοι δὲ προσδεξάμενοι τοὺς Κερκυραίους εἰς τὴν φιλίαν ἔπλεον ἐπὶ τῆς Ἀπολλωνίας, ἔχοντες εἰς τὰ κατάλοιπα τῶν πραγμάτων ἡγεμόνα τὸν Δημήτριον.

[7] κατὰ δὲ τὸν αὐτὸν καιρὸν καὶ Ποστόμιος τὰς πεζικὰς διεβίβαζε δυνάμεις ἐκ τοῦ Βρεντεσίου, πεζοὺς μὲν εἰς δισμυρίους, ἱππεῖς δὲ περὶ δισχιλίους.

[8] ἅμα δὲ τῷ προσέχειν ἑκατέρας ὁμοῦ τὰς δυνάμεις πρὸς τὴν Ἀπολλωνίαν ὁμοίως καὶ τούτων ἀποδεξαμένων καὶ δόντων ἑαυτοὺς εἰς τὴν ἐπιτροπὴν παραχρῆμα πάλιν ἀνήχθησαν, ἀκούοντες πολιορκεῖσθαι τὴν Ἐπίδαμνον.

[9] οἱ δʼ Ἰλλυριοὶ συνέντες τὴν ἔφοδον τῶν Ῥωμαίων, οὐδενὶ κόσμῳ λύσαντες τὴν πολιορκίαν ἔφυγον.

[10] Ῥωμαῖοι δὲ καὶ τοὺς Ἐπιδαμνίους παραλαβόντες εἰς τὴν πίστιν προῆγον εἰς τοὺς εἴσω τόπους τῆς Ἰλλυρίδος, ἅμα καταστρεφόμενοι τοὺς Ἀρδιαίους.

[11] συμμιξάντων δὲ πρεσβευτῶν αὐτοῖς καὶ πλειόνων, ὧν οἱ παρὰ τῶν Παρθίνων ἧκον ἐπιτρέποντες τὰ καθʼ αὑτούς, δεξάμενοι τούτους εἰς τὴν φιλίαν, παραπλησίως δὲ καὶ τοὺς παρὰ τῶν Ἀτιντάνων προσεληλυθότας προῆγον ὡς ἐπὶ τὴν Ἴσσαν διὰ τὸ καὶ ταύτην ὑπὸ τῶν Ἰλλυριῶν πολιορκεῖσθαι τὴν πόλιν.

[12] ἀφικόμενοι δὲ καὶ λύσαντες τὴν πολιορκίαν προσεδέξαντο καὶ τοὺς Ἰσσαίους εἰς τὴν ἑαυτῶν πίστιν.

[13] εἷλον δὲ καὶ πόλεις τινὰς Ἰλλυρίδας ἐν τῷ παράπλῳ κατὰ κράτος· ἐν αἷς περὶ Νουτρίαν οὐ μόνον τῶν στρατιωτῶν ἀπέβαλον πολλούς, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν χιλιάρχων τινὰς καὶ τὸν ταμίαν.

[14] ἐκυρίευσαν δὲ καὶ λέμβων εἴκοσι τῶν ἀποκομιζόντων τὴν ἐκ τῆς χώρας ὠφέλειαν.

[15] τῶν δὲ πολιορκούντων τὴν Ἴσσαν οἱ μὲν ἐν τῇ Φάρῳ διὰ τὸν Δημήτριον ἀβλαβεῖς ἔμειναν, οἱ δʼ ἄλλοι πάντες ἔφυγον εἰς τὸν Ἄρβωνα σκεδασθέντες.

[16] ἡ δὲ Τεύτα πάνυ μετʼ ὀλίγων εἰς τὸν Ῥίζονα διεσώθη, πολισμάτιον εὖ πρὸς ὀχυρότητα κατεσκευασμένον, ἀνακεχωρηκὸς μὲν ἀπὸ τῆς θαλάττης, ἐπʼ αὐτῷ δὲ κείμενον τῷ Ῥίζονι ποταμῷ.

[17] ταῦτα δὲ πράξαντες καὶ τῷ Δημητρίῳ τοὺς πλείστους ὑποτάξαντες τῶν Ἰλλυριῶν καὶ μεγάλην αὐτῷ περιθέντες δυναστείαν ἀνεχώρησαν εἰς τὴν Ἐπίδαμνον ἅμα τῷ στόλῳ καὶ τῇ πεζικῇ δυνάμει.

[1] Γνάιος μὲν οὖν Φόλουιος εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην ἀπέπλευσε, τὸ πλεῖον ἔχων μέρος τῆς τε ναυτικῆς καὶ πεζικῆς στρατιᾶς.

[2] ὁ δὲ Ποστόμιος ὑπολειπόμενος τετταράκοντα σκάφη καὶ στρατόπεδον ἐκ τῶν περικειμένων πόλεων ἁθροίσας παρεχείμαζε, συνεφεδρεύων τῷ τε τῶν Ἀρδιαίων ἔθνει καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις τοῖς δεδωκόσιν ἑαυτοὺς εἰς τὴν πίστιν.

[3] ὑπὸ δὲ τὴν ἐαρινὴν ὥραν ἡ Τεύτα διαπρεσβευσαμένη πρὸς τοὺς Ῥωμαίους ποιεῖται συνθήκας, ἐν αἷς εὐδόκησε φόρους τε τοὺς διαταχθέντας οἴσειν πάσης τʼ ἀναχωρήσειν τῆς Ἰλλυρίδος πλὴν ὀλίγων τόπων, καὶ τὸ συνέχον, ὃ μάλιστα πρὸς τοὺς Ἕλληνας διέτεινε, μὴ πλεύσειν πλέον ἢ δυσὶ λέμβοις ἔξω τοῦ Λίσσου, καὶ τούτοις ἀνόπλοις.

[4] ὧν συντελεσθέντων ὁ Ποστόμιος μετὰ ταῦτα πρεσβευτὰς ἐξαπέστειλε πρός τε τοὺς Αἰτωλοὺς καὶ τὸ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν ἔθνος· οἳ καὶ παραγενόμενοι πρῶτον μὲν ἀπελογίσαντο τὰς αἰτίας τοῦ πολέμου καὶ τῆς διαβάσεως, ἑξῆς δὲ τούτοις τὰ πεπραγμένα διεξῆλθον καὶ τὰς συνθήκας παρανέγνωσαν, ἃς ἐπεποίηντο πρὸς τοὺς Ἰλλυριούς.

[5] τυχόντες δὲ παρʼ ἑκατέρου τῶν ἐθνῶν τῆς καθηκούσης φιλανθρωπίας αὖθις ἀπέπλευσαν εἰς τὴν Κέρκυραν, ἱκανοῦ τινος ἀπολελυκότες φόβου τοὺς Ἕλληνας διὰ τὰς προειρημένας συνθήκας.

[6] οὐ γὰρ τισὶν, ἀλλὰ πᾶσι τότε κοινοὺς ἐχθροὺς εἶναι συνέβαινε τοὺς Ἰλλυριούς.

[7] ἡ μὲν οὖν πρώτη διάβασις Ῥωμαίων μετὰ δυνάμεως εἰς τὴν Ἰλλυρίδα καὶ ταῦτα τὰ μέρη τῆς Εὐρώπης, ἔτι δʼ ἐπιπλοκὴ μετὰ πρεσβείας εἰς τοὺς κατὰ τὴν Ἑλλάδα τόπους τοιάδε καὶ διὰ ταύτας ἐγένετο τὰς αἰτίας.

[8] ἀπὸ δὲ ταύτης τῆς καταρχῆς Ῥωμαῖοι μὲν εὐθέως ἄλλους πρεσβευτὰς ἐξαπέστειλαν πρὸς Κορινθίους καὶ πρὸς Ἀθηναίους, ὅτε δὴ καὶ Κορίνθιοι πρῶτον ἀπεδέξαντο μετέχειν Ῥωμαίους τοῦ τῶν Ἰσθμίων ἀγῶνος.

[1] Ἀσδρούβας δὲ κατὰ τοὺς αὐτοὺς χρόνους — ἐν γὰρ τούτοις ἀπελίπομεν τὰ κατὰ τὴν Ἰβηρίαν — νουνεχῶς καὶ πραγματικῶς χειρίζων τὰ κατὰ τὴν ἀρχὴν ἔν τε τοῖς ὅλοις μεγάλην ἐποιεῖτο προκοπήν, τήν τε παρὰ μὲν τισὶ Καρχηδόνα, παρὰ δὲ τισὶ Καινὴν πόλιν προσαγορευομένην κατασκευάσας οὐ μικρά, μεγάλα δὲ συνεβάλλετο Καρχηδονίοις εἰς πραγμάτων λόγον,

[2] καὶ μάλιστα διὰ τὴν εὐκαιρίαν τοῦ τόπου πρός τε τὰ κατὰ τὴν Ἰβηρίαν πράγματα καὶ πρὸς τὰ κατὰ τὴν Λιβύην, περὶ ἧς ἡμεῖς εὐφυέστερον καιρὸν λαβόντες ὑποδείξομεν τὴν θέσιν αὐτῆς καὶ τὴν χρείαν, ἣν ἀμφοτέραις δύναται παρέχεσθαι ταῖς εἰρημέναις χώραις.

[3] ὃν καὶ θεωροῦντες Ῥωμαῖοι μείζω καὶ φοβερωτέραν ἤδη συνιστάμενον δυναστείαν, ὥρμησαν ἐπὶ τὸ πολυπραγμονεῖν τὰ κατὰ τὴν Ἰβηρίαν.

[4] εὑρόντες δὲ σφᾶς ἐπικεκοιμημένους ἐν τοῖς ἔμπροσθεν χρόνοις καὶ προειμένους εἰς τὸ μεγάλην χεῖρα κατασκευάσασθαι Καρχηδονίους, ἀνατρέχειν ἐπειρῶντο κατὰ δύναμιν.

[5] αὐτόθεν μὲν οὖν ἐπιτάττειν ἢ πολεμεῖν οὐ κατετόλμων τοῖς Καρχηδονίοις διὰ τὸ τὸν ἀπὸ τῶν Κελτῶν φόβον ἐπικρέμασθαι τοῖς σφετέροις πράγμασιν καὶ μόνον οὐ καθʼ ἑκάστην ἡμέραν προσδοκᾶν τὴν ἔφοδον αὐτῶν.

[6] καταψήσαντες δὲ καὶ πραΰναντες τὸν Ἀσδρούβαν, οὕτως ἔκριναν ἐγχειρεῖν τοῖς Κελτοῖς καὶ διακινδυνεύειν πρὸς αὐτούς, οὐδέποτʼ ἂν ὑπολαμβάνοντες οὐχ οἷον δυναστεῦσαι τῶν κατὰ τὴν Ἰταλίαν, ἀλλʼ οὐδʼ ἀσφαλῶς οἰκῆσαι τὴν ἑαυτῶν πατρίδα, τούτους ἔχοντες ἐφέδρους τοὺς ἄνδρας.

[7] διόπερ ἅμα τῷ διαπρεσβευσάμενοι πρὸς τὸν Ἀσδρούβαν ποιήσασθαι συνθήκας, ἐν αἷς τὴν μὲν ἄλλην Ἰβηρίαν παρεσιώπων, τὸν δὲ καλούμενον Ἴβηρα ποταμὸν οὐκ ἔδει Καρχηδονίους ἐπὶ πολέμῳ διαβαίνειν, εὐθέως ἐξήνεγκαν τὸν πρὸς τοὺς κατὰ τὴν

[1] Ἰταλίαν Κελτοὺς πόλεμον. ὑπὲρ ὧν δοκεῖ μοι χρήσιμον εἶναι κεφαλαιώδη μὲν ποιήσασθαι τὴν ἐξήγησιν, ἵνα τὸ τῆς προκατασκευῆς οἰκεῖον συσσώσωμεν κατὰ τὴν ἐξ ἀρχῆς πρόθεσιν, ἀναδραμεῖν δὲ τοῖς χρόνοις ἐπὶ τὴν ἀρχήν, ἐξ ὅτου κατέσχον οἱ προειρημένοι τὴν χώραν·

[2] ἡγοῦμαι γὰρ τὴν περὶ αὐτῶν ἱστορίαν οὐ μόνον ἀξίαν εἶναι γνώσεως καὶ μνήμης, ἀλλὰ καὶ τελέως ἀναγκαίαν χάριν τοῦ μαθεῖν τίσι μετὰ ταῦτα πιστεύσας ἀνδράσι καὶ τόποις Ἀννίβας ἐπεβάλετο καταλύειν τὴν Ῥωμαίων δυναστείαν.

[3] πρῶτον δὲ περὶ τῆς χώρας ῥητέον ποία τίς ἐστιν καὶ πῶς κεῖται πρὸς τὴν ἄλλην Ἰταλίαν. οὕτως γὰρ ἔσται καὶ τὰ περὶ τὰς πράξεις διαφέροντα κατανοεῖν βέλτιον, ὑπογραφέντων τῶν περί τε τοὺς τόπους καὶ τὴν χώραν ἰδιωμάτων.

[4] τῆς δὴ συμπάσης Ἰταλίας τῷ σχήματι τριγωνοειδοῦς ὑπαρχούσης, τὴν μὲν μίαν ὁρίζει πλευρὰν αὐτῆς τὴν πρὸς τὰς ἀνατολὰς κεκλιμένην ὅ τʼ Ἰόνιος πόρος καὶ κατὰ τὸ συνεχὲς ὁ κατὰ τὸν Ἀδρίαν κόλπος, τὴν δὲ πρὸς μεσημβρίαν καὶ δυσμὰς τετραμμένην τὸ Σικελικὸν καὶ Τυρρηνικὸν πέλαγος.

[5] αὗται δʼ αἱ πλευραὶ συμπίπτουσαι πρὸς ἀλλήλας κορυφὴν ποιοῦσι τοῦ τριγώνου τὸ προκείμενον ἀκρωτήριον τῆς Ἰταλίας εἰς τὴν μεσημβρίαν, ὃ προσαγορεύεται μὲν Κόκυνθος, διαιρεῖ δὲ τὸν Ἰόνιον πόρον καὶ τὸ Σικελικὸν πέλαγος.

[6] τὴν δὲ λοιπὴν τὴν παρά τε τὰς ἄρκτους καὶ τὴν μεσόγαιαν παρατείνουσαν ὁρίζει κατὰ τὸ συνεχὲς ἡ τῶν Ἄλπεων παρώρεια, λαμβάνουσα τὴν μὲν ἀρχὴν ἀπὸ Μασσαλίας καὶ τῶν ὑπὲρ τὸ Σαρδῷον πέλαγος τόπων, παρήκουσα δὲ συνεχῶς μέχρι πρὸς τὸν τοῦ παντὸς Ἀδρίου μυχόν, πλὴν βραχέος, ὃ προκαταλήγουσα λείπει τοῦ μὴ συνάπτειν αὐτῷ.

[7] παρὰ δὲ τὴν προειρημένην παρώρειαν, ἣν δεῖ νοεῖν ὡσανεὶ βάσιν τοῦ τριγώνου, παρὰ ταύτην ἀπὸ μεσημβρίας ὑπόκειται πεδία τῆς συμπάσης Ἰταλίας τελευταῖα πρὸς τὰς ἄρκτους, ὑπὲρ ὧν ὁ νῦν δὴ λόγος, ἀρετῇ καὶ μεγέθει διαφέροντα τῶν κατὰ τὴν Εὐρώπην, ὅσα πέπτωκεν ὑπὸ τὴν ἡμετέραν ἱστορίαν.

[8] ἔστι δὲ τὸ μὲν ὅλον εἶδος καὶ τῆς ταῦτα τὰ πεδία περιγραφούσης γραμμῆς τριγωνοειδές. τούτου δὲ τοῦ σχήματος τὴν μὲν κορυφὴν ἥ τε τῶν Ἀπεννίνων καλουμένων ὀρῶν καὶ τῶν Ἀλπεινῶν σύμπτωσις οὐ μακρὰν ἀπὸ τοῦ Σαρδῴου πελάγους ὑπὲρ Μασσαλίας ἀποτελεῖ.

[9] τῶν δὲ πλευρῶν παρὰ μὲν τὴν ἀπὸ τῶν ἄρκτων, ὡς ἐπάνω προεῖπον, τὰς Ἄλπεις αὐτὰς ἐπὶ δισχιλίους καὶ διακοσίους σταδίους παρήκειν συμβαίνει,

[10] παρὰ δὲ τὴν ἀπὸ μεσημβρίας τὸν Ἀπεννῖνον ἐπὶ τρισχιλίους ἑξακοσίους.

[11] βάσεώς γε μὴν τάξιν λαμβάνει τοῦ παντὸς σχήματος ἡ παραλία τοῦ κατὰ τὸν Ἀδρίαν κόλπου· τὸ δὲ μέγεθος τῆς βάσεώς ἐστιν ἀπὸ πόλεως Σήνης ἕως ἐπὶ τὸν μυχὸν ὑπὲρ τοὺς δισχιλίους σταδίους καὶ πεντακοσίους,

[12] ὥστε τὴν πᾶσαν περίμετρον τῶν προειρημένων πεδίων μὴ πολὺ λείπειν

[1] τῶν μυρίων σταδίων. περί γε μὴν τῆς ἀρετῆς οὐδʼ εἰπεῖν ῥᾴδιον. σίτου τε γὰρ τοσαύτην ἀφθονίαν ὑπάρχειν συμβαίνει κατὰ τοὺς τόπους ὥστʼ ἐν τοῖς καθʼ ἡμᾶς καιροῖς πολλάκις τεττάρων ὀβολῶν εἶναι τῶν πυρῶν τὸν Σικελικὸν μέδιμνον, τῶν δὲ κριθῶν δυεῖν, τοῦ δʼ οἴνου τὸν μετρητὴν ἰσόκριθον.

[2] ἐλύμου γε μὴν καὶ κέγχρου τελέως ὑπερβάλλουσα δαψίλεια γίνεται παρʼ αὐτοῖς. τὸ δὲ τῶν βαλάνων πλῆθος τὸ γινόμενον ἐκ τῶν κατὰ διάστημα δρυμῶν ἐν τοῖς πεδίοις ἐκ τούτων ἄν τις μάλιστα τεκμήραιτο·

[3] πλείστων γὰρ ὑϊκῶν ἱερείων κοπτομένων ἐν Ἰταλίᾳ διά τε τὰς εἰς τοὺς ἰδίους βίους καὶ τὰς εἰς τὰ στρατόπεδα παραθέσεις, τὴν ὁλοσχερεστάτην χορηγίαν ἐκ τούτων συμβαίνει τῶν πεδίων αὐτοῖς ὑπάρχειν.

[4] περὶ δὲ τῆς κατὰ μέρος εὐωνίας καὶ δαψιλείας τῶν πρὸς τὴν τροφὴν ἀνηκόντων οὕτως ἄν τις ἀκριβέστατα κατανοήσειεν·

[5] ποιοῦνται γὰρ τὰς καταλύσεις οἱ διοδεύοντες τὴν χώραν ἐν τοῖς πανδοκείοις, οὐ συμφωνοῦντες περὶ τῶν κατὰ μέρος ἐπιτηδείων, ἀλλʼ ἐρωτῶντες πόσου τὸν ἄνδρα δέχεται.

[6] ὡς μὲν οὖν ἐπὶ τὸ πολὺ παρίενται τοὺς καταλύτας οἱ πανδοκεῖς, ὡς ἱκανὰ πάντʼ ἔχειν τὰ πρὸς τὴν χρείαν, ἡμιασσαρίου· τοῦτο δʼ ἔστι τέταρτον μέρος ὀβολοῦ· σπανίως δὲ τοῦθʼ ὑπερβαίνουσι.

[7] τό γε μὴν πλῆθος τῶν ἀνδρῶν καὶ τὸ μέγεθος καὶ κάλλος τῶν σωμάτων, ἔτι δὲ τὴν ἐν τοῖς πολέμοις τόλμαν ἐξ αὐτῶν τῶν πράξεων σαφῶς ἔσται καταμαθεῖν.

τῶν δʼ Ἄλπεων ἑκατέρας τῆς πλευρᾶς,

[8] τῆς ἐπὶ τὸν Ῥοδανὸν ποταμὸν καὶ τῆς ἐπὶ τὰ προειρημένα πεδία νευούσης, τοὺς βουνώδεις καὶ γεώδεις τόπους κατοικοῦσι τοὺς μὲν ἐπὶ τὸν Ῥοδανὸν καὶ τὰς ἄρκτους ἐστραμμένους Γαλάται Τρανσαλπῖνοι προσαγορευόμενοι, τοὺς δʼ ἐπὶ τὰ πεδία Ταυρίσκοι καὶ Ἄγωνες καὶ πλείω γένη βαρβάρων ἕτερα.

[9] Τρανσαλπῖνοί γε μὴν οὐ διὰ τὴν τοῦ γένους, ἀλλὰ διὰ τὴν τοῦ τόπου διαφορὰν προσαγορεύονται· τὸ γὰρ τρὰνς ἐξερμηνευόμενόν ἐστι πέραν, διὸ τοὺς ἐπέκεινα τῶν Ἄλπεων Τρανσαλπίνους καλοῦσι.

[10] τὰ δʼ ἄκρα διά τε τὴν τραχύτητα καὶ τὸ πλῆθος τῆς ἐπι

[1] μενούσης ἀεὶ χιόνος ἀοίκητα τελέως ἐστίν. τὸν δʼ Ἀπεννῖνον ἀπὸ μὲν τῆς ἀρχῆς τῆς ὑπὲρ Μασσαλίαν καὶ τῆς πρὸς τὰς Ἄλπεις συμπτώσεως Λιγυστῖνοι κατοικοῦσιν, καὶ τὴν ἐπὶ τὸ Τυρρηνικὸν πέλαγος αὐτοῦ πλευρὰν κεκλιμένην καὶ τὴν ἐπὶ τὰ πεδία,

[2] παρὰ θάλατταν μὲν μέχρι πόλεως Πίσης, ἣ πρώτη κεῖται τῆς Τυρρηνίας ὡς πρὸς τὰς δυσμάς, κατὰ δὲ τὴν μεσόγαιον ἕως τῆς Ἀρρητίνων χώρας.

[3] ἑξῆς δὲ Τυρρηνοί· τούτοις δὲ συνεχεῖς ἑκάτερον τὸ κλίμα νέμονται τῶν προειρημένων ὀρῶν Ὄμβροι.

[4] λοιπὸν ὁ μὲν Ἀπεννῖνος ἀπέχων τῆς κατὰ τὸν Ἀδρίαν θαλάττης σταδίους ὡσανεὶ πεντακοσίους ἀπολείπει τὰ πεδία δεξιὸς ἀπονεύων, καὶ διὰ μέσης τῆς λοιπῆς Ἰταλίας διήκων εἰς τὸ Σικελικὸν κατατείνει πέλαγος.

[5] τὸ δʼ ἀπολειπόμενον μέρος πεδινὸν τῆς πλευρᾶς ἐπὶ θάλατταν καὶ πόλιν καθήκει Σήνην.

[6] ὁ δὲ Πάδος ποταμός, ὑπὸ δὲ τῶν ποιητῶν Ἠριδανὸς θρυλούμενος, ἔχει μὲν τὰς πηγὰς ἀπὸ τῶν Ἄλπεων ὡς πρὸς τὴν κορυφὴν μᾶλλον τοῦ προειρημένου σχήματος, καταφέρεται δʼ εἰς τὰ πεδία, ποιούμενος τὴν ῥύσιν ὡς ἐπὶ μεσημβρίαν.

[7] ἀφικόμενος δʼ εἰς τοὺς ἐπιπέδους τόπους, ἐκκλίνας τῷ ῥεύματι πρὸς ἕω φέρεται διʼ αὐτῶν· ποιεῖ δὲ τὴν ἐκβολὴν δυσὶ στόμασιν εἰς τοὺς κατὰ τὸν Ἀδρίαν τόπους· τὸ δὲ πλεῖον ἀποτέμνεται μέρος τῆς πεδιάδος χώρας εἰς τὰς Ἄλπεις καὶ τὸν Ἀδριατικὸν μυχόν.

[8] ἄγει δὲ πλῆθος ὕδατος οὐδενὸς ἔλαττον τῶν κατὰ τὴν Ἰταλίαν ποταμῶν διὰ τὸ τὰς ῥύσεις τὰς ἐπὶ τὰ πεδία νευούσας ἀπό τε τῶν Ἄλπεων καὶ τῶν Ἀπεννίνων ὀρῶν εἰς τοῦτον ἐμπίπτειν ἁπάσας καὶ πανταχόθεν.

[9] μεγίστῳ δὲ καὶ καλλίστῳ ῥεύματι φέρεται περὶ κυνὸς ἐπιτολήν, αὐξόμενος ὑπὸ τοῦ πλήθους τῶν ἀνατηκομένων χιόνων ἐν τοῖς προειρημένοις ὄρεσιν.

[10] ἀναπλεῖται δʼ ἐκ θαλάττης κατὰ τὸ στόμα τὸ καλούμενον Ὄλανα σχεδὸν ἐπὶ δισχιλίους σταδίους.

[11] τὴν μὲν γὰρ πρώτην ἐκ τῶν πηγῶν ἔχει ῥύσιν ἁπλῆν, σχίζεται δʼ εἰς δύο μέρη κατὰ τοὺς προσαγορευομένους Τριγαβόλους· τούτων δὲ τὸ μὲν ἕτερον στόμα προσονομάζεται Παδόα, τὸ δʼ ἕτερον Ὄλανα.

[12] κεῖται δʼ ἐπὶ τούτῳ λιμήν, οὐδενὸς τῶν κατὰ τὸν Ἀδρίαν ἥττω παρεχόμενος ἀσφάλειαν τοῖς ἐν αὐτῷ καθορμιζομένοις. παρά γε μὴν τοῖς ἐγχωρίοις ὁ ποταμὸς προσαγορεύεται Βόδεγκος.

[13] τἄλλα δὲ τὰ περὶ τὸν ποταμὸν τοῦτον ἱστορούμενα παρὰ τοῖς Ἕλλησι, λέγω δὴ τὰ περὶ Φαέθοντα καὶ τὴν ἐκείνου πτῶσιν, ἔτι δὲ τὰ δάκρυα τῶν αἰγείρων καὶ τοὺς μελανείμονας τοὺς περὶ τὸν ποταμὸν οἰκοῦντας, οὕς φασι τὰς ἐσθῆτας εἰσέτι νῦν φορεῖν τοιαύτας ἀπὸ τοῦ κατὰ Φαέθοντα πένθους,

[14] καὶ πᾶσαν δὴ τὴν τραγικὴν καὶ ταύτῃ προσεοικυῖαν ὕλην ἐπὶ μὲν τοῦ παρόντος ὑπερθησόμεθα διὰ τὸ μὴ λίαν καθήκειν τῷ τῆς προκατασκευῆς γένει τὴν περὶ τῶν τοιούτων ἀκριβολογίαν.

[15] μεταλαβόντες δὲ καιρὸν ἁρμόττοντα ποιησόμεθα τὴν καθήκουσαν μνήμην, καὶ μάλιστα διὰ τὴν Τιμαίου περὶ τοὺς προειρημένους τόπους ἄγνοιαν.

[1] πλὴν ταῦτά γε τὰ πεδία τὸ παλαιὸν ἐνέμοντο Τυρρηνοί, καθʼ οὓς χρόνους καὶ τὰ Φλέγραιά ποτε καλούμενα τὰ περὶ Καπύην καὶ Νώλην· ἃ δὴ καὶ διὰ τὸ πολλοῖς ἐμποδὼν εἶναι καὶ γνωρίζεσθαι μεγάλην ἐπʼ ἀρετῇ δόξαν εἴληφεν.

[2] διὸ καὶ τοὺς ἱστοροῦντας τὰς Τυρρηνῶν δυναστείας οὐ χρὴ ποιεῖσθαι τὴν ἀναφορὰν ἐπὶ τὴν νῦν κατεχομένην ὑπʼ αὐτῶν χώραν, ἀλλʼ ἐπὶ τὰ προειρημένα πεδία καὶ τὰς ἐκ τούτων τῶν τόπων ἀφορμάς.

[3] οἷς ἐπιμιγνύμενοι κατὰ τὴν παράθεσιν Κελτοὶ καὶ περὶ τὸ κάλλος τῆς χώρας ὀφθαλμιάσαντες, ἐκ μικρᾶς προφάσεως μεγάλῃ στρατιᾷ παραδόξως ἐπελθόντες ἐξέβαλον ἐκ τῆς περὶ τὸν Πάδον χώρας Τυρρηνοὺς καὶ κατέσχον αὐτοὶ τὰ πεδία.

[4] τὰ μὲν οὖν πρῶτα καὶ περὶ τὰς ἀνατολὰς τοῦ Πάδου κείμενα Λάοι καὶ Λεβέκιοι, μετὰ δὲ τούτους Ἴνσοβρες κατῴκησαν, ὃ μέγιστον ἔθνος ἦν αὐτῶν· ἑξῆς δὲ τούτοις παρὰ τὸν ποταμὸν Γονομάνοι.

[5] τὰ δὲ πρὸς τὸν Ἀδρίαν ἤδη προσήκοντα γένος ἄλλο πάνυ παλαιὸν διακατέσχεν· προσαγορεύονται δʼ Οὐένετοι, τοῖς μὲν ἔθεσι καὶ τῷ κόσμῳ βραχεῖ διαφέροντες Κελτῶν, γλώττῃ δʼ ἀλλοίᾳ χρώμενοι.

[6] περὶ ὧν οἱ τραγῳδιογράφοι πολύν τινα πεποίηνται λόγον καὶ πολλὴν διατέθεινται τερατείαν.

[7] τὰ δὲ πέραν τοῦ Πάδου τὰ περὶ τὸν Ἀπεννῖνον πρῶτοι μὲν Ἄναρες, μετὰ δὲ τούτους Βοῖοι κατῴκησαν· ἑξῆς δὲ τούτων ὡς πρὸς τὸν Ἀδρίαν Λίγγονες, τὰ δὲ τελευταῖα πρὸς θαλάττῃ Σήνωνες.

[8] τὰ μὲν οὖν ἐπιφανέστατα τῶν κατασχόντων τοὺς προειρημένους τόπους ἐθνῶν ταῦθʼ ὑπῆρχεν.

[9] ᾤκουν δὲ κατὰ κώμας ἀτειχίστους, τῆς λοιπῆς κατασκευῆς ἄμοιροι καθεστῶτες.

[10] διὰ γὰρ τὸ στιβαδοκοιτεῖν καὶ κρεαφαγεῖν, ἔτι δὲ μηδὲν ἄλλο πλὴν τὰ πολεμικὰ καὶ τὰ κατὰ γεωργίαν· ἀσκεῖν ἁπλοῦς εἶχον τοὺς βίους, οὔτʼ ἐπιστήμης ἄλλης οὔτε τέχνης παρʼ αὐτοῖς τὸ παράπαν γινωσκομένης.

[11] ὕπαρξίς γε μὴν ἑκάστοις ἦν θρέμματα καὶ χρυσὸς διὰ τὸ μόνα ταῦτα κατὰ τὰς περιστάσεις ῥᾳδίως δύνασθαι πανταχῇ περιαγαγεῖν καὶ μεθιστάναι κατὰ τὰς αὑτῶν προαιρέσεις.

[12] περὶ δὲ τὰς ἑταιρείας μεγίστην σπουδὴν ἐποιοῦντο διὰ τὸ καὶ φοβερώτατον καὶ δυνατώτατον εἶναι παρʼ αὐτοῖς τοῦτον ὃς ἂν πλείστους ἔχειν δοκῇ τοὺς θεραπεύοντας καὶ συμπεριφερομένους αὐτῷ.

[1] τὰς μὲν οὖν ἀρχὰς οὐ μόνον τῆς χώρας ἐπεκράτουν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν σύνεγγυς πολλοὺς ὑπηκόους ἐπεποίηντο, τῇ τόλμῃ καταπεπληγμένοι.

[2] μετὰ δέ τινα χρόνον μάχῃ νικήσαντες Ῥωμαίους καὶ τοὺς μετὰ τούτων παραταξαμένους, ἑπόμενοι τοῖς φεύγουσι τρισὶ τῆς μάχης ἡμέραις ὕστερον κατέσχον αὐτὴν τὴν Ῥώμην πλὴν τοῦ Καπετωλίου.

[3] γενομένου δʼ ἀντισπάσματος, καὶ τῶν Οὐενέτων ἐμβαλόντων εἰς τὴν χώραν αὐτῶν, τότε μὲν ποιησάμενοι συνθήκας πρὸς Ῥωμαίους καὶ τὴν πόλιν ἀποδόντες ἐπανῆλθον εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν.

[4] μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα τοῖς ἐμφυλίοις συνείχοντο πολέμοις· ἔνιοι δὲ καὶ τῶν τὰς Ἄλπεις κατοικούντων ὁρμὰς ἐποιοῦντο καὶ συνηθροίζοντο πολλάκις ἐπʼ αὐτούς, θεωροῦντες ἐκ παραθέσεως τὴν παραγεγενημένην αὐτοῖς εὐδαιμονίαν.

[5] ἐν ᾧ καιρῷ Ῥωμαῖοι τήν τε σφετέραν δύναμιν ἀνέλαβον καὶ τὰ κατὰ τοὺς Λατίνους αὖθις πράγματα συνεστήσαντο.

[6] παραγενομένων δὲ πάλιν τῶν Κελτῶν εἰς Ἄλβαν στρατεύματι μεγάλῳ μετὰ τὴν τῆς πόλεως κατάληψιν ἔτει τριακοστῷ, τότε μὲν οὐκ ἐτόλμησαν ἀντεξαγαγεῖν Ῥωμαῖοι τὰ στρατόπεδα διὰ τὸ παραδόξου γενομένης τῆς ἐφόδου προκαταληφθῆναι καὶ μὴ καταταχῆσαι τὰς τῶν συμμάχων ἁθροίσαντας δυνάμεις.

[7] αὖθις δʼ ἐξ ἐπιβολῆς ἑτέρας ἔτει δωδεκάτῳ μετὰ μεγάλης στρατιᾶς ἐπιπορευομένων προαισθόμενοι καὶ συναγείραντες τοὺς συμμάχους μετὰ πολλῆς προθυμίας ἀπήντων, σπεύδοντες συμβαλεῖν καὶ διακινδυνεῦσαι περὶ τῶν ὅλων.

[8] οἱ δὲ Γαλάται καταπλαγέντες τὴν ἔφοδον αὐτῶν καὶ διαστασιάσαντες πρὸς σφᾶς νυκτὸς ἐπιγενομένης φυγῇ παραπλησίαν ἐποιήσαντο τὴν ἀποχώρησιν εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν.

[9] ἀπὸ δὲ τούτου τοῦ φόβου τριακαίδεκα μὲν ἔτη τὴν ἡσυχίαν ἔσχον, μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα συνορῶντες αὐξανομένην τὴν Ῥωμαίων δύναμιν εἰρήνην ἐποι

[1] ήσαντο καὶ συνθήκας. ἐν αἷς ἔτη τριάκοντα μείναντες ἐμπεδῶς, αὖθις γενομένου κινήματος ἐκ τῶν Τρανσαλπίνων, δείσαντες μὴ πόλεμος αὐτοῖς ἐγερθῇ βαρύς, ἀπὸ μὲν αὑτῶν ἔτρεψαν τὰς ὁρμὰς τῶν ἐξανισταμένων, δωροφοροῦντες καὶ προτιθέμενοι τὴν συγγένειαν, ἐπὶ δὲ Ῥωμαίους παρώξυναν καὶ μετέσχον αὐτοῖς τῆς στρατείας.

[2] ἐν ᾗ τὴν ἔφοδον ποιησάμενοι διὰ Τυρρηνίας, ὁμοῦ συστρατευσαμένων σφίσι Τυρρηνῶν, καὶ περιβαλόμενοι λείας πλῆθος ἐκ μὲν τῆς Ῥωμαίων ἐπαρχίας ἀσφαλῶς ἐπανῆλθον.

[3] εἰς δὲ τὴν οἰκείαν ἀφικόμενοι καὶ στασιάσαντες περὶ τὴν τῶν εἰλημμένων πλεονεξίαν τῆς τε λείας καὶ τῆς αὑτῶν δυνάμεως τὸ πλεῖστον μέρος διέφθειραν.

[4] τοῦτο δὲ σύνηθές ἐστι Γαλάταις πράττειν, ἐπειδὰν σφετερίσωνταί τι τῶν πέλας, καὶ μάλιστα διὰ τὰς ἀλόγους οἰνοφλυγίας καὶ πλησμονάς.

[5] μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα πάλιν ἔτει τετάρτῳ συμφρονήσαντες ἅμα Σαυνῖται καὶ Γαλάται παρετάξαντο Ῥωμαίοις ἐν τῇ Καμερτίων χώρᾳ καὶ πολλοὺς αὐτῶν ἐν τῷ κινδύνῳ διέφθειραν.

[6] ἐν ᾧ καιρῷ προσφιλονικήσαντες πρὸς τὸ γεγονὸς ἐλάττωμʼ αὐτοῖς Ῥωμαῖοι μετʼ ὀλίγας ἡμέρας ἐξῆλθον καὶ συμβαλόντες πᾶσι τοῖς στρατοπέδοις ἐν τῇ τῶν Σεντινατῶν χώρᾳ πρὸς τοὺς προειρημένους τοὺς μὲν πλείστους ἀπέκτειναν, τοὺς δὲ λοιποὺς ἠνάγκασαν προτροπάδην ἑκάστους εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν φυγεῖν.

[7] διαγενομένων δὲ πάλιν ἐτῶν δέκα παρεγένοντο Γαλάται μετὰ μεγάλης στρατιᾶς, πολιορκήσοντες τὴν Ἀρρητίνων πόλιν.

[8] Ῥωμαῖοι δὲ παραβοηθήσαντες καὶ συμβαλόντες πρὸ τῆς πόλεως ἡττήθησαν. ἐν δὲ τῇ μάχῃ ταύτῃ Λευκίου τοῦ στρατηγοῦ τελευτήσαντος Μάνιον ἐπικατέστησαν τὸν Κόριον.

[9] οὗ πρεσβευτὰς ἐκπέμψαντος εἰς Γαλατίαν ὑπὲρ τῶν αἰχμαλώτων, παρασπονδήσαντες ἐπανείλοντο τοὺς πρέσβεις.

[10] τῶν δὲ Ῥωμαίων ὑπὸ τὸν θυμὸν ἐκ χειρὸς ἐπιστρατευσαμένων, ἀπαντήσαντες συνέβαλλον οἱ Σήνωνες καλούμενοι Γαλάται.

[11] Ῥωμαῖοι δʼ ἐκ παρατάξεως κρατήσαντες αὐτῶν τοὺς μὲν πλείστους ἀπέκτειναν, τοὺς δὲ λοιποὺς ἐξέβαλον, τῆς δὲ χώρας ἐγένοντο πάσης ἐγκρατεῖς.

[12] εἰς ἣν καὶ πρώτην τῆς Γαλατίας ἀποικίαν ἔστειλαν τὴν Σήνην προσαγορευομένην πόλιν, ὁμώνυμον οὖσαν τοῖς πρότερον αὐτὴν κατοικοῦσι Γαλάταις,

[13] ὑπὲρ ἧς ἀρτίως διεσαφήσαμεν, φάσκοντες αὐτὴν παρὰ τὸν Ἀδρίαν ἐπὶ τῷ πέρατι κεῖσθαι τῶν περὶ τὸν Πάδον πεδίων.

[1] οἱ δὲ Βοῖοι θεωροῦντες ἐκπεπτωκότας τοὺς Σήνωνας, καὶ δείσαντες περὶ σφῶν καὶ τῆς χώρας μὴ πάθωσι τὸ παραπλήσιον ἐξεστράτευσαν πανδημεὶ παρακαλέσαντες Τυρρηνούς.

[2] ἁθροισθέντες δὲ περὶ τὴν Ὀάδμονα προσαγορευομένην λίμνην παρετάξαντο Ῥωμαίοις.

[3] ἐν δὲ τῇ μάχῃ ταύτῃ Τυρρηνῶν μὲν οἱ πλεῖστοι κατεκόπησαν, τῶν δὲ Βοίων τελέως ὀλίγοι διέφυγον.

[4] οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ τῷ κατὰ πόδας ἐνιαυτῷ συμφρονήσαντες αὖθις οἱ προειρημένοι καὶ τοὺς ἄρτι τῶν νέων ἡβῶντας καθοπλίσαντες παρετάξαντο πρὸς Ῥωμαίους.

[5] ἡττηθέντες δʼ ὁλοσχερῶς τῇ μάχῃ μόλις εἶξαν ταῖς ψυχαῖς καὶ διαπρεσβευσάμενοι περὶ σπονδῶν καὶ διαλύσεων συνθήκας ἔθεντο πρὸς Ῥωμαίους.

[6] ταῦτα δὲ συνέβαινεν γίνεσθαι τῷ τρίτῳ πρότερον ἔτει τῆς Πύρρου διαβάσεως εἰς τὴν Ἰταλίαν, πέμπτῳ δὲ τῆς Γαλατῶν περὶ Δελφοὺς διαφθορᾶς.

[7] ἐν γὰρ τούτοις ἡ τύχη τοῖς καιροῖς ὡσανεὶ λοιμικήν τινα πολέμου διάθεσιν ἐπέστησε πᾶσι Γαλάταις.

[8] ἐκ δὲ τῶν προειρημένων ἀγώνων δύο τὰ κάλλιστα συνεκύρησε Ῥωμαίοις· τοῦ γὰρ κατακόπτεσθαι συνήθειαν ἐσχηκότες ὑπὸ Γαλατῶν οὐδὲν ἠδύναντο δεινότερον ἰδεῖν οὐδὲ προσδοκῆσαι τῶν αὐτοῖς ἤδη πεπραγμένων·

[9] ἐξ ὧν πρός τε Πύρρον ἀθληταὶ τέλειοι γεγονότες τῶν κατὰ πόλεμον ἔργων συγκατέστησαν,

[10] τήν τε Γαλατῶν τόλμαν ἐν καιρῷ καταπληξάμενοι λοιπὸν ἀπερισπάστως τὸ μὲν πρῶτον πρὸς Πύρρον περὶ τῆς Ἰταλίας ἐπολέμουν, μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα πρὸς Καρχηδονίους ὑπὲρ τῆς Σικελιωτῶν ἀρχῆς διηγωνίζοντο.

[1] Γαλάται δʼ ἐκ τῶν προειρημένων ἐλαττωμάτων ἔτη μὲν πέντε καὶ τετταράκοντα τὴν ἡσυχίαν ἔσχον, εἰρήνην ἄγοντες πρὸς Ῥωμαίους.

[2] ἐπεὶ δʼ οἱ μὲν αὐτόπται γεγονότες τῶν δεινῶν ἐκ τοῦ ζῆν ἐξεχώρησαν διὰ τὸν χρόνον, ἐπεγένοντο δὲ νέοι, θυμοῦ μὲν ἀλογίστου πλήρεις, ἄπειροι δὲ καὶ ἀόρατοι παντὸς κακοῦ καὶ πάσης περιστάσεως,

[3] αὖθις ἤρξαντο τὰ καθεστῶτα κινεῖν, ὃ φύσιν ἔχει γίνεσθαι καὶ τραχύνεσθαι μὲν ἐκ τῶν τυχόντων πρὸς Ῥωμαίους, ἐπισπᾶσθαι δὲ τοὺς ἐκ τῶν Ἄλπεων Γαλάτας.

[4] τὸ μὲν οὖν πρῶτον χωρὶς τοῦ πλήθους διʼ αὐτῶν τῶν ἡγουμένων ἐν ἀπορρήτοις ἐπράττετο τὰ προειρημένα.

[5] διὸ καὶ παραγενομένων τῶν Τρανσαλπίνων ἕως Ἀριμίνου μετὰ δυνάμεως, διαπιστήσαντα τὰ πλήθη τῶν Βοίων καὶ στασιάσαντα πρός τε τοὺς ἑαυτῶν προεστῶτας καὶ πρὸς τοὺς παραγεγονότας ἀνεῖλον μὲν τοὺς ἰδίους βασιλεῖς Ἄτιν καὶ Γάλατον, κατέκοψαν δʼ ἀλλήλους, συμβαλόντες ἐκ παρατάξεων.

[6] ὅτε δὴ καὶ Ῥωμαῖοι κατάφοβοι γενόμενοι τὴν ἔφοδον ἐξῆλθον μετὰ στρατοπέδου· συνέντες δὲ τὴν αὐθαίρετον καταφθορὰν τῶν Γαλατῶν αὖθις ἀνεχώρησαν εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν.

[7] μετὰ δὲ τοῦτον τὸν φόβον ἔτει πέμπτῳ, Μάρκου Λεπέδου στρατηγοῦντος, κατεκληρούχησαν ἐν Γαλατίᾳ Ῥωμαῖοι τὴν Πικεντίνην προσαγορευομένην χώραν, ἐξ ἧς νικήσαντες ἐξέβαλον τοὺς Σήνωνας προσαγορευομένους Γαλάτας,

[8] Γαΐου Φλαμινίου ταύτην τὴν δημαγωγίαν εἰσηγησαμένου καὶ πολιτείαν, ἣν δὴ καὶ Ῥωμαίοις ὡς ἔπος εἰπεῖν φατέον ἀρχηγὸν μὲν γενέσθαι τῆς ἐπὶ τὸ χεῖρον τοῦ δήμου διαστροφῆς, αἰτίαν δὲ καὶ τοῦ μετὰ ταῦτα πολέμου συστάντος αὐτοῖς πρὸς τοὺς προειρημένους.

[9] πολλοὶ μὲν γὰρ τῶν Γαλατῶν ὑπεδύοντο τὴν πρᾶξιν, μάλιστα δʼ οἱ Βοῖοι διὰ τὸ συντερμονεῖν τῇ τῶν Ῥωμαίων χώρᾳ, νομίσαντες οὐχ ὑπὲρ ἡγεμονίας ἔτι καὶ δυναστείας Ῥωμαίους τὸν πρὸς αὐτοὺς ποιήσασθαι πόλεμον, ἀλλʼ ὑπὲρ ὁλοσχεροῦς ἐξαναστάσεως καὶ καταφθορᾶς.

[1] διόπερ εὐθέως τὰ μέγιστα τῶν ἐθνῶν, τό τε τῶν Ἰνσόμβρων καὶ Βοίων, συμφρονήσαντα διεπέμποντο πρὸς τοὺς κατὰ τὰς Ἄλπεις καὶ περὶ τὸν Ῥοδανὸν ποταμὸν κατοικοῦντας Γαλάτας, προσαγορευομένους δὲ διὰ τὸ μισθοῦ στρατεύειν Γαισάτους· ἡ γὰρ λέξις αὕτη τοῦτο σημαίνει κυρίως.

[2] ὧν τοῖς βασιλεῦσι Κογκολιτάνῳ καὶ Ἀνηροέστῳ παραυτίκα μὲν χρυσίου προτείναντες πλῆθος, εἰς τὸ μέλλον δʼ ὑποδεικνύντες τὸ μέγεθος τῆς Ῥωμαίων εὐδαιμονίας καὶ τὸ πλῆθος τῶν ὑπαρξόντων αὐτοῖς ἀγαθῶν, ἐὰν κρατήσωσι, προετρέποντο καὶ παρώξυνον πρὸς τὴν ἐπὶ Ῥωμαίους στρατείαν.

[3] ῥᾳδίως δʼ ἔπεισαν, ἅμα τοῖς προειρημένοις διδόντες μὲν τὰ πιστὰ περὶ τῆς αὑτῶν συμμαχίας, ἀναμιμνήσκοντες δὲ τῆς τῶν ἰδίων προγόνων πράξεως αὐτούς·

[4] ἐν ᾗ ʼκεῖνοι στρατεύσαντες οὐ μόνον ἐνίκησαν μαχόμενοι Ῥωμαίους, ἀλλὰ καὶ μετὰ τὴν μάχην ἐξ ἐφόδου κατέσχον αὐτὴν τὴν Ῥώμην·

[5] γενόμενοι δὲ καὶ τῶν ὑπαρχόντων ἁπάντων ἐγκρατεῖς καὶ τῆς πόλεως αὐτῆς ἑπτὰ μῆνας κυριεύσαντες, τέλος ἐθελοντὶ καὶ μετὰ χάριτος παραδόντες τὴν πόλιν, ἄθραυστοι καὶ ἀσινεῖς ἔχοντες τὴν ὠφέλειαν εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν ἐπανῆλθον.

[6] ὧν ἀκούοντες οἱ περὶ αὐτοὺς ἡγεμόνες οὕτω παρωρμήθησαν ἐπὶ τὴν στρατείαν ὥστε μηδέποτε μήτε πλείους μήτʼ ἐνδοξοτέρους μήτε μαχιμωτέρους ἄνδρας ἐξελθεῖν ἐκ τούτων τῶν τόπων τῆς Γαλατίας.

[7] κατὰ δὲ τοὺς καιροὺς τούτους Ῥωμαῖοι τὰ μὲν ἀκούοντες τὰ δὲ καταμαντευόμενοι τὸ μέλλον εἰς φόβους ἐνέπιπτον συνεχεῖς καὶ ταραχὰς ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον,

[8] ὥστε ποτὲ μὲν στρατόπεδα καταγράφειν καὶ σίτου καὶ τῶν ἐπιτηδείων ποιεῖσθαι παρασκευάς, ποτὲ δὲ καὶ τὰς δυνάμεις ἐξάγειν ἐπὶ τοὺς ὅρους, ὡς ἤδη παρόντων εἰς τὴν χώραν τῶν πολεμίων, οὐδέπω κεκινηκότων ἐκ τῆς οἰκείας τῶν Κελτῶν.

[9] οὐκ ἐλάχιστα δὲ συνήργησεν καὶ Καρχηδονίοις τοῦτο τὸ κίνημα πρὸς τὸ κατασκευάσασθαι τὰ κατὰ τὴν Ἰβηρίαν ἀσφαλῶς.

[10] Ῥωμαῖοι γάρ, ὡς καὶ πρόσθεν ἡμῖν εἴρηται, κρίνοντες ἀναγκαιότερα ταῦτα διὰ τὸ πρὸς ταῖς πλευραῖς αὐτῶν ὑπάρχειν παρορᾶν ἠναγκάζοντο τὰ κατὰ τὴν Ἰβηρίαν, σπουδάζοντες πρότερον ἐν καλῷ θέσθαι τὰ κατὰ τοὺς Κελτούς.

[11] διόπερ ἀσφαλισάμενοι τὰ πρὸς τοὺς Καρχηδονίους διὰ τῶν πρὸς τὸν Ἀσδρούβαν ὁμολογιῶν, ὑπὲρ ὧν ἄρτι δεδηλώκαμεν, ἐνεχείρησαν ὁμοθυμαδὸν ἐν τούτοις τοῖς καιροῖς πρὸς τοὺς κατὰ τὴν Ἰταλίαν πολεμίους, νομίζοντες συμφέρειν σφίσι τὸ διακριθῆναι πρὸς τούτους.

[1] οἱ δὲ Γαισάται Γαλάται συστησάμενοι δύναμιν πολυτελῆ καὶ βαρεῖαν ἧκον ὑπεράραντες τὰς Ἄλπεις εἰς τὸν Πάδον ποταμὸν ἔτει μετὰ τὴν τῆς χώρας διάδοσιν ὀγδόῳ.

[2] τὸ μὲν οὖν τῶν Ἰνσόμβρων καὶ Βοίων γένος ἔμεινε γενναίως ἐν ταῖς ἐξ ἀρχῆς ἐπιβολαῖς, οἱ δʼ Οὐένετοι καὶ Γονομάνοι, διαπρεσβευσαμένων Ῥωμαίων, τούτοις εἵλοντο συμμαχεῖν.

[3] διὸ καὶ μέρος τι τῆς δυνάμεως καταλιπεῖν ἠναγκάσθησαν οἱ βασιλεῖς τῶν Κελτῶν φυλακῆς χάριν τῆς χώρας πρὸς τὸν ἀπὸ τούτων φόβον.

[4] αὐτοὶ δʼ ἐξάραντες παντὶ τῷ στρατεύματι κατατεθαρρηκότως ὥρμησαν, ποιούμενοι τὴν πορείαν ὡς ἐπὶ Τυρρηνίας, ἔχοντες πεζοὺς μὲν εἰς πεντακισμυρίους, ἱππεῖς δὲ καὶ συνωρίδας εἰς δισμυρίους.

[5] Ῥωμαῖοι δʼ ὡς θᾶττον ἤκουσαν τοὺς Κελτοὺς ὑπερβεβληκέναι τὰς Ἄλπεις, Λεύκιον μὲν Αἰμίλιον ὕπατον μετὰ δυνάμεως ἐξαπέστειλαν ὡς ἐπʼ Ἀριμίνου, τηρήσοντα ταύτῃ τῶν ἐναντίων τὴν ἔφοδον, ἕνα δὲ τῶν ἑξαπελέκεων εἰς Τυρρηνίαν.

[6] ὁ μὲν γὰρ ἕτερος τῶν ὑπάτων Γάιος Ἀτίλιος προεξεληλυθὼς ἔτυχεν εἰς Σαρδόνα μετὰ τῶν στρατοπέδων,

[7] οἱ δʼ ἐν τῇ Ῥώμῃ πάντες περιδεεῖς ἦσαν, μέγαν καὶ φοβερὸν αὑτοῖς ὑπολαμβάνοντες ἐπιφέρεσθαι κίνδυνον. ἔπασχον δὲ τοῦτʼ εἰκότως, ἔτι περὶ Γαλατῶν ἐγκαθημένου ταῖς ψυχαῖς αὐτῶν τοῦ παλαιοῦ φόβου.

[8] διὸ καὶ πρὸς ταύτην ἀναφέροντες τὴν ἔννοιαν τὰ μὲν συνήθροιζον, τὰ δὲ κατέγραφον στρατόπεδα, τοῖς δʼ ἑτοίμοις εἶναι παρήγγελλον τῶν συμμάχων.

[9] καθόλου δὲ τοῖς ὑποτεταγμένοις ἀναφέρειν ἐπέταξαν ἀπογραφὰς τῶν ἐν ταῖς ἡλικίαις, σπουδάζοντες εἰδέναι τὸ σύμπαν πλῆθος τῆς ὑπαρχούσης αὐτοῖς δυνάμεως.

[11] σίτου δὲ καὶ βελῶν καὶ τῆς ἄλλης ἐπιτηδειότητος πρὸς πόλεμον τηλικαύτην ἐποιήσαντο κατασκευὴν ἡλίκην οὐδείς πω μνημονεύει πρότερον.

[12] συνηργεῖτο δʼ αὐτοῖς πάντα καὶ πανταχόθεν ἑτοίμως.

[13] καταπεπληγμένοι γὰρ οἱ τὴν Ἰταλίαν οἰκοῦντες τὴν τῶν Γαλατῶν ἔφοδον οὐκέτι Ῥωμαίοις ἡγοῦντο συμμαχεῖν οὐδὲ περὶ τῆς τούτων ἡγεμονίας γίνεσθαι τὸν πόλεμον,

[14] ἀλλὰ περὶ σφῶν ἐνόμιζον ἕκαστοι καὶ τῆς ἰδίας πόλεως καὶ χώρας ἐπιφέρεσθαι τὸν κίνδυνον. διόπερ ἑτοίμως τοῖς παραγγελλομένοις ὑπήκουον.

[1] ἵνα δὲ συμφανὲς ἐπʼ αὐτῶν γένηται τῶν ἔργων ἡλίκοις Ἀννίβας ἐτόλμησε πράγμασιν ἐπιθέσθαι [μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα] καὶ πρὸς ἡλίκην δυναστείαν παραβόλως ἀντοφθαλμήσας ἐπὶ τοσοῦτο καθίκετο τῆς προθέσεως ὥστε τοῖς μεγίστοις συμπτώμασι περιβάλλειν Ῥωμαίους,

[2] ῥητέον ἂν εἴη τὴν παρασκευὴν καὶ τὸ πλῆθος τῆς ὑπαρχούσης αὐτοῖς τότε δυνάμεως.

[3] μετὰ μὲν δὴ τῶν ὑπάτων ἐξεληλύθει τέτταρα στρατόπεδα Ῥωμαϊκά, πεντάκις μὲν χιλίους καὶ διακοσίους πεζούς, ἱππεῖς δὲ τριακοσίους ἔχον ἕκαστον.

[4] σύμμαχοι δὲ μεθʼ ἑκατέρων ἦσαν οἱ συνάμφω πεζοὶ μὲν τρισμύριοι, δισχίλιοι δʼ ἱππεῖς.

[5] τῶν δʼ ἐκ τοῦ καιροῦ προσβοηθησάντων εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην Σαβίνων καὶ Τυρρηνῶν ἱππεῖς μὲν ἦσαν εἰς τετρακισχιλίους, πεζοὶ δὲ πλείους τῶν πεντακισμυρίων.

[6] τούτους μὲν ἁθροίσαντες ὡς ἐπὶ Τυρρηνίας προεκάθισαν, ἑξαπέλεκυν αὐτοῖς ἡγεμόνα συστήσαντες.

[7] οἱ δὲ τὸν Ἀπεννῖνον κατοικοῦντες Ὄμβροι καὶ Σαρσινάτοι συνήχθησαν εἰς δισμυρίους, μετὰ δὲ τούτων Οὐένετοι καὶ Γονομάνοι δισμύριοι. τούτους δʼ ἔταξαν ἐπὶ τῶν ὅρων τῆς Γαλατίας,

[8] ἵνʼ ἐμβαλόντες εἰς τὴν τῶν Βοίων χώραν ἀντιπερισπῶσι τοὺς ἐξεληλυθότας. τὰ μὲν οὖν προκαθήμενα στρατόπεδα τῆς χώρας ταῦτʼ ἦν.

[9] ἐν δὲ τῇ Ῥώμῃ διέτριβον ἡτοιμασμένοι χάριν τῶν συμβαινόντων ἐν τοῖς πολέμοις, ἐφεδρείας ἔχοντες τάξιν, Ῥωμαίων μὲν αὐτῶν πεζοὶ δισμύριοι, μετὰ δὲ τούτων ἱππεῖς χίλιοι καὶ πεντακόσιοι, τῶν δὲ συμμάχων πεζοὶ μὲν τρισμύριοι, δισχίλιοι δʼ ἱππεῖς.

[10] καταγραφαὶ δʼ ἀνηνέχθησαν Λατίνων μὲν ὀκτακισμύριοι πεζοί, πεντακισχίλιοι δʼ ἱππεῖς, Σαυνιτῶν δὲ πεζοὶ μὲν ἑπτακισμύριοι, μετὰ δὲ τούτων ἱππεῖς ἑπτακισχίλιοι,

[11] καὶ μὴν Ἰαπύγων καὶ Μεσσαπίων συνάμφω πεζῶν μὲν πέντε μυριάδες, ἱππεῖς δὲ μύριοι σὺν ἑξακισχιλίοις,

[12] Λευκανῶν δὲ πεζοὶ μὲν τρισμύριοι, τρισχίλιοι δʼ ἱππεῖς, Μαρσῶν δὲ καὶ Μαρρουκίνων καὶ Φερεντάνων, ἔτι δʼ Οὐεστίνων πεζοὶ μὲν δισμύριοι, τετρακισχίλιοι δʼ ἱππεῖς.

[13] ἔτι γε μὴν καὶ ἐν Σικελίᾳ καὶ Τάραντι στρατόπεδα δύο παρεφήδρευεν, ὧν ἑκάτερον ἦν ἀνὰ τετρακισχιλίους καὶ διακοσίους πεζούς, ἱππεῖς δὲ διακοσίους.

[14] Ῥωμαίων δὲ καὶ Καμπανῶν ἡ πληθὺς πεζῶν μὲν εἰς εἴκοσι καὶ πέντε κατελέχθησαν μυριάδες, ἱππέων δʼ ἐπὶ ταῖς δύο μυριάσιν ἐπῆσαν ἔτι τρεῖς χιλιάδες.

[15] ὥστʼ εἶναι τὸ [κεφάλαιον τῶν μὲν προκαθημένων τῆς Ῥώμης δυνάμεων πεζοὶ μὲν ὑπὲρ πεντεκαίδεκα μυριάδες,

[16] ἱππεῖς δὲ πρὸς ἑξακισχιλίους, τὸ δὲ] σύμπαν πλῆθος τῶν δυναμένων ὅπλα βαστάζειν, αὐτῶν τε Ῥωμαίων καὶ τῶν συμμάχων, πεζῶν ὑπὲρ τὰς ἑβδομήκοντα μυριάδας, ἱππέων δʼ εἰς ἑπτὰ μυριάδας.

[17] ἐφʼ οὓς Ἀννίβας ἐλάττους ἔχων δισμυρίων ἐπέβαλεν εἰς τὴν Ἰταλίαν. περὶ μὲν οὖν τούτων ἐν τοῖς ἑξῆς σαφέστερον ἐκποιήσει κατανοεῖν.

[1] οἱ δὲ Κελτοὶ κατάραντες εἰς τὴν Τυρρηνίαν ἐπεπορεύοντο τὴν χώραν, πορθοῦντες ἀδεῶς· οὐδενὸς δʼ αὐτοῖς ἀντιταττομένου, τέλος ἐπʼ αὐτὴν ὥρμησαν τὴν Ῥώμην.

[2] ἤδη δʼ αὐτῶν περὶ πόλιν ὄντων ἣ καλεῖται μὲν Κλούσιον, ἀπέχει δʼ ἡμερῶν τριῶν ὁδὸν ἀπὸ τῆς Ῥώμης, προσαγγέλλεται διότι κατόπιν αὐτοῖς ἕπονται καὶ συνάπτουσιν αἱ προκαθήμεναι τῶν Ῥωμαίων ἐν τῇ Τυρρηνίᾳ δυνάμεις.

[3] οἱ δʼ ἀκούσαντες ἐξ ὑποστροφῆς ἀπήντων, σπεύδοντες τούτοις συμβαλεῖν.

[4] ἐγγίσαντες δʼ ἀλλήλοις ἤδη περὶ δυσμὰς ἡλίου, τότε μὲν ἐν συμμέτρῳ διαστήματι καταστρατοπεδεύσαντες ηὐλίσθησαν ἀμφότεροι.

[5] τῆς δὲ νυκτὸς ἐπιγενομένης πῦρ ἀνακαύσαντες οἱ Κελτοὶ τοὺς μὲν ἱππεῖς ἀπέλιπον, συντάξαντες ἅμα τῷ φωτὶ συμφανεῖς γενομένους τοῖς πολεμίοις ὑποχωρεῖν κατὰ τὸν αὐτὸν στίβον.

[6] αὐτοὶ δὲ λαθραίαν ποιησάμενοι τὴν ἀποχώρησιν ὡς ἐπὶ πόλιν Φαισόλαν αὐτοῦ παρενέβαλον, πρόθεσιν ἔχοντες ἅμα μὲν ἐκδέχεσθαι τοὺς ἑαυτῶν ἱππεῖς, ἅμα δὲ παραδόξως ἐνοχλῆσαι τὴν τῶν ὑπεναντίων ἔφοδον.

[7] οἱ δὲ Ῥωμαῖοι τῆς ἡμέρας ἐπιγενομένης συνιδόντες τοὺς ἱππεῖς αὐτοὺς καὶ νομίσαντες τοὺς Κελτοὺς ἀποδεδρακέναι, κατὰ σπουδὴν ἠκολούθουν τοῖς ἱππεῦσιν κατὰ τὴν ἐκείνων ἀποχώρησιν.

[8] ἅμα δὲ τῷ συνεγγίζειν τοῖς πολεμίοις διαναστάντων τῶν Κελτῶν καὶ συμπεσόντων αὐτοῖς ἦν ἀγὼν τὰς ἀρχὰς ἐξ ἀμφοῖν βίαιος.

[9] τέλος δὲ καθυπερεχόντων τῶν Κελτῶν τῇ τόλμῃ καὶ τῷ πλήθει, συνέβη διαφθαρῆναι μὲν τῶν Ῥωμαίων οὐκ ἐλάττους ἑξακισχιλίων, τοὺς δὲ λοιποὺς φεύγειν· ὧν οἱ πλείους πρός τινα τόπον ἐρυμνὸν ἀποχωρήσαντες ἔμενον.

[10] οὓς τὸ μὲν πρῶτον οἱ Κελτοὶ πολιορκεῖν ἐπεβάλοντο· κακῶς δʼ ἀπαλλάττοντες ἐκ τῆς προγεγενημένης ἐν τῇ νυκτὶ πορείας καὶ κακοπαθείας καὶ ταλαιπωρίας ὥρμησαν πρὸς ἀνάπαυσιν καὶ θεραπείαν, φυλακὴν ἀπολιπόντες τῶν ἰδίων ἱππέων περὶ τὸν λόφον,

[11] πρόθεσιν ἔχοντες κατὰ τὴν ἐπιοῦσαν πολιορκεῖν τοὺς συμπεφευγότας, ἐὰν μὴ παραδῶσιν ἑαυτοὺς ἑκουσίως.

[1] κατὰ δὲ τὸν καιρὸν τοῦτον Λεύκιος Αἰμίλιος ὁ προκαθήμενος ἐπὶ τῶν κατὰ τὸν Ἀδρίαν τόπων ἀκούσας τοὺς Κελτοὺς διὰ Τυρρηνίας ἐμβεβληκότας συνεγγίζειν τῇ Ῥώμῃ, παρῆν βοηθῶν κατὰ σπουδὴν εὐτυχῶς εἰς δέοντα καιρόν.

[2] καταστρατοπεδεύσαντος δʼ αὐτοῦ σύνεγγυς τῶν πολεμίων, κατιδόντες τὰ πυρὰ καὶ νοήσαντες τὸ γεγονὸς οἱ συμπεφευγότες ἐπὶ τὸν λόφον ταχέως ἀναθαρρήσαντες ἐξαπέστειλαν αὑτῶν τινας τῆς νυκτὸς ἀνόπλους διὰ τῆς ὕλης ἀναγγελοῦντας τῷ στρατηγῷ τὸ συμβεβηκός.

[3] ὁ δὲ διακούσας καὶ θεωρῶν οὐδὲ διαβούλιον αὑτῷ καταλειπόμενον ὑπὲρ τῶν ἐνεστώτων, τοῖς μὲν χιλιάρχοις ἅμα τῷ φωτὶ παρήγγειλε τοὺς πεζοὺς ἐξάγειν, αὐτὸς δὲ τοὺς ἱππεῖς ἀναλαβὼν καθηγεῖτο τῆς δυνάμεως, ποιούμενος τὴν πορείαν ἐπὶ τὸν προειρημένον βουνόν.

[4] οἱ δὲ τῶν Γαλατῶν ἡγεμόνες ἀφορῶντες τὰ πυρὰ τῆς νυκτὸς καὶ συλλογιζόμενοι τὴν παρουσίαν τῶν πολεμίων συνήδρευον.

[5] οἷς Ἀνηροέστης ὁ βασιλεὺς γνώμην εἰσέφερε λέγων ὅτι δεῖ τοσαύτης λείας ἐγκρατεῖς γεγονότας — ἦν γάρ, ὡς ἔοικε, καὶ τὸ τῶν σωμάτων καὶ θρεμμάτων πλῆθος, ἔτι δὲ τῆς ἀποσκευῆς ἧς εἶχον, ἀμύθητον —

[6] διόπερ ἔφη δεῖν μὴ κινδυνεύειν ἔτι μηδὲ παραβάλλεσθαι τοῖς ὅλοις, ἀλλʼ εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν ἀδεῶς ἐπανάγειν· ταῦτα δʼ ἀποσκευασαμένους καὶ γενομένους εὐζώνους αὖθις ἐγχειρεῖν ὁλοσχερῶς, ἐὰν δοκῇ, τοῖς Ῥωμαίων πράγμασιν.

[7] δόξαντος δὲ σφίσι κατὰ τὴν Ἀνηροέστου γνώμην χρήσασθαι τοῖς παροῦσιν, οὗτοι μὲν τῆς νυκτὸς ταῦτα βουλευσάμενοι, πρὸ φωτὸς ἀναζεύξαντες προῆγον παρὰ θάλατταν διὰ τῆς Τυρρηνῶν χώρας.

[8] ὁ δὲ Λεύκιος ἀναλαβὼν ἐκ τοῦ βουνοῦ τὸ διασῳζόμενον τοῦ στρατοπέδου μέρος ἅμα ταῖς ἰδίαις δυνάμεσι τὸ μὲν διακινδυνεύειν ἐκ παρατάξεως οὐδαμῶς ἔκρινε συμφέρειν, ἐπιτηρεῖν δὲ μᾶλλον καιροὺς καὶ τόπους εὐφυεῖς ἑπόμενος, ἐάν πού τι βλάψαι τοὺς πολεμίους ἢ τῆς λείας ἀποσπάσαι δυνηθῇ.

[1] κατὰ δὲ τοὺς καιροὺς τούτους ἐκ Σαρδόνος μετὰ τῶν στρατοπέδων Γάιος Ἀτίλιος ὕπατος εἰς Πίσας καταπεπλευκὼς προῆγε μετὰ τῆς δυνάμεως εἰς Ῥώμην, ἐναντίαν ποιούμενος τοῖς πολεμίοις τὴν πορείαν.

[2] ἤδη δὲ περὶ Τελαμῶνα τῆς Τυρρηνίας τῶν Κελτῶν ὑπαρχόντων, οἱ προνομεύοντες ἐξ αὐτῶν ἐμπεσόντες εἰς τοὺς παρὰ τοῦ Γαΐου προπορευομένους ἑάλωσαν·

[3] καὶ τά τε προγεγονότα διεσάφουν ἀνακρινόμενοι τῷ στρατηγῷ καὶ τὴν παρουσίαν ἀμφοτέρων τῶν στρατοπέδων ἀνήγγελλον, σημαίνοντες διότι τελείως σύνεγγύς εἰσιν οἱ Κελτοὶ καὶ τούτων κατόπιν οἱ περὶ τὸν Λεύκιον.

[4] ὁ δὲ τὰ μὲν ξενισθεὶς ἐπὶ τοῖς προσπίπτουσι, τὰ δʼ εὔελπις γενόμενος ἐπὶ τῷ δοκεῖν μέσους κατὰ πορείαν ἀπειληφέναι τοὺς Κελτούς, τοῖς μὲν χιλιάρχοις παρήγγειλε τάττειν τὰ στρατόπεδα καὶ βάδην εἰς τοὔμπροσθεν προάγειν, καθʼ ὅσον ἂν οἱ τόποι προσδέχωνται τὴν μετωπηδὸν ἔφοδον.

[5] αὐτὸς δὲ συνθεωρήσας εὐκαίρως λόφον κείμενον ὑπὲρ τὴν ὁδόν, ὑφʼ ὃν ἔδει παραπορευθῆναι τοὺς Κελτούς, ἀναλαβὼν τοὺς ἱππεῖς ὥρμησε σπεύδων προκαταλαβέσθαι τὴν ἀκρολοφίαν καὶ πρῶτος κατάρξαι τοῦ κινδύνου, πεπεισμένος τῆς ἐπιγραφῆς τῶν ἐκβαινόντων πλεῖστον οὕτω κληρονομήσειν.

[6] οἱ δὲ Κελτοὶ τὸ μὲν πρῶτον τὴν παρουσίαν τῶν περὶ τὸν Ἀτίλιον ἀγνοοῦντες, ἐκ δὲ τοῦ συμβαίνοντος ὑπολαμβάνοντες τοὺς περὶ τὸν Αἰμίλιον περιπεπορεῦσθαι τὴν νύκτα τοῖς ἱππεῦσι καὶ προκαταλαμβάνεσθαι τοὺς τόπους, εὐθέως ἐξαπέστελλον τοὺς παρʼ αὑτῶν ἱππεῖς καί τινας τῶν εὐζώνων, ἀντιποιησομένους τῶν κατὰ τὸν βουνὸν τόπων.

[7] ταχὺ δὲ συνέντες τὴν τοῦ Γαΐου παρουσίαν ἔκ τινος τῶν ἀχθέντων αἰχμαλώτων σπουδῇ παρενέβαλον τοὺς πεζούς, ποιούμενοι τὴν ἔκταξιν ἅμα πρὸς ἑκατέραν τὴν ἐπιφάνειαν, καὶ τὴν ἀπʼ οὐρᾶς καὶ τὴν κατὰ πρόσωπον·

[8] οὓς μὲν γὰρ ᾔδεσαν ἑπομένους αὑτοῖς, οὓς δὲ κατὰ τὸ στόμα προσεδόκων ἀπαντήσειν, ἔκ τε τῶν προσαγγελλομένων τεκμαιρόμενοι καὶ τῶν

[1] κατʼ αὐτὸν τὸν καιρὸν συμβαινόντων. οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Αἰμίλιον ἀκηκοότες μὲν τὸν εἰς τὰς Πίσας κατάπλουν τῶν στρατοπέδων, οὔπω δὲ προσδοκῶντες αὐτὰ συνεγγίζειν, τότε σαφῶς ἐκ τοῦ περὶ τὸν λόφον ἀγῶνος ἔγνωσαν διότι τελέως ἐγγὺς εἶναι συμβαίνει τὰς οἰκείας αὐτῶν δυνάμεις.

[2] διὸ καὶ τοὺς μὲν ἱππεῖς παραυτίκα βοηθήσοντας ἐξαπέστελλον τοῖς ἐν τῷ λόφῳ διαγωνιζομένοις, αὐτοὶ δὲ κατὰ τὰς εἰθισμένας τάξεις διακοσμήσαντες τοὺς πεζοὺς προῆγον ἐπὶ τοὺς ὑπεναντίους.

[3] οἱ δὲ Κελτοὶ τοὺς μὲν ἐκ τῶν Ἄλπεων Γαισάτους προσαγορευομένους ἔταξαν πρὸς τὴν ἀπʼ οὐρᾶς ἐπιφάνειαν, ᾗ προσεδόκων τοὺς περὶ τὸν Αἰμίλιον, ἐπὶ δὲ τούτοις τοὺς Ἴνσομβρας·

[4] πρὸς δὲ τὴν κατὰ πρόσωπον τοὺς Ταυρίσκους καὶ τοὺς ἐπὶ τάδε τοῦ Πάδου κατοικοῦντας Βοίους παρενέβαλον, τὴν ἐναντίαν μὲν στάσιν ἔχοντας τοῖς προειρημένοις, βλέποντας δὲ πρὸς τὴν τῶν τοῦ Γαΐου στρατοπέδων ἔφοδον.

[5] τὰς δʼ ἁμάξας καὶ συνωρίδας ἐκτὸς ἑκατέρου τοῦ κέρατος παρέστησαν, τὴν δὲ λείαν εἴς τι τῶν παρακειμένων ὀρῶν φυλακὴν περιστήσαντες ἥθροιζον.

[6] γενομένης δʼ ἀμφιστόμου τῆς τῶν Κελτῶν δυνάμεως, οὐ μόνον καταπληκτικὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ πρακτικὴν εἶναι συνέβαινε τὴν τάξιν.

[7] οἱ μὲν οὖν Ἴνσομβρες καὶ Βοῖοι τὰς ἀναξυρίδας ἔχοντες καὶ τοὺς εὐπετεῖς τῶν σάγων περὶ αὑτοὺς ἐξέταξαν.

[8] οἱ δὲ Γαισάται διά τε τὴν φιλοδοξίαν καὶ τὸ θάρσος ταῦτʼ ἀπορρίψαντες γυμνοὶ μετʼ αὐτῶν τῶν ὅπλων πρῶτοι τῆς δυνάμεως κατέστησαν, ὑπολαβόντες οὕτως ἔσεσθαι πρακτικώτατοι διὰ τό τινας τῶν τόπων βατώδεις ὄντας ἐμπλέκεσθαι τοῖς ἐφάμμασι καὶ παραποδίζειν τὴν τῶν ὅπλων χρείαν.

[9] τὸ μὲν οὖν πρῶτον αὐτὸς ὁ κατὰ τὸν λόφον ἐνειστήκει κίνδυνος, ἅπασιν ὢν σύνοπτος, ὡς ἂν ἅμα τοσούτου πλήθους ἱππέων ἀφʼ ἑκάστου τῶν στρατοπέδων ἀναμὶξ ἀλλήλοις συμπεπτωκότος.

[10] ἐν δὲ τούτῳ τῷ καιρῷ συνέβη Γάιον μὲν τὸν ὕπατον παραβόλως ἀγωνιζόμενον ἐν χειρῶν νόμῳ τελευτῆσαι τὸν βίον, τὴν δὲ κεφαλὴν αὐτοῦ πρὸς τοὺς βασιλέας ἐπανενεχθῆναι τῶν Κελτῶν· τοὺς δὲ τῶν Ῥωμαίων ἱππεῖς κινδυνεύσαντας ἐρρωμένως τέλος ἐπικρατῆσαι τοῦ τόπου καὶ τῶν ὑπεναντίων.

[11] μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα τῶν πεζικῶν στρατοπέδων ἤδη σύνεγγυς ὄντων ἀλλήλοις ἴδιον ἦν καὶ θαυμαστὸν τὸ συμβαῖνον οὐ μόνον τοῖς ἐν αὐτῷ τῷ καιρῷ τότε παροῦσιν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῖς ποτε μετὰ ταῦτα δυναμένοις ὑπὸ τὴν ὄψιν λαμβάνειν ἐκ τῶν

[1] λεγομένων τὸ γεγονός. πρῶτον μὲν γὰρ ἐκ τριῶν στρατοπέδων τῆς μάχης συνισταμένης, δῆλον ὡς ξένην καὶ παρηλλαγμένην εἰκὸς καὶ τὴν ἐπιφάνειαν καὶ τὴν χρείαν φαίνεσθαι τοῦ συντεταγμένου.

[2] δεύτερον δὲ πῶς οὐκ ἂν ἀπορήσαι τις καὶ νῦν καὶ τότε παρʼ αὐτὸν ὢν τὸν καιρὸν πότερον οἱ Κελτοὶ τὴν ἐπισφαλεστάτην εἶχον χώραν, ἐξ ἀμφοῖν τοῖν μεροῖν ἅμα τῶν πολεμίων ἐπαγόντων αὐτοῖς,

[3] ἢ τοὐναντίον τὴν ἐπιτευκτικωτάτην, ἅμα μὲν ἀγωνιζόμενοι πρὸς ἀμφοτέρους, ἅμα δὲ τὴν ἀφʼ ἑκατέρων ἀσφάλειαν ἐκ τῶν ὄπισθεν αὑτοῖς παρασκευάζοντες, τὸ δὲ μέγιστον, ἀποκεκλειμένης πάσης τῆς εἰς τοὔπισθεν ἀναχωρήσεως καὶ τῆς ἐν τῷ λείπεσθαι σωτηρίας;

[4] ἡ γὰρ τῆς ἀμφιστόμου τάξεως ἰδιότης τοιαύτην ἔχει τὴν χρείαν.

[5] τούς γε μὴν Ῥωμαίους τὰ μὲν εὐθαρσεῖς ἐποίει τὸ μέσους καὶ πάντοθεν περιειληφέναι τοὺς πολεμίους, τὰ δὲ πάλιν ὁ κόσμος αὐτοὺς καὶ θόρυβος ἐξέπληττε τῆς τῶν Κελτῶν δυνάμεως.

[6] ἀναρίθμητον μὲν γὰρ ἦν τὸ τῶν βυκανητῶν καὶ σαλπιγκτῶν πλῆθος. οἷς ἅμα τοῦ παντὸς στρατοπέδου συμπαιανίζοντος τηλικαύτην καὶ τοιαύτην συνέβαινε γίνεσθαι κραυγὴν ὥστε μὴ μόνον τὰς σάλπιγγας καὶ τὰς δυνάμεις, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοὺς παρακειμένους τόπους συνηχοῦντας ἐξ αὑτῶν δοκεῖν προΐεσθαι φωνήν.

[7] ἐκπληκτικὴ δʼ ἦν καὶ τῶν γυμνῶν προεστώτων ἀνδρῶν ἥ τʼ ἐπιφάνεια καὶ κίνησις, ὡς ἂν διαφερόντων ταῖς ἀκμαῖς καὶ τοῖς εἴδεσι.

[8] πάντες δʼ οἱ τὰς πρώτας κατέχοντες σπείρας χρυσοῖς μανιάκαις καὶ περιχείροις ἦσαν κατακεκοσμημένοι.

[9] πρὸς ἃ βλέποντες οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι τὰ μὲν ἐξεπλήττοντο, τὰ δʼ ὑπὸ τῆς τοῦ λυσιτελοῦς ἐλπίδος ἀγόμενοι διπλασίως παρωξύνοντο πρὸς τὸν

[1] κίνδυνον. πλὴν ἅμα τῷ τοὺς ἀκοντιστὰς προελθόντας ἐκ τῶν Ῥωμαϊκῶν στρατοπέδων κατὰ τὸν ἐθισμὸν εἰσακοντίζειν ἐνεργοῖς καὶ πυκνοῖς τοῖς βέλεσιν, τοῖς μὲν ὀπίσω τῶν Κελτῶν πολλὴν εὐχρηστίαν οἱ σάγοι μετὰ τῶν ἀναξυρίδων παρεῖχον·

[2] τοῖς δὲ γυμνοῖς προεστῶσι παρὰ τὴν προσδοκίαν τοῦ πράγματος συμβαίνοντος τἀναντία πολλὴν ἀπορίαν καὶ δυσχρηστίαν παρεῖχε τὸ γινόμενον.

[3] οὐ γὰρ δυναμένου τοῦ Γαλατικοῦ θυρεοῦ τὸν ἄνδρα περισκέπειν, ὅσῳ γυμνὰ καὶ μείζω τὰ σώματʼ ἦν, τοσούτῳ συνέβαινε μᾶλλον τὰ βέλη πίπτειν ἔνδον.

[4] τέλος δʼ οὐ δυνάμενοι μὲν ἀμύνασθαι τοὺς εἰσακοντίζοντας διὰ τὴν ἀπόστασιν καὶ τὸ πλῆθος τῶν πιπτόντων βελῶν, περικακοῦντες δὲ καὶ δυσχρηστούμενοι τοῖς παροῦσιν, οἱ μὲν εἰς τοὺς πολεμίους ὑπὸ τοῦ θυμοῦ καὶ τῆς ἀλογιστίας εἰκῇ προπίπτοντες καὶ διδόντες σφᾶς αὐτοὺς ἑκουσίως ἀπέθνησκον, οἱ δʼ εἰς τοὺς φίλους ἀναχωροῦντες ἐπὶ πόδα καὶ προδήλως ἀποδειλιῶντες διέστρεφον τοὺς κατόπιν.

[5] τὸ μὲν οὖν τῶν Γαισάτων φρόνημα παρὰ τοῖς ἀκοντισταῖς τούτῳ τῷ τρόπῳ κατελύθη,

[6] τὸ δὲ τῶν Ἰνσόμβρων καὶ Βοίων ἔτι δὲ Ταυρίσκων πλῆθος, ἅμα τῷ τοὺς Ῥωμαίους δεξαμένους τοὺς ἑαυτῶν ἀκοντιστὰς προσβάλλειν σφίσι τὰς σπείρας, συμπεσὸν τοῖς πολεμίοις ἐκ χειρὸς ἐποίει μάχην ἐχυράν.

[7] διακοπτόμενοι γὰρ ἔμενον ἐπʼ ἴσον ταῖς ψυχαῖς, αὐτῷ τούτῳ καὶ καθόλου καὶ κατʼ ἄνδρα λειπόμενοι, ταῖς τῶν ὅπλων κατασκευαῖς.

[8] οἱ μὲν οὖν θυρεοὶ πρὸς ἀσφάλειαν, αἱ δὲ μάχαιραι πρὸς πρᾶξιν μεγάλην διαφορὰν ἔχειν, τὴν δὲ Γαλατικὴν καταφορὰν ἔχειν μόνον.

[9] ἐπεὶ δʼ ἐξ ὑπερδεξίων καὶ κατὰ κέρας οἱ τῶν Ῥωμαίων ἱππεῖς ἐμβαλόντες ἀπὸ τοῦ λόφου προσέφερον τὰς χεῖρας ἐρρωμένως, τόθʼ οἱ μὲν πεζοὶ τῶν Κελτῶν ἐν αὐτῷ τῷ τῆς παρατάξεως τόπῳ κατεκόπησαν, οἱ δʼ ἱππεῖς πρὸς φυγὴν ὥρμησαν.

[1] ἀπέθανον μὲν οὖν τῶν Κελτῶν εἰς τετρακισμυρίους, ἑάλωσαν δʼ οὐκ ἐλάττους μυρίων, ἐν οἷς καὶ τῶν βασιλέων Κογκολιτάνος.

[2] ὁ δʼ ἕτερος αὐτῶν Ἀνηρόεστος εἴς τινα τόπον συμφυγὼν μετʼ ὀλίγων προσήνεγκε τὰς χεῖρας αὑτῷ καὶ τοῖς ἀναγκαίοις.

[3] ὁ δὲ στρατηγὸς τῶν Ῥωμαίων τὰ μὲν σκῦλα συναθροίσας εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην ἀπέστειλε, τὴν δὲ λείαν ἀπέδωκε τοῖς προσήκουσιν.

[4] αὐτὸς δʼ ἀναλαβὼν τὰ στρατόπεδα καὶ διελθὼν παρʼ αὐτὴν τὴν Λιγυστικὴν εἰς τὴν τῶν Βοίων ἐνέβαλε χώραν. πληρώσας δὲ τὰς ὁρμὰς τῶν στρατοπέδων τῆς ὠφελείας, ἐν ὀλίγαις ἡμέραις ἧκεν μετὰ τῶν δυνάμεων εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην.

[5] καὶ τὸ μὲν Καπετώλιον ἐκόσμησε ταῖς τε σημείαις καὶ τοῖς μανιάκαις — τοῦτο δʼ ἔστι χρυσοῦν ψέλιον, ὃ φοροῦσι περὶ τὸν τράχηλον οἱ Γαλάται —

[6] τοῖς δὲ λοιποῖς σκύλοις καὶ τοῖς αἰχμαλώτοις πρὸς τὴν εἴσοδον ἐχρήσατο τὴν ἑαυτοῦ καὶ πρὸς τὴν τοῦ θριάμβου διακόσμησιν.

[7] ἡ μὲν οὖν βαρυτάτη τῶν Κελτῶν ἔφοδος οὕτω καὶ τούτῳ τῷ τρόπῳ διεφθάρη, πᾶσι μὲν Ἰταλιώταις, μάλιστα δὲ Ῥωμαίοις μέγαν καὶ φοβερὸν ἐπικρεμάσασα κίνδυνον.

[8] ἀπὸ δὲ τοῦ κατορθώματος τούτου κατελπίσαντες Ῥωμαῖοι δυνήσεσθαι τοὺς Κελτοὺς ἐκ τῶν τόπων τῶν περὶ τὸν Πάδον ὁλοσχερῶς ἐκβαλεῖν, τούς τε μετὰ ταῦτα κατασταθέντας ὑπάτους Κόϊντον Φόλουιον καὶ Τίτον Μάλιον ἀμφοτέρους καὶ τὰς δυνάμεις μετὰ παρασκευῆς μεγάλης ἐξαπέστειλαν ἐπὶ τοὺς Κελτούς.

[9] οὗτοι δὲ τοὺς μὲν Βοίους ἐξ ἐφόδου καταπληξάμενοι συνηνάγκασαν εἰς τὴν Ῥωμαίων ἑαυτοὺς δοῦναι πίστιν, τὸν δὲ λοιπὸν χρόνον τῆς στρατείας,

[10] ἐπιγενομένων ὄμβρων ἐξαισίων, ἔτι δὲ λοιμικῆς διαθέσεως ἐμπε

[1] σούσης αὐτοῖς, εἰς τέλος ἄπρακτον εἶχον. μετὰ δὲ τούτους κατασταθέντες Πόπλιος Φούριος καὶ Γάιος Φλαμίνιος αὖθις ἐνέβαλον εἰς τὴν Κελτικὴν διὰ τῆς τῶν Ἀνάρων χώρας, οἷς συμβαίνει μὴ μακρὰν ἀπὸ Μασσαλίασ

[2] ἔχειν τὴν οἴκησιν. οὓς εἰς τὴν φιλίαν προσαγαγόμενοι διέβησαν εἰς τὴν τῶν Ἰνσόμβρων γῆν κατὰ τὰς συρροίας τοῦ τʼ Ἀδόα καὶ Πάδου ποταμοῦ.

[3] λαβόντες δὲ πληγὰς περί τε τὴν διάβασιν καὶ περὶ τὴν στρατοπεδείαν παραυτίκα μὲν ἔμειναν, μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα σπεισάμενοι καθʼ ὁμολογίαν ἀνέλυσαν ἐκ τῶν τόπων.

[4] περιελθόντες δὲ πλείους ἡμέρας καὶ διελθόντες τὸν Κλούσιον ποταμὸν ἦλθον εἰς τὴν τῶν Γονομάνων χώραν καὶ προσλαβόντες τούτους, ὄντας συμμάχους, ἐνέβαλον πάλιν ἀπὸ τῶν κατὰ τὰς Ἄλπεις τόπων εἰς τὰ τῶν Ἰνσόμβρων πεδία καὶ τήν τε γῆν ἐδῄουν καὶ τὰς κατοικίας αὐτῶν ἐξεπόρθουν.

[5] οἱ δὲ τῶν Ἰνσόμβρων προεστῶτες θεωροῦντες ἀμετάθετον οὖσαν τὴν ἐπιβολὴν τῶν Ῥωμαίων, ἔκριναν τῆς τύχης λαβεῖν πεῖραν καὶ διακινδυνεῦσαι πρὸς αὐτοὺς ὁλοσχερῶς.

[6] συναθροίσαντες οὖν ἁπάσας τὰς ὑπαρχούσας δυνάμεις ἐπὶ ταὐτὸν καὶ τὰς χρυσᾶς σημείας τὰς ἀκινήτους λεγομένας καθελόντες ἐκ τοῦ τῆς Ἀθηνᾶς ἱεροῦ καὶ τἄλλα παρασκευασάμενοι δεόντως μετὰ ταῦτα τεθαρρηκότως καὶ καταπληκτικῶς ἀντεστρατοπέδευσαν τοῖς πολεμίοις, ὄντες τὸ πλῆθος εἰς πέντε μυριάδας.

[7] οἱ δὲ Ῥωμαῖοι τὰ μὲν ὁρῶντες σφᾶς ἐλάττους ὄντας παρὰ πολὺ τῶν ἐναντίων, ἐβούλοντο συγχρῆσθαι ταῖς τῶν συμμαχούντων αὐτοῖς Κελτῶν δυνάμεσι·

[8] τὰ δὲ συλλογισάμενοι τήν τε Γαλατικὴν ἀθεσίαν καὶ διότι πρὸς ὁμοφύλους τῶν προσλαμβανομένων μέλλουσι ποιεῖσθαι τὸν κίνδυνον, εὐλαβοῦντο τοιούτοις ἀνδράσιν τοιούτου καιροῦ καὶ πράγματος κοινωνεῖν.

[9] τέλος δʼ οὖν αὐτοὶ μὲν ὑπέμειναν ἐντὸς τοῦ ποταμοῦ, τοὺς δὲ τῶν Κελτῶν σφίσι συνόντας διαβιβάσαντες εἰς τὸ πέραν ἀνέσπασαν τὰς ἐπὶ τοῦ ῥείθρου γεφύρας,

[10] ἅμα μὲν ἀσφαλιζόμενοι τὰ πρὸς ἐκείνους, ἅμα δὲ μίαν ἑαυτοῖς ἀπολείποντες ἐλπίδα τῆς σωτηρίας τὴν ἐν τῷ νικᾶν διὰ τὸ κατόπιν αὐτοῖς ἄβατον ὄντα παρακεῖσθαι τὸν προειρημένον ποταμόν.

[11] πράξαντες δὲ ταῦτα πρὸς τῷ διακινδυνεύειν ἦσαν.

[1] δοκοῦσι δʼ ἐμφρόνως κεχρῆσθαι τῇ μάχῃ ταύτῃ Ῥωμαῖοι, τῶν χιλιάρχων ὑποδειξάντων ὡς δεῖ ποιεῖσθαι τὸν ἀγῶνα κοινῇ καὶ κατʼ ἰδίαν ἑκάστους.

[2] συνεωρακότες γὰρ ἐκ τῶν προγεγονότων κινδύνων ὅτι τοῖς τε θυμοῖς κατὰ τὴν πρώτην ἔφοδον, ἕως ἂν ἀκέραιον ᾖ, φοβερώτατόν ἐστι πᾶν τὸ Γαλατικὸν φῦλον,

[3] αἵ τε μάχαιραι ταῖς κατασκευαῖς, καθάπερ εἴρηται πρότερον, μίαν ἔχουσι τὴν πρώτην καταφορὰν καιρίαν, ἀπὸ δὲ ταύτης εὐθέως ἀποξυστροῦνται, καμπτόμεναι κατὰ μῆκος καὶ κατὰ πλάτος ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον ὥστʼ ἐὰν μὴ δῷ τις ἀναστροφὴν τοῖς χρωμένοις ἐρείσαντας πρὸς τὴν γῆν ἀπευθῦναι τῷ ποδί, τελέως ἄπρακτον εἶναι τὴν δευτέραν πληγὴν αὐτῶν·

[4] ἀναδόντες οὖν οἱ χιλίαρχοι τὰ τῶν τριαρίων δόρατα τῶν κατόπιν ἐφεστώτων ταῖς πρώταις σπείραις καὶ παραγγείλαντες ἐκ μεταλήψεως τοῖς ξίφεσι χρῆσθαι συνέβαλον ἐκ παρατάξεως κατὰ πρόσωπον τοῖς Κελτοῖς.

[5] ἅμα δὲ τῷ πρὸς τὰ δόρατα ταῖς πρώταις καταφοραῖς χρωμένων τῶν Γαλατῶν ἀχρειωθῆναι τὰς μαχαίρας συνδραμόντες εἰς τὰς χεῖρας τοὺς μὲν Κελτοὺς ἀπράκτους ἐποίησαν, ἀφελόμενοι τὴν ἐκ διάρσεως αὐτῶν μάχην, ὅπερ ἴδιόν ἐστι Γαλατικῆς χρείας, διὰ τὸ μηδαμῶς κέντημα τὸ ξίφος ἔχειν·

[6] αὐτοὶ δʼ οὐκ ἐκ καταφορᾶς ἀλλʼ ἐκ διαλήψεως ὀρθαῖς χρώμενοι ταῖς μαχαίραις, πρακτικοῦ τοῦ κεντήματος περὶ αὐτὰς ὑπάρχοντος, τύπτοντες εἰς τὰ στέρνα καὶ τὰ πρόσωπα καὶ πληγὴν ἐπὶ πληγῇ φέροντες διέφθειραν τοὺς πλείστους τῶν παραταξαμένων διὰ τὴν τῶν χιλιάρχων πρόνοιαν.

[7] ὁ μὲν γὰρ στρατηγὸς Φλαμίνιος οὐκ ὀρθῶς δοκεῖ κεχρῆσθαι τῷ προειρημένῳ κινδύνῳ. παρʼ αὐτὴν γὰρ τὴν ὀφρὺν τοῦ ποταμοῦ ποιησάμενος τὴν ἔκταξιν διέφθειρε τὸ τῆς Ῥωμαϊκῆς μάχης ἴδιον, οὐχ ὑπολειπόμενος τόπον πρὸς τὴν ἐπὶ πόδα ταῖς σπείραις ἀναχώρησιν.

[8] εἰ γὰρ συνέβη βραχὺ μόνον πιεσθῆναι τῇ χώρᾳ τοὺς ἄνδρας κατὰ τὴν μάχην, ῥίπτειν ἂν εἰς τὸν ποταμὸν αὑτοὺς ἔδει διὰ τὴν ἀστοχίαν τοῦ προεστῶτος.

[9] οὐ μὴν ἀλλά γε πολλῷ νικήσαντες ταῖς σφετέραις ἀρεταῖς, καθάπερ εἶπον, καὶ παμπληθοῦς μὲν λείας, οὐκ ὀλίγων δὲ σκύλων κρατήσαντες ἐπανῆλθον εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην.

[1] τῷ δʼ ἑξῆς ἔτει, διαπρεσβευσαμένων τῶν Κελτῶν ὑπὲρ εἰρήνης καὶ πᾶν ποιήσειν ὑπισχνουμένων, ἔσπευσαν οἱ κατασταθέντες ὕπατοι Μάρκος Κλαύδιος καὶ Γνάιος Κορνήλιος τοῦ μὴ συγχωρηθῆναι τὴν εἰρήνην αὐτοῖς.

[2] οἱ δʼ ἀποτυχόντες καὶ κρίναντες ἐξελέγξαι τὰς τελευταίας ἐλπίδας, αὖθις ὥρμησαν ἐπὶ τὸ μισθοῦσθαι τῶν περὶ τὸν Ῥοδανὸν Γαισάτων Γαλατῶν εἰς τρισμυρίους· οὓς παραλαβόντες εἶχον ἐν ἑτοίμῳ καὶ προσεδόκων τὴν τῶν πολεμίων ἔφοδον.

[3] οἱ δὲ τῶν Ῥωμαίων στρατηγοὶ τῆς ὥρας ἐπιγενομένης ἀναλαβόντες τὰς δυνάμεις ἦγον εἰς τὴν τῶν Ἰνσόμβρων χώραν.

[4] παραγενόμενοι δὲ καὶ περιστρατοπεδεύσαντες πόλιν Ἀχέρρας, ἣ μεταξὺ κεῖται τοῦ Πάδου καὶ τῶν Ἀλπεινῶν ὀρῶν, ἐπολιόρκουν ταύτην.

[5] οἱ δʼ Ἴνσομβρες βοηθεῖν μὲν οὐ δυνάμενοι διὰ τὸ προκαταληφθῆναι τοὺς εὐφυεῖς τόπους, σπεύδοντες δὲ λῦσαι τὴν πολιορκίαν τῶν Ἀχερρῶν, μέρος τι τῆς δυνάμεως διαβιβάσαντες τὸν Πάδον εἰς τὴν τῶν Ἀνάρων χώραν ἐπολιόρκουν τὸ προσαγορευόμενον Κλαστίδιον. προσπεσόντος δὲ τοῦ συμβαίνοντος τοῖς στρατηγοῖς,

[6] ἀναλαβὼν τοὺς ἱππεῖς Μάρκος Κλαύδιος καί τινας τῶν πεζικῶν ἠπείγετο, σπεύδων βοηθῆσαι τοῖς πολιορκουμένοις.

[7] οἱ δὲ Κελτοὶ πυθόμενοι τὴν παρουσίαν τῶν ὑπεναντίων, λύσαντες τὴν πολιορκίαν ὑπήντων καὶ παρετάξαντο.

[8] τῶν δὲ Ῥωμαίων αὐτοῖς τοῖς ἱππεῦσιν ἐξ ἐφόδου τολμηρῶς σφίσι προσπεσόντων, τὰς μὲν ἀρχὰς ἀντεῖχον· μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα περιισταμένων καὶ κατὰ νώτου καὶ κατὰ κέρας, δυσχρηστούμενοι τῇ μάχῃ τέλος ἐτράπησαν ὑπʼ αὐτῶν τῶν ἱππέων.

[9] καὶ πολλοὶ μὲν εἰς τὸν ποταμὸν ἐμπεσόντες ὑπὸ τοῦ ῥεύματος διεφθάρησαν, οἱ δὲ πλείους ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων κατεκόπησαν.

[10] ἔλαβον δὲ καὶ τὰς Ἀχέρρας οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι σίτου γεμούσας, ἐκχωρησάντων εἰς τὸ Μεδιόλανον τῶν Γαλατῶν, ὅσπερ ἐστὶ κυριώτατος τόπος τῆς τῶν Ἰνσόμβρων χώρας.

[11] οἷς ἐκ ποδὸς ἐπακολουθήσαντος τοῦ Γναΐου καὶ προσβαλόντος ἄφνω πρὸς τὸ Μεδιόλανον, τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ἡσυχίαν ἔσχον·

[12] ἀπολυομένου δʼ αὐτοῦ πάλιν εἰς τὰς Ἀχέρρας, ἐπεξελθόντες καὶ τῆς οὐραγίας ἁψάμενοι θρασέως πολλοὺς μὲν νεκροὺς ἐποίησαν, μέρος δέ τι καὶ φυγεῖν αὐτῶν ἠνάγκασαν,

[13] ἕως ὁ Γνάιος ἀνακαλεσάμενος τοὺς ἐκ τῆς πρωτοπορείας παρώρμησε στῆναι καὶ συμβαλεῖν τοῖς πολεμίοις.

[14] οἱ μὲν οὖν Ῥωμαῖοι πειθαρχήσαντες τῷ στρατηγῷ διεμάχοντο πρὸς τοὺς ἐπικειμένους εὐρώστως.

[15] οἱ δὲ Κελτοὶ διὰ τὸ παρὸν εὐτύχημα μείναντες ἐπὶ ποσὸν εὐθαρσῶς, μετʼ οὐ πολὺ τραπέντες ἔφευγον εἰς τὰς παρωρείας. ὁ δὲ Γνάιος ἐπακολουθήσας τήν τε χώραν ἐπόρθει καὶ τὸ Με

[1] διόλανον εἷλε κατὰ κράτος. οὗ συμβαίνοντος οἱ προεστῶτες τῶν Ἰνσόμβρων ἀπογνόντες τὰς τῆς σωτηρίας ἐλπίδας πάντα τὰ καθʼ αὑτοὺς ἐπέτρεψαν τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις.

[2] ὁ μὲν οὖν πρὸς τοὺς Κελτοὺς πόλεμος τοιοῦτον ἔσχε τὸ τέλος, κατὰ μὲν τὴν ἀπόνοιαν καὶ τόλμαν τῶν ἀγωνιζομένων ἀνδρῶν, ἔτι δὲ κατὰ τὰς μάχας καὶ τὸ πλῆθος τῶν ἐν αὐταῖς ἀπολλυμένων καὶ παραταττομένων οὐδενὸς καταδεέστερος τῶν ἱστορημένων,

[3] κατὰ δὲ τὰς ἐπιβολὰς καὶ τὴν ἀκρισίαν τοῦ κατὰ μέρος χειρισμοῦ τελέως εὐκαταφρόνητος διὰ τὸ μὴ τὸ πλεῖον ἀλλὰ συλλήβδην ἅπαν τὸ γινόμενον ὑπὸ τῶν Γαλατῶν θυμῷ μᾶλλον ἢ λογισμῷ βραβεύεσθαι.

[4] περὶ ὧν ἡμεῖς συνθεωρήσαντες μετʼ ὀλίγον χρόνον αὐτοὺς ἐκ τῶν περὶ τὸν Πάδον πεδίων ἐξωσθέντας, πλὴν ὀλίγων τόπων τῶν ὑπʼ αὐτὰς τὰς Ἄλπεις κειμένων, οὐκ ᾠήθημεν δεῖν οὔτε τὴν ἐξ ἀρχῆς ἔφοδον αὐτῶν ἀμνημόνευτον παραλιπεῖν οὔτε τὰς μετὰ ταῦτα πράξεις οὔτε τὴν τελευταίαν ἐξανάστασιν,

[5] ὑπολαμβάνοντες οἰκεῖον ἱστορίας ὑπάρχειν τὰ τοιαῦτʼ ἐπεισόδια τῆς τύχης εἰς μνήμην ἄγειν καὶ παράδοσιν τοῖς ἐπιγινομένοις,

[6] ἵνα μὴ τελέως οἱ μεθʼ ἡμᾶς ἀνεννόητοι τούτων ὑπάρχοντες ἐκπλήττωνται τὰς αἰφνιδίους καὶ παραλόγους τῶν βαρβάρων ἐφόδους, ἀλλʼ ἐπὶ ποσὸν ἐν νῷ λαμβάνοντες ὡς ὀλιγοχρόνιόν ἐστι καὶ λίαν εὔφθαρτον τὸ τῶν βαρβάρων πλῆθος τοῖς σὺν νῷ κινδυνεύουσι τὴν ἔφοδον αὐτῶν ὑπομένωσι καὶ πάσας ἐξελέγχωσι τὰς σφετέρας ἐλπίδας πρότερον ἢ παραχωρῆσαί τινος τῶν ἀναγκαίων.

[7] καὶ γὰρ τοὺς τὴν Περσῶν ἔφοδον ἐπὶ τὴν Ἑλλάδα καὶ Γαλατῶν ἐπὶ Δελφοὺς εἰς μνήμην καὶ παράδοσιν ἡμῖν ἀγαγόντας οὐ μικρὰ μεγάλα δʼ οἴομαι συμβεβλῆσθαι πρὸς τοὺς ὑπὲρ τῆς κοινῆς τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἐλευθερίας ἀγῶνας.

[8] οὔτε γὰρ χορηγιῶν οὔθʼ ὅπλων οὔτʼ ἀνδρῶν πλῆθος καταπλαγεὶς ἄν τις ἀποσταίη τῆς τελευταίας ἐλπίδος, τοῦ διαγωνίζεσθαι περὶ τῆς σφετέρας χώρας καὶ πατρίδος, λαμβάνων πρὸ ὀφθαλμῶν τὸ παράδοξον τῶν τότε γενομένων καὶ μνημονεύσας ὅσας μυριάδας καὶ τίνας τόλμας καὶ πηλίκας παρασκευὰς ἡ τῶν σὺν νῷ καὶ μετὰ λογισμοῦ κινδυνευόντων αἵρεσις καὶ δύναμις καθεῖλεν.

[9] ὁ δʼ ἀπὸ Γαλατῶν φόβος οὐ μόνον τὸ παλαιὸν ἀλλὰ καὶ καθʼ ἡμᾶς ἤδη πλεονάκις ἐξέπληξε τοὺς Ἕλληνας.

[10] διὸ καὶ μᾶλλον ἔγωγε παρωρμήθην ἐπὶ τὸ κεφαλαιώδη μὲν ἀνέκαθεν δὲ ποιήσασθαι τὴν ὑπὲρ τούτων ἐξήγησιν.

[1] Ἀσδρούβας δʼ ὁ τῶν Καρχηδονίων στρατηγός — ἀπὸ γὰρ τούτων παρεξέβημεν τῆς ἐξηγήσεως — ἔτη χειρίσας ὀκτὼ τὰ κατὰ τὴν Ἰβηρίαν ἐτελεύτησε, δολοφονηθεὶς ἐν τοῖς ἑαυτοῦ καταλύμασι νυκτὸς ὑπό τινος Κελτοῦ τὸ γένος ἰδίων ἕνεκεν ἀδικημάτων,

[2] οὐ μικρὰν ἀλλὰ μεγάλην ποιήσας ἐπίδοσιν τοῖς Καρχηδονίοις πράγμασιν, οὐχ οὕτω διὰ τῶν πολεμίων ἔργων ὡς διὰ τῆς πρὸς τοὺς δυνάστας ὁμιλίας.

[3] τὴν δὲ στρατηγίαν οἱ Καρχηδόνιοι τῶν κατὰ τὴν Ἰβηρίαν Ἀννίβᾳ περιέθεσαν, ὄντι νέῳ, διὰ τὴν ὑποφαινομένην ἐκ τῶν πράξεων ἀγχίνοιαν αὐτοῦ καὶ τόλμαν.

[4] ὃς παραλαβὼν τὴν ἀρχὴν εὐθέως δῆλος ἦν ἐκ τῶν ἐπινοημάτων πόλεμον ἐξοίσων Ῥωμαίοις. ὃ δὴ καὶ τέλος ἐποίησε, πάνυ βραχὺν ἐπισχὼν χρόνον.

[5] τὰ μὲν οὖν κατὰ Καρχηδονίους καὶ Ῥωμαίους ἀπὸ τούτων ἤδη τῶν καιρῶν ἐν ὑποψίαις ἦν πρὸς ἀλλήλους καὶ παρατριβαῖς.

[6] οἱ μὲν γὰρ ἐπεβούλευον, ἀμύνασθαι σπεύδοντες διὰ τὰς περὶ Σικελίαν ἐλαττώσεις, οἱ δὲ Ῥωμαῖοι διηπίστουν, θεωροῦντες αὐτῶν τὰς ἐπιβολάς.

[7] ἐξ ὧν δῆλον ἦν τοῖς ὀρθῶς σκοπουμένοις ὅτι μέλλουσι πολεμεῖν ἀλλήλοις οὐ μετὰ πολὺν χρόνον.

[1] κατὰ δὲ τοὺς αὐτοὺς καιροὺς Ἀχαιοὶ καὶ Φίλιππος ὁ βασιλεὺς ἅμα τοῖς ἄλλοις συμμάχοις συνίσταντο τὸν πρὸς Αἰτωλοὺς πόλεμον τὸν προσαγορευθέντα συμμαχικόν.

[2] ἡμεῖς δʼ ἐπειδὴ τάς τε περὶ Σικελίαν καὶ Λιβύην καὶ τὰς ἑξῆς πράξεις διεξιόντες κατὰ τὸ συνεχὲς τῆς προκατασκευῆς ἥκομεν ἐπὶ τὴν ἀρχὴν τοῦ τε συμμαχικοῦ καὶ τοῦ δευτέρου συστάντος μὲν Ῥωμαίοις καὶ Καρχηδονίοις πολέμου, προσαγορευθέντος δὲ παρὰ τοῖς πλείστοις Ἀννιβιακοῦ, κατὰ δὲ τὴν ἐξ ἀρχῆς πρόθεσιν ἀπὸ τούτων τῶν καιρῶν ἐπηγγειλάμεθα ποιήσασθαι τὴν ἀρχὴν τῆς ἑαυτῶν συντάξεως,

[3] πρέπον ἂν εἴη τούτων ἀφεμένους ἐπὶ τὰς κατὰ τὴν Ἑλλάδα μεταβαίνειν πράξεις, ἵνα πανταχόθεν ὁμοίαν ποιησάμενοι τὴν προκατασκευὴν καὶ τὴν ἔφοδον ἐπὶ τοὺς αὐτοὺς καιροὺς οὕτως ἤδη [τῆς Ἰταλίας καὶ] τῆς ἀποδεικτικῆς ἱστορίας ἀρχώμεθα.

[4] ἐπεὶ γὰρ οὐ τινὰς πράξεις, καθάπερ οἱ πρὸ ἡμῶν, οἷον τὰς Ἑλληνικὰς ἢ Περσικάς, ὁμοῦ δὲ τὰς ἐν τοῖς γνωριζομένοις μέρεσι τῆς οἰκουμένης ἀναγράφειν ἐπικεχειρήκαμεν διὰ τὸ πρὸς τοῦτο τὸ μέρος τῆς ὑποθέσεως ἴδιόν τι συμβεβλῆσθαι τοὺς καθʼ ἡμᾶς καιρούς, ὑπὲρ ὧν σαφέστερον ἐν ἑτέροις δηλώσομεν,

[5] δέον ἂν εἴη καὶ πρὸ τῆς κατασκευῆς ἐπὶ βραχὺ τῶν ἐπιφανεστάτων καὶ γνωριζομένων ἐθνῶν καὶ τόπων ἐφάψασθαι τῆς οἰκουμένης.

[6] περὶ μὲν οὖν τῶν κατὰ τὴν Ἀσίαν καὶ τῶν κατὰ τὴν Αἴγυπτον ἀρκούντως ἂν ἔχοι ποιεῖσθαι τὴν ἀνάμνησιν ἀπὸ τῶν νῦν ῥηθέντων καιρῶν διὰ τὸ τὴν μὲν ὑπὲρ τῶν προγεγονότων παρʼ αὐτοῖς ἱστορίαν ὑπὸ πλειόνων ἐκδεδόσθαι καὶ γνώριμον ὑπάρχειν ἅπασιν, ἐν δὲ τοῖς καθʼ ἡμᾶς καιροῖς μηδὲν αὐτοῖς ἐξηλλαγμένον ἀπηντῆσθαι μηδὲ παράλογον ὑπὸ τῆς τύχης ὥστε προσδεῖσθαι τῆς τῶν προγεγονότων ὑπομνήσεως.

[7] περὶ δὲ τοῦ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν ἔθνους καὶ περὶ τῆς Μακεδόνων οἰκίας ἁρμόσει διὰ βραχέων ἀναδραμεῖν τοῖς χρόνοις, ἐπειδὴ περὶ μὲν ταύτην ὁλοσχερὴς ἐπαναίρεσις,

[8] περὶ δὲ τοὺς Ἀχαιούς, καθάπερ ἐπάνω προεῖπον, παράδοξος αὔξησις καὶ συμφρόνησις ἐν τοῖς καθʼ ἡμᾶς καιροῖς γέγονε.

[9] πολλῶν γὰρ ἐπιβαλομένων ἐν τοῖς παρεληλυθόσι χρόνοις ἐπὶ ταὐτὸ συμφέρον ἀγαγεῖν Πελοποννησίους, οὐδενὸς δὲ καθικέσθαι δυνηθέντος διὰ τὸ μὴ τῆς κοινῆς ἐλευθερίας ἕνεκεν ἀλλὰ τῆς σφετέρας δυναστείας χάριν ἑκάστους ποιεῖσθαι τὴν σπουδήν,

[10] τοιαύτην καὶ τηλικαύτην ἐν τοῖς καθʼ ἡμᾶς καιροῖς ἔσχε προκοπὴν καὶ συντέλειαν τοῦτο τὸ μέρος ὥστε μὴ μόνον συμμαχικὴν καὶ φιλικὴν κοινωνίαν γεγονέναι πραγμάτων περὶ αὐτούς, ἀλλὰ καὶ νόμοις χρῆσθαι τοῖς αὐτοῖς καὶ σταθμοῖς καὶ μέτροις καὶ νομίσμασι, πρὸς δὲ τούτοις ἄρχουσι, βουλευταῖς,

[11] δικασταῖς, τοῖς αὐτοῖς, καθόλου δὲ τούτῳ μόνῳ διαλλάττειν τοῦ μὴ μιᾶς πόλεως διάθεσιν ἔχειν σχεδὸν τὴν σύμπασαν Πελοπόννησον, τῷ μὴ τὸν αὐτὸν περίβολον ὑπάρχειν τοῖς κατοικοῦσιν αὐτήν, τἄλλα δʼ εἶναι καὶ κοινῇ καὶ κατὰ πόλεις ἑκάστοις ταὐτὰ καὶ παραπλήσια.

[1] πρῶτον δέ, πῶς ἐπεκράτησε καὶ τίνι τρόπῳ τὸ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν ὄνομα κατὰ πάντων Πελοποννησίων, οὐκ ἄχρηστον μαθεῖν.

[2] οὔτε γὰρ χώρας καὶ πόλεων πλήθει διαφέρουσιν οἱ πάτριον ἐξ ἀρχῆς ἔχοντες τὴν προσηγορίαν ταύτην οὔτε πλούτοις οὔτε ταῖς τῶν ἀνδρῶν ἀρεταῖς.

[3] τό τε γὰρ τῶν Ἀρκάδων ἔθνος, ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ τὸ τῶν Λακώνων πλήθει μὲν ἀνδρῶν καὶ χώρας οὐδὲ παρὰ μικρὸν ὑπερέχει· καὶ μὴν οὐδὲ τῶν τῆς ἀνδραγαθίας πρωτείων οὐδενὶ τῶν Ἑλλήνων οἷοί τʼ εἰσὶν οὐδέποτε παραχωρεῖν οἱ προειρημένοι.

[4] πῶς οὖν καὶ διὰ τί νῦν εὐδοκοῦσιν οὗτοί τε καὶ τὸ λοιπὸν πλῆθος τῶν Πελοποννησίων, ἅμα τὴν πολιτείαν τῶν Ἀχαιῶν καὶ τὴν προσηγορίαν μετειληφότες;

[5] δῆλον ὡς τύχην μὲν λέγειν οὐδαμῶς ἂν εἴη πρέπον· φαῦλον γάρ· αἰτίαν δὲ μᾶλλον ζητεῖν. χωρὶς γὰρ ταύτης οὔτε τῶν κατὰ λόγον οὔτε τῶν παρὰ λόγον εἶναι δοκούντων οὐδὲν οἷόν τε συντελεσθῆναι. ἔστι δʼ οὖν, ὡς ἐμὴ δόξα, τοιαύτη τις.

[6] ἰσηγορίας καὶ παρρησίας καὶ καθόλου δημοκρατίας ἀληθινῆς σύστημα καὶ προαίρεσιν εἰλικρινεστέραν οὐκ ἂν εὕροι τις τῆς παρὰ τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς ὑπαρχούσης.

[7] αὕτη τινὰς μὲν ἐθελοντὴν αἱρετιστὰς εὗρε Πελοποννησίων, πολλοὺς δὲ πειθοῖ καὶ λόγῳ προσηγάγετο· τινὰς δὲ βιασαμένη σὺν καιρῷ παραχρῆμα πάλιν εὐδοκεῖν ἐποίησεν αὑτῇ τοὺς ἀναγκασθέντας.

[8] οὐδενὶ γὰρ οὐδὲν ὑπολειπομένη πλεονέκτημα τῶν ἐξ ἀρχῆς, ἴσα δὲ πάντα ποιοῦσα τοῖς ἀεὶ προσλαμβανομένοις ταχέως καθικνεῖτο τῆς προκειμένης ἐπιβολῆς, δύο συνεργοῖς χρωμένη τοῖς ἰσχυροτάτοις, ἰσότητι καὶ φιλανθρωπίᾳ.

[9] διὸ ταύτην ἀρχηγὸν καὶ παραίτιον ἡγητέον τοῦ συμφρονήσαντας Πελοποννησίους τὴν ὑπάρχουσαν αὐτοῖς εὐδαιμονίαν καταστήσασθαι.

[10] τὰ μὲν οὖν τῆς προαιρέσεως καὶ τὸ τῆς πολιτείας ἰδίωμα τὸ νῦν εἰρημένον καὶ πρότερον ὑπῆρχε παρὰ τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς.

[11] δῆλον δὲ τοῦτο καὶ διʼ ἑτέρων μὲν πλειόνων, πρὸς δὲ τὸ παρὸν ἀρκέσει πίστεως χάριν ἓν ἢ καὶ δεύτερον ληφθὲν μαρτύριον.

[1] καθʼ οὓς γὰρ καιροὺς ἐν τοῖς κατὰ τὴν Ἰταλίαν τόποις κατὰ τὴν Μεγάλην Ἑλλάδα τότε προσαγορευομένην ἐνεπρήσθη τὰ συνέδρια τῶν Πυθαγορείων,

[2] μετὰ ταῦτα γενομένου κινήματος ὁλοσχεροῦς περὶ τὰς πολιτείας, ὅπερ εἰκός, ὡς ἂν τῶν πρώτων ἀνδρῶν ἐξ ἑκάστης πόλεως οὕτω παραλόγως διαφθαρέντων,

[3] συνέβη τὰς κατʼ ἐκείνους τοὺς τόπους Ἑλληνικὰς πόλεις ἀναπλησθῆναι φόνου καὶ στάσεως καὶ παντοδαπῆς ταραχῆς.

[4] ἐν οἷς καιροῖς ἀπὸ τῶν πλείστων μερῶν τῆς Ἑλλάδος πρεσβευόντων ἐπὶ τὰς διαλύσεις, Ἀχαιοῖς καὶ τῇ τούτων πίστει συνεχρήσαντο πρὸς τὴν τῶν παρόντων κακῶν ἐξαγωγήν.

[5] οὐ μόνον δὲ κατὰ τούτους τοὺς καιροὺς ἀπεδέξαντο τὴν αἵρεσιν τῶν Ἀχαιῶν, ἀλλὰ καὶ μετά τινας χρόνους ὁλοσχερῶς ὥρμησαν ἐπὶ τὸ μιμηταὶ γενέσθαι τῆς πολιτείας αὐτῶν.

[6] παρακαλέσαντες γὰρ σφᾶς καὶ συμφρονήσαντες Κροτωνιᾶται, Συβαρῖται, Καυλωνιᾶται, πρῶτον μὲν ἀπέδειξαν Διὸς Ὁμαρίου κοινὸν ἱερὸν καὶ τόπον, ἐν ᾧ τάς τε συνόδους καὶ τὰ διαβούλια συνετέλουν, δεύτερον τοὺς ἐθισμοὺς καὶ νόμους ἐκλαβόντες τοὺς τῶν Ἀχαιῶν ἐπεβάλοντο χρῆσθαι καὶ διοικεῖν κατὰ τούτους τὴν πολιτείαν. ὑπὸ δὲ τῆς Διονυσίου Συρακοσίου δυναστείας,

[7] ἔτι δὲ τῆς τῶν περιοικούντων βαρβάρων ἐπικρατείας ἐμποδισθέντες οὐχ ἑκουσίως ἀλλὰ κατʼ ἀνάγκην αὐτῶν ἀπέστησαν.

[8] μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα Λακεδαιμονίων μὲν παραδόξως πταισάντων περὶ τὴν ἐν Λεύκτροις μάχην, Θηβαίων δʼ ἀνελπίστως ἀντιποιησαμένων τῆς τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἡγεμονίας, ἦν ἀκρισία περὶ πάντας μὲν τοὺς Ἕλληνας, μάλιστα δὲ περὶ τοὺς προειρημένους, ὡς ἂν τῶν μὲν μὴ συγχωρούντων ἡττῆσθαι, τῶν δὲ μὴ πιστευόντων ὅτι νενικήκασιν.

[9] οὐ μὴν ἀλλά γε περὶ τῶν ἀμφισβητουμένων ἐπέτρεψαν Θηβαῖοι καὶ Λακεδαιμόνιοι μόνοις τῶν Ἑλλήνων Ἀχαιοῖς, οὐ πρὸς τὴν δύναμιν ἀποβλέψαντες —

[10] σχεδὸν γὰρ ἐλαχίστην τότε δὴ τῶν Ἑλλήνων εἶχον — τὸ δὲ πλεῖον εἰς τὴν πίστιν καὶ τὴν ὅλην καλοκἀγαθίαν. ὁμολογουμένως γὰρ δὴ τότε ταύτην περὶ αὐτῶν πάντες εἶχον τὴν δόξαν.

[11] τότε μὲν οὖν ψιλῶς αὐτὰ τὰ κατὰ τὴν προαίρεσιν ὑπῆρχε παρʼ αὐτοῖς· ἀποτέλεσμα δʼ ἢ πρᾶξις ἀξιόλογος πρὸς αὔξησιν τῶν ἰδίων ἀνήκουσα πραγμάτων οὐκ ἐγίνετο,

[12] τῷ μὴ δύνασθαι φῦναι προστάτην ἄξιον τῆς προαιρέσεως, ἀεὶ δὲ τὸν ὑποδείξαντα ποτὲ μὲν ὑπὸ τῆς Λακεδαιμονίων ἀρχῆς ἐπισκοτεῖσθαι καὶ κωλύεσθαι, ποτὲ δὲ μᾶλλον ὑπὸ

[1] τῆς Μακεδόνων. ἐπεὶ δέ ποτε σὺν καιρῷ προστάτας ἀξιόχρεως εὗρεν, ταχέως τὴν αὑτῆς δύναμιν ἐποίησε φανεράν, ἐπιτελεσαμένη τὸ κάλλιστον ἔργον, τὴν Πελοποννησίων ὁμόνοιαν.

[2] ἧς ἀρχηγὸν μὲν καὶ καθηγεμόνα τῆς ὅλης ἐπιβολῆς Ἄρατον νομιστέον τὸν Σικυώνιον, ἀγωνιστὴν δὲ καὶ τελεσιουργὸν τῆς πράξεως Φιλοποίμενα τὸν Μεγαλοπολίτην, βεβαιωτὴν δὲ τοῦ μόνιμον αὐτὴν ἐπὶ ποσὸν γενέσθαι Λυκόρταν καὶ τοὺς ταὐτὰ τούτῳ προελομένους ἄνδρας.

[3] τίνα δʼ ἦν ἑκάστοις τὰ πραχθέντα καὶ πῶς καὶ κατὰ ποίους καιροὺς πειρασόμεθα δηλοῦν, ἀεὶ κατὰ τὸ πρέπον τῇ γραφῇ ποιούμενοι τὴν ἐπίστασιν.

[4] τῶν μέντοι γʼ Ἀράτῳ διῳκημένων καὶ νῦν καὶ μετὰ ταῦτα πάλιν ἐπικεφαλαιούμενοι μνησθησόμεθα διὰ τὸ καὶ λίαν ἀληθινοὺς καὶ σαφεῖς ἐκεῖνον περὶ τῶν ἰδίων συντεταχέναι πράξεων ὑπομνηματισμούς,

[5] τῶν δὲ τοῖς ἄλλοις ἀκριβεστέραν καὶ μετὰ διαστολῆς ποιησόμεθα τὴν ἐξήγησιν. ὑπολαμβάνω δὲ ῥᾴστην ἐμοί τʼ ἂν γενέσθαι τὴν διήγησιν καὶ τοῖς ἐντυγχάνουσιν εὐπαρακολούθητον τὴν μάθησιν, εἰ ποιησαίμεθα τὴν ἐπίστασιν ἀπὸ τούτων τῶν καιρῶν, ἐν οἷς κατὰ πόλιν διαλυθέντος τοῦ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν ἔθνους ὑπὸ τῶν ἐκ Μακεδονίας βασιλέων ἀρχὴ πάλιν ἐγένετο καὶ σύννευσις τῶν πόλεων πρὸς ἀλλήλας.

[6] ἀφʼ ἧς αὐξανόμενον κατὰ τὸ συνεχὲς τὸ ἔθνος εἰς ταύτην ἦλθε τὴν συντέλειαν, ἐν ᾗ καθʼ ἡμᾶς ἦν, ὑπὲρ ἧς κατὰ μέρος ἀρτίως εἶπον.

[1] Ὀλυμπιὰς μὲν ἦν εἰκοστὴ καὶ τετάρτη πρὸς ταῖς ἑκατόν, ὅτε Πατρεῖς ἤρξαντο συμφρονεῖν καὶ Δυμαῖοι,

[2] καιροὶ δὲ καθʼ οὓς Πτολεμαῖος ὁ Λάγου καὶ Λυσίμαχος, ἔτι δὲ Σέλευκος καὶ Πτολεμαῖος ὁ Κεραυνὸς μετήλλαξαν τὸν βίον. πάντες γὰρ οὗτοι περὶ τὴν προειρημένην ὀλυμπιάδα τὸ ζῆν ἐξέλιπον.

[3] τοὺς μὲν οὖν ἀνώτερον τούτων χρόνους τοιαύτη τις ἦν ἡ περὶ τὸ προειρημένον ἔθνος διάθεσις.

[4] ἀπὸ γὰρ Τισαμενοῦ βασιλευθέντες, ὃς ἦν Ὀρέστου μὲν υἱός, κατὰ δὲ τὴν τῶν Ἡρακλειδῶν κάθοδον ἐκπεσὼν τῆς Σπάρτης κατέσχε τοὺς περὶ Ἀχαΐαν τόπους,

[5] ἀπὸ τούτου κατὰ τὸ συνεχὲς καὶ κατὰ τὸ γένος ἕως Ὠγύγου βασιλευθέντες, μετὰ ταῦτα δυσαρεστήσαντες τοῖς τοῦ προειρημένου παισὶν ἐπὶ τῷ μὴ νομίμως ἀλλὰ δεσποτικῶς αὐτῶν ἄρχειν, μετέστησαν εἰς δημοκρατίαν τὴν πολιτείαν.

[6] λοιπὸν ἤδη τοὺς ἑξῆς χρόνους μέχρι τῆς Ἀλεξάνδρου καὶ Φιλίππου δυναστείας ἄλλοτε μὲν ἄλλως ἐχώρει τὰ πράγματʼ αὐτοῖς κατὰ τὰς περιστάσεις, τό γε μὴν κοινὸν πολίτευμα, καθάπερ εἰρήκαμεν, ἐν δημοκρατίᾳ συνέχειν ἐπειρῶντο.

[7] τοῦτο δʼ ἦν ἐκ δώδεκα πόλεων, ἃς ἔτι καὶ νῦν συμβαίνει διαμένειν, πλὴν Ὠλένου καὶ Ἑλίκης τῆς πρὸ τῶν Λευκτρικῶν ὑπὸ τῆς θαλάττης καταποθείσης·

[8] αὗται δʼ εἰσὶν Πάτραι, Δύμη, Φαραί, Τριταία, Λεόντιον, Αἴγιον, Αἴγειρα, Πελλήνη, Βοῦρα, Καρύνεια.

[9] κατὰ δὲ τοὺς ὑστέρους μὲν τῶν κατʼ Ἀλέξανδρον καιρῶν, προτέρους δὲ τῆς ἄρτι ῥηθείσης ὀλυμπιάδος, εἰς τοιαύτην διαφορὰν καὶ καχεξίαν ἐνέπεσον, καὶ μάλιστα διὰ τῶν ἐκ Μακεδονίας βασιλέων, ἐν ᾗ συνέβη πάσας τὰς πόλεις χωρισθείσας ἀφʼ αὑτῶν ἐναντίως τὸ συμφέρον ἄγειν ἀλλήλαις.

[10] ἐξ οὗ συνέπεσε τὰς μὲν ἐμφρούρους αὐτῶν γενέσθαι διά τε Δημητρίου καὶ Κασσάνδρου καὶ μετὰ ταῦτα διʼ Ἀντιγόνου τοῦ Γονατᾶ, τὰς δὲ καὶ τυραννεῖσθαι· πλείστους γὰρ δὴ μονάρχους οὗτος ἐμφυτεῦσαι δοκεῖ τοῖς Ἕλλησι.

[11] περὶ δὲ τὴν εἰκοστὴν καὶ τετάρτην ὀλυμπιάδα πρὸς ταῖς ἑκατόν, καθάπερ ἐπάνω προεῖπον, αὖθις ἤρξαντο μετανοήσαντες συμφρονεῖν. ταῦτα δʼ ἦν κατὰ τὴν Πύρρου διάβασιν εἰς Ἰταλίαν.

[12] καὶ πρῶτοι μὲν συνέστησαν Δυμαῖοι, Πατρεῖς, Τριταιεῖς, Φαραιεῖς· διόπερ οὐδὲ στήλην ὑπάρχειν συμβαίνει τῶν πόλεων τούτων περὶ τῆς συμπολιτείας.

[13] μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα μάλιστά πως ἔτει πέμπτῳ τὴν φρουρὰν ἐκβαλόντες Αἰγιεῖς μετέσχον τῆς συμπολιτείας· ἑξῆς δὲ τούτοις Βούριοι, τὸν τύραννον ἀποκτείναντες.

[14] ἅμα δὲ τούτοις Καρυνεῖς ἀποκατέστησαν. συνιδὼν γὰρ Ἰσέας ὁ τῆς Καρυνείας τότε τυραννεύων ἐκπεπτωκυῖαν μὲν ἐξ Αἰγίου τὴν φρουράν, ἀπολωλότα δὲ τὸν ἐν τῇ Βούρᾳ μόναρχον διὰ Μάργου καὶ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν, ἑαυτὸν δὲ πανταχόθεν ὁρῶν ὅσον οὐκ ἤδη πολεμηθησόμενον,

[15] ἀποθέμενος τὴν ἀρχὴν καὶ λαβὼν τὰ πιστὰ παρὰ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν ὑπὲρ τῆς ἀσφαλείας προσέθηκε τὴν πόλιν πρὸς τὸ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν σύστημα.

[1] τίνος οὖν χάριν ἐπὶ τοὺς χρόνους τούτους ἀνέδραμον; ἵνα πρῶτον μὲν γένηται συμφανὲς πῶς καὶ κατὰ ποίους καιροὺς καὶ τίνες πρῶτοι τῶν ἐξ ἀρχῆς Ἀχαιῶν αὖθις ἐποιήσαντο τὴν ἐπιβολὴν τῆς νῦν συστάσεως,

[2] δεύτερον δʼ ἵνα καὶ τὰ τῆς προαιρέσεως μὴ μόνον διὰ τῆς ἡμετέρας ἀποφάσεως, ἀλλὰ καὶ διʼ αὐτῶν τῶν πραγμάτων πίστεως τυγχάνῃ, διότι μία τις ἀεὶ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν αἵρεσις ὑπῆρχε,

[3] καθʼ ἣν προτείνοντες μὲν τὴν παρʼ αὑτοῖς ἰσηγορίαν καὶ παρρησίαν, πολεμοῦντες δὲ καὶ καταγωνιζόμενοι συνεχῶς τοὺς ἢ διʼ αὑτῶν ἢ διὰ τῶν βασιλέων τὰς σφετέρας πατρίδας καταδουλουμένους, τούτῳ τῷ τρόπῳ καὶ ταύτῃ τῇ προθέσει τοῦτο τοὔργον ἐπετέλεσαν, τὰ μὲν διʼ αὑτῶν, τὰ δὲ καὶ διὰ τῶν συμμάχων.

[4] καὶ γὰρ τὰ διʼ ἐκείνων συνεργήματα γεγονότα πρὸς τοῦτο τὸ μέρος ἐν τοῖς ἑξῆς χρόνοις ἐπὶ τὴν τῶν Ἀχαιῶν προαίρεσιν ἀνοιστέον.

[5] πολλοῖς γὰρ κοινωνήσαντες πραγμάτων, πλείστων δὲ καὶ καλλίστων Ῥωμαίοις οὐδέποτε τὸ παράπαν ἐπεθύμησαν ἐκ τῶν κατορθωμάτων οὐδενὸς ἰδίᾳ λυσιτελοῦς,

[6] ἀλλʼ ἀντὶ πάσης τῆς ἑαυτῶν φιλοτιμίας, ἣν παρείχοντο τοῖς συμμάχοις, ἀντικατηλλάττοντο τὴν ἑκάστων ἐλευθερίαν καὶ τὴν κοινὴν ὁμόνοιαν Πελοποννησίων.

[7] σαφέστερον δʼ ὑπὲρ τούτων ἔσται διαλαμβάνειν ἐξ αὐτῶν τῶν περὶ τὰς πράξεις ἐνεργημάτων.

[1] εἴκοσι μὲν οὖν ἔτη τὰ πρῶτα καὶ πέντε συνεπολιτεύσαντο μεθʼ ἑαυτῶν αἱ προειρημέναι πόλεις, γραμματέα κοινὸν ἐκ περιόδου προχειριζόμεναι καὶ δύο στρατηγούς.

[2] μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα πάλιν ἔδοξεν αὐτοῖς ἕνα καθιστάνειν καὶ τούτῳ πιστεύειν ὑπὲρ τῶν ὅλων. καὶ πρῶτος ἔτυχε τῆς τιμῆς ταύτης Μάργος ὁ Καρυνεύς.

[3] τετάρτῳ δʼ ὕστερον ἔτει τοῦ προειρημένου στρατηγοῦντος Ἄρατος ὁ Σικυώνιος, ἔτη μὲν ἔχων εἴκοσι, τυραννουμένην δʼ ἐλευθερώσας τὴν πατρίδα διὰ τῆς ἀρετῆς τῆς ἑαυτοῦ καὶ τόλμης προσένειμε πρὸς τὴν τῶν Ἀχαιῶν πολιτείαν, ἀρχῆθεν εὐθὺς ἐραστὴς γενόμενος τῆς προαιρέσεως αὐτῶν.

[4] ὀγδόῳ δὲ πάλιν ἔτει στρατηγὸς αἱρεθεὶς τὸ δεύτερον καὶ πραξικοπήσας τὸν Ἀκροκόρινθον, Ἀντιγόνου κυριεύοντος, καὶ γενόμενος ἐγκρατὴς μεγάλου μὲν ἀπέλυσε φόβου τοὺς τὴν Πελοπόννησον κατοικοῦντας, ἐλευθερώσας δὲ Κορινθίους προσηγάγετο πρὸς τὴν τῶν Ἀχαιῶν πολιτείαν.

[5] ἐπὶ δὲ τῆς αὐτῆς ἀρχῆς καὶ τὴν τῶν Μεγαρέων πόλιν διαπραξάμενος προσένειμε τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς.

[6] ταῦτά τʼ ἐγίνετο τῷ πρότερον ἔτει τῆς Καρχηδονίων ἥττης, ἐν ᾗ καθόλου Σικελίας ἐκχωρήσαντες πρῶτον ὑπέμειναν τότε φόρους ἐνεγκεῖν Ῥωμαίοις.

[7] μεγάλην δὲ προκοπὴν ποιήσας τῆς ἐπιβολῆς ἐν ὀλίγῳ χρόνῳ λοιπὸν ἤδη διετέλει προστατῶν μὲν τοῦ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν ἔθνους, πάσας δὲ τὰς ἐπιβολὰς καὶ πράξεις πρὸς ἓν τέλος ἀναφέρων·

[8] τοῦτο δʼ ἦν τὸ Μακεδόνας μὲν ἐκβαλεῖν ἐκ Πελοποννήσου, τὰς δὲ μοναρχίας καταλῦσαι, βεβαιῶσαι δʼ ἑκάστοις τὴν κοινὴν καὶ πάτριον ἐλευθερίαν.

[9] μέχρι μὲν οὖν ἦν Ἀντίγονος ὁ Γονατᾶς, πρός τε τὴν ἐκείνου πολυπραγμοσύνην καὶ πρὸς τὴν Αἰτωλῶν πλεονεξίαν ἀντιταττόμενος διετέλει,

[10] πραγματικῶς ἕκαστα χειρίζων, καίπερ εἰς τοῦτο προβάντων ἀμφοτέρων ἀδικίας καὶ τόλμης ὥστε ποιήσασθαι συνθήκας πρὸς ἀλλήλους ὑπὲρ

[1] διαιρέσεως τοῦ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν ἔθνους. Ἀντιγόνου δὲ μεταλλάξαντος, καὶ συνθεμένων τῶν Ἀχαιῶν καὶ συμμαχίαν πρὸς Αἰτωλοὺς καὶ μετασχόντων εὐγενῶς σφίσι τοῦ πρὸς Δημήτριον πολέμου, τὰ μὲν τῆς ἀλλοτριότητος καὶ δυσμενείας ἤρθη κατὰ τὸ παρόν, ὑπεγένετο δὲ κοινωνικὴ καὶ φιλική τις αὐτοῖς διάθεσις.

[2] Δημητρίου δὲ βασιλεύσαντος δέκα μόνον ἔτη καὶ μεταλλάξαντος τὸν βίον περὶ τὴν πρώτην διάβασιν εἰς τὴν Ἰλλυρίδα Ῥωμαίων, ἐγένετό τις εὔροια πραγμάτων πρὸς τὴν ἐξ ἀρχῆς ἐπιβολὴν τῶν Ἀχαιῶν.

[3] οἱ γὰρ ἐν τῇ Πελοποννήσῳ μόναρχοι δυσελπιστήσαντες ἐπὶ τῷ μετηλλαχέναι μὲν τὸν Δημήτριον, ὃς ἦν αὐτοῖς οἱονεὶ χορηγὸς καὶ μισθοδότης, ἐπικεῖσθαι δὲ τὸν Ἄρατον, οἰόμενον δεῖν σφᾶς ἀποτίθεσθαι τὰς τυραννίδας καὶ τοῖς μὲν πεισθεῖσι μεγάλας δωρεὰς καὶ τιμὰς προτείνοντα, τοῖς δὲ μὴ προσέχουσιν ἔτι μείζους ἐπανατεινόμενον φόβους καὶ κινδύνους διὰ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν,

[4] ὥρμησαν ἐπὶ τὸ πεισθέντες ἀποθέσθαι μὲν τὰς τυραννίδας, ἐλευθερῶσαι δὲ τὰς ἑαυτῶν πατρίδας, μετασχεῖν δὲ τῆς τῶν Ἀχαιῶν πολιτείας.

[5] Λυδιάδας μὲν οὖν ὁ Μεγαλοπολίτης ἔτι ζῶντος Δημητρίου, κατὰ τὴν αὑτοῦ προαίρεσιν, πάνυ πραγματικῶς καὶ φρονίμως προϊδόμενος τὸ μέλλον ἀπετέθειτο τὴν τυραννίδα καὶ μετεσχήκει τῆς ἐθνικῆς συμπολιτείας.

[6] Ἀριστόμαχος δʼ ὁ τῶν Ἀργείων τύραννος καὶ Ξένων ὁ τῶν Ἑρμιονέων καὶ Κλεώνυμος ὁ τῶν Φλιασίων τότʼ ἀποθέμενοι τὰς μοναρχίας ἐκοινώνησαν τῆς τῶν Ἀχαιῶν δημοκρατίας.

[1] ὁλοσχερεστέρας δὲ γενομένης αὐξήσεως διὰ ταῦτα καὶ προκοπῆς περὶ τὸ ἔθνος, Αἰτωλοὶ διὰ τὴν ἔμφυτον ἀδικίαν καὶ πλεονεξίαν φθονήσαντες, τὸ δὲ πλεῖον ἐλπίσαντες καταδιελέσθαι τὰς πόλεις, καθάπερ καὶ πρότερον τὰς μὲν Ἀκαρνάνων διενείμαντο πρὸς Ἀλέξανδρον, τὰς δὲ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν ἐπεβάλοντο πρὸς Ἀντίγονον τὸν Γονατᾶν,

[2] καὶ τότε παραπλησίαις ἐλπίσιν ἐπαρθέντες ἀπετόλμησαν Ἀντιγόνῳ τε τῷ κατʼ ἐκείνους τοὺς καιροὺς προεστῶτι Μακεδόνων, ἐπιτροπεύοντι δὲ Φιλίππου παιδὸς ὄντος, καὶ Κλεομένει τῷ βασιλεῖ Λακεδαιμονίων κοινωνεῖν καὶ συμπλέκειν ἀμφοτέροις ἅμα τὰς χεῖρας.

[3] ὁρῶντες γὰρ τὸν Ἀντίγονον κυριεύοντα μὲν τῶν κατὰ Μακεδονίαν ἀσφαλῶς, ὁμολογούμενον δὲ καὶ πρόδηλον ἐχθρὸν ὄντα τῶν Ἀχαιῶν διὰ τὸ τὸν Ἀκροκόρινθον πραξικοπήσαντας καταλαβεῖν,

[4] ὑπέλαβον, εἰ τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους προσλαβόντες ἔτι κοινωνοὺς σφίσι τῆς ἐπιβολῆς προεμβιβάσαιεν εἰς τὴν πρὸς τὸ ἔθνος ἀπέχθειαν, ῥᾳδίως ἂν καταγωνίσασθαι τοὺς Ἀχαιοὺς ἐν καιρῷ συνεπιθέμενοι καὶ πανταχόθεν περιστήσαντες αὐτοῖς τὸν πόλεμον.

[5] ὃ δὴ καὶ ταχέως ἂν ἐκ τῶν κατὰ λόγον ἐπετέλεσαν, εἰ μὴ τὸ κυριώτατον παρεῖδον τῆς προθέσεως, οὐ συλλογισάμενοι διότι ταῖς ἐπιβολαῖς Ἄρατον ἕξουσιν ἀνταγωνιστήν, ἄνδρα δυνάμενον πάσης εὐστοχεῖν περιστάσεως.

[6] τοιγαροῦν ὁρμήσαντες ἐπὶ τὸ πολυπραγμονεῖν καὶ χειρῶν ἄρχειν ἀδίκων οὐχ οἷον ἤνυσάν τι τῶν ἐπινοηθέντων, ἀλλὰ τοὐναντίον καὶ τὸν Ἄρατον τότε προεστῶτα καὶ τὸ ἔθνος ἐσωματοποίησαν, πραγματικῶς ἀντιπερισπάσαντος ἐκείνου καὶ λυμηναμένου τὰς ἐπιβολὰς αὐτῶν.

[7] ὡς δʼ ἐχειρίσθη τὰ ὅλα, δῆλον ἔσται διὰ τῶν λέγεσθαι μελλόντων.

[1] θεωρῶν γὰρ τοὺς Αἰτωλοὺς ὁ προειρημένος ἀνὴρ τὸν μὲν πόλεμον τὸν πρὸς αὐτοὺς αἰσχυνομένους ἀναλαβεῖν ἐκ τοῦ φανεροῦ διὰ τὸ καὶ λίαν εἶναι προσφάτους τὰς ἐκ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν εὐεργεσίας περὶ τὸν Δημητριακὸν πόλεμον εἰς αὐτούς,

[2] συμβουλευομένους δὲ τοῖς Λακεδαιμονίοις καὶ φθονοῦντας τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον ὥστε Κλεομένους πεπραξικοπηκότος αὐτοὺς καὶ παρῃρημένου Τεγέαν, Μαντίνειαν, Ὀρχομενόν, τὰς Αἰτωλοῖς οὐ μόνον συμμαχίδας ὑπαρχούσας, ἀλλὰ καὶ συμπολιτευομένας τότε πόλεις, οὐχ οἷον ἀγανακτοῦντας ἐπὶ τούτοις, ἀλλὰ καὶ βεβαιοῦντας αὐτῷ τὴν παράληψιν,

[3] καὶ τοὺς πρότερον κατὰ τῶν μηδὲν ἀδικούντων πᾶσαν ἱκανὴν ποιουμένους πρόφασιν εἰς τὸ πολεμεῖν διὰ τὴν πλεονεξίαν τότε συνορῶν ἑκουσίως παρασπονδουμένους καὶ τὰς μεγίστας ἀπολλύντας πόλεις ἐθελοντὴν ἐφʼ ᾧ μόνον ἰδεῖν ἀξιόχρεων γενόμενον ἀνταγωνιστὴν Κλεομένη τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς,

[4] ἔγνω δεῖν εἰς ταῦτα βλέπων οὗτός τε καὶ πάντες ὁμοίως οἱ προεστῶτες τοῦ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν πολιτεύματος πολέμου μὲν πρὸς μηδένα κατάρχειν, ἐνίστασθαι δὲ ταῖς τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων ἐπιβολαῖς.

[5] τὸ μὲν οὖν πρῶτον ἐπὶ τούτων ἦσαν τῶν διαλήψεων· θεωροῦντες δὲ κατὰ τοὺς ἑξῆς χρόνους τὸν Κλεομένη θρασέως ἐποικοδομοῦντα μὲν τὸ καλούμενον Ἀθήναιον ἐν τῇ τῶν Μεγαλοπολιτῶν χώρᾳ, πρόδηλον δὲ καὶ πικρὸν ἀναδεικνύντα σφίσι πολέμιον ἑαυτόν,

[6] τότε δὴ συναθροίσαντες τοὺς Ἀχαιοὺς ἔκριναν μετὰ τῆς βουλῆς ἀναλαμβάνειν φανερῶς τὴν πρὸς τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους ἀπέχθειαν.

[7] ὁ μὲν οὖν Κλεομενικὸς προσαγορευθεὶς πόλεμος τοιαύτην ἔλαβε τὴν ἀρχὴν καὶ κατὰ τούτους

[1] τοὺς καιρούς. οἱ δʼ Ἀχαιοὶ τὸ μὲν πρῶτον διὰ τῆς ἰδίας δυνάμεως ὥρμησαν ἀντοφθαλμεῖν τοῖς Λακεδαιμονίοις, ἅμα μὲν ὑπολαμβάνοντες κάλλιστον εἶναι τὸ μὴ διʼ ἑτέρων σφίσι πορίζεσθαι τὴν σωτηρίαν, ἀλλʼ αὐτοὺς διʼ αὑτῶν σῴζειν τὰς πόλεις καὶ τὴν χώραν,

[2] ἅμα δὲ βουλόμενοι καὶ τὴν πρὸς Πτολεμαῖον τηρεῖν φιλίαν διὰ τὰς προγεγενημένας εὐεργεσίας καὶ μὴ φαίνεσθαι πρὸς ἑτέρους ἐκτείνοντες τὰς χεῖρας,

[3] ἤδη δʼ ἐπὶ ποσὸν τοῦ πολέμου προβαίνοντος, καὶ τοῦ Κλεομένους τό τε πάτριον πολίτευμα καταλύσαντος καὶ τὴν ἔννομον βασιλείαν εἰς τυραννίδα μεταστήσαντος, χρωμένου δὲ καὶ τῷ πολέμῳ πρακτικῶς καὶ παραβόλως,

[4] προορώμενος Ἄρατος τὸ μέλλον καὶ δεδιὼς τήν τε τῶν Αἰτωλῶν ἀπόνοιαν καὶ τόλμαν ἔκρινε πρὸ πολλοῦ λυμαίνεσθαι τὴν ἐπιβολὴν αὐτῶν.

[5] κατανοῶν δὲ τὸν Ἀντίγονον καὶ πρᾶξιν ἔχοντα καὶ σύνεσιν καὶ πίστεως ἀντιποιούμενον, τοὺς δὲ βασιλεῖς σαφῶς εἰδὼς φύσει μὲν οὐδένα νομίζοντας οὔτε συνεργὸν οὔτε πολέμιον, ταῖς δὲ τοῦ συμφέροντος ψήφοις αἰεὶ μετροῦντας τὰς ἔχθρας καὶ τὰς φιλίας,

[6] ἐπεβάλετο λαλεῖν πρὸς τὸν εἰρημένον βασιλέα καὶ συμπλέκειν τὰς χεῖρας, ὑποδεικνύων αὐτῷ τὸ συμβησόμενον ἐκ τῶν πραγμάτων.

[7] προδήλως μὲν οὖν αὐτὸ πράττειν ἀσύμφορον ἡγεῖτο διὰ πλείους αἰτίας. τόν τε γὰρ Κλεομένη καὶ τοὺς Αἰτωλοὺς ἀνταγωνιστὰς παρασκευάζειν ἤμελλε πρὸς τὴν ἐπιβολήν,

[8] τούς τε πολλοὺς τῶν Ἀχαιῶν διατρέψειν, καταφεύγων ἐπὶ τοὺς ἐχθροὺς καὶ δοκῶν ὁλοσχερῶς ἀπεγνωκέναι τὰς ἐν αὐτοῖς ἐλπίδας· ὅπερ ἥκιστα φαίνεσθαι πράττων ἐβούλετο.

[9] διόπερ ἔχων τοιαύτην πρόθεσιν ἀδήλως αὐτὰ διενοεῖτο χειρίζειν.

[10] ἐξ οὗ πολλὰ παρὰ τὴν ἑαυτοῦ γνώμην ἠναγκάζετο καὶ λέγειν καὶ ποιεῖν πρὸς τοὺς ἐκτός, διʼ ὧν ἤμελλε τὴν ἐναντίαν ἔμφασιν ὑποδεικνύων ταύτην ἐπικρύψεσθαι τὴν οἰκονομίαν.

[11] ὧν χάριν ἔνια τούτων οὐδʼ ἐν τοῖς ὑπομνήμασι κατέταξεν.

[1] εἰδὼς δὲ τοὺς Μεγαλοπολίτας κακοπαθοῦντας μὲν τῷ πολέμῳ διὰ τὸ παρακειμένους τῇ Λακεδαίμονι προπολεμεῖν τῶν ἄλλων, οὐ τυγχάνοντας δὲ τῆς καθηκούσης ἐπικουρίας ὑπὸ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν διὰ τὸ κἀκείνους δυσχρηστεῖσθαι θλιβομένους ὑπὸ τῆς περιστάσεως,

[2] σαφῶς δὲ γινώσκων οἰκείως διακειμένους αὐτοὺς πρὸς τὴν Μακεδόνων οἰκίαν ἐκ τῶν κατὰ τὸν Ἀμύντου Φίλιππον εὐεργεσιῶν,

[3] διειλήφει διότι ταχέως ἂν ὑπὸ τοῦ Κλεομένους πιεζόμενοι καταφύγοιεν ἐπὶ τὸν Ἀντίγονον καὶ τὰς Μακεδόνων ἐλπίδας·

[4] κοινολογηθεὶς οὖν διʼ ἀπορρήτων περὶ τῆς ὅλης ἐπιβολῆς Νικοφάνει καὶ Κερκιδᾷ τοῖς Μεγαλοπολίταις, οἵτινες ἦσαν αὐτοῦ πατρικοὶ ξένοι καὶ πρὸς τὴν ἐπιβολὴν εὐφυεῖς,

[5] ῥᾳδίως διὰ τούτων ὁρμὴν παρέστησε τοῖς Μεγαλοπολίταις εἰς τὸ πρεσβεύειν πρὸς τοὺς Ἀχαιοὺς καὶ παρακαλεῖν πέμπειν πρὸς τὸν Ἀντίγονον ὑπὲρ βοηθείας.

[6] οἱ μὲν οὖν Μεγαλοπολῖται κατέστησαν αὐτοὺς τοὺς περὶ τὸν Νικοφάνη καὶ τὸν Κερκιδᾶν πρεσβευτὰς πρός τε τοὺς Ἀχαιοὺς κἀκεῖθεν εὐθέως πρὸς τὸν Ἀντίγονον, ἂν αὐτοῖς συγκατάθηται τὸ ἔθνος.

[7] οἱ δʼ Ἀχαιοὶ συνεχώρησαν πρεσβεύειν τοῖς Μεγαλοπολίταις.

[8] σπουδῇ δὲ συμμίξαντες οἱ περὶ τὸν Νικοφάνη τῷ βασιλεῖ διελέγοντο περὶ μὲν τῆς ἑαυτῶν πατρίδος αὐτὰ τἀναγκαῖα διὰ βραχέων καὶ κεφαλαιωδῶς, τὰ δὲ πολλὰ περὶ τῶν ὅλων κατὰ τὰς ἐντολὰς τὰς Ἀράτου

[1] καὶ τὰς ὑποθέσεις. αὗται δʼ ἦσαν ὑποδεικνύναι τὴν Αἰτωλῶν καὶ Κλεομένους κοινοπραγίαν τί δύναται καὶ ποῖ τείνει, καὶ δηλοῦν ὅτι πρώτοις μὲν αὐτοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς εὐλαβητέον, ἑξῆς δὲ καὶ μᾶλλον Ἀντιγόνῳ.

[2] τοῦτο μὲν γάρ, ὡς Ἀχαιοὶ τὸν ἐξ ἀμφοῖν πόλεμον οὐκ ἂν ὑπενέγκαιεν, εὐθεώρητον εἶναι πᾶσι, τοῦτο δʼ, ὡς Αἰτωλοὶ καὶ Κλεομένης κρατήσαντες τούτων οὐκ εὐδοκήσουσιν οὐδὲ μὴ μείνωσιν ἐπὶ τῶν ὑποκειμένων, ἔτι τοῦ πρόσθεν ῥᾷον εἶναι τῷ νοῦν ἔχοντι συνιδεῖν.

[3] τήν τε γὰρ Αἰτωλῶν πλεονεξίαν οὐχ οἷον τοῖς Πελοποννησίων ὅροις εὐδοκῆσαί ποτʼ ἂν περιληφθεῖσαν, ἀλλʼ οὐδὲ τοῖς τῆς Ἑλλάδος,

[4] τήν τε Κλεομένους φιλοδοξίαν καὶ τὴν ὅλην ἐπιβολὴν κατὰ μὲν τὸ παρὸν αὐτῆς ἐφίεσθαι τῆς Πελοποννησίων ἀρχῆς, τυχόντα δὲ ταύτης τὸν προειρημένον κατὰ πόδας ἀνθέξεσθαι τῆς τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἡγεμονίας.

[5] ἧς οὐχ οἷόν τε καθικέσθαι μὴ οὐ πρόσθεν καταλύσαντα τὴν Μακεδόνων ἀρχήν.

[6] σκοπεῖν οὖν αὐτὸν ἠξίουν, προορώμενον τὸ μέλλον, πότερον συμφέρει τοῖς σφετέροις πράγμασι μετʼ Ἀχαιῶν καὶ Βοιωτῶν ἐν Πελοποννήσῳ πρὸς Κλεομένη πολεμεῖν ὑπὲρ τῆς τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἡγεμονίας ἢ προέμενον τὸ μέγιστον ἔθνος διακινδυνεύειν ἐν Θετταλίᾳ πρὸς Αἰτωλοὺς καὶ Βοιωτούς, ἔτι δʼ Ἀχαιοὺς καὶ Λακεδαιμονίους, ὑπὲρ τῆς Μακεδόνων ἀρχῆς.

[7] ἐὰν μὲν οὖν Αἰτωλοὶ τὴν ἐκ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν εἰς αὐτοὺς γεγενημένην εὔνοιαν ἐν τοῖς κατὰ Δημήτριον καιροῖς ἐντρεπόμενοι τὴν ἡσυχίαν ἄγειν ὑποκρίνωνται, καθάπερ καὶ νῦν, πολεμήσειν αὐτοὺς ἔφασαν τοὺς Ἀχαιοὺς πρὸς τὸν Κλεομένη· κἂν μὲν ἡ τύχη συνεπιλαμβάνηται, μὴ δεῖσθαι χρείας τῶν βοηθησόντων· ἂν δʼ ἀντιπίπτῃ τὰ τῆς τύχης,

[8] Αἰτωλοὶ δὲ συνεπιτίθωνται, προσέχειν αὐτὸν παρεκάλουν τοῖς πράγμασιν, ἵνα μὴ πρόηται τοὺς καιρούς, ἔτι δὲ δυναμένοις σῴζεσθαι Πελοποννησίοις ἐπαρκέσῃ·

[9] περὶ δὲ πίστεως καὶ χάριτος ἀποδόσεως ῥᾳθυμεῖν αὐτὸν ᾤοντο δεῖν· τῆς γὰρ χρείας ἐπιτελουμένης αὐτὸν εὑρήσειν τὸν Ἄρατον εὐδοκουμένας ἀμφοτέροις ὑπισχνοῦντο πίστεις.

[10] ὁμοίως δʼ ἔφασαν καὶ τὸν καιρὸν τῆς βοηθείας αὐτὸν ὑποδείξειν.

[1] ὁ μὲν οὖν Ἀντίγονος ἀκούσας ταῦτα καὶ δόξας ἀληθινῶς καὶ πραγματικῶς ὑποδεικνύναι τὸν Ἄρατον, προσεῖχε τοῖς ἑξῆς πραττομένοις ἐπιμελῶς. ἔγραψε δὲ καὶ τοῖς Μεγαλοπολίταις,

[2] ἐπαγγελλόμενος βοηθήσειν, ἐὰν καὶ τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς τοῦτο βουλομένοις ᾖ.

[3] τῶν δὲ περὶ τὸν Νικοφάνη καὶ Κερκιδᾶν ἐπανελθόντων εἰς οἶκον καὶ τάς τε παρὰ τοῦ βασιλέως ἐπιστολὰς ἀποδόντων καὶ τὴν λοιπὴν εὔνοιαν αὐτοῦ καὶ προθυμίαν διασαφούντων,

[4] μετεωρισθέντες οἱ Μεγαλοπολῖται προθύμως ἔσχον ἰέναι πρὸς τὴν σύνοδον τῶν Ἀχαιῶν καὶ παρακαλεῖν ἐπισπάσασθαι τὸν Ἀντίγονον καὶ τὰ πράγματα κατὰ σπουδὴν ἐγχειρίζειν αὐτῷ.

[5] ὁ δʼ Ἄρατος διακούσας κατʼ ἰδίαν τῶν περὶ τὸν Νικοφάνη τὴν τοῦ βασιλέως αἵρεσιν, ἣν ἔχοι πρός τε τοὺς Ἀχαιοὺς καὶ πρὸς αὐτόν, περιχαρὴς ἦν τῷ μὴ διὰ κενῆς πεποιῆσθαι τὴν ἐπίνοιαν μηδʼ εὑρῆσθαι κατὰ τὴν τῶν Αἰτωλῶν ἐλπίδα τὸν Ἀντίγονον εἰς τέλος ἀπηλλοτριωμένον ἑαυτοῦ.

[6] πάνυ δὲ πρὸς λόγον ἡγεῖτο γίνεσθαι καὶ τὸ τοὺς Μεγαλοπολίτας προθύμους εἶναι διὰ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν φέρειν ἐπὶ τὸν Ἀντίγονον τὰ πράγματα. μάλιστα μὲν γάρ,

[7] ὡς ἐπάνω προεῖπον, ἔσπευδεν μὴ προσδεηθῆναι τῆς βοηθείας· εἰ δʼ ἐξ ἀνάγκης ἐπὶ τοῦτο δέοι καταφεύγειν, οὐ μόνον ἠβούλετο διʼ αὑτοῦ γενέσθαι τὴν κλῆσιν, ἔτι δὲ μᾶλλον ἐξ ἁπάντων τῶν Ἀχαιῶν.

[8] ἠγωνία γάρ, εἰ παραγενόμενος ὁ βασιλεὺς καὶ κρατήσας τῷ πολέμῳ τοῦ Κλεομένους καὶ τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων ἀλλοιότερόν τι βουλεύσοιτο περὶ τῆς κοινῆς πολιτείας, μή ποθʼ ὁμολογουμένως τῶν συμβαινόντων αὐτὸς ἀναλάβῃ τὴν αἰτίαν,

[9] δόξαντος δικαίως τοῦτο πράττειν διὰ τὴν ἐξ αὐτοῦ προγεγενημένην ἀδικίαν περὶ τὸν Ἀκροκόρινθον εἰς τὴν Μακεδόνων οἰκίαν.

[10] διόπερ ἅμα τῷ παρελθόντας τοὺς Μεγαλοπολίτας εἰς τὸ κοινὸν βουλευτήριον τά τε γράμματα τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς ἐπιδεικνύναι καὶ διασαφεῖν τὴν ὅλην εὔνοιαν τοῦ βασιλέως, πρὸς δὲ τούτοις ἀξιοῦν ἐπισπάσασθαι τὸν Ἀντίγονον τὴν ταχίστην, εἶναι δὲ καὶ τὸ πλῆθος ἐπὶ τῆς αὐτῆς ὁρμῆς,

[11] προελθὼν Ἄρατος καὶ τήν τε τοῦ βασιλέως προθυμίαν ἀποδεξάμενος καὶ τὴν τῶν πολλῶν διάληψιν ἐπαινέσας παρεκάλει διὰ πλειόνων μάλιστα μὲν πειρᾶσθαι διʼ αὑτῶν σῴζειν καὶ τὰς πόλεις καὶ τὴν χώραν· οὐδὲν γὰρ εἶναι τούτου κάλλιον οὐδὲ συμφορώτερον·

[12] ἐὰν δʼ ἄρα πρὸς τοῦτο τὸ μέρος ἀντιβαίνῃ τὰ τῆς τύχης, πρότερον ἔφη δεῖν ἐξελέγξαντας πάσας τὰς ἐν αὑτοῖς ἐλπίδας τότε

[1] καταφεύγειν ἐπὶ τὰς τῶν φίλων βοηθείας. ἐπισημηναμένου δὲ τοῦ πλήθους, ἔδοξε μένειν ἐπὶ τῶν ὑποκειμένων καὶ διʼ αὑτῶν ἐπιτελεῖν τὸν ἐνεστῶτα πόλεμον.

[2] ἐπεὶ δὲ Πτολεμαῖος ἀπογνοὺς μὲν τὸ ἔθνος Κλεομένει χορηγεῖν ἐπεβάλετο, βουλόμενος αὐτὸν ἐπαλείφειν ἐπὶ τὸν Ἀντίγονον διὰ τὸ πλείους ἐλπίδας ἔχειν ἐν τοῖς Λακεδαιμονίοις ἤπερ ἐν τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς τοῦ δύνασθαι διακατέχειν τὰς τῶν ἐν Μακεδονίᾳ βασιλέων ἐπιβολάς,

[3] οἱ δʼ Ἀχαιοὶ τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ἠλαττώθησαν περὶ τὸ Λύκαιον, συμπλακέντες κατὰ πορείαν τῷ Κλεομένει, τὸ δὲ δεύτερον ἐκ παρατάξεως ἡττήθησαν ἐν τοῖς Λαδοκείοις καλουμένοις τῆς Μεγαλοπολίτιδος, ὅτε καὶ Λυδιάδας ἔπεσε, τὸ δὲ τρίτον ὁλοσχερῶς ἔπταισαν ἐν τῇ Δυμαίᾳ περὶ τὸ καλούμενον Ἑκατόμβαιον, πανδημεὶ διακινδυνεύοντες,

[4] τότʼ ἤδη τῶν πραγμάτων οὐκέτι διδόντων ἀναστροφὴν ἠνάγκαζε τὰ περιεστῶτα καταφεύγειν ὁμοθυμαδὸν ἐπὶ τὸν Ἀντίγονον.

[5] ἐν ᾧ καιρῷ πρεσβευτὴν τὸν υἱὸν ἐξαποστείλας Ἄρατος πρὸς Ἀντίγονον ἐβεβαιώσατο τὰ περὶ τῆς βοηθείας.

[6] παρεῖχε δʼ αὐτοῖς ἀπορίαν καὶ δυσχρηστίαν μεγίστην τὸ μήτε τὸν βασιλέα δοκεῖν ἂν βοηθῆσαι χωρὶς τοῦ κομίσασθαι τὸν Ἀκροκόρινθον καὶ λαβεῖν ὁρμητήριον πρὸς τὸν ἐνεστῶτα πόλεμον τὴν τῶν Κορινθίων πόλιν, μήτε τοὺς Ἀχαιοὺς ἂν τολμῆσαι Κορινθίους ἄκοντας ἐγχειρίσαι Μακεδόσι.

[7] διὸ καὶ τὸ πρῶτον ὑπέρθεσιν ἔσχε τὸ διαβούλιον

[1] χάριν τῆς περὶ τῶν πίστεων ἐπισκέψεως. ὁ δὲ Κλεομένης καταπληξάμενος τοῖς προειρημένοις εὐτυχήμασι λοιπὸν ἀδεῶς ἐπεπορεύετο τὰς πόλεις, ἃς μὲν πείθων αἷς δὲ τὸν φόβον ἀνατεινόμενος. προσλαβὼν δὲ τῷ τρόπῳ τούτῳ Καφύας,

[2] Πελλήνην, Φενεόν, Ἄργος, Φλιοῦντα, Κλεωνάς, Ἐπίδαυρον, Ἑρμιόνα, Τροίζηνα, τελευταῖον Κόρινθον, αὐτὸς μὲν προσεστρατοπέδευσε τῇ τῶν Σικυωνίων πόλει, τοὺς δʼ Ἀχαιοὺς ἀπέλυσε τοῦ μεγίστου προβλήματος.

[3] τῶν γὰρ Κορινθίων τῷ μὲν Ἀράτῳ στρατηγοῦντι καὶ τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς παραγγειλάντων ἐκ τῆς πόλεως ἀπαλλάττεσθαι, πρὸς δὲ τὸν Κλεομένη διαπεμπομένων καὶ καλούντων, παρεδόθη τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς ἀφορμὴ καὶ πρόφασις εὔλογος.

[4] ἧς ἐπιλαβόμενος Ἄρατος καὶ προτείνας Ἀντιγόνῳ τὸν Ἀκροκόρινθον, κατεχόντων Ἀχαιῶν τότε τὸν τόπον τοῦτον, ἔλυσε μὲν τὸ γεγονὸς ἔγκλημα πρὸς τὴν οἰκίαν, ἱκανὴν δὲ πίστιν παρέσχετο τῆς πρὸς τὰ μέλλοντα κοινωνίας, τὸ δὲ συνέχον, ὁρμητήριον παρεσκεύασεν Ἀντιγόνῳ πρὸς τὸν κατὰ Λακεδαιμονίων πόλεμον.

[5] ὁ δὲ Κλεομένης ἐπιγνοὺς τοὺς Ἀχαιοὺς συντιθεμένους τὰ πρὸς τὸν Ἀντίγονον, ἀναζεύξας ἀπὸ τοῦ Σικυῶνος κατεστρατοπέδευσε περὶ τὸν Ἰσθμόν, διαλαβὼν χάρακι καὶ τάφρῳ τὸν μεταξὺ τόπον τοῦ τʼ Ἀκροκορίνθου καὶ τῶν Ὀνείων καλουμένων ὀρῶν, πᾶσαν ἤδη βεβαίως περιειληφὼς ταῖς ἐλπίσι τὴν Πελοποννησίων ἀρχήν.

[6] Ἀντίγονος δὲ πάλαι μὲν ἦν ἐν παρασκευῇ, καραδοκῶν τὸ μέλλον κατὰ τὰς ὑποθέσεις τὰς Ἀράτου·

[7] τότε δὲ συλλογιζόμενος ἐκ τῶν προσπιπτόντων ὅσον οὔπω παρεῖναι τὸν Κλεομένη μετὰ τῆς δυνάμεως εἰς Θετταλίαν, διαπεμψάμενος πρός τε τὸν Ἄρατον καὶ τοὺς Ἀχαιοὺς ὑπὲρ τῶν ὡμολογημένων ἧκεν ἔχων τὰς δυνάμεις διὰ τῆς Εὐβοίας ἐπὶ τὸν Ἰσθμόν.

[8] οἱ γὰρ Αἰτωλοὶ πρὸς τοῖς ἄλλοις καὶ τότε βουλόμενοι κωλῦσαι τὸν Ἀντίγονον τῆς βοηθείας, ἀπεῖπον αὐτῷ πορεύεσθαι μετὰ δυνάμεως ἐντὸς Πυλῶν· εἰ δὲ μή, διότι κωλύσουσι μεθʼ ὅπλων αὐτοῦ τὴν δίοδον.

[9] ὁ μὲν οὖν Ἀντίγονος καὶ Κλεομένης ἀντεστρατοπέδευον ἀλλήλοις, ὁ μὲν εἰσελθεῖν σπουδάζων εἰς Πελοπόννησον, ὁ δὲ Κλεομένης κωλῦσαι τῆς εἰς

[1] όδου τὸν Ἀντίγονον. οἱ δʼ Ἀχαιοί, καίπερ οὐ μετρίως ἠλαττωμένοι τοῖς ὅλοις, ὅμως οὐκ ἀφίσταντο τῆς προθέσεως οὐδʼ ἐγκατέλειπον τὰς ἐν αὑτοῖς ἐλπίδας,

[2] ἀλλʼ ἅμα τῷ τὸν Ἀριστοτέλη τὸν Ἀργεῖον ἐπαναστῆναι τοῖς Κλεομενισταῖς βοηθήσαντες καὶ παρεισπεσόντες μετὰ Τιμοξένου τοῦ στρατηγοῦ κατέλαβον τὴν τῶν Ἀργείων πόλιν.

[3] ὃ δὴ καὶ νομιστέον αἰτιώτατον γεγονέναι πραγμάτων κατορθώσεως. τὸ γὰρ ἐπιλαβόμενον τῆς ὁρμῆς τοῦ Κλεομένους καὶ προηττῆσαν τὰς ψυχὰς τῶν δυνάμεων τοῦτʼ ἦν, ὡς ἐξ αὐτῶν φανερὸν ἐγένετο τῶν πραγμάτων.

[4] καὶ γὰρ τόπους εὐφυεστέρους προκατέχων καὶ χορηγίαις δαψιλεστέραις Ἀντιγόνου χρώμενος καὶ τόλμῃ καὶ φιλοτιμίᾳ μείζονι παρωρμημένος,

[5] ὅμως ἅμα τῷ προσπεσεῖν αὐτῷ διότι κατειλῆφθαι συμβαίνει τὴν τῶν Ἀργείων πόλιν ὑπὸ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν, εὐθὺς ἀνάσπαστος, ἀπολιπὼν τὰ προδεδηλωμένα προτερήματα, φυγῇ παραπλησίαν ἐποιεῖτο τὴν ἀποχώρησιν, δείσας μὴ πανταχόθεν αὐτὸν περιστῶσιν οἱ πολέμιοι.

[6] παραπεσὼν δʼ εἰς Ἄργος καὶ κατὰ ποσὸν ἀντιποιησάμενος τῆς πόλεως, μετὰ ταῦτα γενναίως μὲν τῶν Ἀχαιῶν, φιλοτίμως δὲ τῶν Ἀργείων ἐκ μεταμελείας αὐτὸν ἀμυναμένων, ἀποπεσὼν καὶ ταύτης τῆς ἐπιβολῆς καὶ ποιησάμενος τὴν πορείαν διὰ Μαντινείας οὕτως ἐπανῆλθεν εἰς τὴν

[1] Σπάρτην. ὁ δʼ Ἀντίγονος ἀσφαλῶς εἰς τὴν Πελοπόννησον εἰσελθὼν παρέλαβε τὸν Ἀκροκόρινθον, οὐδένα δὲ χρόνον μείνας εἴχετο τῶν προκειμένων καὶ παρῆν εἰς Ἄργος.

[2] ἐπαινέσας δὲ τοὺς Ἀργείους καὶ καταστησάμενος τὰ κατὰ τὴν πόλιν αὖθις ἐκ ποδὸς ἐκίνει, ποιούμενος τὴν πορείαν ὡς ἐπʼ Ἀρκαδίας.

[3] ἐκβαλὼν δὲ τὰς φρουρὰς ἐκ τῶν ἐποικοδομηθέντων χωρίων ὑπὸ Κλεομένους κατά τε τὴν Αἰγῦτιν καὶ Βελμινᾶτιν χώραν καὶ παραδοὺς τὰ φρούρια Μεγαλοπολίταις ἧκε πρὸς τὴν τῶν Ἀχαιῶν σύνοδον εἰς Αἴγιον.

[4] ἀπολογισάμενος δὲ περὶ τῶν καθʼ αὑτὸν καὶ χρηματίσας περὶ τῶν μελλόντων, ἔτι δὲ κατασταθεὶς ἡγεμὼν ἁπάντων τῶν συμμάχων,

[5] μετὰ ταῦτα χρόνον μέν τινα παραχειμάζων διέτριβε περὶ Σικυῶνα καὶ Κόρινθον. τῆς δʼ ἐαρινῆς ὥρας ἐνισταμένης ἀναλαβὼν τὰς δυνάμεις προῆγε.

[6] καὶ διανύσας τριταῖος πρὸς τὴν τῶν Τεγεατῶν πόλιν, ἀπηντηκότων καὶ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν ἐνταῦθα, περιστρατοπεδεύσας ἤρξατο πολιορκεῖν αὐτήν.

[7] τῶν δὲ Μακεδόνων ἐνεργῶς χρωμένων τῇ τε λοιπῇ πολιορκίᾳ καὶ τοῖς ὀρύγμασι, ταχέως ἀπελπίσαντες οἱ Τεγεᾶται τὴν σωτηρίαν παρέδοσαν αὑτούς.

[8] ὁ δʼ Ἀντίγονος ἀσφαλισάμενος τὰ κατὰ τὴν πόλιν εἴχετο κατὰ τὸ συνεχὲς τῶν ἑξῆς καὶ προῆγε κατὰ σπουδὴν εἰς τὴν Λακωνικήν.

[9] ἐγγίσας δὲ τῷ Κλεομένει προκαθημένῳ τῆς ἑαυτοῦ χώρας κατεπείραζε καὶ συνίστατό τινας ἀκροβολισμούς.

[10] προσπεσόντος δὲ διὰ τῶν κατασκόπων αὐτῷ τοὺς ἐξ Ὀρχομενοῦ στρατιώτας παραβεβοηθηκέναι πρὸς τὸν Κλεομένη, παραυτίκα ποιησάμενος ἀναζυγὴν ἠπείγετο.

[11] καὶ τὸν μὲν Ὀρχομενὸν ἐξ ἐφόδου κατὰ κράτος εἷλε· μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα περιστρατοπεδεύσας τὴν τῶν Μαντινέων ἐπολιόρκει πόλιν.

[12] ταχὺ δὲ καὶ ταύτην καταπληξαμένων τῶν Μακεδόνων καὶ λαβόντων ὑποχείριον, ἀναζεύξας προῆγε τὴν ἐφʼ Ἡραίας καὶ Τελφούσης.

[13] παραλαβὼν δὲ καὶ ταύτας τὰς πόλεις, ἐθελοντὴν προσχωρησάντων αὐτῷ τῶν κατοικούντων, οὕτως ἤδη συνάπτοντος τοῦ χειμῶνος παρῆν εἰς Αἴγιον πρὸς τὴν τῶν Ἀχαιῶν σύνοδον.

[14] καὶ τοὺς μὲν Μακεδόνας ἐπʼ οἴκου διαφῆκε πάντας εἰς τὴν χειμασίαν, αὐτὸς δὲ τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς διελέγετο καὶ συνδιενοεῖτο περὶ τῶν ἐνεστώτων.

[1] κατὰ δὲ τοὺς καιροὺς τούτους συνθεωρῶν ὁ Κλεομένης τὰς μὲν δυνάμεις διαφειμένας, τὸν δʼ Ἀντίγονον μετὰ τῶν μισθοφόρων ἐν Αἰγίῳ διατρίβοντα καὶ τριῶν ἡμερῶν ὁδὸν ἀφεστῶτα τῆς Μεγάλης πόλεως,

[2] τὴν δὲ πόλιν ταύτην εἰδὼς δυσφύλακτον οὖσαν διὰ τὸ μέγεθος καὶ τὴν ἐρημίαν, τότε δὲ καὶ ῥᾳθύμως τηρουμένην διὰ τὴν Ἀντιγόνου παρουσίαν, τὸ δὲ μέγιστον, ἀπολωλότας τοὺς πλείστους τῶν ἐν ταῖς ἡλικίαις ἔν τε τῇ περὶ τὸ Λύκαιον καὶ μετὰ ταῦτα τῇ περὶ Λαδόκεια μάχῃ,

[3] λαβὼν συνεργούς τινας τῶν ἐκ Μεσσήνης φυγάδων, οἳ διατρίβοντες ἐτύγχανον ἐν τῇ Μεγάλῃ πόλει, παρεισῆλθε διὰ τούτων λάθρᾳ νυκτὸς ἐντὸς τῶν τειχῶν.

[4] τῆς δʼ ἡμέρας ἐπιγενομένης παρʼ ὀλίγον ἦλθε τοῦ μὴ μόνον ἐκπεσεῖν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῖς ὅλοις κινδυνεῦσαι διὰ τὴν εὐψυχίαν τῶν Μεγαλοπολιτῶν.

[5] ὃ δὴ καὶ τρισὶ μησὶ πρότερον αὐτῷ συνέβη παθεῖν παρεισπεσόντι κατὰ τὸν Κωλαιὸν προσαγορευόμενον τόπον τῆς πόλεως.

[6] τότε δὲ τῷ πλήθει τῆς δυνάμεως καὶ τῷ προκαταλαμβάνεσθαι τοὺς εὐκαίρους τόπους καθίκετο τῆς ἐπιβολῆς καὶ πέρας ἐκβαλὼν τοὺς Μεγαλοπολίτας κατέσχε τὴν πόλιν.

[7] γενόμενος δʼ ἐγκρατὴς οὕτως αὐτὴν πικρῶς διέφθειρεν καὶ δυσμενῶς ὥστε μηδʼ ἐλπίσαι μηδένα διότι δύναιτʼ ἂν συνοικισθῆναι πάλιν.

[8] τοῦτο δὲ ποιῆσαί μοι δοκεῖ διὰ τὸ κατὰ τὰς τῶν καιρῶν περιστάσεις παρὰ μόνοις Μεγαλοπολίταις καὶ Στυμφαλίοις μηδέποτε δυνηθῆναι μήθʼ αἱρετιστὴν καὶ κοινωνὸν τῶν ἰδίων ἐλπίδων μήτε προδότην κατασκευάσασθαι.

[9] τὸ μὲν γὰρ Κλειτορίων φιλελεύθερον καὶ γενναῖον εἷς ἀνὴρ κατῄσχυνε διὰ τὴν ἑαυτοῦ κακίαν, Θεάρκης· ὃν εἰκότως ἐξαρνοῦνται Κλειτόριοι μὴ φῦναι παρὰ σφίσι, γενέσθαι δʼ ὑποβολιμαῖον ἐξ Ὀρχομενοῦ τῶν ἐπηλύδων τινὸς στρατιωτῶν.

[1] ἐπεὶ δὲ τῶν κατὰ τοὺς αὐτοὺς καιροὺς Ἀράτῳ γεγραφότων παρʼ ἐνίοις ἀποδοχῆς ἀξιοῦται Φύλαρχος, ἐν πολλοῖς ἀντιδοξῶν καὶ τἀναντία γράφων αὐτῷ,

[2] χρήσιμον ἂν εἴη, μᾶλλον δʼ ἀναγκαῖον ἡμῖν, Ἀράτῳ προῃρημένοις κατακολουθεῖν περὶ τῶν Κλεομενικῶν, μὴ παραλιπεῖν ἄσκεπτον τοῦτο τὸ μέρος, ἵνα μὴ τὸ ψεῦδος ἐν τοῖς συγγράμμασιν ἰσοδυναμοῦν ἀπολείπωμεν πρὸς τὴν ἀλήθειαν.

[3] καθόλου μὲν οὖν ὁ συγγραφεὺς οὗτος πολλὰ παρʼ ὅλην τὴν πραγματείαν εἰκῇ καὶ ὡς ἔτυχεν εἴρηκεν.

[4] πλὴν περὶ μὲν τῶν ἄλλων ἴσως οὐκ ἀναγκαῖον ἐπιτιμᾶν κατὰ τὸ παρὸν οὐδʼ ἐξακριβοῦν· ὅσα δὲ συνεπιβάλλει τοῖς ὑφʼ ἡμῶν γραφομένοις καιροῖς — ταῦτα δʼ ἔστιν τὰ περὶ τὸν Κλεομενικὸν πόλεμον — ὑπὲρ τούτων ἀναγκαῖόν ἐστιν ἡμῖν διευκρινεῖν.

[5] ἔσται δὲ πάντως ἀρκοῦντα ταῦτα πρὸς τὸ καὶ τὴν ὅλην αὐτοῦ προαίρεσιν καὶ δύναμιν ἐν τῇ πραγματείᾳ καταμαθεῖν.

[6] βουλόμενος δὴ διασαφεῖν τὴν ὠμότητα τὴν Ἀντιγόνου καὶ Μακεδόνων, ἅμα δὲ τούτοις τὴν Ἀράτου καὶ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν, φησὶ τοὺς Μαντινέας γενομένους ὑποχειρίους μεγάλοις περιπεσεῖν ἀτυχήμασι, καὶ τὴν ἀρχαιοτάτην καὶ μεγίστην πόλιν τῶν κατὰ τὴν Ἀρκαδίαν τηλικαύταις παλαῖσαι συμφοραῖς ὥστε πάντας εἰς ἐπίστασιν καὶ δάκρυα τοὺς Ἕλληνας ἀγαγεῖν.

[7] σπουδάζων δʼ εἰς ἔλεον ἐκκαλεῖσθαι τοὺς ἀναγινώσκοντας καὶ συμπαθεῖς ποιεῖν τοῖς λεγομένοις, εἰσάγει περιπλοκὰς γυναικῶν καὶ κόμας διερριμμένας καὶ μαστῶν ἐκβολάς, πρὸς δὲ τούτοις δάκρυα καὶ θρήνους ἀνδρῶν καὶ γυναικῶν ἀναμὶξ τέκνοις καὶ γονεῦσι γηραιοῖς ἀπαγομένων. ποιεῖ δὲ τοῦτο παρʼ ὅλην τὴν ἱστορίαν,

[8] πειρώμενος ἐν ἑκάστοις ἀεὶ πρὸ ὀφθαλμῶν τιθέναι τὰ δεινά.

[9] τὸ μὲν οὖν ἀγεννὲς καὶ γυναικῶδες τῆς αἱρέσεως αὐτοῦ παρείσθω, τὸ δὲ τῆς ἱστορίας οἰκεῖον ἅμα καὶ χρήσιμον ἐξεταζέσθω.

[10] δεῖ τοιγαροῦν οὐκ ἐπιπλήττειν τὸν συγγραφέα τερατευόμενον διὰ τῆς ἱστορίας τοὺς ἐντυγχάνοντας οὐδὲ τοὺς ἐνδεχομένους λόγους ζητεῖν καὶ τὰ παρεπόμενα τοῖς ὑποκειμένοις ἐξαριθμεῖσθαι, καθάπερ οἱ τραγῳδιογράφοι, τῶν δὲ πραχθέντων καὶ ῥηθέντων κατʼ ἀλήθειαν αὐτῶν μνημονεύειν πάμπαν, κἂν πάνυ μέτρια τυγχάνωσιν ὄντα.

[11] τὸ γὰρ τέλος ἱστορίας καὶ τραγῳδίας οὐ ταὐτόν, ἀλλὰ τοὐναντίον. ἐκεῖ μὲν γὰρ δεῖ διὰ τῶν πιθανωτάτων λόγων ἐκπλῆξαι καὶ ψυχαγωγῆσαι κατὰ τὸ παρὸν τοὺς ἀκούοντας, ἐνθάδε δὲ διὰ τῶν ἀληθινῶν ἔργων καὶ λόγων εἰς τὸν πάντα χρόνον διδάξαι καὶ πεῖσαι τοὺς φιλομαθοῦντας,

[12] ἐπειδήπερ ἐν ἐκείνοις μὲν ἡγεῖται τὸ πιθανόν, κἂν ᾖ ψεῦδος, διὰ τὴν ἀπάτην τῶν θεωμένων, ἐν δὲ τούτοις τἀληθὲς διὰ τὴν ὠφέλειαν τῶν φιλομαθούντων.

[13] χωρίς τε τούτων τὰς πλείστας ἡμῖν ἐξηγεῖται τῶν περιπετειῶν, οὐχ ὑποτιθεὶς αἰτίαν καὶ τρόπον τοῖς γινομένοις, ὧν χωρὶς οὔτʼ ἐλεεῖν εὐλόγως οὔτʼ ὀργίζεσθαι καθηκόντως δυνατὸν ἐπʼ οὐδενὶ τῶν συμβαινόντων.

[14] ἐπεὶ τίς ἀνθρώπων οὐ δεινὸν ἡγεῖται τύπτεσθαι τοὺς ἐλευθέρους; ἀλλʼ ὅμως, ἐὰν μὲν ἄρχων ἀδίκων χειρῶν πάθῃ τις τοῦτο, δικαίως κρίνεται πεπονθέναι· ἐὰν δʼ ἐπὶ διορθώσει καὶ μαθήσει ταὐτὸ τοῦτο γίνηται, προσέτι καὶ τιμῆς καὶ χάριτος οἱ τύπτοντες τοὺς ἐλευθέρους ἀξιοῦνται.

[15] καὶ μὴν τό γε τοὺς πολίτας ἀποκτεινύναι μέγιστον ἀσέβημα τίθεται καὶ μεγίστων ἄξιον προστίμων· καίτοι γε προφανῶς ὁ μὲν τὸν κλέπτην ἢ μοιχὸν ἀποκτείνας ἀθῷός ἐστιν, ὁ δὲ τὸν προδότην ἢ τύραννον τιμῶν καὶ προεδρείας τυγχάνει παρὰ πᾶσιν.

[16] οὕτως ἐν παντὶ τὸ τέλος κεῖται τῆς διαλήψεως ὑπὲρ τούτων οὐκ ἐν τοῖς τελουμένοις, ἀλλʼ ἐν ταῖς αἰτίαις καὶ προαιρέσεσι τῶν πραττόντων καὶ ταῖς τούτων διαφοραῖς.

[1] Μαντινεῖς τοίνυν τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ἐγκαταλιπόντες τὴν μετὰ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν πολιτείαν ἐθελοντὴν Αἰτωλοῖς ἐνεχείρισαν αὑτοὺς καὶ τὴν πατρίδα, μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα Κλεομένει.

[2] γεγονότες δʼ ἐπὶ τοιαύτης προαιρέσεως καὶ μετέχοντες τῆς Λακεδαιμονίων πολιτείας ἔτει τετάρτῳ πρότερον τῆς Ἀντιγόνου παρουσίας ἑάλωσαν κατὰ κράτος ὑπὸ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν, Ἀράτου πραξικοπήσαντος αὐτῶν τὴν πόλιν.

[3] ἐν ᾧ καιρῷ τοσοῦτον ἀπέσχον τοῦ παθεῖν τι δεινὸν διὰ τὴν προειρημένην ἁμαρτίαν ὡς καὶ περιβόητον συνέβη γενέσθαι τὸ πραχθὲν διὰ τὴν ὀξύτητα τῆς κατὰ τὴν προαίρεσιν ἀμφοτέρων μεταβολῆς.

[4] ἅμα γὰρ τῷ κατασχεῖν τὴν πόλιν Ἄρατος παραυτίκα μὲν τοῖς ὑφʼ αὑτὸν ταττομένοις παρήγγελλε μηδένα μηδενὸς ἅπτεσθαι τῶν ἀλλοτρίων,

[5] ἑξῆς δὲ τούτοις τοὺς Μαντινέας συναθροίσας παρεκάλεσε θαρρεῖν καὶ μένειν ἐπὶ τῶν ἰδίων· ὑπάρξειν γὰρ αὐτοῖς τὴν ἀσφάλειαν πολιτευομένοις μετὰ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν.

[6] τοῖς δὲ Μαντινεῦσιν ἀνυπονοήτου καὶ παραδόξου φανείσης τῆς ἐλπίδος, παραυτίκα πάντες ἐπὶ τῆς ἐναντίας ἐγένοντο γνώμης.

[7] καὶ πρὸς οὓς μικρῷ πρότερον μαχόμενοι πολλοὺς μὲν τῶν ἀναγκαίων ἐπεῖδον ἀπολλυμένους, οὐκ ὀλίγους δʼ αὐτῶν βιαίοις τραύμασι περιπεσόντας, τούτους εἰς τὰς ἰδίας οἰκίας εἰσαγόμενοι καὶ ποιησάμενοι σφίσι καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις ἀναγκαίοις ὁμεστίους, οὐδὲν ἀπέλειπον τῆς μετʼ ἀλλήλων φιλοφροσύνης.

[8] καὶ τοῦτʼ εἰκότως ἐποίουν· οὐ γὰρ οἶδʼ εἴ τινες ἀνθρώπων εὐγνωμονεστέροις ἐνέτυχον πολεμίοις οὐδʼ εἴ τινες ἀβλαβέστερον ἐπάλαισαν τοῖς μεγίστοις δοκοῦσιν εἶναι συμπτώμασι Μαντινέων διὰ τὴν Ἀράτου καὶ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν εἰς αὐτοὺς φιλαν

[1] θρωπίαν. μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα προορώμενοι τὰς ἐν αὑτοῖς στάσεις καὶ τὰς ὑπʼ Αἰτωλῶν καὶ Λακεδαιμονίων ἐπιβουλάς, πρεσβεύσαντες πρὸς τοὺς Ἀχαιοὺς ἠξίωσαν δοῦναι παραφυλακὴν αὑτοῖς.

[2] οἱ δὲ πεισθέντες ἀπεκλήρωσαν ἐξ αὑτῶν τριακοσίους ἄνδρας· ὧν οἱ λαχόντες ὥρμησαν, ἀπολιπόντες τὰς ἰδίας πατρίδας καὶ τοὺς βίους, καὶ διέτριβον ἐν Μαντινείᾳ, παραφυλάττοντες τὴν ἐκείνων ἐλευθερίαν ἅμα καὶ σωτηρίαν.

[3] σὺν δὲ τούτοις καὶ μισθοφόρους διακοσίους ἐξέπεμψαν, οἳ μετὰ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν συνδιετήρουν τὴν ὑποκειμένην αὐτοῖς κατάστασιν.

[4] μετʼ οὐ πολὺ δὲ στασιάσαντες πρὸς σφᾶς οἱ Μαντινεῖς καὶ Λακεδαιμονίους ἐπισπασάμενοι τήν τε πόλιν ἐνεχείρισαν καὶ τοὺς παρὰ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν διατρίβοντας παρʼ αὑτοῖς κατέσφαξαν· οὗ μεῖζον παρασπόνδημα καὶ δεινότερον οὐδʼ εἰπεῖν εὐμαρές.

[5] ἐπειδὴ γὰρ ἔδοξε σφίσι καθόλου τὴν πρὸς τὸ ἔθνος χάριν καὶ φιλίαν ἀθετεῖν, τῶν γε προειρημένων ἀνδρῶν ἐχρῆν δήπου φεισαμένους ἐᾶσαι πάντας ὑποσπόνδους ἀπελθεῖν·

[6] τοῦτο γὰρ καὶ τοῖς πολεμίοις ἔθος ἐστὶ συγχωρεῖσθαι κατὰ τοὺς κοινοὺς τῶν ἀνθρώπων νόμους.

[7] οἱ δʼ ἵνα Κλεομένει καὶ Λακεδαιμονίοις ἱκανὴν παράσχωνται πίστιν πρὸς τὴν ἐνεστῶσαν ἐπιβολήν, τὰ κοινὰ τῶν ἀνθρώπων δίκαια παραβάντες τὸ μέγιστον ἀσέβημα κατὰ προαίρεσιν ἐπετέλεσαν.

[8] τὸ γὰρ τούτων αὐτόχειρας γενέσθαι καὶ τιμωροὺς οἵτινες πρότερον μὲν κατὰ κράτος λαβόντες αὐτοὺς ἀθῴους ἀφῆκαν, τότε δὲ τὴν ἐκείνων ἐλευθερίαν καὶ σωτηρίαν ἐφύλαττον, πηλίκης ὀργῆς ἐστιν ἄξιον;

[9] τί δʼ ἂν παθόντες οὗτοι δίκην δόξαιεν ἁρμόζουσαν δεδωκέναι; τυχὸν ἴσως εἴποι τις ἄν, πραθέντες μετὰ τέκνων καὶ γυναικῶν, ἐπεὶ κατεπολεμήθησαν.

[10] ἀλλὰ τοῦτό γε καὶ τοῖς μηθὲν ἀσεβὲς ἐπιτελεσαμένοις κατὰ τοὺς τοῦ πολέμου νόμους ὑπόκειται παθεῖν. οὐκοῦν ὁλοσχερεστέρας τινὸς καὶ μείζονος τυχεῖν ἦσαν ἄξιοι τιμωρίας,

[11] ὥστʼ εἴπερ ἔπαθον ἃ Φύλαρχός φησιν, οὐκ ἔλεον εἰκὸς ἦν συνεξακολουθεῖν αὐτοῖς παρὰ τῶν Ἑλλήνων, ἔπαινον δὲ καὶ συγκατάθεσιν μᾶλλον τοῖς πράττουσι καὶ μεταπορευομένοις τὴν ἀσέβειαν αὐτῶν.

[12] ἀλλʼ ὅμως οὐδενὸς περαιτέρω συνεξακολουθήσαντος Μαντινεῦσι κατὰ τὴν περιπέτειαν πλὴν τοῦ διαρπαγῆναι τοὺς βίους καὶ πραθῆναι τοὺς ἐλευθέρους, ὁ συγγραφεὺς αὐτῆς τῆς τερατείας χάριν οὐ μόνον ψεῦδος εἰσήνεγκε τὸ ὅλον,

[13] ἀλλὰ καὶ τὸ ψεῦδος ἀπίθανον, καὶ διὰ τὴν ὑπερβολὴν τῆς ἀγνοίας οὐδὲ τὸ παρακείμενον ἠδυνήθη συνεπιστῆσαι, πῶς οἱ αὐτοὶ κατὰ τοὺς αὐτοὺς καιροὺς κυριεύσαντες Τεγεατῶν κατὰ κράτος οὐδὲν τῶν ὁμοίων ἔπραξαν.

[14] καίτοι γʼ εἰ μὲν ἡ τῶν πραττόντων ὠμότης ἦν αἰτία, καὶ τούτους εἰκὸς ἦν πεπονθέναι ταὐτὰ τοῖς ὑπὸ τὸν αὐτὸν ὑποπεπτωκόσι καιρόν.

[15] εἰ δὲ περὶ μόνους γέγονε Μαντινεῖς ἡ διαφορά, φανερὸν ὅτι καὶ τὴν αἰτίαν τῆς ὀργῆς ἀνάγκη διαφέρουσαν γεγονέναι περὶ τούτους.

[1] πάλιν Ἀριστόμαχον τὸν Ἀργεῖόν φησιν, ἄνδρα τῆς ἐπιφανεστάτης οἰκίας ὑπάρχοντα καὶ τετυραννηκότα μὲν Ἀργείων, πεφυκότα δʼ ἐκ τυράννων, ὑποχείριον Ἀντιγόνῳ καὶ τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς γενόμενον εἰς Κεγχρεὰς ἀπαχθῆναι καὶ στρεβλούμενον ἀποθανεῖν, ἀδικώτατα καὶ δεινότατα παθόντα πάντων ἀνθρώπων.

[2] τηρῶν δὲ καὶ περὶ ταύτην τὴν πρᾶξιν ὁ συγγραφεὺς τὸ καθʼ αὑτὸν ἰδίωμα φωνάς τινας πλάττει διὰ τῆς νυκτὸς αὐτοῦ στρεβλουμένου προσπιπτούσας τοῖς σύνεγγυς κατοικοῦσιν, ὧν τοὺς μὲν ἐκπληττομένους τὴν ἀσέβειαν, τοὺς δʼ ἀπιστοῦντας, τοὺς δʼ ἀγανακτοῦντας ἐπὶ τοῖς γινομένοις προστρέχειν πρὸς τὴν οἰκίαν φησίν.

[3] περὶ μὲν οὖν τῆς τοιαύτης τερατείας παρείσθω· δεδήλωται γὰρ ἀρκούντως.

[4] ἐγὼ δʼ Ἀριστόμαχον, εἰ καὶ μηδὲν εἰς τοὺς Ἀχαιοὺς ἕτερον ἥμαρτεν, κατά γε τὴν τοῦ βίου προαίρεσιν καὶ τὴν εἰς πατρίδα παρανομίαν τῆς μεγίστης ἄξιον κρίνω τιμωρίας.

[5] καίπερ ὁ συγγραφεὺς βουλόμενος αὔξειν αὐτοῦ τὴν δόξαν καὶ παραστήσασθαι τοὺς ἀκούοντας εἰς τὸ μᾶλλον αὐτῷ συναγανακτεῖν ἐφʼ οἷς ἔπαθεν οὐ μόνον αὐτόν φησι γεγονέναι τύραννον, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἐκ τυράννων πεφυκέναι.

[6] ταύτης δὲ μείζω κατηγορίαν ἢ πικροτέραν οὐδʼ ἂν εἰπεῖν ῥᾳδίως δύναιτʼ οὐδείς. αὐτὸ γὰρ τοὔνομα περιέχει τὴν ἀσεβεστάτην ἔμφασιν καὶ πάσας περιείληφε τὰς ἐν ἀνθρώποις ἀδικίας καὶ παρανομίας.

[7] Ἀριστόμαχος δʼ εἰ τὰς δεινοτάτας ὑπέμεινε τιμωρίας, ὡς οὗτός φησιν, ὅμως οὐχ ἱκανὴν ἔδωκεν δίκην μιᾶς ἡμέρας,

[8] ἐν ᾗ παρεισπεσόντος εἰς τὴν πόλιν Ἀράτου μετὰ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν καὶ μεγάλους ἀγῶνας καὶ κινδύνους ὑπομείναντος ὑπὲρ τῆς Ἀργείων ἐλευθερίας, τέλος δʼ ἐκπεσόντος διὰ τὸ μηδένα συγκινηθῆναι τῶν ἔσωθεν αὐτῷ ταξαμένων διὰ τὸν ἀπὸ τοῦ τυράννου φόβον,

[9] Ἀριστόμαχος ἀφορμῇ ταύτῃ καὶ προφάσει χρησάμενος, ὥς τινων συνειδότων τὰ περὶ τὴν εἴσοδον τῶν Ἀχαιῶν, ὀγδοήκοντα τοὺς πρώτους τῶν πολιτῶν οὐδὲν ἀδικήσαντας στρεβλώσας ἐναντίον τῶν ἀναγκαίων κατέσφαξεν.

[10] παρίημι τὰ παρʼ ὅλον τὸν βίον αὐτοῦ καὶ

[1] τῶν προγόνων ἀσεβήματα· μακρὸν γάρ. διόπερ οὐκ εἴ τινι τῶν ὁμοίων περιέπεσε δεινὸν ἡγητέον, πολὺ δὲ δεινότερον, εἰ μηδενὸς τούτων πεῖραν λαβὼν ἀθῷος ἀπέθανεν.

[2] οὐδʼ Ἀντιγόνῳ προσαπτέον οὐδʼ Ἀράτῳ παρανομίαν, ὅτι λαβόντες κατὰ πόλεμον ὑποχείριον τύραννον στρεβλώσαντες ἀπέκτειναν, ὅν γε καὶ κατʼ αὐτὴν τὴν εἰρήνην τοῖς ἀνελοῦσι καὶ τιμωρησαμένοις ἔπαινος καὶ τιμὴ συνεξηκολούθει παρὰ τοῖς ὀρθῶς λογιζομένοις.

[3] ὅτε δὲ χωρὶς τῶν προειρημένων καὶ τοὺς Ἀχαιοὺς παρεσπόνδησεν, τί παθεῖν ἦν ἄξιος;

[4] ἐκεῖνος γὰρ ἀπέθετο μὲν τὴν τυραννίδα χρόνοις οὐ πολλοῖς πρότερον, ὑπὸ τῶν καιρῶν συγκλειόμενος διὰ τὸν Δημητρίου θάνατον, ἀνελπίστως δὲ τῆς ἀσφαλείας ἔτυχε περισταλεὶς ὑπὸ τῆς τῶν Ἀχαιῶν πρᾳότητος καὶ καλοκἀγαθίας·

[5] οἵτινες οὐ μόνον αὐτὸν τῶν ἐκ τῆς τυραννίδος ἀσεβημάτων ἀζήμιον ἐποίησαν, ἀλλὰ καὶ προσλαβόντες εἰς τὴν πολιτείαν τὴν μεγίστην τιμὴν περιέθεσαν, ἡγεμόνα καὶ στρατηγὸν καταστήσαντες σφῶν αὐτῶν.

[6] ὁ δʼ ἐπιλαθόμενος τῶν προειρημένων φιλανθρώπων παρὰ πόδας, ἐπεὶ μικρὸν ἐπικυδεστέρας ἔσχε τὰς ἐλπίδας ὑπὲρ τοῦ μέλλοντος ἐν Κλεομένει, τήν τε πατρίδα καὶ τὴν ἑαυτοῦ προαίρεσιν ἀποσπάσας ἀπὸ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν ἐν τοῖς ἀναγκαιοτάτοις καιροῖς προσένειμε τοῖς ἐχθροῖς.

[7] ὃν ὑποχείριον γενόμενον οὐκ ἐν Κεγχρεαῖς ἔδει τὴν νύκτα στρεβλούμενον ἀποθανεῖν, ὡς Φύλαρχός φησιν, περιαγόμενον δʼ εἰς τὴν Πελοπόννησον καὶ μετὰ τιμωρίας παραδειγματιζόμενον οὕτως ἐκλιπεῖν τὸ ζῆν.

[8] ἀλλʼ ὅμως τοιοῦτος ὢν οὐδενὸς ἔτυχε δεινοῦ πλὴν τοῦ καταποντισθῆναι διὰ τῶν ἐπὶ ταῖς Κεγχρεαῖς τεταγμένων.

[1] χωρίς τε τούτων τὰς μὲν Μαντινέων ἡμῖν συμφορὰς μετʼ αὐξήσεως καὶ διαθέσεως ἐξηγήσατο, δῆλον ὅτι καθήκειν ὑπολαμβάνων τοῖς συγγραφεῦσι τὰς παρανόμους τῶν πράξεων ἐπισημαίνεσθαι,

[2] τῆς δὲ Μεγαλοπολιτῶν γενναιότητος, ᾗ περὶ τοὺς αὐτοὺς ἐχρήσαντο καιρούς, οὐδὲ κατὰ ποσὸν ἐποιήσατο μνήμην,

[3] ὥσπερ τὸ τὰς ἁμαρτίας ἐξαριθμεῖσθαι τῶν πραξάντων οἰκειότερον ὑπάρχον τῆς ἱστορίας τοῦ τὰ καλὰ καὶ δίκαια τῶν ἔργων ἐπισημαίνεσθαι, ἢ τοὺς ἐντυγχάνοντας τοῖς ὑπομνήμασιν ἧττόν τι διορθουμένους ὑπὸ τῶν σπουδαίων καὶ ζηλωτῶν ἔργων ἤπερ ὑπὸ τῶν παρανόμων καὶ φευκτῶν πράξεων.

[4] ὁ δὲ πῶς μὲν ἔλαβε Κλεομένης τὴν πόλιν καὶ πῶς ἀκέραιον διαφυλάξας ἐξαπέστειλε παραχρῆμα πρὸς τοὺς Μεγαλοπολίτας εἰς τὴν Μεσσήνην γραμματοφόρους, ἀξιῶν αὐτοὺς ἀβλαβῆ κομισαμένους τὴν ἑαυτῶν πατρίδα κοινωνῆσαι τῶν ἰδίων πραγμάτων, ταῦτα μὲν ἡμῖν ἐδήλωσε, βουλόμενος ὑποδεῖξαι τὴν Κλεομένους μεγαλοψυχίαν καὶ μετριότητα πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους.

[5] ἔτι δὲ πῶς οἱ Μεγαλοπολῖται τῆς ἐπιστολῆς ἀναγινωσκομένης οὐκ ἐάσαιεν εἰς τέλος ἀναγνωσθῆναι, μικροῦ δὲ καταλεύσαιεν τοὺς γραμματοφόρους, ἕως τούτου διεσάφησε. τὸ δʼ ἀκόλουθον καὶ τὸ τῆς ἱστορίας ἴδιον ἀφεῖλεν,

[6] τὸν ἔπαινον καὶ τὴν ἐπʼ ἀγαθῷ μνήμην τῶν ἀξιολόγων προαιρέσεων.

[7] καίτοι γʼ ἐμποδὼν ἦν. εἰ γὰρ τοὺς λόγῳ καὶ δόγματι μόνον ὑπομείναντας πόλεμον ὑπὲρ φίλων καὶ συμμάχων ἄνδρας ἀγαθοὺς νομίζομεν, τοῖς δὲ καὶ χώρας καταφθορὰν καὶ πολιορκίαν ἀναδεξαμένοις οὐ μόνον ἔπαινον, ἀλλὰ καὶ χάριτας καὶ δωρεὰς τὰς μεγίστας ἀπονέμομεν,

[8] τίνα γε χρὴ περὶ Μεγαλοπολιτῶν ἔχειν διάληψιν; ἆρʼ οὐχὶ τὴν σεμνοτάτην καὶ βελτίστην;

[9] οἳ πρῶτον μὲν τὴν χώραν Κλεομένει προεῖντο, μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα πάλιν ὁλοσχερῶς ἔπταισαν τῇ πατρίδι διὰ τὴν πρὸς τοὺς Ἀχαιοὺς αἵρεσιν,

[10] τὸ δὲ τελευταῖον, δοθείσης ἀνελπίστως καὶ παραδόξως αὐτοῖς ἐξουσίας ἀβλαβῆ ταύτην ἀπολαβεῖν, προείλαντο στέρεσθαι χώρας, τάφων, ἱερῶν, πατρίδος, τῶν ὑπαρχόντων, ἁπάντων συλλήβδην τῶν ἐν ἀνθρώποις ἀναγκαιοτάτων χάριν τοῦ μὴ προδοῦναι τὴν πρὸς τοὺς συμμάχους πίστιν.

[11] οὗ τί κάλλιον ἔργον ἢ γέγονεν ἢ γένοιτʼ ἄν; ἐπὶ τί δʼ ἂν μᾶλλον συγγραφεὺς ἐπιστήσαι τοὺς ἀκούοντας; διὰ τίνος δʼ ἔργου μᾶλλον ἂν παρορμήσαι πρὸς φυλακὴν πίστεως καὶ πρὸς ἀληθινῶν πραγμάτων καὶ βεβαίων κοινωνίαν; ὧν οὐδεμίαν ἐποιήσατο μνήμην Φύλαρχος,

[12] τυφλώττων, ὥς γʼ ἐμοὶ δοκεῖ, περὶ τὰ κάλλιστα καὶ μάλιστα συγγραφεῖ καθήκοντα τῶν ἔργων.

[1] οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ τούτοις ἑξῆς φησιν ἀπὸ τῶν ἐκ τῆς Μεγάλης πόλεως λαφύρων ἑξακισχίλια τάλαντα τοῖς Λακεδαιμονίοις πεσεῖν, ὧν τὰ δισχίλια Κλεομένει δοθῆναι κατὰ τοὺς ἐθισμούς.

[2] ἐν δὲ τούτοις πρῶτον μὲν τίς οὐκ ἂν θαυμάσειεν τὴν ἀπειρίαν καὶ τὴν ἄγνοιαν τῆς κοινῆς ἐννοίας ὑπὲρ τῆς τῶν Ἑλληνικῶν πραγμάτων χορηγίας καὶ δυνάμεως; ἣν μάλιστα δεῖ παρὰ τοῖς ἱστοριογράφοις ὑπάρχειν.

[3] ἐγὼ γὰρ οὐ λέγω κατʼ ἐκείνους τοὺς χρόνους, ἐν οἷς ὑπό τε τῶν ἐν Μακεδονίᾳ βασιλέων, ἔτι δὲ μᾶλλον ὑπὸ τῆς συνεχείας τῶν πρὸς ἀλλήλους πολέμων ἄρδην κατέφθαρτο τὰ Πελοποννησίων,

[4] ἀλλʼ ἐν τοῖς καθʼ ἡμᾶς καιροῖς, ἐν οἷς πάντες ἓν καὶ ταὐτὸ λέγοντες μεγίστην καρποῦσθαι δοκοῦσιν εὐδαιμονίαν, ὅμως ἐκ Πελοποννήσου πάσης ἐξ αὐτῶν τῶν ἐπίπλων χωρὶς σωμάτων οὐχ οἷόν τε συναχθῆναι τοσοῦτο πλῆθος χρημάτων.

[5] καὶ διότι τοῦτο νῦν οὐκ εἰκῇ, λόγῳ δέ τινι μᾶλλον ἀποφαινόμεθα, δῆλον ἐκ τούτων.

[6] τίς γὰρ ὑπὲρ Ἀθηναίων οὐχ ἱστόρηκε διότι καθʼ οὓς καιροὺς μετὰ Θηβαίων εἰς τὸν πρὸς Λακεδαιμονίους ἐνέβαινον πόλεμον καὶ μυρίους μὲν ἐξέπεμπον στρατιώτας, ἑκατὸν δʼ ἐπλήρουν τριήρεις,

[7] ὅτι τότε κρίναντες ἀπὸ τῆς ἀξίας ποιεῖσθαι τὰς εἰς τὸν πόλεμον εἰσφορὰς ἐτιμήσαντο τήν τε χώραν τὴν Ἀττικὴν ἅπασαν καὶ τὰς οἰκίας, ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ τὴν λοιπὴν οὐσίαν· ἀλλʼ ὅμως τὸ σύμπαν τίμημα τῆς ἀξίας ἐνέλιπε τῶν ἑξακισχιλίων διακοσίοις καὶ πεντήκοντα ταλάντοις.

[8] ἐξ ὧν οὐκ ἀπεοικὸς ἂν φανείη τὸ περὶ Πελοποννησίων ἄρτι ῥηθὲν ὑπʼ ἐμοῦ.

[9] κατὰ δʼ ἐκείνους τοὺς καιροὺς ἐξ αὐτῆς τῆς Μεγάλης πόλεως ὑπερβολικῶς ἀποφαινόμενος οὐκ ἄν τις εἰπεῖν τολμήσειεν πλείω γενέσθαι τριακοσίων,

[10] ἐπειδήπερ ὁμολογούμενόν ἐστι διότι καὶ τῶν ἐλευθέρων καὶ τῶν δουλικῶν σωμάτων τὰ πλεῖστα συνέβη διαφυγεῖν εἰς τὴν Μεσσήνην. μέγιστον δὲ τῶν προειρημένων τεκμήριον·

[11] οὐδενὸς γὰρ ὄντες δεύτεροι τῶν Ἀρκάδων Μαντινεῖς οὔτε κατὰ τὴν δύναμιν οὔτε κατὰ τὴν περιουσίαν, ὡς αὐτὸς οὗτός φησιν, ἐκ πολιορκίας δὲ καὶ παραδόσεως ἁλόντες, ὥστε μήτε διαφυγεῖν μηδένα μήτε διακλαπῆναι ῥᾳδίως μηδέν,

[12] ὅμως τὸ πᾶν λάφυρον ἐποίησαν μετὰ τῶν σωμάτων κατὰ τοὺς αὐτοὺς καιροὺς τάλαντα τριακόσια.

[1] τὸ δὲ συνεχὲς τούτῳ τίς οὐκ ἂν ἔτι μᾶλλον θαυμάσειε; ταῦτα γὰρ ἀποφαινόμενος λέγει πρὸ τῆς παρατάξεως δέχʼ ἡμέραις μάλιστα τὸν παρὰ Πτολεμαίου πρεσβευτὴν ἐλθεῖν ἀγγέλλοντα πρὸς τὸν Κλεομένη διότι Πτολεμαῖος τὸ μὲν χορηγεῖν ἀπολέγει, διαλύεσθαι δὲ παρακαλεῖ πρὸς τὸν Ἀντίγονον.

[2] τὸν δʼ ἀκούσαντά φησι κρῖναι διότι δεῖ τὴν ταχίστην ἐκκυβεύειν τοῖς ὅλοις πρὸ τοῦ συνεῖναι τὰ προσπεπτωκότα τὰς δυνάμεις, διὰ τὸ μηδεμίαν ὑπάρχειν ἐν τοῖς ἰδίοις πράγμασιν ἐλπίδα τοῦ δύνασθαι μισθοδοτεῖν.

[3] ἀλλʼ εἴπερ ἑξακισχιλίων ἐγκρατὴς ἐγεγόνει ταλάντων κατὰ τοὺς αὐτοὺς καιρούς, τὸν Πτολεμαῖον αὐτὸν ἠδύνατο ταῖς χορηγίαις ὑπερθέσθαι.

[4] πρὸς δὲ τὸν Ἀντίγονον, εἰ μόνον τριακοσίων ὑπῆρχε κύριος, καὶ λίαν ἱκανὸς ἦν ἀσφαλῶς ὑπομένων τρίβειν τὸν πόλεμον.

[5] τὸ δʼ ἅμα μὲν πάσας ἀποφαίνειν τῷ Κλεομένει τὰς ἐλπίδας ἐν Πτολεμαίῳ διὰ τὰς χορηγίας, ἅμα δὲ τοσούτων χρημάτων αὐτὸν φάναι κύριον γεγονέναι κατὰ τοὺς αὐτοὺς καιρούς, πῶς οὐ τῆς μεγίστης ἀλογίας, ἔτι δʼ ἀσκεψίας ἐστὶ σημεῖον;

[6] πολλὰ δὲ καὶ ἕτερα τῷ συγγραφεῖ τοιαῦτα καὶ κατὰ τοὺς ὑποκειμένους καιροὺς καὶ παρʼ ὅλην τὴν πραγματείαν κατατέτακται, περὶ ὧν ἀρκεῖν ὑπολαμβάνω κατὰ τὴν ἐξ ἀρχῆς πρόθεσιν καὶ τὰ νῦν εἰρημένα.

[1] μετὰ δὲ τὴν τῆς Μεγάλης πόλεως ἅλωσιν Ἀντιγόνου παραχειμάζοντος ἐν τῇ τῶν Ἀργείων πόλει, συναγαγὼν Κλεομένης ἅμα τῷ τὴν ἐαρινὴν ὥραν ἐνίστασθαι καὶ παρακαλέσας τὰ πρέποντα τοῖς καιροῖς, ἐξαγαγὼν τὴν στρατιὰν ἐνέβαλεν εἰς τὴν τῶν Ἀργείων χώραν,

[2] ὡς μὲν τοῖς πολλοῖς ἐδόκει, παραβόλως καὶ τολμηρῶς διὰ τὴν ὀχυρότητα τῶν κατὰ τὰς εἰσόδους τόπων, ὡς δὲ τοῖς ὀρθῶς λογιζομένοις, ἀσφαλῶς καὶ νουνεχῶς.

[3] ὁρῶν γὰρ τὸν Ἀντίγονον διαφεικότα τὰς δυνάμεις, ᾔδει σαφῶς ὡς πρῶτον μὲν τὴν εἰσβολὴν ἀκινδύνως ποιήσεται, δεύτερον ἔτι τῆς χώρας καταφθειρομένης ἕως τῶν τειχῶν ἀνάγκη τοὺς Ἀργείους θεωροῦντας τὸ γινόμενον ἀσχάλλειν καὶ καταμέμφεσθαι τὸν Ἀντίγονον.

[4] εἰ μὲν οὖν συμβαίη μὴ δυνάμενον αὐτὸν ὑποφέρειν τὸν ἐπιρραπισμὸν τῶν ὄχλων ἐξελθεῖν καὶ διακινδυνεῦσαι τοῖς παροῦσιν, πρόδηλον ἐκ τῶν κατὰ λόγον ἦν αὐτῷ διότι νικήσει ῥᾳδίως.

[5] εἰ δʼ ἐμμείνας τοῖς λογισμοῖς ἀφησυχάζοι, καταπληξάμενος τοὺς ὑπεναντίους καὶ ταῖς ἰδίαις δυνάμεσι θάρσος ἐνεργασάμενος ἀσφαλῶς ὑπέλαβε ποιήσασθαι τὴν ἀναχώρησιν εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν. ὃ καὶ συνέβη γενέσθαι.

[6] τῆς γὰρ χώρας δῃουμένης οἱ μὲν ὄχλοι συστρεφόμενοι τὸν Ἀντίγονον ἐλοιδόρουν. ὁ δὲ καὶ λίαν ἡγεμονικῶς καὶ βασιλικῶς οὐδὲν περὶ πλείονος ποιούμενος τοῦ κατὰ λόγον χρήσασθαι τοῖς

[7] πράγμασιν ἦγε τὴν ἡσυχίαν. ὁ δὲ Κλεομένης κατὰ τὴν ἐξ ἀρχῆς πρόθεσιν καταφθείρας μὲν τὴν χώραν, καταπληξάμενος δὲ τοὺς ὑπεναντίους, εὐθαρσεῖς δὲ πεποιηκὼς τὰς ἑαυτοῦ δυνάμεις πρὸς τὸν ἐπιφερόμενον κίνδυνον ἀσφαλῶς εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν ἐπανῆλθεν.

[1] τοῦ δὲ θέρους ἐνισταμένου, καὶ συνελθόντων τῶν Μακεδόνων καὶ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν ἐκ τῆς χειμασίας, ἀναλαβὼν τὴν στρατιὰν Ἀντίγονος προῆγε μετὰ τῶν συμμάχων εἰς τὴν Λακωνικήν,

[2] ἔχων Μακεδόνας μὲν τοὺς εἰς τὴν φάλαγγα μυρίους, πελταστὰς δὲ τρισχιλίους, ἱππεῖς δὲ τριακοσίους, Ἀγριᾶνας δὲ σὺν τούτοις χιλίους καὶ Γαλάτας ἄλλους τοσούτους, μισθοφόρους δὲ τοὺς πάντας πεζοὺς μὲν τρισχιλίους, ἱππεῖς δὲ τριακοσίους,

[3] Ἀχαιῶν δʼ ἐπιλέκτους πεζοὺς μὲν τρισχιλίους, ἱππεῖς δὲ τριακοσίους, καὶ Μεγαλοπολίτας χιλίους εἰς τὸν Μακεδονικὸν τρόπον καθωπλισμένους, ὧν ἡγεῖτο Κερκιδᾶς Μεγαλοπολίτης, τῶν δὲ συμμάχων Βοιωτῶν μὲν πεζοὺς δισχιλίους,

[4] ἱππεῖς δὲ διακοσίους, Ἠπειρωτῶν πεζοὺς χιλίους, ἱππεῖς πεντήκοντα, Ἀκαρνάνων ἄλλους τοσούτους, Ἰλλυριῶν χιλίους ἑξακοσίους, ἐφʼ ὧν ἦν Δημήτριος ὁ Φάριος,

[5] ὥστʼ εἶναι πᾶσαν τὴν δύναμιν πεζοὺς μὲν εἰς δισμυρίους ὀκτακισχιλίους, ἱππεῖς δὲ χιλίους καὶ διακοσίους.

[6] ὁ δὲ Κλεομένης προσδοκῶν τὴν ἔφοδον τὰς μὲν ἄλλας τὰς εἰς τὴν χώραν εἰσβολὰς ἠσφαλίσατο φυλακαῖς καὶ τάφροις καὶ δένδρων ἐκκοπαῖς,

[7] αὐτὸς δὲ κατὰ τὴν Σελλασίαν καλουμένην μετὰ τῆς δυνάμεως ἐστρατοπέδευε, τῆς πάσης ὑπαρχούσης αὐτῷ στρατιᾶς εἰς δύο μυριάδας, στοχαζόμενος ἐκ τῶν κατὰ λόγον ταύτῃ ποιήσασθαι τοὺς ὑπεναντίους τὴν εἰσβολήν· ὃ καὶ συνεκύρησε.

[8] δύο δὲ λόφων ἐπʼ αὐτῆς τῆς εἰσόδου κειμένων, ὧν τὸν μὲν Εὔαν, τὸν δʼ ἕτερον Ὄλυμπον καλεῖσθαι συμβαίνει,

[9] τῆς δʼ ὁδοῦ μεταξὺ τούτων παρὰ τὸν Οἰνοῦντα ποταμὸν φερούσης εἰς τὴν Σπάρτην, ὁ μὲν Κλεομένης τῶν προειρημένων λόφων συνάμφω τάφρον καὶ χάρακα προβαλόμενος ἐπὶ μὲν τὸν Εὔαν ἔταξε τοὺς περιοίκους καὶ συμμάχους, ἐφʼ ὧν ἐπέστησε τὸν ἀδελφὸν Εὐκλείδαν, αὐτὸς δὲ τὸν Ὄλυμπον κατεῖχε μετὰ Λακεδαιμονίων καὶ τῶν μισθοφόρων.

[10] ἐν δὲ τοῖς ἐπιπέδοις παρὰ τὸν ποταμὸν ἐφʼ ἑκάτερα τῆς ὁδοῦ τοὺς ἱππεῖς μετὰ μέρους τινὸς τῶν μισθοφόρων παρενέβαλεν.

[11] Ἀντίγονος δὲ παραγενόμενος καὶ συνθεωρήσας τήν τε τῶν τόπων ὀχυρότητα καὶ τὸν Κλεομένη πᾶσι τοῖς οἰκείοις μέρεσι τῆς δυνάμεως οὕτως εὐστόχως προκατειληφότα τὰς εὐκαιρίας ὥστε παραπλήσιον εἶναι τὸ σύμπαν σχῆμα τῆς στρατοπεδείας τῆς τῶν ἀγαθῶν ὁπλομάχων προβολῆς·

[12] οὐδὲν γὰρ ἀπέλειπε τῶν πρὸς ἐπίθεσιν ἅμα καὶ φυλακήν, ἀλλʼ ἦν ὁμοῦ παράταξις ἐνεργὸς καὶ παρεμβολὴ δυσπρόσοδος·

[13] διὸ καὶ τὸ μὲν ἐξ ἐφόδου καταπειράζειν καὶ συμπλέκεσθαι

[1] προχείρως ἀπέγνω, στρατοπεδεύσας δʼ ἐν βραχεῖ διαστήματι καὶ λαβὼν πρόβλημα τὸν Γοργύλον καλούμενον ποταμόν, τινὰς μὲν ἡμέρας ἐπιμένων συνεθεώρει τάς τε τῶν τόπων ἰδιότητας καὶ τὰς τῶν δυνάμεων διαφοράς,

[2] ἅμα δὲ καὶ προδεικνύων τινὰς ἐπιβολὰς πρὸς τὸ μέλλον ἐξεκαλεῖτο τὰς τῶν ὑπεναντίων ἐπινοίας.

[3] οὐ δυνάμενος δὲ λαβεῖν οὐδὲν ἀργὸν οὐδʼ ἔξοπλον διὰ τὸ πρὸς πᾶν ἑτοίμως ἀντικινεῖσθαι τὸν Κλεομένη,

[4] τῆς μὲν τοιαύτης ἐπινοίας ἀπέστη, τέλος δʼ ἐξ ὁμολόγου διὰ μάχης ἀμφότεροι προέθεντο κρίνειν τὰς πράξεις· πάνυ γὰρ εὐφυεῖς καὶ παραπλησίους ἡγεμόνας ἡ τύχη συνέβαλε τούτους τοὺς ἄνδρας.

[5] πρὸς μὲν οὖν τοὺς κατὰ τὸν Εὔαν ὁ βασιλεὺς ἀντέταξε τῶν τε Μακεδόνων τοὺς χαλκάσπιδας καὶ τοὺς Ἰλλυριούς, κατὰ σπείρας ἐναλλὰξ τεταγμένους, Ἀλέξανδρον τὸν Ἀκμήτου καὶ Δημήτριον τὸν Φάριον ἐπιστήσας.

[6] ἐπὶ δὲ τούτοις τοὺς Ἀκαρνᾶνας καὶ Ἠπειρώτας ἐπέβαλε· τούτων δὲ κατόπιν ἦσαν δισχίλιοι τῶν Ἀχαιῶν, ἐφεδρείας λαμβάνοντες τάξιν.

[7] τοὺς δʼ ἱππεῖς περὶ τὸν Οἰνοῦντα ποταμὸν ἀντέθηκε τῷ τῶν πολεμίων ἱππικῷ, συστήσας αὐτοῖς Ἀλέξανδρον ἡγεμόνα καὶ συμπαραθεὶς πεζοὺς τῶν Ἀχαϊκῶν χιλίους καὶ Μεγαλοπολίτας τοὺς ἴσους.

[8] αὐτὸς δὲ τοὺς μισθοφόρους ἔχων καὶ τοὺς Μακεδόνας κατὰ τὸν Ὄλυμπον πρὸς τοὺς περὶ τὸν Κλεομένη διέγνω ποιεῖσθαι τὴν μάχην.

[9] προτάξας οὖν τοὺς μισθοφόρους ἐπέστησε διφαλαγγίαν ἐπάλληλον τῶν Μακεδόνων· ἐποίει δὲ τοῦτο διὰ τὴν στενότητα τῶν τόπων.

[10] σύνθημα δʼ ἦν τοῖς μὲν Ἰλλυριοῖς τότε ποιεῖσθαι τὴν ἀρχὴν τῆς πρὸς τὸν λόφον προσβολῆς, ὅταν ἴδωσιν ἀρθεῖσαν ἀπὸ τῶν κατὰ τὸν Ὄλυμπον τόπων σινδόνα — προσηρτημένοι γὰρ ἦσαν οὗτοι νυκτὸς ἐν τῷ Γοργύλῳ ποταμῷ πρὸς αὐτῇ τῇ τοῦ λόφου ῥίζῃ —

[11] τοῖς δὲ Μεγαλοπολίταις καὶ τοῖς ἱππεῦσι παραπλησίως, ἐπειδὰν φοινικὶς ἐξαρθῇ παρὰ τοῦ βασιλέως.

[1] ἐπειδὴ δʼ ὁ μὲν καιρὸς ἧκε τῆς χρείας, τὸ δὲ σύνθημα τοῖς Ἰλλυριοῖς ἀπεδόθη, παρήγγειλαν δὲ ποιεῖν τὸ δέον οἷς ἦν ἐπιμελές, πάντες εὐθέως ἀναδείξαντες αὑτοὺς κατήρχοντο τῆς πρὸς τὸν βουνὸν προσβολῆς.

[2] οἱ δὲ μετὰ τῶν Κλεομένους ἱππέων ἐξ ἀρχῆς ταχθέντες εὔζωνοι, θεωροῦντες τὰς σπείρας τῶν Ἀχαιῶν ἐρήμους ἐκ τῶν κατόπιν οὔσας, κατʼ οὐρὰν προσπίπτοντες εἰς ὁλοσχερῆ κίνδυνον ἦγον τοὺς πρὸς τὸν λόφον βιαζομένους,

[3] ὡς ἂν τῶν μὲν περὶ τὸν Εὐκλείδαν ἐξ ὑπερδεξίου κατὰ πρόσωπον αὐτοῖς ἐφεστώτων, τῶν δὲ μισθοφόρων κατόπιν ἐπικειμένων καὶ προσφερόντων τὰς χεῖρας ἐρρωμένως. ἐν ᾧ καιρῷ συννοήσας τὸ γινόμενον,

[4] ἅμα δὲ προορώμενος τὸ μέλλον Φιλοποίμην ὁ Μεγαλοπολίτης τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ὑποδεικνύειν ἐπεβάλλετο τοῖς προεστῶσι τὸ συμβησόμενον·

[5] οὐδενὸς δὲ προσέχοντος αὐτῷ διὰ τὸ μήτʼ ἐφʼ ἡγεμονίας τετάχθαι μηδεπώποτε κομιδῇ τε νέον ὑπάρχειν αὐτόν, παρακαλέσας τοὺς ἑαυτοῦ πολίτας ἐνέβαλε τοῖς πολεμίοις τολμηρῶς.

[6] οὗ γενομένου ταχέως οἱ προσκείμενοι μισθοφόροι κατʼ οὐρὰν τοῖς προσβαίνουσιν, ἀκούσαντες τῆς κραυγῆς καὶ συνιδόντες τὴν τῶν ἱππέων συμπλοκήν, ἀφέμενοι τῶν προκειμένων ἀνέτρεχον εἰς τὰς ἐξ ἀρχῆς τάξεις καὶ προσεβοήθουν τοῖς παρʼ αὑτῶν ἱππεῦσι.

[7] τούτου δὲ συμβάντος ἀπερίσπαστον γενόμενον τό τε τῶν Ἰλλυριῶν καὶ Μακεδόνων καὶ τῶν ἅμα τούτοις προσβαινόντων πλῆθος ἐκθύμως ὥρμησε καὶ τεθαρρηκότως ἐπὶ τοὺς ὑπεναντίους.

[8] ἐξ οὗ καὶ μετὰ ταῦτα φανερὸν ἐγενήθη διότι τοῦ κατὰ τὸν Εὐκλείδαν προτερήματος αἴτιος ἐγίνετο Φιλοποίμην.

[1] ὅθεν καὶ τὸν Ἀντίγονόν φασι μετὰ ταῦτα καταπειράζοντα πυνθάνεσθαι τοῦ ταχθέντος ἐπὶ τῶν ἱππέων Ἀλεξάνδρου διὰ τί πρὸ τοῦ παραδοθῆναι τὸ σύνθημα τοῦ κινδύνου κατάρξαιτο.

[2] τοῦ δʼ ἀρνουμένου, φάσκοντος δὲ μειράκιόν τι Μεγαλοπολιτικὸν προεγχειρῆσαι παρὰ τὴν ἑαυτοῦ γνώμην, εἰπεῖν διότι τὸ μὲν μειράκιον ἡγεμόνος ἔργον ἀγαθοῦ ποιήσαι, συνθεασάμενον τὸν καιρόν, ἐκεῖνος δʼ ἡγεμὼν ὑπάρχων μειρακίου τοῦ τυχόντος.

[3] οὐ μὴν ἀλλʼ οἵ γε περὶ τὸν Εὐκλείδαν ὁρῶντες προσβαινούσας τὰς σπείρας, ἀφέμενοι τοῦ χρῆσθαι ταῖς τῶν τόπων εὐκαιρίαις —

[4] τοῦτο δʼ ἦν ἐκ πολλοῦ συναντῶντας καὶ προσπίπτοντας τοῖς πολεμίοις τὰ μὲν ἐκείνων στίφη συνταράττειν καὶ διαλύειν, αὐτοὺς δʼ ὑποχωρεῖν ἐπὶ πόδα καὶ μεθίστασθαι πρὸς τοὺς ὑπερδεξίους ἀεὶ τόπους ἀσφαλῶς·

[5] οὕτω γὰρ ἂν προλυμηνάμενοι καὶ συγχέαντες τὸ τοῦ καθοπλισμοῦ καὶ τῆς συντάξεως ἰδίωμα τῶν ὑπεναντίων ῥᾳδίως αὐτοὺς ἐτρέψαντο διὰ τὴν τῶν τόπων εὐφυΐαν —

[6] τούτων μὲν οὐδὲν ἐποίησαν, καθάπερ δʼ ἐξ ἑτοίμου σφίσι τῆς νίκης ὑπαρχούσης τοὐναντίον ἔπραξαν.

[7] κατὰ γὰρ τὴν ἐξ ἀρχῆς στάσιν ἔμενον ἐπὶ τῶν ἄκρων, ὡς ἀνωτάτω σπεύδοντες λαβεῖν τοὺς ὑπεναντίους εἰς τὸ τὴν φυγὴν ἐπὶ πολὺ καταφερῆ καὶ κρημνώδη γενέσθαι τοῖς πολεμίοις.

[8] συνέβη δʼ, ὅπερ εἰκὸς ἦν, τοὐναντίον· οὐ γὰρ ἀπολιπόντες αὑτοῖς ἀναχώρησιν, προσδεξάμενοι δʼ ἀκεραίους ἅμα καὶ συνεστώσας τὰς σπείρας, εἰς τοῦτο δυσχρηστίας ἦλθον ὥστε διʼ αὐτῆς τῆς τοῦ λόφου κορυφῆς διαμάχεσθαι πρὸς τοὺς βιαζομένους.

[9] λοιπὸν ὅσον ἐκ ποδὸς ἐπιέσθησαν τῷ βάρει τοῦ καθοπλισμοῦ καὶ τῆς συντάξεως, εὐθέως οἱ μὲν Ἰλλυριοὶ τὴν κατάστασιν ἐλάμβανον, οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Εὐκλείδαν τὴν ὑπὸ πόδα διὰ τὸ μὴ καταλείπεσθαι τόπον εἰς ἀναχώρησιν καὶ μετάστασιν ἑαυτοῖς.

[10] ἐξ οὗ ταχέως συνέβη τραπέντας αὐτοὺς ὀλεθρίῳ χρήσασθαι φυγῇ, κρημνώδη καὶ δύσβατον ἐχόντων ἐπὶ πολὺ τὴν ἀναχώρησιν τῶν τόπων.

[1] ἅμα δὲ τούτοις ὁ περὶ τοὺς ἱππεῖς συνετελεῖτο κίνδυνος, ἐκπρεπῆ ποιουμένων τὴν χρείαν τῶν Ἀχαϊκῶν ἱππέων ἁπάντων, μάλιστα δὲ Φιλοποίμενος, διὰ τὸ περὶ τῆς αὐτῶν ἐλευθερίας συνεστάναι τὸν ὅλον ἀγῶνα.

[2] καθʼ ὃν καιρὸν τῷ προειρημένῳ συνέβη τὸν μὲν ἵππον πεσεῖν πληγέντα καιρίως, αὐτὸν δὲ πεζομαχοῦντα περιπεσεῖν τραύματι βιαίῳ διʼ ἀμφοῖν τοῖν μηροῖν.

[3] οἱ δὲ βασιλεῖς κατὰ τὸν Ὄλυμπον τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ἐποιοῦντο διὰ τῶν εὐζώνων καὶ μισθοφόρων τὴν συμπλοκήν, παρʼ ἑκατέροις σχεδὸν ὑπαρχόντων τούτων εἰς πεντακισχιλίους.

[4] ὧν ποτὲ μὲν κατὰ μέρη, ποτὲ δʼ ὁλοσχερῶς συμπιπτόντων, διαφέρουσαν συνέβαινε γίνεσθαι τὴν ἐξ ἀμφοῖν χρείαν, ὁμοῦ τῶν τε βασιλέων καὶ τῶν στρατοπέδων ἐν συνόψει ποιουμένων τὴν μάχην.

[5] ἡμιλλῶντο δὲ πρὸς ἑαυτοὺς καὶ κατʼ ἄνδρα καὶ κατὰ τάγμα ταῖς εὐψυχίαις.

[6] ὁ δὲ Κλεομένης ὁρῶν τοὺς μὲν περὶ τὸν ἀδελφὸν πεφευγότας, τοὺς δʼ ἐν τοῖς ἐπιπέδοις ἱππεῖς ὅσον οὔπω κλίνοντας, καταπλαγὴς ὢν μὴ πανταχόθεν προσδέξηται τοὺς πολεμίους, ἠναγκάζετο διασπᾶν τὰ προτειχίσματα καὶ πᾶσαν τὴν δύναμιν ἐξάγειν μετωπηδὸν κατὰ μίαν πλευρὰν τῆς στρατοπεδείας.

[7] ἀνακληθέντων δὲ τῶν παρʼ ἑκατέροις εὐζώνων ἐκ τοῦ μεταξὺ τόπου διὰ τῆς σάλπιγγος, συναλαλάξασαι καὶ καταβαλοῦσαι τὰς σαρίσας συνέβαλλον αἱ φάλαγγες ἀλλήλαις.

[8] ἀγῶνος δὲ γενομένου κραταιοῦ, καὶ ποτὲ μὲν ἐπὶ πόδα ποιουμένων τὴν ἀναχώρησιν καὶ πιεζομένων ἐπὶ πολὺ τῶν Μακεδόνων ὑπὸ τῆς τῶν Λακώνων εὐψυχίας, ποτὲ δὲ τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων ἐξωθουμένων ὑπὸ τοῦ βάρους τῆς τῶν Μακεδόνων τάξεως,

[9] τέλος οἱ περὶ τὸν Ἀντίγονον συμφράξαντες τὰς σαρίσας καὶ χρησάμενοι τῷ τῆς ἐπαλλήλου φάλαγγος ἰδιώματι, βίᾳ προσπεσόντες ἐξέωσαν ἐκ τῶν ὀχυρωμάτων τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους.

[10] τὸ μὲν οὖν ἄλλο πλῆθος ἔφευγε προτροπάδην φονευόμενον· ὁ δὲ Κλεομένης ἱππεῖς τινας ἔχων περὶ ἑαυτὸν ἀπεχώρησε μετὰ τούτων ἀσφαλῶς εἰς τὴν Σπάρτην.

[11] ἐπιγενομένης δὲ τῆς νυκτὸς καταβὰς εἰς Γύθιον, ἡτοιμασμένων αὐτῷ τῶν πρὸς τὸν πλοῦν ἐκ πλείονος χρόνου πρὸς τὸ συμβαῖνον, ἀπῆρε μετὰ τῶν φίλων εἰς Ἀλεξάνδρειαν.

[1] Ἀντίγονος δʼ ἐγκρατὴς γενόμενος ἐξ ἐφόδου τῆς Σπάρτης τά τε λοιπὰ μεγαλοψύχως καὶ φιλανθρώπως ἐχρήσατο τοῖς Λακεδαιμονίοις, τό τε πολίτευμα τὸ πάτριον αὐτοῖς ἀποκαταστήσας ἐν ὀλίγαις ἡμέραις ἀνέζευξε μετὰ τῶν δυνάμεων ἐκ τῆς πόλεως, προσαγγελθέντος αὐτῷ τοὺς Ἰλλυριοὺς εἰσβεβληκότας εἰς Μακεδονίαν πορθεῖν τὴν χώραν.

[2] οὕτως ἀεί ποθʼ ἡ τύχη τὰ μέγιστα τῶν πραγμάτων παρὰ λόγον εἴωθε κρίνειν.

[3] καὶ γὰρ τότε Κλεομένης, εἴτε τὰ κατὰ τὸν κίνδυνον παρείλκυσε τελέως ὀλίγας ἡμέρας, εἴτʼ ἀναχωρήσας ἀπὸ τῆς μάχης εἰς τὴν πόλιν ἐπὶ βραχὺ τῶν καιρῶν ἀντεποιήσατο, διακατέσχεν ἂν τὴν ἀρχήν.

[4] οὐ μὴν ἀλλʼ ὅ γʼ Ἀντίγονος παραγενόμενος εἰς Τεγέαν καὶ τούτοις ἀποδοὺς τὴν πάτριον πολιτείαν δευτεραῖος ἐντεῦθεν εἰς Ἄργος ἐπʼ αὐτὴν ἦλθε τὴν τῶν Νεμέων πανήγυριν.

[5] ἐν ᾗ τυχὼν πάντων τῶν πρὸς ἀθάνατον δόξαν καὶ τιμὴν ἀνηκόντων ὑπό τε τοῦ κοινοῦ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν καὶ κατʼ ἰδίαν ἑκάστης τῶν πόλεων ὥρμησε κατὰ σπουδὴν εἰς Μακεδονίαν.

[6] καταλαβὼν δὲ τοὺς Ἰλλυριοὺς ἐν τῇ χώρᾳ καὶ συμβαλὼν ἐκ παρατάξεως τῇ μὲν μάχῃ κατώρθωσε, τῇ δὲ παρακλήσει καὶ κραυγῇ τῇ κατʼ αὐτὸν τὸν κίνδυνον ἐκθύμως χρησάμενος εἰς αἵματος ἀναγωγὴν καί τινα τοιαύτην διάθεσιν ἐμπεσὼν μετʼ οὐ πολὺ νόσῳ τὸν βίον μετήλλαξε,

[7] καλὰς ἐλπίδας ὑποδείξας ἐν αὑτῷ πᾶσι τοῖς Ἕλλησιν, οὐ μόνον κατὰ τὴν ἐν τοῖς ὑπαίθροις χρείαν, ἔτι δὲ μᾶλλον κατὰ τὴν ὅλην αἵρεσιν καὶ καλοκἀγαθίαν.

[8] τὴν δὲ Μακεδόνων βασιλείαν ἀπέλιπε Φιλίππῳ τῷ Δημητρίου.

[1] τίνος δὲ χάριν ἐποιησάμεθα τὴν ἐπὶ πλεῖον ὑπὲρ τοῦ προειρημένου πολέμου μνήμην;

[2] διότι τῶν καιρῶν τούτων συναπτόντων τοῖς ὑφʼ ὑμῶν ἱστορεῖσθαι μέλλουσι χρήσιμον ἐδόκει, μᾶλλον δʼ ἀναγκαῖον εἶναι κατὰ τὴν ἐξ ἀρχῆς πρόθεσιν τὸ ποιῆσαι πᾶσιν ἐναργῆ καὶ γνώριμον τὴν ὑπάρχουσαν περὶ Μακεδόνας καὶ τοὺς Ἕλληνας τότε κατάστασιν.

[3] περὶ δὲ τοὺς αὐτοὺς καιροὺς καὶ Πτολεμαίου νόσῳ τὸν βίον μεταλλάξαντος Πτολεμαῖος ὁ κληθεὶς Φιλοπάτωρ διεδέξατο τὴν βασιλείαν.

[4] μετήλλαξε δὲ καὶ Σέλευκος ὁ Σελεύκου τοῦ Καλλινίκου καὶ Πώγωνος ἐπικληθέντος· Ἀντίοχος δὲ διεδέξατο τὴν ἐν Συρίᾳ βασιλείαν, ἀδελφὸς ὢν αὐτοῦ.

[5] παραπλήσιον γὰρ δή τι συνέβη τούτοις καὶ τοῖς πρώτοις μετὰ τὴν Ἀλεξάνδρου τελευτὴν κατασχοῦσι τὰς ἀρχὰς ταύτας, λέγω δὲ Σελεύκῳ, Πτολεμαίῳ, Λυσιμάχῳ.

[6] ἐκεῖνοί τε γὰρ πάντες περὶ τὴν εἰκοστὴν καὶ τετάρτην πρὸς ταῖς ἑκατὸν ὀλυμπιάδα μετήλλαξαν, καθάπερ ἐπάνω προεῖπον, οὗτοί τε περὶ τὴν ἐνάτην καὶ τριακοστήν.

[7] ἡμεῖς δʼ ἐπειδὴ τὴν ἐπίστασιν καὶ προκατασκευὴν τῆς ὅλης ἱστορίας διεληλύθαμεν, διʼ ἧς ὑποδέδεικται πότε καὶ πῶς καὶ διʼ ἃς αἰτίας τῶν κατὰ τὴν Ἰταλίαν κρατήσαντες Ῥωμαῖοι πρῶτον ἐγχειρεῖν ἤρξαντο τοῖς ἔξω πράγμασι καὶ πρῶτον ἐτόλμησαν ἀμφισβητεῖν Καρχηδονίοις τῆς θαλάττης,

[8] ἅμα δὲ τούτοις καὶ τὴν περὶ τοὺς Ἕλληνας καὶ Μακεδόνας, ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ περὶ Καρχηδονίους ὑπάρχουσαν τότε κατάστασιν δεδηλώκαμεν,

[9] καθῆκον ἂν εἴη παραγεγονότας ἐπὶ τοὺς καιροὺς τούτους κατὰ τὴν ἐξ ἀρχῆς πρόθεσιν, ἐν οἷς ἔμελλον οἱ μὲν Ἕλληνες τὸν συμμαχικόν, Ῥωμαῖοι δὲ τὸν Ἀννιβιακόν, οἱ δὲ κατὰ τὴν Ἀσίαν βασιλεῖς τὸν περὶ Κοίλης Συρίας ἐνίστασθαι πόλεμον,

[10] καὶ τὴν βύβλον ταύτην ἀφορίζειν ἀκολούθως τῇ τε τῶν προγεγονότων πραγμάτων περιγραφῇ καὶ τῇ τῶν κεχειρικότων τὰ πρὸ τοῦ δυναστῶν καταστροφῇ.

Notes on the current edition

Histories

1. Recapitulation of the subjects treated in Book I.

2. B. C. 238. Hamilcar and his son Hannibal sent to Spain .

3. B. C. 238-229.

4. Illyricum .

5. B C. 233-232.

6. Siege of Medion in Acarnania .

7. The Illyrians relieve Medion.

8. Death of Agron, who is succeeded by his wife Teuta, B. C. 231.

9. Teuta’s piratical fleet, B. C. 230.

10. Takes Phoenice in Epirus .

11. The Aetolian and Achaean leagues send a force to the relief of the Epirotes. A truce is made. The Illyrians depart.

12. The career of a body of Gallic mercenaries,

13. at Agrigentum ,

14. at Eryx .

15. Disarmed by the Romans.

16. Illyrian piracies.

17. The Romans interfere, B. C. 230.

18. Queen Teuta’s reception of the Roman legates.

19. A Roman legate assassinated.

20. B. C. 229. Another piratical fleet sent out by Teuta.

21. Their treacherous attack on Epidamnus , which is repulsed.

22. Attack on Corcyra .

23. The Corcyreans appeal to the Aetolian and Achaean leagues.

24. Defeat of the Achaean ships.

25. Corcyra submits.

26. B. C. 229, The Roman Consuls, with fleet and army, start to punish the Illyrians.

27. Demetrius of Pharos.

28. Corcyra becomes a friend of Rome .

29. Aulus Postumius.

30. The Roman settlement of Illyricum .

31. B. C. 228. Teuta submits.

32. Hasdrubal in Spain . The founding of New Carthage , B. C. 228.

33. Hasdrubal in Spain . The founding of New Carthage, B. C. 228.

34. Dread of the Gauls.

35. Treaty with Hasdrubal.

36. The Geography of Italy .

37. The southernmost point of Italy is Leucopetra (Capo dell’Armi). Cocinthus (Punta di Stilo ) is much too far to the north; yet it may have been regarded as the conventional point of separation between the two seas, Sicilian and Ionian, which have no natural line of demarcation.

38. Col di Tenda.

39. Gallia Cis-Alpina.

40. Really 3/16; for 16 ases = 6 obols (one drachma or denarius) see 34, 8. The Sicilian medimnus is about a bushel and a half; the metretes 81/2 gallons.

41. The Alps.

42. The Apennines .

43. The Po.

44. 15th July

45. 15th July.

46. Gauls expel Etruscans from the valley of the Po.

47. Livy. 5. 17 , 33-49 ; Plutarch, Camillus, 16 ; Mommsen, History of Rome , vol. i. p. 338 (Eng. tr.)

48. Their character.

49. Compare the description of the Gauls given by Caesar, B. G. 6, 11-20 . They had apparently made considerable progress in civilisation by that time, principally perhaps from the influence of Druidism. But the last characteristic mentioned by Polybius is also observed by Caesar (15),

omnes in bello versantur atque eorum ut quisque est genere copiisque amplissimus, ita plurimos circum se ambactos clienteeque habet. Hanc unam gratiam potentiamque habent.

Even in the time of Cato they were at least beginning to add something to their warlike propensities. Or. 2, 2 (Jordan)

Pleraque Gallia duas res industrissime persequitur, rem militare et argute loqui.

Cf. Diod. 5, 27 sq.

50. Battle of the Allia, 18th July, B. C. 390.

51. Latin war, B. C. 349-340.

52. B. C. 360.

53. B. C. 348.

54. B. C. 334.

55. B. C. 299.

56. B. C. 297

57. B. C. 283.

58. Lucius Caecilius, Livy, Ep. 12 .

59. Sena Gallica .

60. B. C. 282.

61. For a more complete list of Gallic invasions in this period, see Mommsen, H. R. i. p. 344. The scantiness of continuous Roman history from B. C. 390, and its total loss from 293 to the first Punic war renders it difficult to determine exactly which of the many movements Polybius has selected.

62. B. C. 236.

63. B. C. 232

64. B. C. 231

65. .

66. B. C. 225. Coss. L. Aemilius Papus. C. Atilius Regulus.

67. The Roman resources.

68. This clause is bracketed by Hultsch, Mommsen, and Strachan-Davidson. See the essay of the last named in his Polybius, p. 22. Livy, Ep. 20 , gives the number of Romans and Latins as 300,000.

69. The Gauls enter Etruria.

70. The Praetor’s army defeated at Clusium .

71. On the arrival of Aemilius the Gauls retire.

72. Atilius landing at Pisa intercepts the march of the Gauls.

73. The battle of the horse. Atilius falls.

74. The infantry engage.

75. Aemilius returns home.

76. B. C. 224.

77. B. C. 223.

78. Others read Ananes and Marseilles [ Ἀνάνων . . . Μασσαλίας]; but it seems impossible that the Roman march should have extended so far.

79. Battle with the Insubres.

80. B. C. 222. Attack on the Insubres.

81. B.C. 480. B.C. 279.

82. Death of Hasdrubal in Spain , B. C. 221. See .

83. Succession of Hannibal to the command in Spain . His hostility to Rome .

84. Social war, B. C. 220-217.

85. The progress of the Achaean league.

86. That is, each city struck its own coin, but on a common standard of weight and value. See P. Gardner’s Introduction to Catalogue of Greek Coins ( Peloponnesus ) in the British Museum, p. xxiv.

87. The origin of the name as embracing all the Peloponnese .

88. The Pythagorean clubs, beginning in combinations for the cultivation of mystic philosophy and ascetic life, had grown to be political,—a combination of the upper or cultivated classes to secure political power. Thus Archytas was for many years ruler in Tarentum ( Strabo, I.3.4 ). The earliest was at Croton , but they were also established in many cities of Magna Graecia. Sometime in the fourth century B. C. a general democratic rising took place against them, and their members were driven into exile. Strabo, 8.7.1 ; Justin, 20, 4 ; Iamblichus vit. Pythag., 240-262.

89. The MS. vary between ὁμάριος and ὁμόριος. The latter form seems to mean god of a common frontier. But an inscription found at Orchomenus gives the form ἀμάριος, which has been connected with ἡμάρα day.

90. Ζεύς ὁμάριος or ἀμάριος.

91. B. C. 405-367.

92. B. C. 371.

93. 124th Olympiad, B. C. 284-280.

94. First Achaean league.

95. B. C. 371.

96. B. C. 323- 284.

97. B. C. 284-280, Second Achaean league.

98. There was still an under-strategus ( ὑποστρατηγὸς), see ; ; . But he was entirely subordinate, and did not even succeed to power on the death of a strategus during the year of office, as the vice-president in America does.

99. B. C. 255-254. Margos. B. C. 251-250. Aratus.

100. B. C. 243-242.

101. Victory of Lutatius off the insulae Aegates, B. C. 241.

102. Antigonus Gonatas, B. C. 283- 239

103. Demetrius. B. C. 239- 229.

104. The Aetolians and Antigonus Doson, B. C. 229-220.

105. Alexander II. of Epirus , son of Pyrrhus, whom he succeeded B. C. 272. The partition of Acarnania took place in B. C. 266.

106. The Aetolians intrigue with Cleomenes. King of Sparta , B. C. 229- 227.

107. Near Bellina, a town on the north-west frontier of Laconia , which had long been a subject of dispute between Sparta and the Achaeans. Plutarch Arat. 4 ; Pausan. 8.35.4 .

108. Cleomenes, B. C. 227-221.

109. Ptolemy Euergetes (B. C. 247-222).

110. Aratus applies to Antigonus Doson.

111. Philip II. in the Peloponnese , B. C. 338.

112. The message to Antigonus Doson.

113. Aratus wishes to do without the king if possible.

114. Euergetes, jealous of the Macedonian policy of Aratus, helps Cleomenes.

115. The Achaeans offer to surrender the Acrocorinthus to Antigonus.

116. Cleomenes prepares to resist.

117. Antigonus comes to the Isthmus, B. C. 224.

118. The treaty, besides securing the surrender of the Acrocorinthus, provided that no embassy should be sent to any other king without the consent of Antigonus, and that the Achaeans should supply food and pay for the Macedonian army of relief. Solemn sacrifices and games were also established in his honour, and kept up long after his death at Sicyon , see ; . Plutarch, Arat. 45 . The conduct of Aratus in thus bringing the Macedonians into the Peloponnese has been always attacked (see Plut. Cleom. 16 ). It is enough here to say that our judgment as to it must depend greatly on our view of the designs and character of Cleomenes.

119. The Achaeans seize Argos .

120. Antigonus receives the Acrocorinthus.

121. B. C. 223. Recovery of Tegea .

122. Skirmish with Cleomenes.

123. Capture of Orchomenus , Mantinea , Heraea , Telphusa.

124. Digression (to ) on the misstatements of Phylarchus.

125. Phylarchus, said by some to be a native of Athens , by others of Naucratis , and by others again of Sicyon , wrote, among other things, a history in twenty-eight books from the expedition of Pyrrhus into the Peloponnese (B.C. 272) to the death of Cleomenes. He was a fervent admirer of Cleomenes, and therefore probably wrote in a partisan spirit; yet in the matter of the outrage upon Mantinea , Polybius himself is not free from the same charge. See Mueller’s Histor. Graec. fr. lxxvii.-lxxxi. Plutarch, though admitting Phylarchus’s tendency to exaggeration ( Arat. 38 ), yet uses his authority both in his life of Aratus and of Cleomenes; and in the case of Aristomachus says that he was both racked and drowned ( Arat. 44 ).

126. Mantinea .

127. lines 34 and 36: former and latter should be reversed in these two sentences.

128. B. C. 227.

129. Aristomachus.

130. ἡγεμόνα καὶ στρατηγὸν. It is not quite clear whether this is merely a description of the ordinary office of Strategus, or whether any special office is meant, such as that conferred on Antigonus. In ἡγεμόνες includes the Strategus and other officers. See Freeman, Federal Government, p. 299.

131. Megalopolis

132. B. C. 378.

133. Ptolemy Euergetes and Cleomenes.

134. B. C. 222. Cleomenes invades Argos .

135. The summer campaign. The army of Antigonus.

136. The position of Cleomenes at Sellasia .

137. Battle of Sellasia .

138. Philopoemen’s presence of mind.

139. Defeat of Eucleidas.

140. Death of Antigonus Doson, B. C. 220.

141. B. C. 284-280. B. C. 224- 220.

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Recapitulation of Book 1

Situation in Illyria

The Illyrians Relieve Medion

Death of Agron of Illyria

Queen Teuta’s Pirates

The Aetolians and Achaeans Support the Epirotes

A Band of Gallic Mercenaries

Queen Teuta and Rome

Teuta Sends Out Another Fleet

Illyrian Victories

Corcyra Submits To the Romans

Teuta Agrees to Pay Tribute to Rome

Jealousy At Rome of Hasdrubal In Spain

Cisalpine Gaul

Grain Production in Cisalpine Gaul

Rivers and Mountains in Northern Italy

Gallic Settlements In the Valley of the Po

Early Conflicts between Gauls and Romans

Gallic Wars

The Boii Attack the Romans and Lose

War with Insubres and Boii and Gaesatae

Several Gallic Tribes Join Forces

The Roman Forces

Forces Available to the Romans

Defeat of the Romans Near Faesulae

Aemilius Deters the Gauls

Atilius Meets the Gauls

The Gauls Defeated On Their Way Home

A Peculiar and Surprising Battle

Great Slaughter of the Gauls

Aemilius Returns Victorious

Victory Over the Insubres

Tactics Against the Gauls

Capture of Mediolanum and End of the War

Character of the Gauls

Hasdrubal Dies and Hannibal Succeeds Him

Greece At This Time

Origin of the Name Achaean

The First Achaean League

Unification of the Peloponnese

The Second League

Policy of the Achaean League

Margos First Sole Strategus

Death of Demetrius

The Aetolians Envy the Achaeans

Intrigues of the Aetolians

The Cleomenic War

Aratus Involves Megalopolis

Message to Antigonus Doson from Aratus

Antigonus Doson Will Help the League

The Achaeans Must Appeal to Antigonus

Antigonus Doson at the Isthmus

Cleomenes Returns to Sparta after the Achaeans Take Argos

Antigonus Doson Appointed Generalissimo

Capture of Megalopolis

The Credibility of Phylarchus

The Treatment of Mantinea

The Mantineans Turn Over their City to the Lacedaemonians

Execution of Aristomachus

Crimes of Aristomachus

The Loyalty of the Megalopolitans

The Wealth of Megalopolis

Cleomenes Invades Argolis

Cleomenes Invades Argos

Battle of Sellasia

The Two Armies Line Up

Battle Begins

Skill and Gallantry of Philopoemen

Defeat of Cleomenes

End of the Introductory Period

Conclusion of Book 2

Current edition Perseus

Notes on the current edition

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