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The Hannibalian War — The Recovery of Tarentum

THE distance from the strait and town of Rhegium to ¹ Tarentum is more than two thousand stades; and that portion of the shore of Italy is entirely destitute of harbours, except those of Tarentum : I mean the coast facing the Sicilian sea, and verging towards Greece , which contains the most populous barbarian tribes as well as the most famous of the Greek cities. For the Bruttii, Lucani, some portions of the Daunii, the Cabalii, and several others, occupy this quarter of Italy . So again this coast is lined by the Greek cities of Rhegium , Caulon, Locri , Croton , Metapontum , and Thurii : so that voyagers from Sicily or from Greece to any one of these cities are compelled to drop anchor in the harbours of Tarentum ; and the exchange and commerce with all who occupy this coast of Italy take place in this city. One may judge of the excellence of its situation from the prosperity attained by the people of Croton ; who, though only possessing roadsteads suitable for the summer, and enjoying therefore but a short season of mercantile activity, still have acquired great wealth, entirely owing, it seems, to the favourable situation of their town and harbour, which yet cannot be compared with those of Tarentum . For, even at this day, Tarentum is in a most convenient position in respect to the harbours of the Adriatic, and was formerly still more so. Since, from the Iapygian promontory as far as Sipontum , every one coming from the other side and dropping anchor at Italy always crossed to Tarentum , and used that city for his mercantile transactions as an emporium; for the town of Brundisium had not yet been founded in these times.² Therefore Fabius regarded the recovery of it as of great importance, and, omitting everything else, turned his whole thoughts to this. . . .

Publius Cornelius Scipio Africanus in Spain , B.C. 210-206. His Character

Being about to narrate the exploits of Publius Scipio ³ in Iberia , and in fact all the achievements in his life, I think it necessary to direct my readers’ attention, to begin with, to his moral and mental qualities. For as he is perhaps the most illustrious man of any born before the present generation, everybody seeks to know what kind of man he was, and what advantages from natural ability or experience he enjoyed, to account for a career so crowded with brilliant achievement; and yet is compelled to remain in the dark, or to entertain false opinions, because those who write about him have not kept to the truth. The soundness of this assertion will be rendered evident in the course of my narrative to all who are capable of estimating the noblest and most gallant of his exploits. Now all other writers represent him as a man favoured by fortune, who succeeded in his undertakings contrary to rational expectation, and by the mere force of circumstances. They consider apparently such men to be, so to speak, more godlike and worthy of admiration, than those who act in every case by calculation. They do not seem to be aware of the distinction between credit for good fortune and credit for good conduct in the case of such men; and that the former may be assigned to any one however commonplace, while the latter belongs to those alone who act from prudent calculation and clear intelligence: and it is these last whom we should look upon as the most god-like and god-beloved.

Now it seems to me that in his character and views Publius was very like Lycurgus the legislator of the Lacedaemonians. ⁴ For we must not suppose that it was from superstition that Lycurgus continually consulted the Pythian priestess in the establishment of the Lacedaemonian constitution; nor that Publius depended on dreams and ominous words for his success in securing empire for his country. But as both saw that the majority of mankind cannot be got to accept contentedly what is new and strange, nor to face dangers with courage, without some hope of divine favour,—Lycurgus, by always supporting his own schemes by an oracular response from the Pythia, secured better acceptation and credit for his ideas; and Publius, by always in like manner instilling into the minds of the vulgar an opinion of his acting on some divine suggestion in the formation of his designs, caused those under his command to confront dangerous services with greater courage and cheerfulness. But that he invariably acted on calculation and with foresight, and that the successful issue of his plans was always in harmony with rational expectation, will be evident by what I am about to relate.

Scipio’s First Brilliant Success

For that he was beneficent and high-minded is acknowledged; but that he was acute, sober-minded, and earnest in pursuit of his aims, ⁵ no one will admit, except those who have lived with him, and contemplated his character, so to speak, in broad daylight. Of such Gaius Laelius was one. He took part in everything he did or said from boyhood to the day of his death; and he it was who convinced me of this truth: because what he said appeared to me to be likely in in itself, and in harmony with the achievements of that great man. He told me that the first brilliant exploit of Publius was when his father fought the cavalry engagement with Hannibal near the Padus . He was then, as it seems, eighteen years old and on his first campaign. His father had given him a squadron of picked cavalry for his protection; but when in the course of the battle he saw his father surrounded by the enemy, with only two or three horsemen near him, and dangerously wounded, he first tried to cheer on his own squadron to go to his father’s assistance, but when he found them considerably cowed by the numbers of the enemy surrounding them, he appears to have plunged by himself with reckless courage into the midst of the enemy: whereupon, his comrades being forced to charge also, the enemy were everawed⁶ and divided their ranks to let them pass; and Publius the elder, being thus unexpectedly saved, was the first to address his son as his preserver in the hearing of the whole army.⁷ Having gained an acknowledged reputation for bravery by this exploit, he ever afterwards freely exposed himself to every sort of personal danger, whenever his country rested its hope of safety on him. And this is not the conduct of a general who trusts to luck, but of one who has a clear head.

His Election To the Aedileship

Subsequently, when his elder brother Lucius was a ⁸ candidate for the Aedileship, which is about the most honourable office open to a young man at Rome : it being the custom for two patricians to be appointed, and there being many candidates, for some time he did not venture to stand for the same office as his brother. But as the day of election drew near, judging from the demeanour of the people that his brother would⁹ easily obtain the office, and observing that his own popularity with the multitude was very great, he made up his mind that the only hope of his brother’s success was that they should combine their candidatures. He therefore resolved to act as follows: His mother was going round to the temples and sacrificing to the gods in behalf of his brother, and was altogether in a state of eager expectation as to the result. She was the only parent whose wishes he had to consult; for his father was then on his voyage to Iberia , having been appointed to command in the war there. He therefore said to her that he had seen the same dream twice: for he thought that he was coming home from the Forum after being elected Aedile with his brother, and that she met them at the door and threw her arms round them and kissed them. His mother with true womanly feeling exclaimed, Oh, that I might see that day! He replied, Do you wish us to try? Upon her assenting, under the idea that he would not venture, but was only jesting on the spur of the moment (for of course he was quite a young man), he begged her to prepare him at once a white toga, such as it is the custom for candidates for office to wear.

Publius and Lucius Become Aediles

His mother thought no more about it: but Publius, having obtained a white toga, went to the Forum before his mother was awake. His boldness, as well as his previous popularity, secured him a brilliant reception from the people; and when he advanced to the spot assigned for candidates, and took his place by the side of his brother, the people not only invested him with the office, but his brother also for his sake; and both brothers returned home Aediles designate. The news having been suddenly brought to their mother, she rushed in the utmost delight to meet them at the door, and kissed the young men in an ecstasy of joy. Accordingly Publius was believed by all who had heard previously about his dream to have held commune with the gods, not merely in his sleep, but rather in a waking vision, and by day. But in point of fact there was no dream at all: Scipio was kind, open-handed, and courteous, and by these means had conciliated the favour of the multitude. But by a dexterous use of the occasion, both with the people and his mother, he obtained his purpose, and moreover got the reputation of acting under divine inspiration. For those persons, who, from dulness or want of experience, or idleness, can never take a clear view of the occasions or causes or connexion of events, are apt to give the gods and chance the credit for what is really effected by sagacity and far-seeing calculation. I have thought it worth while to say thus much, that my readers may not be misled by unfounded gossip to pass over this great man’s finest and most splendid qualities, I mean his wealth of resource and untiring diligence; which will become still more apparent when we come to recount his actual achievements.

Speech of Publius Scipio to the Soldiers

Such was the man who now assembled the soldiers and ¹⁰ exhorted them not to be dismayed by the disaster which had befallen them. For, said he, Romans have never been beaten by Carthaginians in a trial of valour. It was the result of treachery on the part of the Celtiberians, and of rashness, the two commanders getting cut off from each other owing to their trust in the alliance of these men. But now these two disadvantages are on the side of the enemy: for they are encamped at a wide distance from each other; and by their tyrannical conduct to their allies have alienated them all, and made them hostile to themselves. The consequence is that some of them are already sending messages to us; while the rest, as soon as they dare, and see that we have crossed the river, will gladly join us; not so much because they have any affection for us, as because they are eager to punish the outrages of the Carthaginians. Most important of all is the fact that the enemy are at variance with each other, and will refuse to fight against us in a body, and by thus engaging in detail will be more easily dealt with by us. Looking to these facts, therefore, he bade them cross the river with confidence, and undertook that he and the other officers would see to the next step to be taken.¹¹ With these words he left his colleague, Marcus Silanus, with five hundred horse to guard the ford, and to protect the allies on the north of the river, while he himself began taking his army across, without revealing his design to any one. As a matter of fact he had resolved to do nothing of what he gave out publicly, and had made up his mind to make a rapid attack upon the town called Iberian Carthage. This may be looked upon as the first and strongest proof of the judgment which I lately passed upon him. He was now only in his twenty-seventh year: and yet he, in the first place, undertook to accomplish what the magnitude of the previous disasters had made the world look upon as completely hopeless; and, in the second place, having undertaken it, he left on one side the plain and obvious course, and conceived and carried out a plan which was a surprise to the enemy himself. This could only be the result of the closest calculation.

He Determines To Attack Carthagena

The fact is that he had made minute inquiries, before ¹² leaving Rome , both about the treason of the Celtiberians, and the separation of the two Roman armies; and had inferred that his father’s disaster was entirely attributable to these. He had not therefore shared the popular terror of the Carthaginians, nor allowed himself to be overcome by the general panic. And when he subsequently heard that the allies of Rome north of the Ebro were remaining loyal, while the Carthaginian commanders were quarrelling with each other, and maltreating the natives subject to them, he began to feel very cheerful about his expedition, not from a blind confidence in Fortune, but from deliberate calculation. Accordingly, when he arrived in Iberia , he learnt, by questioning everybody and making inquiries about the enemy from every one, that the forces of the Carthaginians were divided into three. Mago, he was informed, was lingering west of the pillars of Hercules among the Conii; Hasdrubal, the son of Gesco, in Lusitania , near the mouth of the Tagus ; while the other Hasdrubal was besieging a certain city of the Caspetani; and none of the three were less than ten days’ march from the New Town . Now he calculated that, if he decided to give the enemy battle, it would be risking too much to do so against all three at once, because his predecessors had been beaten, and because the enemy would vastly out-number him; if, on the other hand, he were to march rapidly to engage one of the three, and should then find himself surrounded—which might happen by the one attacked retreating, and the others coming up to his relief,—he dreaded a disaster like that of his uncle Gnaeus and his father Publius.

Why New Carthage is a Desirable Target

He therefore rejected that idea altogether: but being ¹³ informed that New Carthage was the most important source of supplies to the enemy and of damage to the Romans in the present war, he had taken the trouble to make minute inquiries about it during the winter from those who were well informed. He learnt that it was nearly the only town in Iberia which possessed a harbour suitable for a fleet and naval force; that it lay very conveniently for the Carthaginians to make the sea passage from Libya ; that they in fact had the bulk of their money and war material in it, as well as their hostages from the whole of Iberia ; that, most important of all, the number of fighting men garrisoning the citadel only amounted to a thousand,—because no one would ever suppose that, while the Carthaginians commanded nearly the whole of Iberia , any one would conceive the idea of assaulting this town; that the other inhabitants were exceedingly numerous, but all consisted of craftsmen, mechanics, and fisher-folk, as far as possible removed from any knowledge of warfare. All this he regarded as being fatal to the town, in case of the sudden appearance of an enemy. Nor did he moreover fail to acquaint himself with the topography of New Carthage , or the nature of its defences, or the lie of the lagoon: but by means of certain fishermen who had worked there he had ascertained that the lagoon was quite shallow and fordable at most points; and that, generally speaking, the water ebbed every day towards evening sufficiently to secure this. These considerations convinced him that, if he could accomplish his purpose, he would not only damage his opponents, but gain a considerable advantage for himself; and that, if on the other hand he failed in effecting it, he would yet be able to secure the safety of his men owing to his command of the sea, provided he had once made his camp secure,—and this was easy, because of the wide dispersion of the enemy’s forces. He had therefore, during his residence in winter quarters, devoted himself to preparing for this operation to the exclusion of every other: and in spite of the magnitude of the idea which he had conceived, and in spite of his youth, he concealed it from all except Gaius Laelius, until he had himself decided to reveal it.

Laelius and Scipio Proceed to New Carthage

But although historians agree in attributing these calculations to him; yet, when they come to narrate their issue, they somehow or another attribute the success obtained not to the man and his foresight, but to the gods and to Fortune, and that, in spite of all probability, and the evidence of those who lived with him; and in spite of the fact that Publius himself in a letter addressed to Philip has distinctly set forth that it was upon the deliberate calculations, which I have just set forth, that he undertook the Iberian campaign generally, and the assault upon New Carthage in particular.

However that may be, at the time specified he gave secret¹⁴ instructions to Gaius Laelius, who was in command of the fleet, and who, as I have said, was the only man in the secret, to sail to this town; while he himself marched his army at a rapid pace in the same direction. ¹⁵ His force consisted of twenty-five thousand infantry and two thousand five hundred cavalry; and arriving at New Carthage on the seventh day he pitched his camp on the north of the town;¹⁶ defended its rear by a double trench and rampart stretching from sea to sea,¹⁷ while on the side facing the town he made absolutely no defences, for the nature of the ground made him sufficiently secure.

But as I am now about to describe the assault and capture of the town, I think I must explain to my readers the lie of the surrounding country, and the position of the town itself.

Topography of Carthagena

It stands about half-way down the coast of Iberia in ¹⁸ a gulf which faces south-west, running about twenty stades inland, and about ten stades broad at its entrance. The whole gulf is made a harbour by the fact that an island¹⁹ lies at its mouth and thus makes the entrance channels on each side of it exceedingly narrow. It breaks the force of the waves also, and the whole gulf has thus smooth water, except when south-west winds setting down the two channels raise a surf: with all other winds it is perfectly calm, from being so nearly landlocked. In the recess of the gulf a mountain juts out in the form of a chersonese, and it is on this mountain that the city stands, surrounded by the sea on the east and south, and on the west by a lagoon extending so far northward that the remaining space to the sea on the other side, to connect it with the continent, is not more than two stades. The city itself has a deep depression in its centre, presenting on its south side a level approach from the sea; while the rest of it is hemmed in by hills, two of them mountainous and rough, three others much lower, but rocky and difficult of ascent; the largest of which lies on the east of the town running out into the sea, on which stands a temple of Asclepius. Exactly opposite this lies the western mountain in a closely-corresponding position, on which a palace had been erected at great cost, which it is said was built by Hasdrubal when he was aiming at establishing royal power. The remaining three lesser elevations bound it on the north, of which the westernmost is called the hill of Hephaestus, the next to it that of Aletes,—who is believed to have attained divine honours from having been the discoverer of the silver mines,—and the third is called the hill of Cronus. The lagoon has been connected with the adjoining sea artificially for the sake of the maritime folk; and over the channel thus cut between it and the sea a bridge has been built, for beasts of burden and carts to bring in provisions from the country.

Scipio Briefs His Troops

Such is the nature of this city’s situation. The side of the Roman camp which faced the city therefore was secured, without any artificial means, by the lagoon and the sea. The neck of land lying between these two, and connecting the city with the continent, Scipio did not fence off with a stockade, although it abutted on the middle of his camp,—either for the sake of making an impression upon the enemy, or by way of suiting the arrangement to his own design, —that he might have nothing to hamper the free egress and return of his troops to and from the camp. The circuit of the city wall was not more than twenty stades formerly,— though I am aware that it has been stated at forty stades; but this is false, as I know from personal inspection and not from mere report,—and in our day it has been still farther contracted.

The fleet arrived to the hour, and Publius then thought it²⁰ time to summon a meeting of his men and to encourage them to the undertaking by the use of the same arguments by which he had convinced himself, and which I have just now detailed. He pointed out to them that the plan was practicable; and briefly summing up the blow which their success would be to their enemies, and the advantage it would be to themselves, he ended by promising crowns of gold to those who first mounted the walls, and the usual rewards to those who displayed conspicuous gallantry. And finally he declared that Poseidon had appeared to him in his sleep, and originally suggested his plan to him; and had promised to give him such signal aid in the actual hour of battle that his assistance should be made manifest to all. The skilful mixture in this speech of accurate calculation with promises of gold crowns, and a reference to Divine Providence, created a great impression and enthusiasm in the minds of the young soldiers.

The Attack On Carthagena Begun

Next morning he stationed ships supplied with missiles ²¹ of every sort, all along the seaboard, under the command of Gaius Laelius; and having told off two thousand of his strongest men to accompany the ladder-carriers, he begun the assault about the third hour. The commandant of the town, Mago, divided his garrison of a thousand men into two companies; half he left upon the citadel, and the rest he stationed upon the eastern hill. Of the other inhabitants he accoutred about two thousand of the strongest men with such arms as there were in the city, and stationed them at the gate leading to the isthmus and the enemy’s camp: the rest he ordered to assist to the best of their power at all points in the wall. ²² As soon as the bugles of Publius sounded the moment of the assault, Mago caused those whom he had armed to sally from the gate, feeling confident that he should create a panic among the assailants and entirely baffle their design. These men vigorously attacked those of the Roman army who were drawn up opposite the isthmus, and a sharp engagement took place accompanied by loud cries of encouragement on both sides: the Romans in the camp cheering on their men, and the people in the city theirs. But the contest was an unequal one in the respect of the facility of bringing up reserves. The Carthaginians had all to come out by one gate, and had nearly two stades to march before they got on the ground; whereas the Romans had their supports close at hand and able to come out over a wide area; for Publius had purposely stationed his men close to the camp in order to induce the enemy to come out as far as possible: being quite aware that if he succeeded in destroying these, who were so to speak the sharp edge of the urban population, universal consternation would be the result, and no more of those in the town would have the courage to come out of the gate. The contest however for a certain time was undecided, for it was between picked men on both sides; but finally the Carthaginians were overpowered by the superior weight of their opponents, owing to the constant reinforcements from the camp, and turned to flight. A large number of them fell in the actual engagement, and during the retreat; but the greater number were trampled to death by each other as they crowded through the gate. The city people were thrown into such a panic by these events, that even those who were guarding the walls fled. The Romans very nearly succeeded in forcing their way in through the gates with the fugitives; and of course fixed their scaling-ladders against the wall in perfect security.

Double Assault By The Romans

Meanwhile Publius, though throwing himself heartily into the struggle, yet took all possible precautions to protect his life. He had three men with him carrying large shields, which they held in such a position as to completely protect him from the side of the wall; and accordingly he went along the lines, or mounted on elevated ground, and contributed greatly to the success of the day. For he was enabled to see all that was going on, and at the same time, by being himself in view of all, inspired great zeal in the hearts of the combatants. The result was that nothing was omitted which could contribute to the success of the battle; but any help he saw to be at any moment required was rapidly and thoroughly supplied.

But though the leaders of the escalade had begun mounting the walls with great spirit, they found the²³ operation accompanied by some danger: not so much from the number of the defenders, as from the height of the walls. The defenders accordingly plucked up courage considerably when they saw the distress of the assailants: for some of the ladders were breaking under the weight of the numbers which, owing to their length, were on them at the same time; while on others the first to mount turned giddy owing to their great height, and without requiring much resistance from the defenders threw themselves from the ladders: and when beams, or anything of that sort, were hurled upon them from the battlements, they were swept off en masse and fell to the ground. In spite however of these difficulties nothing could check the zeal and fury of the Roman attack; but as the first fell their place was always taken at once by the next in order. And now, as the day was far advanced, and the soldiers were worn out with fatigue, Scipio sounded a recall for the assaulting party.

Scipio Creates a Distraction

The men in the town were accordingly in high spirits ²⁴ at having, as they thought, repulsed the assault. But Scipio, who was conscious that the time was now approaching for the ebb of the lagoon, had five hundred men stationed ready by its edge with ladders; and meanwhile massed some fresh soldiers upon the gate and isthmus, and, after urging them to undertake the work, furnished them with a larger number of ladders than before: so that the wall was almost covered with men scaling it. When the signal for attack was sounded, and the men placed their ladders against the wall, and began ascending at every point, the excitement and consternation inside the walls was extreme; for when they thought themselves released from the threatened danger, they saw it beginning all over again by another assault. Besides, their missiles were beginning to fall short; and the number of men they had lost greatly disheartened them. Still, though they were in great distress, they continued the defence as well as they could.

Just when the struggle at the ladders was at its hottest the²⁵ ebb of the tide began. The water began gradually to leave the edges of the lagoon, and the current ran with such violence, and in such a mass through its channel into the adjoining sea, that to those who were unprepared for the sight it appeared incredible. Being provided with guides, Scipio at once ordered his men, who had been stationed ready for this service, to step in and to fear nothing. His was a nature especially fitted to inspire courage and sympathy with his own feelings. So now the men at once obeyed him, and when the army saw them racing each other across the marsh, it could not but suppose that the movement was a kind of heaven-sent inspiration. This reminded them of the reference Scipio had made to Poseidon, and the promises contained in his harangue: and their enthusiasm rose to such a height that they locked their shields above their heads, and, charging up to the gate, they began trying to hew their way through the panels of the doors with their axes and hatchets.

Meanwhile the party which had crossed the marsh had approached the wall. They found the battlements unguarded: and therefore, not only fixed their ladders against the wall, but actually mounted and took it without striking a blow; for the attention of the garrison was distracted to other points, especially to the isthmus and the gate leading to it, and they never expected that the enemy were likely to attack on the side of the lagoon: besides, and above all, there was such disorderly shouting, and such a scene of confusion within the wall, that they could neither hear nor see to any purpose.

Carthagena Captured and Looted

As soon as they found themselves in possession of ²⁶ the wall, the Romans began making their way along the top of it, hurling off such of the enemy as they met, the nature of their arms being especially suited for an operation of that sort. But when they arrived at the gate they descended and began cutting through the bolts, while those without began forcing their way in, and those who were mounting the walls in the direction of the isthmus, beginning by this time to get the better of their opponents, were getting a footing on the battlements. Thus the walls were finally in possession of the enemy: and the troops, which entered by the gate, carried the eastern hill and drove off the garrison occupying it.

When Scipio thought that a sufficient number of troops had entered the town, he gave leave to the larger number of them to attack those in it, according to the Roman custom, with directions to kill everything they met, and to spare nothing; and not to begin looting until they got the order to do so. The object of this is, I suppose, to strike terror. Accordingly, one may often see in towns captured by the Romans, not only human beings who have been put to the sword, but even dogs cloven down the middle, and the limbs of other animals hewn off. On this occasion the amount of such slaughter was exceedingly great, because of the numbers included in the city.

Scipio himself with about a thousand men now pressed on²⁷ towards the citadel. When he arrived there, Mago at first thought of resistance; but afterwards, when he was satisfied that the city was completely in the power of the enemy, he sent to demand a promise of his life, and then surrendered. This being concluded, the signal was given to stop the slaughter: whereupon the soldiers left off slaying, and turned to plunder. ²⁸ When night fell those of the soldiers to whom this duty had been assigned remained in the camp, while Scipio with his thousand men bivouacked in the citadel; and summoning the rest from the dwellinghouses by means of the Tribunes, he ordered them to collect all their booty into the market-place by maniples, and to take up their quarters for the night by these several heaps. He then summoned the light-armed from the camp, and stationed them upon the eastern hill.

Thus did the Romans become masters of Carthage in Iberia .

How the Romans Distribute Booty

Next morning the baggage of those who had served ²⁹ in the Carthaginian ranks, as well as the property of the city-folk and the craftsmen, having been collected together in the market-place, the Tribunes divided it according to the Roman custom among their several legions. Now the Roman method of procedure in the capture of cities is the following: Sometimes certain soldiers taken from each maniple are told off for this duty, their numbers depending on the size of the city; sometimes maniples are told off in turn for it: but there are never more than half the whole number assigned to the work. The rest remain in their own ranks in reserve, sometimes outside, at others inside the city, for taking such precautions as may be from time to time necessary. Sometimes, though rarely, four legions are massed together; but generally speaking the whole force is divided into two legions of Romans and two of allies. This being settled, all who are told off for plundering carry all they get, each to his own legion; and when this booty has been sold, the Tribunes distribute the proceeds among all equally, including not only those who were thus held in reserve, but even those who were guarding the tents, or were invalided, or had been sent away anywhere on any service. But I have spoken fully before, when discussing the Roman constitution, on the subject of the distribution of booty, showing how no one is excluded from a share in it, in accordance with the oath which all take upon first joining the camp. ³⁰ I may now add that the arrangement whereby the Roman army is thus divided, half being engaged in gathering booty and half remaining drawn up in reserve, precludes all danger of a general catastrophe arising from personal rivalry in greed. For as both parties feel absolute confidence in the fair dealing of each in respect to the booty,—the reserves no less than the plunderers,—no one leaves the ranks, which has been the most frequent cause of disaster in the case of other armies.

Scipio’s Treatment of the Prisoners

For, as the majority of mankind encounter miseries and embrace dangers for the sake of gain, it is plain that when such opportunity is presented to them as this, the men in the reserve or in the camp would be with difficulty induced to abstain from taking advantage of it; because the usual idea is that everything belongs to the man who actually takes it: and though a general or king may be careful to order all booty to be brought into the common stock, yet everybody considers that what he can conceal is his own. The result is that, while the ruck of the army cannot be prevented from eagerly devoting themselves to plunder, they often run the risk of a complete overthrow: and it has often in fact happened that after a successful movement, such as the carrying of an entrenched camp or the capture of a city, the victorious army has, from no other cause but this, been not only ejected but even utterly defeated. Therefore there is nothing about which leaders ought to exercise more care or foresight, than that, on such an occasion, all may have an absolutely equal prospect of sharing in the booty.

Thus on the present occasion, while the Tribunes were busied in the distribution of the spoil; the Roman commander caused the prisoners, who numbered little short of ³¹ With ten thousand, to be assembled; and having first ordered them to be divided into two groups, one containing the citizens and their wives and children, the other the craftsmen, he exhorted the first of these to be loyal to the Romans, and to remember the favour which they were now receiving, and allowed them all to depart to their own houses. tears of joy at this unexpected preservation, they bowed in reverence to Scipio and dispersed. ³² He then told the craftsmen that they were for the present public slaves of Rome , but that, if they showed themselves loyal and zealous in their several crafts, he promised them their freedom, as soon as the war with the Carthaginians had been brought to a successful issue. ³³ He then bade them go get their names enrolled in the office of the Quaestor, and appointed a Roman overseer for every thirty of them, their whole number being about two thousand. From the remaining captives he selected the strongest, those who were in the prime of youth and physical vigour, and assigned them to serve on board ship: and having thus increased the number of his naval allies by one half, he manned the ships taken from the enemy as well as his own; so that the number of men on board each vessel were now little short of double what it was before. For the captured ships numbered eighteen, his original fleet thirty-five. These men he also promised their freedom, if they showed themselves loyal and zealous, as soon as they had conquered the Carthaginians. By this treatment of the captives he inspired the citizens with warm feelings of loyalty and fidelity, and the handicraftsmen with great readiness to serve, from the hope held out to them of recovering their freedom.

Scipio’s Treatment of Women

He next took Mago and the Carthaginians with him ³⁴ separately, consisting of one member of the Council of ancients and fifteen of the Senate.³⁵ These he put under the charge of Gaius Laelius, with orders that he should take due care of them. He next summoned the hostages, who numbered more than three hundred. ³⁶ Such of them as were children he called to him one by one, and stroking their heads told them not to be afraid, for in a few days they would see their parents. The others also he exhorted to be of good cheer, and to write word to their relations in their several cities, first, that they were safe and well; and, secondly, that the Romans were minded to restore them all unharmed to their homes, if only their relations adopted the Roman alliance. With these words, having already selected from the spoils such articles as were fitting for his purpose, he presented each with what was suitable to their sex and age: the girls with ear-rings and bracelets, the young men with daggers and swords. ³⁷ Among the captive women was the wife of Mandonius, brother of Andobalus king of the Ilergētes. This woman fell at his feet and besought him with tears to protect their honour better than the Carthaginians had done. Touched by her distress Scipio asked her in what respect she and the other women were left unprovided. She was a lady of advanced years and of a certain majestic dignity of appearance: and upon her meeting his question by perfect silence, he summoned the men who had been appointed to take charge of the women; and when they reported that they had supplied them with all necessaries in abundance, and when the woman again clasped his knees and repeated the same request, Scipio felt still more embarrassed; and, conceiving the idea that their guardians had neglected them, and were now making a false report, he bade the women fear nothing, for that he would appoint different men to see to their interests, and secure that they were not left in want of anything. Then after a brief hesitation the woman said, You mistake my meaning, General, if you think that we are asking you for food. Scipio then at length began to understand what she wished to convey; and seeing under his eyes the youthful beauty of the daughters of Andobalus, and of many of the other nobles, he could not refrain from tears, while the aged lady indicated in a few words the danger in which they were. He showed at once that he understood her words: and taking her by the hand, he bade her and the others also be of good cheer, for that he would watch over them as he would over his own sisters and daughters, and would accordingly put men in charge of them on whom he could rely.

The Money

His next business was to pay over to the Quaestors such public money of the Carthaginians as had been captured. It amounted to more than six hundred talents, so that when this was added to the four hundred which he had brought with him from Rome , he found himself in possession of more than one thousand talents.

It was on this occasion that some young Romans fell in³⁸ with a girl surpassing all the other women in bloom and beauty; and seeing that Scipio was fond of the society of women, they brought her to him, and, placing her before him, said that they desired to present the damsel to him. He was struck with admiration for her beauty, and replied that, if he had been in a private position, he could have received no present that would have given him greater pleasure; but as general it was the last in the world which he could receive. He meant to convey, I presume, by this ambiguous answer that, in hours of rest and idleness, such things are the most delightful enjoyments and pastimes for young men; whereas in times of activity they are hindrances physically and mentally. However that may be, he thanked the young men; but called the girl’s father, and handing her over at once to him, told him to bestow her in marriage on whichever of the citizens he chose. By this display of continence and self-control he gained the warm respect of his men.

Having made these arrangements, and handed over the rest³⁹ of the captives to the Tribunes, he despatched Gaius Laelius on board a quinquereme to Rome , with the Carthaginian prisoners and the noblest of the others, to announce at home what had taken place. For as the prevailing feeling at Rome was one of despair of success in Iberia , he felt certain that on this news their spirits would revive, and that they would make much more strenuous efforts to support him.

Scipio’s Training Regimen

Scipio himself stayed a certain time in New ⁴⁰ Carthage and assiduously practised his fleet; and drew up the following scheme for his military Tribunes for training their men. The first day he ordered the men to go at the double for thirty stades in their full arms; and on the second all of them to rub down, clean, and thoroughly examine their whole equipments; on the third to rest and do nothing; on the fourth to have a sham fight, some with wooden swords covered with leather and with a button at the end, others with javelins also buttoned at the end; on the fifth the same march at the double as on the first. That there might be no lack of weapons for the practises, or for the real fighting, he took the greatest pains with the handicraftsmen. He had, as I have already stated, appointed overseers over them in regular divisions to secure that this was done; but he also personally inspected them every day, and saw that they were severally supplied with what was necessary. Thus while the legions were practising and training in the vicinity of the town, and the fleet manœuvring and rowing in the sea, and the city people sharpening weapons or forging arms or working in wood, every one in short busily employed in making armour, the whole place must have presented the appearance of what Xenophon called a workshop of war.⁴¹ When he thought all these works were sufficiently advanced for the requirements of the service, he secured the town by posting garrisons and repairing the walls, and got both his army and navy on the move, directing his advance upon Tarraco , and taking the hostages with him. . . .

Philopoemen of Megalopolis

Euryleon, the Strategus of the Achaeans, was a man of ⁴² timid character, and quite unsuited for service in the field. But as my history has now arrived at a point at which the achievements of Philopoemen begin, I think it only proper that, as I have attempted to describe the habits and characters of the other men of eminence with whom we have had to deal, I should do the same for him. It is strangely inconsistent in historians to record in elaborate detail the founding of cities, stating when and how and by whom they were established, and even the circumstances and difficulties which accompanied the transaction, and yet to pass over in complete silence the characteristics and aims of the men by whom the whole thing was done, though these in fact are the points of the greatest value. For as one feels more roused to emulation and imitation by men that have life, than by buildings that have none, it is natural that the history of the former should have a greater educational value. If I had not therefore already composed a separate account of him, clearly setting forth who he was, his origin, and his policy as a young man, it would have been necessary to have given an account now of each of these particulars. But since I have done this in a work in three books, unconnected with my present history, detailing the circumstances of his childhood and his most famous achievements, it is clear that in my present narrative my proper course will be to remove anything like details from my account of his youthful characteristics and aims; while I am careful to add details to the story of the achievements of his manhood, which in that treatise were only stated summarily. I shall thus preserve the proper features of both works. The former being in the nature of a panegyric demanded an account of his actions, put briefly and in a style deliberately intended to enhance their merits; my present work, which is history, and therefore absolutely uncommitted to praise or blame, requires only a true statement, which puts the facts clearly, and traces the policy which dictated the several actions.

His Birth and Education

Philopoemen, then, to begin with, was of good birth, ⁴³ descended from one of the noblest families in Arcadia . He was also educated under that most distinguished Mantinean, Cleander, who had been his father’s friend before, and happened at that time to be in exile. When he came to man’s estate he attached himself to Ecdemus and Demophanes, who were by birth natives of Megalopolis , but who having been exiled by the tyrant, and having associated with the philosopher Arcesilaus during their exile, not only set their own country free by entering into an intrigue against Aristodemus the tyrant, but also helped in conjunction with Aratus to put down Nicocles, the tyrant of Sicyon . On another occasion also, on the invitation of the people of Cyrene , they stood forward as their champions and preserved their freedom for them. Such were the men with whom he passed his early life; and he at once began to show a superiority to his contemporaries, by his power of enduring hardships in hunting, and by his acts of daring in war. He was moreover careful in his manner of life, and moderate in the outward show which he maintained; for he had imbibed from these men the conviction, that it was impossible for a man to take the lead in public business with honour who neglected his own private affairs; nor again to abstain from embezzling public money if he lived beyond his private income.

Being then appointed Hipparch by the Achaean league at⁴⁴ this time, and finding the squadrons in a state of utter demoralisation, and the men thoroughly dispirited, he not only restored them to a better state than they were, but in a short time made them even superior to the enemy’s cavalry, by bringing them all to adopt habits of real training and genuine emulation. The fact is that most of those who hold this office of Hipparch, either, from being without any genius themselves for cavalry tactics, do not venture to enforce necessary orders upon others; or, because they are aiming at being elected Strategus, try all through their year of office to attach the young men to themselves and to secure their favour in the coming election: and accordingly never administer necessary reprimands, which are the salvation of the public interests, but hush up all transgressions, and, for the sake of gaining an insignificant popularity, do great damage to those who trust them. Sometimes again, commanders, though neither feeble nor corrupt, do more damage to the soldiers by intemperate zeal than the negligent ones, and this is still oftener the case with regard to the cavalry. . . .

Philopoemen’s Reforms

Now the movements which he undertook to teach the horsemen as being universally applicable to cavalry warfare ⁴⁵ were these.⁴⁶ In the first place each separate horse was to be practised in wheeling first to the left and then to the right, and also to face right-about; and in the next place they were to be taught to wheel in squadrons, face-about, and by a treble movement to face-about right-turn. Next they were to learn to throw out flying columns of single or double companies at full speed from both wings or from the centre; and then to pull up and fall in again into troops, or squadrons, or regiments: next to deploy into line on both wings, either by filling up the intervals in the line or by a lateral movement on the rear. Simply to form an oblique line, he said, required no practice, for it was exactly the same order as that taken up on a march. After this they were to practice charging the enemy and retreating by every kind of movement, until they were able to advance at an alarming pace; provided only that they kept together, both line and column, and preserved the proper intervals between the squadrons: for nothing is more dangerous and unserviceable than cavalry that have broken up their squadrons, and attempt to engage in this state.

After giving these instructions both to the people and their magistrates, he went on a round of inspection through the towns, and inquired, first, whether the men obeyed the words of command; and, secondly, whether the officers in the several towns knew how to give them clearly and properly: for he held that the first thing requisite was technical knowledge on the part of the commanders of each company.

How to Drill a Large Company

When he had thus made the proper preliminary preparations, he mustered the cavalry from the various cities into one place, and set about perfecting their evolutions under his own command, and personally directed the whole drill. He did not ride in front of the army, as generals nowadays do, from the notion that this is the proper position for a commander. For what can be less scientific or more dangerous than for a commander to be seen by all his men, and yet not to see one of them? In such manœuvres a Hipparch should not make a display not of mere military dignity, but of the skill and ability of an officer, appearing at one time in the front, at another on the rear, and at another in the centre. This is what he did, riding along the lines, and personally seeing to all the men, giving them directions when they were at a loss what to do, and correcting at once every mistake that was being made. Such mistakes, however, were trifling and rare, owing to the previous care bestowed on every individual and company. Demetrius of Phalerum has, as far as words go, given expression to the same idea: As in the case of building, if you lay each single brick rightly, and if proper care is taken in placing each successive course, all will be well; so in an army, accuracy in the arrangement of each soldier and each company makes the whole strong. . . .

Philip’s Increasing Deterioration

⁴⁷

The case is just like that of the disposition of the ⁴⁸ various kinds of troops on the field of battle. The light-armed and most active men bear the brunt of the danger, are the first to be engaged and the first to perish, while the phalanx and the heavy-armed generally carry off the glorySo in this case, the Aetolians, and such of the Peloponnesians as are in alliance with them, are put in the post of danger; while the Romans, like the phalanx, remain in reserve. And if the former meet with disaster and perish, the Romans will retire unharmed from the struggle; while if they are victorious, which Heaven forbid ! the Romans will get not only them but the rest of the Greeks also into their power. . . .⁴⁹

Philip V

After finishing the celebration of the Nemean games, ⁵⁰ King Philip of Macedon returned to Argos and laid aside his crown and purple robe, with the view of making a display of democratic equality and good nature. But the more democratic the dress which he wore, the more absolute and royal were the privileges which he claimed. He was not now content with seducing unmarried women, or even with intriguing with married women, but assumed the right of sending authoritatively for any woman whose appearance struck him; and offered violence to those who did not at once obey, by leading a band of revellers to their houses; and, summoning their sons or their husbands, he trumped up false pretexts for menacing them. In fact his conduct was exceedingly outrageous and lawless. But though this abuse of his privileges as a guest was exceedingly annoying to many of the Achaeans, and especially to the orderly part of them, the wars that threatened them on every side compelled them to show a patience under it uncongenial to their character. . . .

None of his predecessors had better qualifications for sovereignty, or more important defects, than this same Philip. And it appears to me that the good qualities were innate, while the defects grew upon him as he advanced in years, as happens to some horses as they grow old. Such remarks I do not, following some other historians, confine to prefaces; but when the course of my narrative suggests it, I state my opinion of kings and eminent men, thinking that most convenient for writer and reader alike.

⁵¹

Medea and the Palace at Ecbatana

In regard to extent of territory Media is the most considerable of the kingdoms in Asia , as also in respect of ⁵² the number and excellent qualities of its men, and not less so of its horses. For, in fact, it supplies nearly all Asia with these animals, the royal studs being entrusted to the Medes because of the rich pastures in their country.⁵³ To protect it from the neighbouring barbarians a ring of Greek cities was built round it by the orders of Alexander. The chief exception to this is Ecbatana , which stands on the north of Media, in the district of Asia bordering on the Maeotis and Euxine. It was originally the royal city of the Medes, and vastly superior to the other cities in wealth and the splendour of its buildings. It is situated on the skirts of Mount Orontes, and is without walls, though containing an artificially formed citadel fortified to an astonishing strength. Beneath this stands the palace, which it is in some degree difficult to describe in detail, or to pass over in complete silence. To those authors whose aim is to produce astonishment, and who are accustomed to deal in exaggeration and picturesque writing, this city offers the best possible subject; but to those who, like myself, are cautious when approaching descriptions which go beyond ordinary notions, it presents much difficulty and embarrassment. However, as regards size, the palace covers ground the circuit of which is nearly seven stades; and by the costliness of the structure in its several parts it testifies to the wealth of its original builders: for all its woodwork being cedar or cypress not a single plank was left uncovered; beams and fretwork in the ceilings, and columns in the arcades and peristyle, were overlaid with plates of silver or gold, while all the tiles were of silver. Most of these had been stripped off during the invasion of Alexander and the Macedonians, and the rest in the reigns of Antigonus and Seleucus Nicanor. However, even at the time of Antiochus’s arrival, the temple of Aena⁵⁴ still had its columns covered with gold, and a considerable number of silver tiles had been piled up in it, and some few gold bricks and a good many silver ones were still remaining. It was from these that the coinage bearing the king’s impress was collected and struck, amounting to little less than four thousand talents.

Antiochus the Great In Media

Arsaces expected that Antiochus would come as far as ⁵⁵ this district (of Media), but that he would not venture to proceed across the adjoining desert with so large a force, if for no other reason, yet from the scarcity of water. For in this tract of country there is no water appearing on the surface, though there are many subterranean channels which have well-shafts sunk to them, at spots in the desert unknown to persons unacquainted with the district. A true account of these channels has been preserved among the natives to the effect that, during the Persian ascendency, they granted the enjoyment of the profits of the land to the inhabitants of some of the waterless districts for five generations, on condition of their bringing fresh water in; and that, there being many large streams flowing down Mount Taurus, these people at infinite toil and expense constructed these underground channels through a long tract of country, in such a way, that the very people who now use the water are ignorant of the sources from which the channels are originally supplied.

When, however, Arsaces saw that Antiochus was determined to attempt to cross the desert, he endeavoured at once to choke up and spoil the wells.⁵⁶ But King Antiochus, upon this being reported to him, despatched Nicomedes with a thousand horse; who found that Arsaces had retired with his main army, but came upon some of his cavalry in the act of choking up the shafts which went down into the underground channels. They promptly attacked these men, and, having routed and forced them to fly, returned back again to Antiochus. ⁵⁷ The king, having thus accomplished the journey across the desert, arrived before the city Hecatompylos , which is situated in the centre of Parthia , and derives its name from the fact that the roads which lead to all the surrounding districts converge there.

Antiochus Moves into Hyrcania

Having rested his army at this place, and having convinced himself that, had Arsaces been able to give him battle, he would not have abandoned his own country, nor have sought a ground more favourable to his own army for fighting him than the district round Hecatompylos ; he concluded that, since he had done so, it stood to reason that he had entirely changed his mind. ⁵⁸ He therefore decided to advance into Hyrcania. But having arrived at Tagae, he learnt from the natives that the country he had to cross, until he reached the ridges of Mount Labus sloping down into Hyrcania, was exceedingly rough and difficult, and that large numbers of barbarians were stationed at the narrowest points. He therefore resolved to divide his light-armed troops into companies, and distribute their officers among them, giving them directions as to the route they were severally to take. He did the same with the pioneers, whose business it was to make the positions occupied by the light-armed possible of approach for the phalanx and beasts of burden. Having made these arrangements, he entrusted the first division to Diogenes, strengthening him with bowmen and slingers and some mountaineers skilled in throwing javelins and stones, and who, without keeping any regular order, were always ready to skirmish at a moment’s notice, and in any direction, and rendered the most effective assistance at the narrow passes. Next to these he ordered a company of about two thousand Cretans armed with shields to advance, under the command of Polyxenidas of Rhodes . The rear was to be brought up by companies armed with breastplate and shield, and commanded by Nicomedes of Cos, and Nicolaus the Aetolian.

Fighting On Mount Labus

But as they advanced, the ruggedness of the ground ⁵⁹ and the narrowness of the passes were found to far exceed the king’s expectations. The length of the ascent was altogether about three hundred stades; and a great part had to be made up the bed of a winter torrent of great depth, into which numerous rocks and trees had been hurled by natural causes from the overhanging precipices, and made a passage up it difficult, to say nothing of the obstacles which the barbarians had helped to construct expressly to impede them. These latter had felled a large number of trees and piled up heaps of huge rocks; and had besides occupied all along the gully the high points, which were at once convenient for attack and capable of covering themselves; so that, if it had not been for one glaring error on their part, Antiochus would have found the attempt beyond his powers, and would have desisted from it. The error was this. They assumed that the whole army would be obliged to march the entire way up the gully, and they accordingly occupied the points of vantage. But they did not perceive this fact, that, though the phalanx and the baggage could not possibly go by any other route than the one they supposed, there was yet nothing to make it impossible for the light-armed and active troops to accomplish the ascent of the bare rocks. Consequently, as soon as Diogenes had come upon the first outpost of the enemy, he and his men began climbing out of the gully, and the affair at once took a different aspect. For no sooner had they come to close quarters, than, acting on the suggestion of the moment, Diogenes avoided the engagement by ascending the mountains that flanked the enemy’s position, and so got above him; and by pouring down volleys of darts and stones he seriously harassed the barbarians. Their most deadly weapons however proved to be the slings, which could carry a great distance; and when by these means they had dislodged the first outpost and occupied their position, an opportunity was secured for the pioneers to clear the way and level it, without being exposed to danger. Owing to the number of hands the work went on rapidly; and meanwhile the slingers, bowmen, and javelin-men advanced in skirmishing order along the higher ground, every now and then reforming and seizing on strong points of vantage; while the men with shields formed a reserve, marching in order and at a regular pace along the side of the gully itself. The barbarians thereupon abandoned their positions, and, ascending the mountain, mustered in full force on the summit.

Antiochus Reaches Tambrax

Thus Antiochus effected this ascent without loss, but ⁶⁰ slowly and painfully, for it was not until the eighth day that his army made the summit of Labus. The barbarians being mustered there, and resolved to dispute his passage, a severe engagement took place, in which the barbarians were eventually dislodged, and by the following manœuvre. As long as they were engaged face to face with the phalanx, they kept well together and fought desperately; but before daybreak the light-armed troops had made a wide circuit, and seized some high ground on the rear of the enemy, and as soon as the barbarians perceived this they fled in a panic. King Antiochus exerted himself actively to prevent a pursuit, and caused a recall to be sounded, because he wished his men to make the descent into Hyrcania , without scattering, and in close order. ⁶¹ He accomplished his object: reached Tambrax, an unwalled city of great size and containing a royal palace, and there encamped. ⁶² Most of the natives fled from the battle-field, and its immediate neighbourhood, into a city called Sirynx, which was not far from Tambrax, and from its secure and convenient situation was considered as the capital of Hyrcania . Antiochus therefore determined to carry this town by assault; and having accordingly advanced thither, and pitched his camp under its walls, he commenced the assault. The operation consisted chiefly of mining under pent-houses. For the city was defended by three trenches, thirty cubits broad and fifteen deep, with a double vallum on the edge of each; and behind these there was a strong wall. Frequent struggles took place at the works, in which neither side were strong enough to carry off their killed and wounded: for these hand-to-hand battles took place, not above ground only, but underground also in the mines. However, owing to the numbers employed and the activity of the king, it was not long before the trenches were choked up and the walls were undermined and fell. Upon this the barbarians, giving up all as lost, put to death such Greeks as were in the town; and having plundered all that was most worth taking, made off under cover of night. When the king saw this, he despatched Hyperbasus with the mercenaries; upon whose approach the barbarians threw down their booty and fled back again into the city; and when they found the peltasts pouring in energetically through the breach in the walls they gave up in despair and surrendered.

Fall of M. Claudius Marcellus

The Consuls, wishing to reconnoitre the slope of the ⁶³ hill towards the enemy’s camp, ordered their main force to remain in position; while they themselves with two troops of cavalry, their lictors, and about thirty velites advanced to make the reconnaisance. Now some Numidians, who were accustomed to lie in ambush for those who came on skirmishes, or any other services from the Roman camp, happened, as it chanced, to have ensconced themselves at the foot of the hill. Being informed by their look-out man that a body of men was coming over the brow of the hill above them, they rose from their place of concealment, ascended the hill by a side road, and got between the Consuls and their camp. ⁶⁴ At the very first charge they killed Claudius and some others, and having wounded the rest, forced them to fly in different directions down the sides of the hill. Though the men in camp saw what was happening they were unable to come to the relief of their endangered comrades; for while they were still shouting out to get ready, and before they had recovered from the first shock of their surprise, while some were putting the bridles on their horses and others donning their armour, the affair was all over. The son of Claudius, though wounded, narrowly escaped with his life.

Thus fell Marcus Marcellus from an act of incautiousness unworthy of a general. I am continually compelled in the course of my history to draw the attention of my readers to occurrences of this sort; for I perceive that it is this, more than anything else connected with the science of tactics, that ruins commanders. And yet the blunder is a very obvious one. For what is the use of a commander or general, who has not learnt that the leader ought to keep as far as possible aloof from those minor operations, in which the whole fortune of the campaign is not involved? Or of one who does not know that, even if circumstances should at times force them to engage in such subordinate movements, the commanders-in-chief should not expose themselves to danger until a large number of their company have fallen? For, as the proverb has it, the experiment should be made on the worthless Carian⁶⁵ not on the general. ⁶⁶ For to say I shouldn’t have thought it,— Who would have expected it? seems to me the clearest proof of strategical incompetence and dulness.

Hannibal’s Greatness

And so, though Hannibal’s claims to be reckoned a ⁶⁷ great general are manifold, there is none more conspicuous than this, that though engaged for a great length of time in an enemy’s country, and though he experienced a great variety of fortune, he again and again inflicted a disaster on his opponents in minor encounters, but never suffered one himself, in spite of the number and severity of the contests which he conducted: and the reason, we may suppose was, that he took great care of his personal safety. And very properly so: for if the leader escapes uninjured and safe, though a decisive defeat may have been sustained, fortune offers many opportunities for retrieving disasters; but if he has fallen, the pilot as it were of the ship, even should fortune give the victory to the army, no real advantage is gained; because all the hopes of the soldiers depend upon their leaders. So much for those who fall into such errors from foolish vanity, childish parade, ignorance, or contempt. For it is ever one or the other of these that is at the bottom of such disasters. . . . They suddenly let down the portcullis, which they had raised somewhat by pulleys, and thus closed up the gateway. Then they took the men and crucified them before the walls. . . .

The Submission of the Edetani to Scipio

In Iberia Publius Scipio took up his winter quarters at ⁶⁸ Tarraco , as I have already stated; and secured the fidelity and affection of the Iberians, to begin with, by the restoration of the hostages to their respective families. He found a voluntary supporter of his measures in the person of Edeco, the prince of the Edetani; who no sooner heard that New Carthage had been taken, and that Scipio had got his wife and children into his hands, than, concluding that the Iberians would change sides, he resolved to take the lead in the movement: conceiving that, by acting thus, he would best be able to get back his wife and children, and at the same time have the credit of joining the Romans by deliberate choice, and not under compulsion. And so it turned out. For as soon as the armies were dismissed to their winter quarters, he came to Tarraco , accompanied by his kinsfolk and friends; and there being admitted to an interview with Scipio, he said that he thanked the gods heartily that he was the first of the native princes to come to him; for whereas the others were still sending ambassadors to the Carthaginians and looking to them for support,—even while stretching out their hands to the Romans,—he was come there to offer not only himself, but his friends and kinsfolk also, to the protection of Rome . If therefore he should have the honour to be regarded by him as a friend and ally, he would be able to render him important service both in the present and the future. For as soon as the Iberians saw that he had been admitted to Scipio’s friendship, and had obtained what he asked, they would all come in with a similar object, hoping to have their relatives restored, and to enjoy the alliance of Rome . Their affection being secured for the future by receiving such a mark of honour and benevolence, he would have in them sincere and ready coadjutors in all his future undertakings. He therefore asked to have his wife and children restored to him, and to be allowed to return home an acknowledged friend of Rome ; in order that he might have a reasonable pretext for showing, to the best of his power, his own and his friends’ affection for Scipio himself and for the Roman cause.

General Defection to the Romans

When Edeco had finished his speech, Scipio, who had ⁶⁹ been ready to gratify him from the first, and took the same view as to the policy of the proceeding, delivered him his wife and children, and granted the friendship which he asked. More than this, his subtle intellect made an extraordinary impression on the Iberian in the course of the interview; and having held out splendid hopes to all his companions for the future, he allowed him to return to his own country. This affair having rapidly got wind, all the tribes living north of the Ebro , such as had not done so before, joined the Romans with one consent.

Thus so far everything was going well with Scipio. After the departure of these people, he broke up his naval force, seeing that there was nothing to resist him at sea; and selecting the best of the crews, he distributed them among the maniples, and thus augmented his land forces.

But Andobales and Mandonius, the most powerful princes⁷⁰ of the day in Iberia , and believed to be the most sincerely devoted to the Carthaginians, had long been secretly discontented and on the look-out for an opportunity: ever since Hasdrubal, under a pretence of having a doubt of their loyalty, had demanded a large sum of money, and their wives and daughters as hostages, as I have already narrated.⁷¹ And thinking that a convenient opportunity had now come, they got together their own forces, and, quitting the Carthaginian camp under cover of night, occupied a position sufficiently strong to secure their safety. Upon this, most of the other Iberians also abandoned Hasdrubal: having long been annoyed at the overbearing conduct of the Carthaginians, and now seizing the first opportunity to manifest their feelings.

Difficulty of Making Good Use of a Victory

This has often happened to people before. For though, as I have many times remarked, success in a campaign and victory over one’s enemies are great things, it requires much greater skill and caution to use such successes well. Accordingly, you will find that those who have gained victories are many times more numerous than those who have made good use of them. The Carthaginians at this crisis are an instance in point. After conquering the Roman armies, and slaying both the generals, Publius and Gnaeus Scipio, imagining that Iberia was their own without dispute, they began treating the natives tyrannically; and accordingly found enemies in their subjects instead of allies and friends. And they were quite rightly served, for imagining that the conduct necessary for keeping power was something different from that necessary for obtaining it; and for failing to understand that they keep empire best, who best maintain the same principles in virtue of which they gained it. And yet it is obvious enough, and has been again and again demonstrated, that men gain power by beneficent actions, and by holding out hopes of advantage to those with whom they are dealing; but that, as soon as they have got what they wanted, and begin to act wickedly and rule despotically, it is but natural that, as their rulers have changed, the feelings of the subjects should change too. So it was with the Carthaginians.

Hasdrubal Comes to a Decision

Surrounded by such difficulties Hasdrubal was agitated by many conflicting emotions and anxieties. He was vexed by the desertion of Andobales; vexed by the opposition and feud between himself and the other commanders; and greatly alarmed as to the arrival of Scipio, expecting that he would immediately bring his forces to attack him. Perceiving therefore that he was being abandoned by the Iberians, and that they were joining the Romans with one accord, he decided upon the following plan of action. He resolved that he must collect the best force he could, and give the enemy battle: if fortune declared in his favour he could then consider his next step in safety, but if the battle turned out unfavourably for him, he would retreat with those that survived into Gaul ; and collecting from that country as many of the natives as he could, would go to Italy , and take his share in the same fortune as his brother Hannibal.

While Hasdrubal was arriving at this resolution, Publius⁷² Scipio was rejoined by Gaius Laelius; and, being informed by him of the orders of the Senate, he collected his forces from their winter quarters and began his advance: the Iberians joining him on the march with great promptness and hearty enthusiasm. ⁷³ Andobales had long been in communication with Scipio: and, on the latter approaching the district in which he was entrenched, he left his camp with his friends and came to Scipio. In this interview he entered upon a defence of himself in regard to his former friendship with the Carthaginians, and spoke of the services he had done them, and the fidelity which he had shown to them. He then went on to narrate the injustice and tyranny which he had experienced at their hands; and demanded that Scipio himself should be the judge of his pleas. If he were shown to be making ungrounded complaints against the Carthaginians, he might justly conclude him incapable of keeping faith with the Romans either: but if, on a review of these numerous acts of injustice he were proved to have had no other course than to desert the Carthaginians, Scipio might confidently expect that, if he now elected to join the Romans, he would be firm in his loyalty to them.

Hasdrubal and Scipio Prepare to Fight

Andobales added many more arguments before finishing his speech; and when he had done, Scipio ⁷⁴ answered by saying that he quite believed what he had said; and that he had the strongest reason for knowing about the insolent conduct of the Carthaginians, both from their treatment of the other Iberians, and conspicuously from their licentious behaviour to their wives and daughters, whom he had found occupying the position, not of hostages, but of captives and slaves; and to whom he had preserved such inviolable honour as could scarcely have been equalled by their very fathers themselves. And upon Andobales and his companions acknowledging that they were quite aware of this, and falling at his feet and calling him king, all present expressed approval. Whereupon Scipio with emotion bade them fear nothing, for they would experience nothing but kindness at the hands of the Romans. He at once handed over his daughters to Andobales; and next day made the treaty with him, the chief provision of which was that he should follow the Roman commanders and obey their commands. This being settled, he returned to his camp; brought over his army to Scipio; and, having joined camps with the Romans, advanced with them against Hasdrubal.

Now the Carthaginian general was encamped at Baecula,⁷⁵ in the district of Castulo , not far from the silver mines. But when he learnt the approach of the Romans, he shifted his quarters; and his rear being secured by a river, and having a stretch of tableland in front of his entrenchment of sufficient extent for his troops to manœuvre, and bounded by a steep descent sufficiently deep for security, he stayed quietly in position: always taking care to post pickets on the brow of the descent. As soon as he came within distance, Scipio was eager to give him battle, but was baffled by the strength of the enemy’s position. ⁷⁶ After waiting two days, however, he became anxious, lest by the arrival of Mago and Hasdrubal, son of Gesco, he should find himself surrounded by hostile forces: he therefore determined to venture on an attack and make trial of the enemy.

Scipio Attacks Hasdrubal

His whole army having been got ready for battle, he ⁷⁷ confined the main body within his camp, but sent out the velites and some picked men of the infantry with orders to assault the brow of the hill and attack the enemy’s pickets. His orders were carried out with great spirit. At first the Carthaginian commander watched what was happening without stirring: but when he saw that, owing to the fury of the Roman attack, his men were being hard pressed, he led out his army and drew them up along the brow of the hill, trusting to the strength of the position. Meanwhile Scipio despatched all his light-armed troops with orders to support the advanced guard: and the rest of his army being ready for action, he took half of them under his own command, and going round the brow of the hill to the enemy’s left, began assaulting the Carthaginians; while he entrusted the other half to Laelius, with orders to make a similar attack on the right of the enemy. While this was going on, Hasdrubal was still engaged in getting his troops out of camp: for hitherto he had been waiting, because he trusted in the strength of the position, and felt confident that the enemy would never venture to attempt it. The attack, therefore, took him by surprise, before he was able to get his men on to the ground. As the Romans were now assaulting the two wings of the position which the enemy had not yet occupied, they not only mounted the brow of the hill in safety, but actually advanced to the attack while their opponents were still in all the confusion and bustle of falling in. Accordingly they killed some of them on their exposed flank; while others, who were actually in the act of falling in, they forced to turn and flee. ⁷⁸ Seeing his army giving way and retreating, Hasdrubal reverted to his preconceived plan; and determining not to stake his all upon this one desperate hazard, he secured his money and his elephants, collected as many of his flying soldiers as he could, and commenced a retreat towards the Tagus , with a view of reaching the passes of the Pyrenees and the Gauls in that neighbourhood.

Scipio did not think it advisable to pursue Hasdrubal at once, for fear of being attacked by the other Carthaginian generals; but he gave up the enemy’s camp to his men to pillage.

Scipio Refuses the Title King

Next morning he collected the prisoners, amounting to ten thousand foot and more than two thousand horse, and busied himself in making arrangements about them. All the Iberians of that district, who were in alliance at that time with the Carthaginians, came in and submitted to the Roman obedience, and in addressing Scipio called him king. The first to do this and to bow the knee before him had been Edeco, and the next Andobales. ⁷⁹ On these occasions Scipio had passed the word over without remark; but after the battle, when all alike addressed him by that title, his attention was drawn to it; and he therefore summoned the Iberians to a meeting, and told them that he quite wished to be called a man of royal liberality by them all, and to be so in the truest sense, but that he had no wish to be a king, nor to be called one by any one; they should address him as general.

Even at this early period of his career, an observer might have remarked the loftiness of Scipio’s character. He was still quite young. His good fortune had been so persistent, that all who came under his rule were led naturally to think and speak of him as a king. Yet he did not lose his selfcontrol; but deprecated this popular impulse and this show of dignity. But this same loftiness of character was still more admirable in the closing scenes of his life, when, in addition to his achievements in Iberia , he crushed the Carthaginians; reduced the largest and fairest districts of Libya , from the Altars of Philaenus to the Pillars of Hercules, under the power of his country; conquered Asia and the kings of Syria ; made the best and largest part of the world subject to Rome ; and in doing so had numerous opportunities of acquiring regal sway, in whatever parts of the world suited his purpose or wish. For such achievements were enough to have kindled pride, not merely in any human breast, but even, if I may say so without irreverence, in that of a god. But Scipio’s greatness of soul was so superior to the common standard of mankind, that he again and again rejected what Fortune had put within his grasp, that prize beyond which men’s boldest prayers do not go—the power of a king: and he steadily preferred his country and his duty to that royalty, which men gaze at with such admiration and envy.

Scipio next proceeded to select from the captives the⁸⁰ native Iberians, and all these he dismissed to their homes without ransom; and bidding Andobales select three hundred of the horses, he distributed the remainder among those who had none. For the rest, he at once occupied the entrenchment of the Carthaginians, owing to its excellent situation; and there he remained himself, waiting to see the movements of the other Carthaginian generals; while he detached a body of men to the passes of the Pyrenees to keep a look-out for Hasdrubal. ⁸¹ After this, as it was getting late in the season, he retired with his army to Tarraco being bent on wintering there. . . .

Affairs in Greece : Philip V. Called In Against the Aetolians

The Aetolians had recently become greatly encouraged ⁸² by the arrival of the Romans and King Attalus: and accordingly began menacing every one, and threatening all with an attack by land, while Attalus and Publius Sulpicius did the same by sea. Wherefore Achaean legates arrived at the court of King Philip entreating his help: for it was not the Aetolians alone of whom they were standing in dread, but Machanidas also, as he was encamped with his army on the frontier of Argos . The Boeotians also, in fear of the enemy’s fleet, were demanding a leader and help from the king. Most urgent of all, however, were the Euboeans in their entreaties to him to take some precaution against the enemy. A similar appeal was being made by the Acarnanians; and there was an embassy even from the Epirotes. News had arrived that both Scerdilaidas and Pleuratus were leading out their armies: and, over and above this, that the Thracian tribes on the frontier of Macedonia , especially the Maedi, were planning to invade Macedonia , if the king were induced to stir from his realm however short a distance. Moreover the Aetolians were already securing the pass of Thermopylae with trenches and stockades and a formidable garrison, satisfied that they would thus out Philip, and entirely prevent him from coming to the assistance of his allies south of the pass. It appears to me that a crisis of this sort is well worth the observation and attention of my readers; for it affords a trial and test of the vigour of the leader affected. As in the hunting-field the wild animals never show their full courage and strength until surrounded and brought to bay,—so it is with leaders. And no more conspicuous instance could be found than this of Philip. He dismissed the various embassies, promising each that he would do his best: and then devoted his attention to the war which surrounded him on all sides, watching to see in what direction, and against which enemy, he had best direct his first attack.

Reinforcements Sent to Various Cities

Just then intelligence reached him that Attalus had crossed the sea and, dropping anchor at Peparethos, had occupied the island. He therefore despatched a body of men to the islanders to garrison their city; and at the same time despatched Polyphontes with an adequate force into Phocis and Boeotia ; and Menippus, with a thousand peltasts and five hundred Agrianes to Chalcis and the rest of Euboea ; while he himself advanced to Scotusa, and sent word at the same time to the Macedonians to meet him at that town. But when he learnt that Attalus had sailed into the port of Nicaea , and that the leaders of the Aetolians were collecting at Heraclea , with the purpose of holding a conference together on the immediate steps to be taken, he started with his army from Scotusa, eager to hurry thither and break up their meeting. He arrived too late to interrupt the conference: but he destroyed or carried off the corn belonging to the people along the Aenianian gulf, and then returned. After this he left his army in Scotusa once more; and, with the light-armed troops and the royal guard, went to Demetrias , and there remained, waiting to see what the enemy would attempt. To secure that he should be kept perfectly acquainted with all their movements, he sent messengers to the Peparethii, and to his troops in Phocis and Euboea , and ordered them to telegraph to him everything which happened, by means of fire signals directed to Mount Tisaeum, which is a mountain of Thessaly conveniently situated for commanding a view of those places.

Fire signals

The method of signalling by fire, which is of the highest utility in the operations of war, has never before been clearly expounded; and I think I shall be doing a service if I do not pass it over, but give an account of it adequate to its importance. Now that opportuneness is of the utmost moment in all undertakings, and pre-eminently so in those of war, no one doubts; and of all the things which contribute to enable us to hit the proper time nothing is more efficacious than fire signals. For they convey intelligence sometimes of what has just happened, sometimes of what is actually going on; and by paying proper attention to them one can get this information at three or four days’ journey off, and even more: so that it continually happens that the help required may be unexpectedly given, thanks to a message conveyed by fire signals. Now, formerly, as the art of signalling by fire was confined to a single method, it proved in very many cases unserviceable to those employing it. For as it was necessary to employ certain definite signals which had been agreed upon, and as possible occurrences are unlimited, the greater number of them were beyond the competence of the fire signals to convey. To take the present instance: it was possible by means of the signals agreed upon to send the information that a fleet had arrived at Oreus or Peparethos or Chalcis ; but it was impossible to express that certain citizens had gone over to the enemy, or were betraying the town, or that a massacre had taken place, or any of those things which often occur, but which cannot be all anticipated. Yet it is precisely the unexpected occurrences which demand instant consideration and succour. All such things then were naturally beyond the competence of fire signalling, inasmuch as it was impossible to adopt an arbitrary sign for things which it was impossible to anticipate.

Methods of Signalling

Aeneas, therefore, the writer of the treatise on tactics, ⁸³ wished to correct this defect, and did in fact make some improvement; but his invention still fell very far short of what was wanted, as the following passage from his treatise will show.⁸⁴ Let those who wish, he says, to communicate any matter of pressing importance to each other by fire-signals prepare two earthenware vessels of exactly equal size both as to diameter and depth. Let the depth be three cubits, the diameter one. Then prepare corks of a little shorter diameter than that of the vessels: and in the middle of these corks fix rods divided into equal portions of three fingers’ breadth, and let each of these portions be marked with a clearly distinguishable line: and in each let there be written one of the most obvious and universal of those events which occur in war; for instance in the first cavalry have entered the country, in the second hoplites, in the third light-armed, in the next infantry and cavalry, in another ships, in another corn, and so on, until all the portions have written on them the events which may reasonably be expected to occur in the particular war. Then carefully pierce both the vessels in such a way that the taps shall be exactly equal and carry off the same amount of water. Fill the vessels with water and lay the corks with their rods upon its surface, and set both taps running together. This being done, it is evident that if there is perfect equality in every respect between them, both corks will sink exactly in proportion as the water runs away, and both rods will disappear to the same extent into the vessels. When they have been tested, and the rate of the discharge of water has been found to be exactly equal in both, then the vessels should be taken respectively to the two places from which the two parties intend to watch for fire signals. As soon as any one of those eventualities which are inscribed upon the rods takes place, raise a lighted torch, and wait until the signal is answered by a torch from the others: this being raised, both parties are to set the taps running together. When the cork and rod on the signalling side has sunk low enough to bring the ring containing the words which give the desired information on a level with the rim of the vessel, a torch is to be raised again. Those on the receiving side are then at once to stop the tap, and to look at the words in the ring of the rod which is on a level with the rim of their vessel. This will be the same as that on the signalling side, assuming everything to be done at the same speed on both sides.

An Improved Method

Now this method, though introducing a certain improvement in the system of fire signalling, is ⁸⁵ still wanting in definiteness: for it is evident that it is neither possible to anticipate, or, if you could anticipate, to write upon the rod every possible thing that may happen: and therefore, when anything unexpected in the chapter of accidents does occur, it is plainly impossible to communicate it by this method. Besides, even such statements as are written on the rods are quite indefinite; for the number of cavalry or infantry that have come, or the particular point in the territory which they have entered, the number of ships, or the amount of corn, cannot be expressed. For what cannot be known before it happens cannot have an arrangement made for expressing it. And this is the important point. For how is one to take proper measures for relief without knowing the number or direction of the enemy? Or how can the party to be relieved feel confidence or the reverse, or indeed have any conception at all of the situation, if it does not know how many ships or how much corn have been despatched by the allies?

But the last method which was hit upon by Cleoxenus and⁸⁶ Democlitus, and further elaborated by myself, is above all things definite, and made capable of indicating clearly whatever is needed at the moment; but in its working it requires attention and more than ordinarily close observation. It is as follows: Divide the alphabet into five groups of five letters each (of course the last group will be one letter short, but this will not interfere with the working of the system). The parties about to signal to each other must then prepare five tablets each, on which the several groups of letters must be written. They must then agree that the party signalling shall first raise two torches, and wait until the other raises two also. The object of this is to let each other know that they are attending. These torches having been lowered, the signalling party raises first torches on the left to indicate which of the tablets he means: for instance, one if he means the first, two if he means the second, and so on. He next raises torches on the right showing in a similar manner by their number which of the letters in the tablet he wishes to indicate to the recipient.

Improvements In Signalling

This matter being agreed upon, the two parties must go to their respective points of observation; and each must have, to begin with, a stenoscope with two funnels, to enable him to distinguish through one the right, through the other the left position of the signaller opposite him. Near this stenoscope the tablets must be fixed, and both points, to the right and to the left, must be defended by a fence ten feet long and about the height of a man, in order to make it clear on which side the torches are raised, and to hide them entirely when they are lowered. These preparations completed on both sides, when a man wishes, for instance, to send the message Some of our soldiers to the number of a hundred have deserted to the enemy,—the first thing to do is to select words that may give the same information with the fewest letters, for instance, A hundred Cretans have deserted, for thus the number of letters is diminished by more than a half and the same information is given. This sentence having been written on a tablet will be transmitted by five signals thus: The first letter is κ, this comes in the second group of letters and therefore on the second tablet; the signaller therefore must raise two torches on the left to show the recipient that he must look at the second tablet; then he will raise five on the right, because κ is the fifth letter in the group,⁸⁷ which the recipient must thereupon write on his tablet. Then the signaller must raise four torches on the left, for ρ is in that group, and two on the right, because it is the second in the fourth group, and the recipient will write ρ on his tablet: and so on for the other letters.

Importance of Practice

Now everything that happens can be definitely imparted by means of this invention; but the number of torches employed is large, because each letter has to be indicated by two series of them: still, if proper preparations are made, the thing can be adequately carried out. But whichever method is employed, those who use it must practise beforehand, in order that when the actual occasion for putting it in use arises they may be able to give each other the information without any hitch. For there are plenty of instances to show what a wide difference there is between the way an operation is carried out by men who hear of it for the first time, and by men who have become habituated to it. Many things which were considered not only difficult, but impossible at first, are, after an interval of time and practice, performed with the greatest ease. I could give many illustrations of the truth of this remark, but the clearest may be found in the art of reading. Put side by side a man who has never learnt his letters, though otherwise acute, and a child who has acquired the habit, and give the latter a book, and bid him read it: the former will clearly not be induced to believe that the reader has first to attend to the look of each of the letters, secondly to their sound-value, and thirdly to their combinations with others, each of which operation requires a certain time. Therefore when he sees the boy, without a pause for thought, reading off seven or five lines at a breath, he will not easily be induced to believe that he has not read the book before; and certainly not, if he is able also to observe the appropriate enunciation, the proper separations of the words, and the correct use of the rough and smooth breathings. The moral is, not to give up any useful accomplishment on account of its apparent difficulties, but to persevere till it becomes a matter of habit, which is the way mankind have obtained all good things. And especially is this right when the matters in question are such as are often of decisive importance to our safety.

I was led to say this much in connexion with my former assertion that all the arts had made such progress in our age that most of them were reduced in a manner to exact sciences. And therefore this too is a point in which history properly written is of the highest utility. . . .

⁸⁸

Antiochus Crosses the Arius

The Apasiacae live between the rivers Oxus and Tanais , ⁸⁹ the former of which falls into the Hyrcanian Sea, the latter into the Palus Maeotis .⁹⁰ Both are large enough to be navigable; and it seems surprising how the Nomads managed to come by land into Hyrcania along with their horses. Two accounts are given of this affair, one of them probable, the other very surprising yet not impossible. The Oxus rises in the Caucasus , and being much augmented by tributaries in Bactria , it rushes through the level plain with a violent and turbid stream. When it reaches the desert it dashes its stream against some precipitous rocks with a force raised to such tremendous proportions by the mass of its waters, and the declivity down which it has descended, that it leaps from the rocks to the plain below leaving an interval of more than a stade between the rock and its falls. It is through this space that they say the Apasiacae went on foot with their horses into Hyrcania , under the fall, and keeping close to the rock. The other account is more probable on the face of it. It is said that, as the basin of the river has extensive flats into which it descends with violence, the force of the stream makes hollows in them, and opens chasms into which the water descends deep below the surface, and so is carried on for a short way, and then reappears: and that the barbarians, being well acquainted with the facts, make their way on horseback, over the space thus left dry, into Hyrcania . . . .

Antiochus Engages the Bactrians

News being brought that Euthydemus⁹¹ with his force ⁹² was at Tapuria, and that a body of ten thousand horsemen were keeping guard at the passage of the river Arius, he decided to abandon the siege and attack these last. The river was three days’ march away. For two days therefore he marched at a moderate speed; but on the third, after dinner, he gave orders for the rest of his army to start next day at daybreak; while he himself, with the cavalry and light-armed troops and ten thousand peltasts, started in the night and pushed on at a great rate. For he was informed that the cavalry of the enemy kept guard by day on the bank of the river, but at night retired to a city more than twenty stades off. Having completed therefore the rest of the way under cover of night, the plains being excellent for riding, he got the greater part of his army across the river by daybreak, before the enemy came back. When their scouts told them what had happened, the horsemen of the Bactrians hastened to the rescue, and fell in with their opponents while on the march. Seeing that he must stand the first charge of the enemy, the king summoned the two thousand horsemen who were accustomed to fight round his own person; and issuing orders that the rest were to form their companies and squadrons, and take up their usual order on the ground on which they already were, he advanced with the two thousand cavalry, and met the charge of the advanced guard of the Bactrians. In this engagement Antiochus is reputed to have shown the greatest gallantry of any of his men. There was heavy loss on both sides: the king’s men conquered the first squadron, but when a second and a third charged, they began to be hard pressed and to suffer seriously. At that juncture, most of the cavalry being by this time on the ground, Panaetolus ordered a general advance; relieved the king and his squadrons; and, upon the Bactrians charging in loose order, forced them to turn and fly in confusion. They never drew rein before the charge of Panaetolus, until they rejoined Euthydemus, with a loss of more than half their number. The king’s cavalry on the contrary retired, after killing large numbers and taking a great many prisoners, and bivouacked by the side of the river. In this action the king had a horse killed under him, and lost some of his teeth by a blow on the mouth; and his whole bearing obtained him a reputation for bravery of the highest description. After this battle Euthydemus retreated in dismay with his army to the city of Zariaspa in Bactria . . . .

Histories. Polybius. Evelyn S. Shuckburgh (Translator). London. 1889.

Sponsored by Perseus Project, Tufts University.

Funding provided by Robert B. Strassler.

Current edition Perseus

The Histories (English) (Polybius. Vols. 1-2. Shuckburgh, Evelyn S., translator. London, New York, NY: Macmillan and Co., 1889.)

Editions (1)

Ἱστορίαι Perseus (Polybius. Vols. 1-4. Büttner-Wobst, Theodor, editor. Leipzig: Teubner, 1893.) — 10.1 focus

ι. ρες ιταλιαε

[1] ὄντων γὰρ ἀπὸ τοῦ πορθμοῦ καὶ τῆς Ῥηγίνων πόλεως σταδίων εἰς Τάραντα πλειόνων ἢ δισχιλίων, εἰς τέλος ἀλίμενον εἶναι συμβαίνει τὴν πλευρὰν τῆς Ἰταλίας ταύτην πλὴν τῶν ἐν Τάραντι λιμένων·

[2] ἣ τέτραπται μὲν εἰς τὸ Σικελικὸν πέλαγος, νεύει δὲ πρὸς τοὺς κατὰ τὴν Ἑλλάδα τόπους, ἔχει δὲ τῶν τε βαρβάρων ἐθνῶν τὰ πολυανθρωπότατα καὶ τῶν Ἑλληνίδων πόλεων τὰς ἐπιφανεστάτας.

[3] Βρέττιοι γὰρ καὶ Λευκανοὶ καί τινα μέρη τῶν Δαυνίων, ἔτι δὲ Καλαβροὶ καὶ πλείους ἕτεροι τοῦτο τὸ κλῖμα νέμονται τῆς Ἰταλίας·

[4] ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ τῶν Ἑλληνίδων πόλεων Ῥήγιον καὶ Καυλωνία καὶ Λοκροὶ καὶ Κρότων, ἔτι δὲ Μεταπόντιον καὶ Θούριοι ταύτην ἐπέχουσι τὴν παραλίαν,

[5] ὥστε καὶ τοὺς ἀπὸ Σικελίας καὶ τοὺς ἀπὸ τῆς Ἑλλάδος φερομένους ἐπί τινα τόπον τῶν προειρημένων κατʼ ἀνάγκην ὁρμεῖν ἐν τοῖς τῶν Ταραντίνων λιμέσι, καὶ τὰς ἀμείψεις καὶ τὰς οἰκονομίας πρὸς πάντας τοὺς κατέχοντας ταύτην τὴν πλευρὰν τῆς Ἰταλίας ἐν ταύτῃ ποιεῖσθαι τῇ πόλει.

[6] τεκμήραιτο δʼ ἄν τις τοῦ τόπου τὴν εὐκαιρίαν ἐκ τῆς περὶ Κροτωνιάτας γενομένης εὐδαιμονίας. ἐκεῖνοι γὰρ θερινοὺς ἔχοντες ὅρμους καὶ βραχεῖάν τινα παντελῶς προσαγωγήν, μεγάλην εὐδαιμονίαν δοκοῦσι περιποιήσασθαι διʼ οὐδὲν ἕτερον ἢ διὰ τὴν τῶν τόπων εὐφυΐαν, ἣν οὐδὲ συγκρίνειν ἄξιόν ἐστι τοῖς Ταραντίνων λιμέσι καὶ τόποις.

[7] τέτακται δὲ καὶ πρὸς τοὺς κατὰ τὸν Ἀδρίαν λιμένας εὐφυῶς καὶ νῦν μέν, ἔτι δὲ μᾶλλον ἦν πρὸ τοῦ.

[8] ἀπὸ γὰρ ἄκρας Ἰαπυγίας ἕως εἰς Σιποῦντα πᾶς ὁ προσφερόμενος ἐκ τῶν ἀντιπέρας καὶ καθορμισθεὶς πρὸς τὴν Ἰταλίαν εἰς Τάραντʼ ἐποιεῖτο τὴν ὑπερβολήν, καὶ ταύτῃ συνεχρῆτο τῇ πόλει πρὸς τὰς ἀλλαγὰς καὶ μεταθέσεις οἷον [εἰ] ἐμπορίῳ·

[9] οὐδέπω γὰρ συνέβαινε τότε τὴν τῶν Βρεντεσίνων ἐκτίσθαι πόλιν.

[10] διόπερ ὁ Φάβιος, ἐν μεγάλῳ τιθέμενος τὴν ἐπιβολήν, τἄλλα παρεὶς πρὸς ταῖς εἰς τοῦτο τὸ μέρος ἦν ἐπινοίαις.

ιι. ρες ηισπανιαε

[1] ὅτι μέλλοντες ἱστορεῖν τὰ πραχθέντα Ποπλίῳ κατὰ τὴν Ἰβηρίαν, συλλήβδην δὲ πάσας τὰς κατὰ τὸν βίον ἐπιτελεσθείσας αὐτῷ πράξεις, ἀναγκαῖον ἡγούμεθα τὸ προεπιστῆσαι τοὺς ἀκούοντας ἐπὶ τὴν αἵρεσιν καὶ φύσιν τἀνδρός.

[2] τῷ γὰρ σχεδὸν ἐπιφανέστατον αὐτὸν γεγονέναι τῶν πρὸ τοῦ, ζητοῦσι μὲν πάντες εἰδέναι τίς ποτʼ ἦν καὶ ἀπὸ ποίας φύσεως ἢ τριβῆς ὁρμηθεὶς τὰς τηλικαύτας καὶ τοσαύτας ἐπετελέσατο πράξεις,

[3] ἀγνοεῖν δὲ καὶ ψευδοδοξεῖν ἀναγκάζονται διὰ τὸ τοὺς ἐξηγουμένους ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ παραπεπαικέναι τῆς ἀληθείας.

[4] ὅτι δʼ ἔστιν ὑγιὲς τὸ νυνὶ λεγόμενον ὑφʼ ἡμῶν δῆλον ἔσται διὰ τῆς ἡμετέρας ἐξηγήσεως τοῖς ἐπισημαίνεσθαι δυναμένοις τὰ κάλλιστα καὶ παραβολώτατα τῶν ἐκείνῳ πεπραγμένων.

[5] οἱ μὲν οὖν ἄλλοι πάντες αὐτὸν ἐπιτυχῆ τινα καὶ τὸ πλεῖον αἰεὶ παραλόγως καὶ ταὐτομάτῳ κατορθοῦντα τὰς ἐπιβολὰς παρεισάγουσι,

[6] νομίζοντες ὡς ἂν εἰ θειοτέρους εἶναι καὶ θαυμαστοτέρους τοὺς τοιούτους ἄνδρας τῶν κατὰ λόγον ἐν ἑκάστοις πραττόντων, ἀγνοοῦντες ὅτι τὸ μὲν ἐπαινετόν, τὸ δὲ μακαριστὸν εἶναι συμβαίνει τῶν προειρημένων, καὶ τὸ μὲν κοινόν ἐστι καὶ τοῖς τυχοῦσι,

[7] τὸ δʼ ἐπαινετὸν μόνον ἴδιον ὑπάρχει τῶν εὐλογίστων καὶ φρένας ἐχόντων ἀνδρῶν, οὓς καὶ θειοτάτους εἶναι καὶ προσφιλεστάτους τοῖς θεοῖς νομιστέον.

[8] ἐμοὶ δὲ δοκεῖ Πόπλιος Λυκούργῳ τῷ τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων νομοθέτῃ παραπλησίαν ἐσχηκέναι φύσιν καὶ προαίρεσιν.

[9] οὔτε γὰρ Λυκοῦργον ἡγητέον δεισιδαιμονοῦντα καὶ πάντα προσέχοντα τῇ Πυθίᾳ συστήσασθαι τὸ Λακεδαιμονίων πολίτευμα, οὔτε Πόπλιον ἐξ ἐνυπνίων ὁρμώμενον καὶ κληδόνων τηλικαύτην περιποιῆσαι τῇ πατρίδι δυναστείαν·

[10] ἀλλʼ ὁρῶντες ἑκάτεροι τοὺς πολλοὺς τῶν ἀνθρώπων οὔτε τὰ παράδοξα προσδεχομένους ῥᾳδίως οὔτε τοῖς δεινοῖς τολμῶντας παραβάλλεσθαι χωρὶς τῆς ἐκ τῶν θεῶν ἐλπίδος,

[11] Λυκοῦργος μὲν αἰεὶ προσλαμβανόμενος ταῖς ἰδίαις ἐπιβολαῖς τὴν ἐκ τῆς Πυθίας φήμην εὐπαραδεκτοτέρας καὶ πιστοτέρας ἐποίει τὰς ἰδίας ἐπινοίας,

[12] Πόπλιος δὲ παραπλησίως ἐνεργαζόμενος αἰεὶ δόξαν τοῖς πολλοῖς ὡς μετά τινος θείας ἐπιπνοίας ποιούμενος τὰς ἐπιβολάς, εὐθαρσεστέρους καὶ προθυμοτέρους κατεσκεύαζε τοὺς ὑποταττομένους πρὸς τὰ δεινὰ τῶν ἔργων.

[13] ὅτι δʼ ἕκαστα μετὰ λογισμοῦ καὶ προνοίας ἔπραττε, καὶ διότι πάντα κατὰ λόγον ἐξέβαινε τὰ τέλη τῶν πράξεων αὐτῷ, δῆλον ἔσται διὰ τῶν λέγεσθαι μελλόντων.

[1] ἐκεῖνος γὰρ ὅτι μὲν ἦν εὐεργετικὸς καὶ μεγαλόψυχος ὁμολογεῖται, διότι δʼ ἀγχίνους καὶ νήπτης καὶ τῇ διανοίᾳ περὶ τὸ προτεθὲν ἐντεταμένος, οὐθεὶς ἂν συγχωρήσειε πλὴν τῶν συμβεβιωκότων καὶ τεθεαμένων ὑπʼ αὐγὰς αὐτοῦ τὴν φύσιν.

[2] ὧν εἷς ἦν Γάιος Λαίλιος, ἀπὸ νέου μετεσχηκὼς αὐτῷ παντὸς ἔργου καὶ λόγου μέχρι τελευτῆς, ὁ ταύτην περὶ αὐτοῦ τὴν δόξαν ἡμῖν ἐνεργασάμενος διὰ τὸ δοκεῖν εἰκότα λέγειν καὶ σύμφωνα τοῖς ὑπʼ ἐκείνου πεπραγμένοις.

[3] ἔφη γὰρ πρώτην γεγονέναι Ποπλίου πρᾶξιν ἐπίσημον, καθʼ ὃν καιρὸν ὁ πατὴρ αὐτοῦ τὴν ἱππομαχίαν συνεστήσατο πρὸς Ἀννίβαν περὶ τὸν Πάδον καλούμενον ποταμόν.

[4] τότε γάρ, ὡς ἔοικεν, ἑπτακαιδέκατον ἔτος ἔχων καὶ πρῶτον εἰς ὕπαιθρον ἐξεληλυθώς, συστήσαντος αὐτῷ τοῦ πατρὸς διαφερόντων ἱππέων οὐλαμὸν ἀσφαλείας χάριν, συνθεασάμενος ἐν τῷ κινδύνῳ τὸν πατέρα περιειλημμένον ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων μετὰ δυεῖν ἢ τριῶν ἱππέων καὶ τετρωμένον ἐπισφαλῶς, τὰς μὲν ἀρχὰς ἐπεβάλετο παρακαλεῖν τοὺς μεθʼ αὑτοῦ βοηθῆσαι τῷ πατρί,

[5] τῶν δʼ ἐπὶ ποσὸν κατορρωδούντων διὰ τὸ πλῆθος τῶν περιεστώτων πολεμίων, αὐτὸς εἰσελάσαι παραβόλως δοκεῖ καὶ τολμηρῶς εἰς τοὺς περικεχυμένους.

[6] μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ἀναγκασθέντων ἐμβαλεῖν οἱ μὲν πολέμιοι καταπλαγέντες διέστησαν, ὁ δὲ Πόπλιος ἀνελπίστως σωθεὶς πρῶτος αὐτὸς τὸν υἱὸν σωτῆρα προσεφώνησε πάντων ἀκουόντων.

[7] περιγενομένης δʼ αὐτῷ τῆς ἐπʼ ἀνδρείᾳ φήμης ὁμολογουμένης διὰ τὴν προειρημένην χρείαν, λοιπὸν ἤδη πάντως αὑτὸν ἐδίδου κατὰ τοὺς ὕστερον καιροὺς εἰς τοὺς κατʼ ἰδίαν κινδύνους, ὅτʼ εἰς αὐτὸν ἀναρτηθεῖεν ὑπὸ τῆς πατρίδος αἱ τῶν ὅλων ἐλπίδες· ὅπερ ἴδιόν ἐστιν οὐ τῇ τύχῃ πιστεύοντος, ἀλλὰ νοῦν ἔχοντος ἡγεμόνος.

[1] μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα, πρεσβύτερον ἔχων ἀδελφὸν Λεύκιον, καὶ τούτου προσπορευομένου πρὸς τὴν ἀγορανομίαν, ἣν σχεδὸν ἐπιφανεστάτην ἀρχὴν εἶναι συμβαίνει τῶν νέων παρὰ Ῥωμαίοις,

[2] ἔθους δʼ ὄντος δύο πατρικίους καθίστασθαι, τότε δὲ καὶ πλειόνων προσπορευομένων, ἐκ πολλοῦ μὲν οὐκ ἐτόλμα μεταπορεύεσθαι τὴν αὐτὴν ἀρχὴν τἀδελφῷ·

[3] συνεγγιζούσης δὲ τῆς καταστάσεως, λογιζόμενος ἐκ τῆς τοῦ πλήθους φορᾶς οὐκ εὐμαρῶς τὸν ἀδελφὸν ἐφιξόμενον τῆς ἀρχῆς, τὴν δὲ πρὸς αὑτὸν εὔνοιαν τοῦ δήμου θεωρῶν μεγάλην ὑπάρχουσαν, καὶ μόνως οὕτως ὑπολαμβάνων κἀκεῖνον καθίξεσθαι τῆς προθέσεως, εἰ συμφρονήσαντες ἅμα ποιήσαιντο τὴν ἐπιβολήν, ἦλθεν ἐπί τινα τοιαύτην ἔννοιαν.

[4] θεωρῶν γὰρ τὴν μητέρα περιπορευομένην τοὺς νεὼς καὶ θύουσαν τοῖς θεοῖς ὑπὲρ τἀδελφοῦ καὶ καθόλου μεγάλην προσδοκίαν ἔχουσαν ὑπὲρ τοῦ μέλλοντος, ἧς μόνης ἔμελεν αὐτῷ —

[5] τὸν μὲν γὰρ πατέρα τότε πλεῖν συνέβαινεν εἰς Ἰβηρίαν στρατηγὸν καθεσταμένον ἐπὶ τὰς προειρημένας πράξεις — οὐ μὴν ἀλλʼ ἔφη πρὸς αὐτὴν ὄνειρον τεθεωρηκέναι δὶς ἤδη τὸν αὐτόν.

[6] δοκεῖν γὰρ ἅμα τἀδελφῷ καθεσταμένος ἀγορανόμος ἀναβαίνειν ἀπὸ τῆς ἀγορᾶς ὡς ἐπὶ τὴν οἰκίαν, ἐκείνην δὲ συναντᾶν αὐτοῖς εἰς τὰς θύρας καὶ περιπτύξασαν ἀσπάσασθαι.

[7] τῆς δὲ παθούσης τὸ γυναικεῖον πάθος καί τι προσεπιφθεγξαμένης "3Εἰ γὰρ ἐμοὶ ταύτην ἰδεῖν γένοιτο τὴν ἡμέραν"3 "3Βούλει"3 φησί "

[8] 3μῆτερ, πεῖραν λάβωμεν;"3 τῆς δὲ συγκαταθεμένης, ὡς οὐ τολμήσοντος αὐτοῦ, πρὸς δὲ τὸν καιρὸν οἱονεὶ προσπαίζοντος — καὶ γὰρ ἦν κομιδῇ νέος — ἠξίου τήβενναν αὑτῷ λαμπρὰν εὐθέως ἑτοιμάσαι·

[9] τοῦτο γὰρ ἔθος ἐστὶ τοῖς τὰς ἀρχὰς μεταπορευομένοις.

[1] καὶ τῇ μὲν οὐδʼ ἐν νῷ τὸ ῥηθὲν ἦν, ὁ δὲ λαβὼν πρῶτον λαμπρὰν ἐσθῆτα κοιμωμένης ἔτι τῆς μητρὸς παρῆν εἰς τὴν ἀγοράν.

[2] τοῦ δὲ πλήθους καὶ διὰ τὸ παράδοξον καὶ διὰ τὴν προϋπάρχουσαν εὔνοιαν ἐκπληκτικῶς αὐτὸν ἀποδεξαμένου, καὶ μετὰ ταῦτα προελθόντος εἰς τὸν ἀποδεδειγμένον τόπον καὶ στάντος παρὰ τὸν ἀδελφόν,

[3] οὐ μόνον τῷ Ποπλίῳ περιέθεσαν οἱ πολλοὶ τὴν ἀρχήν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τἀδελφῷ διʼ ἐκεῖνον, καὶ παρῆσαν ἐπὶ τὴν οἰκίαν ἀμφότεροι γεγονότες ἀγορανόμοι.

[4] τῇ δὲ μητρὶ τοῦ πράγματος ἄφνω προσπεσόντος, περιχαρὴς οὖσα πρὸς τὰς θύρας ἀπήντα καὶ μετὰ παραστάσεως ἠσπάζετο τοὺς νεανίσκους,

[5] ὥστε τὸν Πόπλιον ἐκ τοῦ συμβαίνοντος δοκεῖν πᾶσι τοῖς προακηκοόσι τῶν ἐνυπνίων μὴ μόνον κατὰ τὸν ὕπνον, ἔτι δὲ μᾶλλον ὕπαρ καὶ μεθʼ ἡμέραν διαλέγεσθαι τοῖς θεοῖς.

[6] ὧν οὐδὲν ἦν ἐνύπνιον, ἀλλʼ ὑπάρχων εὐεργετικὸς καὶ μεγαλόδωρος καὶ προσφιλὴς κατὰ τὴν ἀπάντησιν συνελογίσατο τὴν τοῦ πλήθους πρὸς αὑτὸν εὔνοιαν.

[7] λοιπὸν πρός τε τὸν τοῦ δήμου καὶ τὸν τῆς μητρὸς καιρὸν ἁρμοσάμενος εὐστόχως οὐ μόνον καθίκετο τῆς προθέσεως, ἀλλὰ καὶ μετά τινος ἐδόκει θείας ἐπιπνοίας αὐτὸ πράττειν.

[8] οἱ γὰρ μὴ δυνάμενοι τοὺς καιροὺς μηδὲ τὰς αἰτίας καὶ διαθέσεις ἑκάστων ἀκριβῶς συνθεωρεῖν, ἢ διὰ φαυλότητα φύσεως ἢ διʼ ἀπειρίαν καὶ ῥᾳθυμίαν, εἰς θεοὺς καὶ τύχας ἀναφέρουσι τὰς αἰτίας τῶν διʼ ἀγχίνοιαν ἐκ λογισμοῦ καὶ προνοίας ἐπιτελουμένων.

[9] ταῦτα μὲν οὖν εἰρήσθω μοι χάριν τῶν ἀκουόντων, ἵνα μὴ συγκαταφερόμενοι ψευδῶς τῇ καθωμιλημένῃ δόξῃ περὶ αὐτοῦ παραπέμπωσι τὰ σεμνότατα καὶ κάλλιστα τἀνδρός, λέγω δὲ τὴν ἐπιδεξιότητα καὶ φιλοπονίαν.

[10] ἔτι δὲ μᾶλλον ἔσται τοῦτο συμφανὲς ἐπʼ αὐτῶν τῶν πράξεων.

[1] οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ τότε συνηθροισμένων τῶν δυνάμεων παρεκάλει μὴ καταπεπλῆχθαι τὴν προγεγενημένην περιπέτειαν·

[2] οὐ γὰρ ταῖς ἀρεταῖς ἡττῆσθαι Ῥωμαίους ὑπὸ Καρχηδονίων οὐδέποτε, τῇ δὲ προδοσίᾳ τῇ Κελτιβήρων καὶ τῇ προπετείᾳ, διακλεισθέντων τῶν στρατηγῶν ἀπʼ ἀλλήλων διὰ τὸ πιστεῦσαι τῇ συμμαχίᾳ τῶν εἰρημένων.

[3] ὧν ἑκάτερα νῦν ἔφη περὶ τοὺς πολεμίους ὑπάρχειν· χωρὶς γὰρ ἀπʼ ἀλλήλων πολὺ διεσπασμένους στρατοπεδεύειν, τοῖς τε συμμάχοις ὑβριστικῶς χρωμένους ἅπαντας ἀπηλλοτριωκέναι καὶ πολεμίους αὑτοῖς παρεσκευακέναι.

[4] διὸ καὶ τοὺς μὲν ἤδη διαπέμπεσθαι πρὸς σφᾶς, τοὺς δὲ λοιπούς, ὡς ἂν τάχιστα θαρρήσωσι καὶ διαβάντας ἴδωσι τὸν ποταμόν, ἀσμένως ἥξειν, οὐχ οὕτως εὐνοοῦντας σφίσι, τὸ δὲ πλεῖον ἀμύνεσθαι σπουδάζοντας τὴν Καρχηδονίων εἰς αὐτοὺς ἀσέλγειαν,

[5] τὸ δὲ μέγιστον, στασιάζοντας πρὸς ἀλλήλους τοὺς τῶν ὑπεναντίων ἡγεμόνας ἅθρους διαμάχεσθαι πρὸς αὐτοὺς οὐ θελήσειν, κατὰ μέρος δὲ κινδυνεύοντας εὐχειρώτους ὑπάρχειν.

[6] διὸ βλέποντας εἰς ταῦτα παρεκάλει περαιοῦσθαι τὸν ποταμὸν εὐθαρσῶς· περὶ δὲ τῶν ἑξῆς ἀνεδέχετο μελήσειν αὑτῷ καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις ἡγεμόσι.

[7] ταῦτα δʼ εἰπὼν τρισχιλίους μὲν ἔχοντα πεζοὺς καὶ πεντακοσίους ἱππεῖς Μάρκον ἀπέλειπε τὸν συνάρχοντα περὶ τὴν διάβασιν ἐφεδρεύσοντα τοῖς ἐντὸς τοῦ ποταμοῦ συμμάχοις· αὐτὸς δὲ τὴν ἄλλην ἐπεραίου δύναμιν, ἄδηλον πᾶσι ποιῶν τὴν αὑτοῦ πρόθεσιν.

[8] ἦν γὰρ αὐτῷ κεκριμένον πράττειν ὧν μὲν εἶπε πρὸς τοὺς πολλοὺς μηδέν, προύκειτο δὲ πολιορκεῖν ἐξ ἐφόδου τὴν ἐν Ἰβηρίᾳ Καρχηδόνα προσαγορευομένην.

[9] ὃ δὴ καὶ πρῶτον ἄν τις λάβοι καὶ μέγιστον σημεῖον τῆς ὑφʼ ἡμῶν ἄρτι ῥηθείσης διαλήψεως.

[10] ἔτος γὰρ ἕβδομον ἔχων πρὸς τοῖς εἴκοσι πρῶτον μὲν ἐπὶ πράξεις αὑτὸν ἔδωκε τελέως παρὰ τοῖς πολλοῖς ἀπηλπισμένας διὰ τὸ μέγεθος τῶν προγεγονότων ἐλαττωμάτων,

[11] δεύτερον δοὺς αὑτὸν τὰ μὲν κοινὰ καὶ προφαινόμενα πᾶσι παρέλειπε, τὰ δὲ μήτε παρὰ τοῖς πολεμίοις , ταῦτʼ ἐπενόει καὶ προετίθετο πράττειν.

[12] ὧν οὐδὲν ἦν χωρὶς ἐκλογισμῶν τῶν ἀκριβεστάτων.

[1] ἔτι μὲν γὰρ ἀπὸ τῆς ἀρχῆς ἱστορῶν ἐν τῇ Ῥώμῃ καὶ πυνθανόμενος ἐπιμελῶς τήν τε προδοσίαν τῶν Κελτιβήρων καὶ τὸν διαζευγμὸν τῶν ἰδίων στρατοπέδων, καὶ συλλογιζόμενος ὅτι παρὰ τοῦτο συμβαίνει τοῖς περὶ τὸν πατέρα γενέσθαι τὴν περιπέτειαν,

[2] οὐ κατεπέπληκτο τοὺς Καρχηδονίους οὐδʼ ἥττητο τῇ ψυχῇ, καθάπερ οἱ πολλοί.

[3] μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα τοὺς ἐντὸς Ἴβηρος ποταμοῦ συμμάχους ἀκούων μένειν ἐν τῇ πρὸς αὐτοὺς φιλίᾳ, τοὺς δὲ τῶν Καρχηδονίων ἡγεμόνας στασιάζειν μὲν πρὸς σφᾶς, ὑβρίζειν δὲ τοὺς ὑποταττομένους, εὐθαρσῶς διέκειτο πρὸς τὴν ἔξοδον, οὐ τῇ τύχῃ πιστεύων, ἀλλὰ τοῖς συλλογισμοῖς.

[4] παραγενόμενός γε μὴν εἰς τὴν Ἰβηρίαν, πάντας ἀνακινῶν καὶ παρʼ ἑκάστου πυνθανόμενος τὰ περὶ τοὺς ἐναντίους, ηὕρισκε τὰς μὲν δυνάμεις τῶν Καρχηδονίων εἰς τρία μέρη διῃρημένας·

[5] ὧν Μάγωνα μὲν ἐπυνθάνετο διατρίβειν ἐντὸς Ἡρακλείων στηλῶν ἐν τοῖς Κονίοις προσαγορευομένοις, Ἀσδρούβαν δὲ τὸν Γέσκωνος περὶ Τάγου ποταμοῦ στόμα κατὰ τὴν Λυσιτανήν, τὸν δʼ ἕτερον Ἀσδρούβαν πολιορκεῖν τινα πόλιν ἐν τοῖς Καρπητανοῖς, οὐδένα δὲ τῶν προειρημένων ἐλάττω δέχʼ ἡμερῶν ὁδὸν ἀπέχειν τῆς Καινῆς πόλεως.

[6] νομίζων οὖν, ἐὰν μὲν εἰς μάχην συνιέναι κρίνῃ τοῖς πολεμίοις, τὸ μὲν πρὸς πάντας ἅμα κινδυνεύειν ἐπισφαλὲς εἶναι τελέως καὶ διὰ τὸ προηττῆσθαι τοὺς πρὸ αὐτοῦ καὶ διὰ τὸ πολλαπλασίους εἶναι τοὺς ὑπεναντίους,

[7] ἐὰν δὲ πρὸς ἕνα συμβαλεῖν σπεύδων, κἄπειτα τούτου φυγομαχήσαντος, ἐπιγενομένων δὲ τῶν ἄλλων δυνάμεων, συγκλεισθῇ που, κατάφοβος ἦν μὴ ταῖς αὐταῖς Γναΐῳ τῷ θείῳ

[1] καὶ Ποπλίῳ τῷ πατρὶ περιπέσῃ συμφοραῖς. διὸ τοῦτο μὲν τὸ μέρος ἀπεδοκίμασε, πυνθανόμενος δὲ τὴν προειρημένην Καρχηδόνα μεγίστας μὲν χρείας παρέχεσθαι τοῖς ὑπεναντίοις, μέγιστα δὲ βλάπτειν καὶ κατὰ τὸν ἐνεστῶτα πόλεμον αὐτόν, ἐξητάκει τὰ κατὰ μέρος ὑπὲρ αὐτῆς ἐν τῇ παραχειμασίᾳ διὰ τῶν εἰδότων.

[2] ἀκούων δὲ πρῶτον μὲν ὅτι λιμένας ἔχει στόλῳ καὶ ναυτικαῖς δυνάμεσι μόνη σχεδὸν τῶν κατὰ τὴν Ἰβηρίαν, ἅμα δὲ καὶ διότι πρὸς τὸν ἀπὸ τῆς Λιβύης πλοῦν καὶ πελάγιον δίαρμα λίαν εὐφυῶς κεῖται τοῖς Καρχηδονίοις,

[3] μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα διότι καὶ τὸ τῶν χρημάτων πλῆθος καὶ τὰς ἀποσκευὰς τῶν στρατοπέδων ἁπάσας ἐν ταύτῃ τῇ πόλει συνέβαινε τοῖς Καρχηδονίοις ὑπάρχειν, ἔτι δὲ τοὺς ὁμήρους τοὺς ἐξ ὅλης τῆς Ἰβηρίας,

[4] τὸ δὲ μέγιστον, ὅτι μάχιμοι μὲν ἄνδρες εἴησαν εἰς χιλίους οἱ τὴν ἄκραν τηροῦντες διὰ τὸ μηδένα μηδέποτʼ ἂν ὑπολαμβάνειν ὅτι κρατούντων Καρχηδονίων σχεδὸν ἁπάσης Ἰβηρίας ἐπινοήσει τις τὸ παράπαν πολιορκῆσαι ταύτην τὴν πόλιν,

[5] τὸ δʼ ἄλλο πλῆθος ὅτι πολὺ μὲν εἴη διαφερόντως ἐν αὐτῇ, πᾶν δὲ δημιουργικὸν καὶ βάναυσον καὶ θαλαττουργὸν καὶ πλεῖστον ἀπέχον πολεμικῆς ἐμπειρίας, ὃ κατὰ τῆς πόλεως ὑπελάμβανεν εἶναι, παραδόξου γενομένης ἐπιφανείας.

[6] καὶ μὴν οὐδὲ τὴν θέσιν τῆς Καρχηδόνος οὐδὲ τὴν κατασκευὴν οὐδὲ τὴν τῆς περιεχούσης αὐτὴν λίμνης διάθεσιν ἠγνόει,

[7] διὰ δέ τινων ἁλιέων τῶν ἐνειργασμένων τοῖς τόποις ἐξητάκει διότι καθόλου μέν ἐστι τεναγώδης ἡ λίμνη καὶ βατὴ κατὰ τὸ πλεῖστον, ὡς δʼ ἐπὶ τὸ πολὺ καὶ γίνεταί τις αὐτῆς ἀποχώρησις καθʼ ἡμέραν ἐπὶ δείλην ὀψίαν.

[8] ἐξ ὧν συλλογισάμενος ὅτι καθικόμενος μὲν τῆς ἐπιβολῆς οὐ μόνον βλάψει τοὺς ὑπεναντίους, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῖς σφετέροις πράγμασι μεγάλην ἐπίδοσιν παρασκευάσει,

[9] διαπεσὼν δὲ τῆς προθέσεως, ὅτι δύναται σῴζειν τοὺς ὑποταττομένους διὰ τὸ θαλαττοκρατεῖν, ἐὰν ἅπαξ ἀσφαλίσηται τὴν στρατοπεδείαν — τοῦτο δʼ ἦν εὐχερὲς διὰ τὸ μακρὰν ἀπεσπάσθαι τὰς τῶν ὑπεναντίων δυνάμεις —

[10] οὕτως ἀφέμενος τῶν ἄλλων περὶ ταύτην

[1] ἐγίνετο τὴν παρασκευὴν ἐν τῇ παραχειμασίᾳ. καὶ ταύτην ἔχων τὴν ἐπιβολὴν καὶ τὴν ἡλικίαν, ἣν ἀρτίως εἶπα, πάντας ἀπεκρύψατο χωρὶς Γαΐου Λαιλίου, μέχρι πάλιν αὐτὸς ἔκρινε φανερὸν ποιεῖν.

[2] τούτοις δὲ τοῖς ἐκλογισμοῖς ὁμολογοῦντες οἱ συγγραφεῖς, ὅταν ἐπὶ τὸ τέλος ἔλθωσι τῆς πράξεως, οὐκ οἶδʼ ὅπως οὐκ εἰς τὸν ἄνδρα καὶ τὴν τούτου πρόνοιαν, εἰς δὲ τοὺς θεοὺς καὶ τὴν τύχην ἀναφέρουσι τὸ γεγονὸς κατόρθωμα,

[3] καὶ ταῦτα χωρὶς τῶν εἰκότων καὶ τῆς τῶν συμβεβιωκότων μαρτυρίας, καὶ διὰ τῆς ἐπιστολῆς τῆς πρὸς Φίλιππον αὐτοῦ τοῦ Ποπλίου σαφῶς ἐκτεθεικότος ὅτι τούτοις τοῖς ἐκλογισμοῖς χρησάμενος, οἷς ἡμεῖς ἀνώτερον ἐξελογισάμεθα, καθόλου τε τοῖς ἐν Ἰβηρίᾳ πράγμασιν ἐπιβάλοιτο καὶ κατὰ μέρος τῇ τῆς Καρχηδόνος πολιορκίᾳ.

[4] πλὴν τότε γε τῷ μὲν ἐπὶ τοῦ στόλου Γαΐῳ Λαιλίῳ διʼ ἀπορρήτων ἐντειλάμενος παρήγγειλε πλεῖν ἐπὶ τὴν προειρημένην πόλιν —

[5] μόνος γὰρ οὗτος αὐτῷ συνῄδει τὴν ἐπιβολήν, καθάπερ ἀνώτερον εἶπον —

[6] αὐτὸς δὲ τὰς πεζικὰς δυνάμεις ἀναλαβὼν ἐποιεῖτο τὴν πορείαν μετὰ σπουδῆς. εἶχε δὲ τὸ μὲν τῶν πεζῶν πλῆθος εἰς δισμυρίους καὶ πεντακισχιλίους, ἱππεῖς δʼ εἰς δισχιλίους καὶ πεντακοσίους.

[7] ἀφικόμενος δʼ ἑβδομαῖος κατεστρατοπέδευσε κατὰ τὸ πρὸς ἄρκτους μέρος τῆς πόλεως, καὶ περιεβάλετο κατὰ μὲν τὴν ἐκτὸς ἐπιφάνειαν τῆς στρατοπεδείας τάφρον καὶ χάρακα διπλοῦν ἐκ θαλάττης εἰς θάλατταν, κατὰ δὲ τὴν πρὸς τὴν πόλιν ἁπλῶς οὐδέν. αὐτὴ γὰρ ἡ τοῦ τόπου φύσις ἱκανὴν ἀσφάλειαν αὐτῷ παρεσκεύαζε.

[8] μέλλοντες δὲ καὶ τὴν πολιορκίαν καὶ τὴν ἅλωσιν τῆς πόλεως δηλοῦν, ἀναγκαῖον ἡγούμεθʼ εἶναι τὸ καὶ τοὺς παρακειμένους τόπους καὶ τὴν θέσιν αὐτῆς ἐπὶ ποσὸν ὑποδεῖξαι τοῖς ἀκούουσι.

[1] κεῖται μὲν οὖν τῆς Ἰβηρίας κατὰ μέσην τὴν παραλίαν ἐν κόλπῳ νεύοντι πρὸς ἄνεμον λίβα· οὗ τὸ μὲν βάθος ἐστὶν ὡς εἴκοσι σταδίων, τὸ δὲ πλάτος ἐν ταῖς ἀρχαῖς ὡς δέκα· λαμβάνει δὲ διάθεσιν λιμένος ὁ πᾶς κόλπος διὰ τοιαύτην αἰτίαν.

[2] νῆσος ἐπὶ τοῦ στόματος αὐτοῦ κεῖται βραχὺν ἐξ ἑκατέρου τοῦ μέρους εἴσπλουν εἰς αὐτὸν ἀπολείπουσα.

[3] ταύτης ἀποδεχομένης τὸ πελάγιον κῦμα συμβαίνει τὸν κόλπον ὅλον εὐδίαν ἴσχειν, πλὴν ἐφʼ ὅσον οἱ λίβες καθʼ ἑκάτερον τὸν εἴσπλουν παρεισπίπτοντες κλύδωνας ἀποτελοῦσι.

[4] τῶν γε μὴν ἄλλων πνευμάτων ἀκλυδώνιστος ὢν τυγχάνει διὰ τὴν περιέχουσαν αὐτὸν ἤπειρον.

[5] ἐν δὲ τῷ μυχῷ τοῦ κόλπου πρόκειται χερρονησίζον ὄρος, ἐφʼ οὗ κεῖσθαι συμβαίνει τὴν πόλιν, περιεχομένην θαλάττῃ μὲν ἀπʼ ἀνατολῶν καὶ μεσημβρίας, ἀπὸ δὲ τῶν δύσεων λίμνῃ προσεπιλαμβανούσῃ καὶ τοῦ πρὸς ἄρκτον μέρους,

[6] ὥστε τὸν λοιπὸν τόπον μέχρι τῆς ἐπὶ θάτερα θαλάττης, ὃς καὶ συνάπτει τὴν πόλιν πρὸς τὴν ἤπειρον, μὴ πλέον ὑπάρχειν ἢ δυεῖν σταδίων.

[7] ἡ δὲ πόλις αὐτὴ μεσόκοιλός ἐστι· κατὰ δὲ τὴν ἀπὸ μεσημβρίας πλευρὰν ἐπίπεδον ἔχει τὴν ἀπὸ θαλάττης πρόσοδον· τὰ δὲ λοιπὰ περιέχεται λόφοις, δυσὶ μὲν ὀρεινοῖς καὶ τραχέσιν, ἄλλοις δὲ τρισὶ πολὺ μὲν χθαμαλωτέροις, σπιλώδεσι δὲ καὶ δυσβάτοις·

[8] ὧν ὁ μὲν μέγιστος ἀπὸ τῆς ἀνατολῆς αὐτῇ παράκειται, προτείνων εἰς θάλατταν, ἐφʼ οὗ καθίδρυται νεὼς Ἀσκληπιοῦ.

[9] τούτῳ δʼ ὁ ἀπὸ τῆς δύσεως ἀντίκειται, παραπλησίαν θέσιν ἔχων, ἐφʼ οὗ καὶ βασίλεια κατεσκεύασται πολυτελῶς, ἅ φασιν Ἀσδρούβαν ποιῆσαι, μοναρχικῆς ὀρεγόμενον ἐξουσίας.

[10] αἱ δὲ λοιπαὶ τρεῖς τῶν ἐλαττόνων βουνῶν ὑπεροχαὶ τὸ πρὸς ἄρκτον αὐτῆς μέρος περιέχουσι.

[11] καλεῖται δὲ τῶν τριῶν ὁ μὲν πρὸς ἀνατολὰς νεύων Ἡφαίστου, τούτῳ δʼ ὁ συνεχὴς Ἀλήτου — δοκεῖ δʼ οὗτος εὑρετὴς γενόμενος τῶν ἀργυρείων μετάλλων ἰσοθέων τετευχέναι τιμῶν — ὁ δὲ τρίτος προσαγορεύεται Κρόνου.

[12] συμβαίνει δὲ τὴν λίμνην τῇ παρακειμένῃ θαλάττῃ σύρρουν γεγονέναι χειροποιήτως χάριν τῶν θαλαττουργῶν.

[13] κατὰ δὲ τὴν τοῦ διείργοντος αὐτὰς χείλους διακοπὴν γέφυρα κατεσκεύασται πρὸς τὸ καὶ τὰ ὑποζύγια καὶ τὰς ἁμάξας ταύτῃ ποιεῖσθαι τὴν παρακομιδὴν τῶν ἐκ τῆς χώρας ἀναγκαίων.

[1] τοιαύτης δʼ ὑπαρχούσης τῆς διαθέσεως τῶν τόπων, ἀσφαλίζεσθαι συνέβαινε τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις τὴν στρατοπεδείαν κατὰ τὴν ἐντὸς ἐπιφάνειαν ἀκατασκεύως ὑπό τε τῆς λίμνης καὶ τῆς ἐπὶ θάτερα θαλάττης.

[2] τὸ δὲ μεταξὺ τούτων διάστημα τὸ συνάπτον τὴν πόλιν πρὸς τὴν ἤπειρον ἀχαράκωτον εἴασε, κατὰ μέσην ὑπάρχον τὴν αὑτοῦ στρατοπεδείαν,

[3] εἴτε καὶ καταπλήξεως χάριν εἴτε καὶ πρὸς τὴν ἐπιβολὴν ἁρμοζόμενος, ὅπως ἀνεμποδίστους ἔχῃ καὶ τὰς ἐξαγωγὰς καὶ τὰς ἀναχωρήσεις εἰς τὴν παρεμβολήν.

[4] ὁ δὲ περίβολος τῆς πόλεως οὐ πλεῖον εἴκοσι σταδίων ὑπῆρχε τὸ πρότερον — καίτοι γʼ οὐκ ἀγνοῶ διότι πολλοῖς εἴρηται τετταράκοντα· τὸ δʼ ἐστὶ ψεῦδος. οὐ γὰρ ἐξ ἀκοῆς ἡμεῖς, ἀλλʼ αὐτόπται γεγονότες μετʼ ἐπιστάσεως ἀποφαινόμεθα — νῦν δὲ καὶ μᾶλλον ἔτι συνῄρηται.

πλὴν ὅ γε Πόπλιος,

[5] συνάψαντος καὶ τοῦ στόλου πρὸς τὸν δέοντα καιρόν, ἐπεβάλετο συναθροίσας τὰ πλήθη παρακαλεῖν, οὐχ ἑτέροις τισὶ χρώμενος ἀπολογισμοῖς, ἀλλʼ οἷς ἐτύγχανε πεπεικὼς αὑτόν, ὑπὲρ ὧν ἡμεῖς τὸν κατὰ μέρος ἄρτι πεποιήμεθα λόγον. ἀποδείξας δὲ δυνατὴν οὖσαν τὴν ἐπιβολήν,

[6] καὶ συγκεφαλαιωσάμενος τὴν ἐκ τοῦ κατορθώματος ἐλάττωσιν τῶν ὑπεναντίων, αὔξησιν δὲ τῶν σφετέρων πραγμάτων, λοιπὸν χρυσοῦς στεφάνους ἐπηγγείλατο τοῖς πρώτοις ἐπὶ τὸ τεῖχος ἀναβᾶσι καὶ τὰς εἰθισμένας δωρεὰς τοῖς ἐπιφανῶς ἀνδραγαθήσασι·

[7] τὸ δὲ τελευταῖον ἐξ ἀρχῆς ἔφη τὴν ἐπιβολὴν αὐτῷ ταύτην ὑποδεδειχέναι τὸν Ποσειδῶνα παραστάντα κατὰ τὸν ὕπνον, καὶ φάναι συνεργήσειν ἐπιφανῶς κατʼ αὐτὸν τὸν τῆς πράξεως καιρὸν οὕτως ὥστε παντὶ τῷ στρατοπέδῳ τὴν ἐξ αὐτοῦ χρείαν ἐναργῆ γενέσθαι.

[8] τῶν δὲ κατὰ τὴν παράκλησιν λόγων ἅμα μὲν ἀπολογισμοῖς ἀκριβέσι μεμιγμένων, ἅμα δʼ ἐπαγγελίαις χρυσῶν στεφάνων, ἐπὶ δὲ πᾶσι τούτοις θεοῦ προνοίᾳ, τελέως μεγάλην ὁρμὴν καὶ προθυμίαν παρίστασθαι συνέβαινε τοῖς νεανίσκοις.

[1] τῇ δʼ ἐπαύριον κατὰ μὲν τοὺς ἐκ τῆς θαλάττης τόπους περιστήσας ναῦς παντοδαποῖς βέλεσιν ἐξηρτυμένας καὶ δοὺς τὴν ἐπιτροπὴν Γαΐῳ, κατὰ δὲ γῆν τοὺς εὐρωστοτάτους τῶν ἀνδρῶν εἰς δισχιλίους ὁμόσε τοῖς κλιμακοφόροις ἐπιστήσας, ἐνήρχετο τῆς πολιορκίας κατὰ τρίτην ὥραν.

[2] ὁ δὲ Μάγων ὁ τεταγμένος ἐπὶ τῆς πόλεως τὸ μὲν τῶν χιλίων σύνταγμα διελὼν τοὺς μὲν ἡμίσεις ἐπὶ τῆς ἄκρας ἀπέλιπε, τοὺς δʼ ἄλλους ἐπὶ τοῦ πρὸς ἀνατολὰς λόφου παρενέβαλε·

[3] τῶν δὲ λοιπῶν τοὺς εὐρωστοτάτους περὶ δισχιλίους κατεσκευακὼς τοῖς ὑπάρχουσι κατὰ τὴν πόλιν ὅπλοις ἐπέστησε κατὰ τὴν πύλην τὴν φέρουσαν ἐπὶ τὸν ἰσθμὸν καὶ τὴν τῶν πολεμίων στρατοπεδείαν· τοῖς δὲ λοιποῖς παρήγγειλε βοηθεῖν κατὰ δύναμιν πρὸς πάντα τὰ μέρη τοῦ τείχους.

[4] ἅμα δὲ τῷ τὸν Πόπλιον ταῖς σάλπιγξι διασημῆναι [καὶ] τὸν καιρὸν τῆς προσβολῆς, ἐξαφίησι τοὺς καθωπλισμένους ὁ Μάγων διὰ τῆς πύλης, πεπεισμένος ὅτι καταπλήξεται τοὺς ὑπεναντίους καὶ τὸ παράπαν ἀφελεῖται τὴν ἐπιβολὴν αὐτῶν.

[5] προσπεσόντων δὲ τούτων ἐρρωμένως τοῖς ἐκ τοῦ στρατοπέδου κατὰ τὸν ἰσθμὸν παρατεταγμένοις ἐγίνετο μάχη λαμπρὰ καὶ παρακελευσμὸς ἐξ ἀμφοῖν ἐναγώνιος, τῶν μὲν ἐκ τοῦ στρατοπέδου, τῶν δʼ ἐκ τῆς πόλεως τοῖς ἰδίοις ἑκατέρων ἐπιβοώντων.

[6] τῆς δὲ διὰ τῶν βοηθούντων ἐπικουρίας οὐχ ὁμοίας ὑπαρχούσης διὰ τὸ τοῖς μὲν Καρχηδονίοις διὰ μιᾶς πύλης καὶ σχεδὸν ἀπὸ δυεῖν σταδίοιν γίνεσθαι τὴν παρουσίαν, τοῖς δὲ Ῥωμαίοις ἐκ χειρὸς καὶ κατὰ πολὺν τόπον, ἄνισος ἦν ἡ μάχη παρὰ ταύτην τὴν αἰτίαν.

[7] ὁ γὰρ Πόπλιος ἑκὼν ἐπέστησε τοὺς αὑτοῦ παρʼ αὐτὴν τὴν στρατοπεδείαν χάριν τοῦ προκαλέσασθαι τοὺς πολεμίους πορρωτάτω, σαφῶς γινώσκων, ἐὰν διαφθείρῃ τούτους, ὄντας οἷον εἰ στόμα τοῦ κατὰ τὴν πόλιν πλήθους, ὅτι διατραπήσεται τὰ ὅλα καὶ τὴν πύλην οὐκέτι τῶν ἔνδον οὐδεὶς ἐξιέναι θαρρήσει.

[8] οὐ μὴν ἀλλʼ ἕως μέν τινος ἐφάμιλλον συνέβαινε γίνεσθαι τὴν μάχην, ὡς ἐξ ἀμφοῖν κατʼ ἐκλογὴν τῶν ἀρίστων ἀνδρῶν προκεκριμένων· τέλος δʼ ἐξωθούμενοι τῷ βάρει διὰ τοὺς ἐκ τῆς παρεμβολῆς προσγινομένους ἐτράπησαν οἱ παρὰ τῶν Καρχηδονίων,

[9] καὶ πολλοὶ μὲν αὐτῶν ἐν τῷ τῆς μάχης καιρῷ διεφθάρησαν καὶ κατὰ τὴν ἀποχώρησιν, οἱ δὲ πλείους ἐν τῷ παραπίπτειν εἰς τὴν πύλην ὑφʼ αὑτῶν ἠλοήθησαν.

[10] οὗ συμβαίνοντος ὁ κατὰ τὴν πόλιν ὄχλος οὕτως ἐπτοήθη πᾶς ὥστε καὶ τοὺς ἀπὸ τῶν τειχῶν φεύγειν.

[11] παρʼ ὀλίγον μὲν οὖν ἦλθον οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι τοῦ συνεισπεσεῖν τότε μετὰ τῶν φευγόντων· οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ τάς γε κλίμακας τῷ τείχει μετʼ ἀσφαλείας προσήρεισαν.

[1] ὁ δὲ Πόπλιος ἐδίδου μὲν αὑτὸν εἰς τὸν κίνδυνον, ἐποίει δὲ τοῦτο κατὰ δύναμιν ἀσφαλῶς·

[2] εἶχε γὰρ μεθʼ αὑτοῦ τρεῖς ἄνδρας θυρεοφοροῦντας, οἳ παρατιθέντες τοὺς θυρεοὺς καὶ τὴν ἀπὸ τοῦ τείχους ἐπιφάνειαν σκεπάζοντες ἀσφάλειαν αὐτῷ παρεσκεύαζον.

[3] διὸ παρὰ τὰ πλάγια καὶ τοὺς ὑπερδεξίους τόπους ἐπιπαριὼν μεγάλα συνεβάλλετο πρὸς τὴν χρείαν·

[4] ἅμα μὲν γὰρ ἑώρα τὸ γινόμενον, ἅμα δʼ αὐτὸς ὑπὸ πάντων ὁρώμενος ἐνειργάζετο προθυμίαν τοῖς ἀγωνιζομένοις.

[5] ἐξ οὗ συνέβαινε μηδὲν ἐλλιπὲς γίνεσθαι τῶν πρὸς τὸν κίνδυνον, ἀλλʼ ὁπότε τινʼ αὐτῷ πρὸς τὸ προκείμενον ὁ καιρὸς ὑποδείξειε, πᾶν ἐκ χειρὸς ἀεὶ συνηργεῖτο πρὸς τὸ δέον.

[6] ὁρμησάντων δὲ ταῖς κλίμαξι περὶ τὴν ἀνάβασιν τῶν πρώτων τεθαρρηκότως, οὐχ οὕτως τὸ πλῆθος τῶν ἀμυνομένων ἐπικίνδυνον ἐποίει τὴν προσβολὴν ὡς τὸ μέγεθος τῶν τειχῶν.

[7] διὸ καὶ μᾶλλον ἐπερρώσθησαν οἱ κατὰ τὰ τείχη, θεωροῦντες τὴν δυσχρηστίαν τῶν συμβαινόντων.

[8] ἔνιαι μὲν γὰρ συνετρίβοντο τῶν κλιμάκων, πολλῶν ἅμα διὰ τὸ μέγεθος συνεπιβαινόντων· ἐφʼ αἷς δʼ οἱ πρῶτοι προσβαίνοντες ἐσκοτοῦντο διὰ τὴν εἰς ὕψος ἀνάτασιν καὶ βραχείας προσδεόμενοι τῆς ἐκ τῶν ἀμυνομένων ἀντιπράξεως ἐρρίπτουν σφᾶς αὐτοὺς ἀπὸ τῶν κλιμάκων.

[9] ὅτε δὲ καὶ δοκοὺς ἤ τι τοιοῦτον ἐγχειρήσαιεν ἐπιρρίπτειν ἀπὸ τῶν ἐπάλξεων, ὁμοῦ πάντες ἀπεσύροντο καὶ κατεφέροντο πρὸς τὴν γῆν.

[10] οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ τοιούτων ἀπαντωμένων οὐδὲν ἱκανὸν ἦν πρὸς τὸ κωλύειν τὴν ἐπιφορὰν καὶ τὴν ὁρμὴν τῶν Ῥωμαίων, ἀλλʼ ἔτι καταφερομένων τῶν πρώτων ἐπέβαινον οἱ συνεχεῖς ἐπὶ τὴν ἐκλείπουσαν ἀεὶ χώραν.

[11] ἤδη δὲ τῆς ἡμέρας προβαινούσης, καὶ τῶν στρατιωτῶν τετρυμμένων ὑπὸ τῆς κακοπαθείας, ἀνεκαλέσατο ταῖς σάλπιγξιν ὁ στρατηγὸς τοὺς προσβάλλοντας.

[1] οἱ μὲν οὖν ἔνδον περιχαρεῖς ἦσαν ὡς ἀποτετριμμένοι τὸν κίνδυνον·

[2] ὁ δὲ Πόπλιος, προσδοκῶν ἤδη τὸν τῆς ἀμπώτεως καιρόν, κατὰ μὲν τὴν λίμνην ἡτοίμασε πεντακοσίους ἄνδρας μετὰ κλιμάκων,

[3] κατὰ δὲ τὴν πύλην καὶ τὸν ἰσθμὸν νεαλεῖς ποιήσας τοὺς στρατιώτας καὶ παρακαλέσας προσανέδωκε κλίμακας πλείους τῶν πρότερον, ὥστε συνεχῶς πλῆρες γενέσθαι τὸ τεῖχος τῶν προσβαινόντων.

[4] ἅμα δὲ τῷ σημῆναι τὸ πολεμικὸν καὶ προσθέντας τῷ τείχει τὰς κλίμακας προσβαίνειν κατὰ πάντα τὰ μέρη τεθαρρηκότως μεγάλην συνέβαινε ταραχὴν καὶ διατροπὴν γίνεσθαι τῶν ἔνδον.

[5] νομίζοντες γὰρ ἀπολελύσθαι τῆς περιστάσεως, αὖθις ἀρχὴν ἑώρων λαμβάνοντα τὸν κίνδυνον ἐξ ἄλλης ὁρμῆς·

[6] ἅμα δὲ καὶ τῶν βελῶν αὐτοὺς ἤδη λειπόντων, καὶ τοῦ πλήθους τῶν ἀπολωλότων εἰς ἀθυμίαν ἄγοντος, δυσχερῶς μὲν ἔφερον τὸ γινόμενον, οὐ μὴν ἀλλʼ ἠμύνοντο δυνατῶς.

[7] κατὰ δὲ τὴν ἀκμὴν τοῦ διὰ τῶν κλιμάκων ἀγῶνος ἤρχετο τὰ κατὰ τὴν ἄμπωτιν,

[8] καὶ τὰ μὲν ἄκρα τῆς λίμνης ἀπέλειπε τὸ ὕδωρ κατὰ βραχύ, διὰ δὲ τοῦ στόματος ὁ ῥοῦς εἰς τὴν συνεχῆ θάλατταν ἅθρους ἐφέρετο καὶ πολύς, ὥστε τοῖς ἀπρονοήτως θεωμένοις ἄπιστον φαίνεσθαι τὸ γινόμενον.

[9] ὁ δὲ Πόπλιος ἔχων ἑτοίμους τοὺς καθηγεμόνας ἐμβαίνειν παρεκελεύετο καὶ θαρρεῖν τοὺς πρὸς τὴν χρείαν ταύτην ἡτοιμασμένους·

[10] καὶ γὰρ ἦν εὖ πεφυκώς, εἰ καὶ πρὸς ἄλλο τι, πρὸς τὸ θάρσος ἐμβαλεῖν καὶ συμπαθεῖς ποιῆσαι τοὺς παρακαλουμένους.

[11] τότε δὴ πειθαρχησάντων αὐτῶν καὶ διὰ τοῦ τέλματος ἁμιλλωμένων, ἅπαν τὸ στρατόπεδον ὑπέλαβε μετά τινος θεοῦ προνοίας γίνεσθαι τὸ συμβαῖνον.

[12] ἐξ οὗ καὶ μνησθέντες τῶν κατὰ τὸν Ποσειδῶ καὶ τῆς τοῦ Ποπλίου κατὰ τὴν παράκλησιν ἐπαγγελίας, ἐπὶ τοσοῦτο ταῖς ψυχαῖς παρωρμήθησαν ὡς συμφράξαντες καὶ βιασάμενοι πρὸς τὴν πύλην ἔξωθεν ἐπεχείρουν διακόπτειν τοῖς πελέκεσι καὶ ταῖς ἀξίναις τὰς θύρας.

[13] οἱ δὲ διὰ τῶν τελμάτων ἐγγίσαντες τῷ τείχει, καὶ καταλαβόντες ἐρήμους τὰς ἐπάλξεις, οὐ μόνον προσέθεσαν ἀσφαλῶς τὰς κλίμακας, ἀλλὰ καὶ κατέσχον ἀναβάντες ἀμαχητὶ τὸ τεῖχος,

[14] ἅτε τῶν ἔνδον περισπωμένων μὲν περὶ τοὺς ἄλλους τόπους, καὶ μάλιστα τοὺς κατὰ τὸν ἰσθμὸν καὶ τὴν ταύτῃ πύλην, οὐδέποτε δʼ ἂν ἐλπισάντων ἐγγίσαι τῷ τείχει τοὺς πολεμίους κατὰ τὸν τῆς λίμνης τόπον,

[15] τὸ δὲ πλεῖστον, ὑπὸ τῆς ἀτάκτου κραυγῆς καὶ τῆς συμμίκτου πολυοχλίας οὐ δυναμένων οὔτʼ ἀκούειν οὔτε συνορᾶν τῶν δεόντων οὐδέν.

[1] οἱ δὲ Ῥωμαῖοι κρατήσαντες τοῦ τείχους τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ἐπεπορεύοντο κατὰ τὴν ἐφοδείαν ἀποσύροντες τοὺς πολεμίους, μεγάλα συμβαλλομένης αὐτοῖς τῆς ὁπλίσεως πρὸς τοῦτο τὸ γένος τῆς χρείας·

[2] ἐπεὶ δʼ ἀφίκοντο πρὸς τὴν πύλην, οἱ μὲν καταβάντες διέκοπτον τοὺς μοχλούς, οἱ δʼ ἔξωθεν εἰσέπιπτον, οἱ δὲ διὰ τῶν κλιμάκων βιαζόμενοι κατὰ τὸν ἰσθμόν, ἤδη κρατοῦντες τῶν ἀμυνομένων, ἐπέβαινον ἐπὶ τὰς ἐπάλξεις.

[3] καὶ τέλος τὰ μὲν τείχη τούτῳ τῷ τρόπῳ κατείληπτο, τὸν δὲ λόφον οἱ διὰ τῆς πύλης εἰσπορευόμενοι κατελάμβανον τὸν πρὸς τὰς ἀνατολάς, τρεψάμενοι τοὺς φυλάττοντας.

[4] ὁ δὲ Πόπλιος ἐπεὶ τοὺς εἰσεληλυθότας ἀξιόχρεως ὑπελάμβανεν εἶναι, τοὺς μὲν πλείστους ἐφῆκε κατὰ τὸ παρʼ αὐτοῖς ἔθος ἐπὶ τοὺς ἐν τῇ πόλει, παραγγείλας κτείνειν τὸν παρατυχόντα καὶ μηδενὸς φείδεσθαι, μηδὲ πρὸς τὰς ὠφελείας ὁρμᾶν, μέχρις ἂν ἀποδοθῇ τὸ σύνθημα. ποιεῖν δέ μοι δοκοῦσι τοῦτο καταπλήξεως χάριν·

[5] διὸ καὶ πολλάκις ἰδεῖν ἔστιν ἐν ταῖς τῶν Ῥωμαίων καταλήψεσι τῶν πόλεων οὐ μόνον τοὺς ἀνθρώπους πεφονευμένους, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοὺς κύνας δεδιχοτομημένους καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ζῴων μέλη παρακεκομμένα.

[6] τότε δὲ καὶ τελέως πολὺ τὸ τοιοῦτον ἦν διὰ τὸ πλῆθος τῶν κατειλημμένων.

[7] αὐτὸς δὲ περὶ χιλίους ἔχων ὥρμησε πρὸς τὴν ἄκραν. ἐγγίσαντος δʼ αὐτοῦ τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ἐπεβάλλετο Μάγων ἀμύνεσθαι, μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα συννοήσας βεβαίως ἤδη κατειλημμένην τὴν πόλιν διεπέμψατο περὶ τῆς ἀσφαλείας τῆς αὑτοῦ, καὶ παρέδωκε τὴν ἄκραν.

[8] οὗ γενομένου, καὶ τοῦ συνθήματος ἀποδοθέντος, τοῦ μὲν φονεύειν ἀπέστησαν, ὥρμησαν δὲ πρὸς τὰς ἁρπαγάς.

[9] ἐπιγενομένης δὲ τῆς νυκτὸς οἱ μὲν ἐπὶ τῆς παρεμβολῆς ἔμενον, οἷς ἦν οὕτω διατεταγμένον· μετὰ δὲ τῶν χιλίων ὁ στρατηγὸς ἐπὶ τῆς ἄκρας ηὐλίσθη, τοὺς δὲ λοιποὺς διὰ τῶν χιλιάρχων ἐκ τῶν οἰκιῶν ἐκκαλεσάμενος ἐπέταξε συναθροίσαντας εἰς τὴν ἀγορὰν τὰ διηρπασμένα κατὰ σημαίας ἐπὶ τούτων κοιτάζεσθαι.

[10] τοὺς δὲ γροσφομάχους ἐκ τῆς παρεμβολῆς καλέσας ἐπὶ τὸν λόφον ἐπέστησε τὸν ἀπὸ τῶν ἀνατολῶν.

[11] καὶ τῆς μὲν κατὰ τὴν Ἰβηρίαν Καρχηδόνος

[1] τοῦτον τὸν τρόπον ἐγένοντο κύριοι Ῥωμαῖοι· εἰς δὲ τὴν ἐπαύριον ἁθροισθείσης εἰς τὴν ἀγορὰν τῆς τε τῶν στρατευομένων παρὰ τοῖς Καρχηδονίοις ἀποσκευῆς καὶ τῆς τῶν πολιτικῶν καὶ τῶν ἐργαστικῶν κατασκευῆς, ταῦτα μὲν ἐμέριζον οἱ χιλίαρχοι τοῖς ἰδίοις στρατοπέδοις κατὰ τὸ παρʼ αὑτοῖς ἔθος.

[2] ἔστι δὲ παρὰ Ῥωμαίοις τοιαύτη τις ἡ περὶ τὰς τῶν πόλεων καταλήψεις οἰκονομία. ποτὲ μὲν γὰρ ἑκάστης σημαίας πρὸς τὴν πρᾶξιν ἀπομερίζονταί τινες τῶν ἀνδρῶν κατὰ τὸ μέγεθος τῆς πόλεως, ποτὲ δὲ κατὰ σημαίας μερίζουσιν αὐτούς.

[3] οὐδέποτε δὲ πλείους ἀποτάττονται πρὸς τοῦτο τῶν ἡμίσεων· οἱ δὲ λοιποὶ μένοντες κατὰ τὰς τάξεις ἐφεδρεύουσι, ποτὲ μὲν ἐκτὸς τῆς πόλεως, ποτὲ δὲ πάλιν ἐντός, ἀεὶ πρὸς τὸ δεικνύειν.

[4] τῆς δὲ δυνάμεως διῃρημένης αὐτοῖς κατὰ μὲν τὸ πλεῖον εἰς δύο στρατόπεδα Ῥωμαϊκὰ καὶ δύο τῶν συμμάχων, τοτὲ δὲ καὶ σπανίως ἁθροιζομένων ὁμοῦ τῶν τεττάρων, πάντες οἱ πρὸς τὴν ἁρπαγὴν ἀπομερισθέντες ἀναφέρουσι τὰς ὠφελείας ἕκαστοι τοῖς ἑαυτῶν στρατοπέδοις,

[5] κἄπειτα πραθέντων τούτων οἱ χιλίαρχοι διανέμουσι πᾶσιν ἴσον, οὐ μόνον τοῖς μείνασιν ἐν ταῖς ἐφεδρείαις, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῖς τὰς σκηνὰς φυλάττουσι τοῖς τʼ ἀρρωστοῦσι καὶ τοῖς ἐπί τινα λειτουργίαν ἀπεσταλμένοις.

[6] περὶ δὲ τοῦ μηδένα νοσφίζεσθαι μηδὲν τῶν ἐκ τῆς διαρπαγῆς, ἀλλὰ τηρεῖν τὴν πίστιν κατὰ τὸν ὅρκον, ὃν ὀμνύουσι πάντες, ὅταν ἁθροισθῶσι πρῶτον εἰς τὴν παρεμβολήν, ἐξιέναι μέλλοντες εἰς τὴν πολεμίαν,

[7] ὑπὲρ τούτου δὲ τοῦ μέρους εἴρηται πρότερον ἡμῖν διὰ πλειόνων ἐν τοῖς περὶ τῆς πολιτείας.

[8] λοιπὸν ὅταν οἱ μὲν ἡμίσεις τράπωνται πρὸς τὰς ἁρπαγάς, οἱ δʼ ἡμίσεις διαφυλάττοντες τὰς τάξεις ἐφεδρεύωσι τούτοις, οὐδέποτε κινδυνεύει Ῥωμαίοις τὰ ὅλα διὰ πλεονεξίαν.

[9] τῆς γὰρ ἐλπίδος τῆς κατὰ τὴν ὠφέλειαν οὐκ ἀπιστουμένης ἀλλήλοις, ἀλλʼ ἐπʼ ἴσης ἑστηκυίας τοῖς μένουσι κατὰ τὰς ἐφεδρείας καὶ τοῖς διαρπάζουσιν, οὐδεὶς ἀπολείπει τὰς τάξεις· ὃ μά

[1] λιστα τοὺς ἄλλους εἴωθε βλάπτειν. ἐπειδὴ γὰρ οἱ πλεῖστοι τῶν ἀνθρώπων κακοπαθοῦσι καὶ κινδυνεύουσι τοῦ κέρδους ἕνεκεν, φανερὸν ὡς, ὅταν ὁ καιρὸς οὗτος ὑποπέσῃ, δυσχερῶς εἰκὸς ἀπέχεσθαι τοὺς ἐν ταῖς ἐφεδρείαις ἢ στρατοπεδείαις ἀπολειπομένους διὰ τὸ [τοὺς] παρὰ τοῖς πλείστοις πᾶν τὸ ληφθὲν εἶναι τοῦ κυριεύσαντος·

[2] καὶ γὰρ ἂν ὅλως μόναρχος ἢ στρατηγὸς ἐπιμελὴς ἀναφέρειν εἰς τὸ κοινὸν ἐπιτάξῃ τὰς ὠφελείας, ὅμως τὰ δυνατὰ κρύπτεσθαι πάντες ἴδια νομίζουσι.

[3] διὸ τῶν πολλῶν ὁρμώντων ἐπὶ τοῦτο τὸ μέρος οὐ δυνάμενοι κρατεῖν κινδυνεύουσι τοῖς ὅλοις·

[4] καὶ πολλοὶ δή τινες κατορθώσαντες τὰς ἐπιβολάς, καὶ ποτὲ μὲν ἐπιπεσόντες ταῖς τῶν πολεμίων παρεμβολαῖς, ποτὲ δὲ καταλαβόμενοι πόλεις, οὐ μόνον ἐξέπεσον, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῖς ὅλοις ἐσφάλησαν παρʼ οὐδὲν ἢ τὴν προειρημένην αἰτίαν.

[5] διὸ δεῖ περὶ μηδὲν οὕτω σπουδάζειν καὶ προνοεῖσθαι τοὺς ἡγουμένους ὡς περὶ τοῦτο τὸ μέρος, ἵνα, καθʼ ὅσον ἐστὶ δυνατόν, ὑπάρχῃ παρὰ τοῖς πολλοῖς ἐλπὶς ὡς ἐξ ἴσου πᾶσι τῆς ὠφελείας οὔσης, ἐάν τις ὑποπίπτῃ τοιοῦτος καιρός.

[6] πλὴν οἱ μὲν χιλίαρχοι τότε περὶ τὴν τῶν λαφύρων ἦσαν οἰκονομίαν· ὁ δὲ στρατηγὸς τῶν Ῥωμαίων, ἐπεὶ συνήχθη τὸ τῶν αἰχμαλώτων πλῆθος, ὃ συνέβη γενέσθαι μικρῷ λεῖπον τῶν μυρίων, συνέταξε χωρισθῆναι πρῶτον μὲν τοὺς πολιτικοὺς ἄνδρας τε καὶ γυναῖκας καὶ τὰ τούτων τέκνα, δεύτερον δὲ τοὺς χειροτέχνας.

[7] γενομένου δὲ τούτου, τοὺς μὲν πολιτικοὺς παρακαλέσας εὐνοεῖν Ῥωμαίοις καὶ μνημονεύειν τῆς εὐεργεσίας ἀπέλυσε πάντας ἐπὶ τὰς ἰδίας οἰκήσεις.

[8] οὗτοι μὲν οὖν ἅμα δακρύοντες καὶ χαίροντες ἐπὶ τῷ παραδόξῳ τῆς σωτηρίας, προσκυνήσαντες τὸν στρατηγὸν διελύθησαν·

[9] τοῖς δὲ χειροτέχναις κατὰ τὸ παρὸν εἶπε διότι δημόσιοι τῆς Ῥώμης εἰσί· παρασχομένοις δὲ τὴν εὔνοιαν καὶ προθυμίαν ἑκάστοις κατὰ τὰς αὑτῶν τέχνας ἐπηγγείλατο τὴν ἐλευθερίαν, κατὰ νοῦν χωρήσαντος τοῦ πρὸς τοὺς Καρχηδονίους πολέμου.

[10] καὶ τούτους μὲν ἀπογράφεσθαι προσέταξε πρὸς τὸν ταμίαν, συστήσας Ῥωμαϊκὸν ἐπιμελητὴν κατὰ τριάκοντα· τὸ γὰρ πᾶν πλῆθος ἐγένετο τούτων περὶ δισχιλίους.

[11] ἐκ δὲ τῶν λοιπῶν αἰχμαλώτων ἐκλέξας τοὺς εὐρωστοτάτους καὶ τοῖς εἴδεσι καὶ ταῖς ἡλικίαις ἀκμαιοτάτους προσέμιξε τοῖς αὑτοῦ πληρώμασι,

[12] καὶ ποιήσας ἡμιολίους τοὺς πάντας ναύτας ἢ πρόσθεν συνεπλήρωσε καὶ τὰς αἰχμαλώτους νῆας, ὥστε τοὺς ἄνδρας ἑκάστῳ σκάφει βραχύ τι λείπειν τοῦ διπλασίους εἶναι τοὺς ὑπάρχοντας τῶν προγενομένων·

[13] αἱ μὲν γὰρ αἰχμάλωτοι νῆες ἦσαν ὀκτωκαίδεκα τὸν ἀριθμόν, αἱ δʼ ἐξ ἀρχῆς πέντε καὶ τριάκοντα.

[14] παραπλησίως δὲ καὶ τούτοις ἐπηγγείλατο τὴν ἐλευθερίαν, παρασχομένοις τὴν αὑτῶν εὔνοιαν καὶ προθυμίαν, ἐπειδὰν κρατήσωσι τῷ πολέμῳ τῶν Καρχηδονίων.

[15] τοῦτον δὲ χειρίσας τὸν τρόπον τὰ κατὰ τοὺς αἰχμαλώτους μεγάλην μὲν εὔνοιαν καὶ πίστιν ἐνειργάσατο τοῖς πολιτικοῖς καὶ πρὸς αὑτὸν καὶ πρὸς τὰ κοινὰ πράγματα, μεγάλην δὲ προθυμίαν τοῖς χειροτέχναις διὰ τὴν ἐλπίδα τῆς ἐλευθερίας.

[16] ἡμιόλιον δὲ ποιήσας τὸ ναυτικὸν ἐκ τοῦ καιροῦ διὰ τὴν αὑτοῦ πρόνοιαν

[1] μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα Μάγωνα καὶ τοὺς ἅμα τούτῳ Καρχηδονίους ἐχώριζε. δύο μὲν γὰρ ἦσαν κατειλημμένοι τῶν ἐκ τῆς γερουσίας, πέντε δὲ καὶ δέκα τῶν ἐκ τῆς συγκλήτου.

[2] καὶ τούτους μὲν συνέστησε Γαΐῳ Λαιλίῳ, συντάξας τὴν ἁρμόζουσαν ἐπιμέλειαν ποιεῖσθαι τῶν ἀνδρῶν·

[3] ἐπὶ δὲ τούτοις τοὺς ὁμήρους προσεκαλέσατο, πλείους ὄντας τῶν τριακοσίων. καὶ τοὺς μὲν παῖδας καθʼ ἕνα προσαγαγόμενος καὶ καταψήσας θαρρεῖν ἐκέλευε, διότι μετʼ ὀλίγας ἡμέρας ἐπόψονται τοὺς αὑτῶν γονεῖς·

[4] τοὺς δὲ λοιποὺς ὁμοῦ παρεκάλεσε πάντας θαρρεῖν καὶ γράφειν αὐτοὺς

[5] εἰς τὰς ἰδίας πόλεις πρὸς αὑτῶν ἀναγκαίους πρῶτον μὲν ὅτι σῴζονται καὶ καλῶς αὐτοῖς ἐστι, δεύτερον δὲ διότι θέλουσι Ῥωμαῖοι πάντας αὐτοὺς εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν ἀποκαταστῆσαι μετʼ ἀσφαλείας, ἑλομένων τῶν ἀναγκαίων σφίσι τὴν πρὸς Ῥωμαίους συμμαχίαν.

[6] ταῦτα δʼ εἰπών, καὶ παρεσκευακὼς πρότερον ἐκ τῶν λαφύρων τὰ λυσιτελέστερα πρὸς τὴν ἐπίνοιαν, τότε κατὰ γένη καὶ καθʼ ἡλικίαν ἑκάστοις ἐδωρεῖτο τὰ πρέποντα, ταῖς μὲν παισὶ κόνους καὶ ψέλλια, τοῖς δὲ νεανίσκοις ῥαμφὰς καὶ μαχαίρας. ἐκ δὲ τῶν αἰχμαλωτίδων τῆς Μανδονίου γυναικός,

[7] ὃς ἦν ἀδελφὸς Ἀνδοβάλου τοῦ τῶν Ἰλεργητῶν βασιλέως, προσπεσούσης αὐτῷ καὶ δεομένης μετὰ δακρύων ἐπιστροφὴν ποιήσασθαι τῆς αὑτῶν εὐσχημοσύνης ἀμείνω Καρχηδονίων, συμπαθὴς γενόμενος ἤρετο τί λείπει τῶν ἐπιτηδείων αὐταῖς·

[8] καὶ γὰρ ἦν ἡ γυνὴ πρεσβυτέρα καί τινα προστασίαν ἀξιωματικὴν ἐπιφαίνουσα.

[9] τῆς δὲ κατασιωπώσης ἐκάλει τοὺς πρὸς τὴν ἐπιμέλειαν τῶν γυναικῶν ἀποτεταγμένους.

[10] ὧν παραγενομένων καὶ διασαφούντων ὅτι πάντα τὰ δέοντα δαψιλῶς αὐταῖς παρασκευάζοιεν, πάλιν ὁμοίως ἁψαμένης αὐτοῦ τῶν γονάτων τῆς γυναικὸς καὶ τὸν αὐτὸν εἰπούσης λόγον, μᾶλλον ἔτι διαπορήσας ὁ Πόπλιος, καί τινα λαβὼν ἔννοιαν ὡς ὀλιγωρούντων καὶ ψευδῶς πρὸς τὸ παρὸν ἀποφαινομένων τῶν πρὸς τὴν ἐπιμέλειαν ἀποτεταγμένων, θαρρεῖν ἐκέλευε τὰς γυναῖκας·

[11] αὐτὸς γὰρ ἑτέρους ἐπιστήσειν τοὺς φροντιοῦντας ἵνα μηδὲν αὐτὰς ἐλλείπῃ τῶν ἐπιτηδείων. ἡ δʼ ἐπισχοῦσα μικρόν "

[12] 3Οὐκ ὀρθῶσ"3 ἔφη "3στρατηγέ, τοὺς ἡμετέρους ἐκδέχῃ λόγους, εἰ νομίζεις ἡμᾶς ὑπὲρ τῆς γαστρὸς δεῖσθαί σου νῦν"

[13] 3. καὶ τότε λαβὼν ὁ Πόπλιος ἐν νῷ τὸ βούλημα τῆς γυναικός, καὶ θεωρῶν ὑπὸ τὴν ὄψιν τὴν ἀκμὴν τῶν Ἀνδοβάλου θυγατέρων καὶ πλειόνων ἄλλων δυναστῶν, ἠναγκάσθη δακρῦσαι, τῆς γυναικὸς ἐν ὀλίγῳ τὴν τῆς περιστάσεως ἔμφασιν ὑποδεικνυούσης.

[14] διὸ δὴ καὶ τότε φανερὸς γενόμενος ὅτι συνῆκε τὸ ῥηθέν, καὶ λαβόμενος τῆς δεξιᾶς, θαρρεῖν αὐτήν τε ταύτην ἐκέλευε καὶ τὰς ἄλλας ὁμοίως·

[15] ποιήσεσθαι γὰρ πρόνοιαν ὡς ἰδίων ἀδελφῶν καὶ τέκνων, συστήσεσθαι δὲ καὶ πρὸς τὴν τούτων ἐπιμέλειαν ἀκολούθως τοῖς προειρημένοις πιστοὺς ἄνδρας.

[1] μετὰ ταῦτα παρεδίδου τοῖς ταμίαις [τὰ χρήματα], ὅσα δημόσια κατελήφθη τῶν Καρχηδονίων.

[2] ἦν δὲ ταῦτα πλείω τῶν ἑξακοσίων ταλάντων, ὥστε προστεθέντων τούτων οἷς παρῆν αὐτὸς ἐκ Ῥώμης ἔχων τετρακοσίοις, τὴν ὅλην παράθεσιν αὐτῷ γενέσθαι τῆς χορηγίας πλείω τῶν χιλίων.

[3] κατὰ δὲ τὸν καιρὸν τοῦτον νεανίσκοι τινὲς τῶν Ῥωμαίων ἐπιτυχόντες παρθένῳ κατὰ τὴν ἀκμὴν καὶ κατὰ τὸ κάλλος διαφερούσῃ τῶν ἄλλων γυναικῶν, καὶ συνιδόντες φιλογύνην ὄντα τὸν Πόπλιον, ἧκον αὐτὴν ἄγοντες καὶ παραστήσαντες ἔφασκον αὐτῷ δωρεῖσθαι τὴν κόρην.

[4] ὁ δὲ καταπλαγεὶς καὶ θαυμάσας τὸ κάλλος, ἰδιώτης μὲν ὢν οὐδεμίαν ἥδιον ἂν ἔφη δέξασθαι ταύτης τῆς δωρεᾶς, στρατηγὸς δʼ ὑπάρχων οὐδʼ ὁποίαν ἧττον,

[5] ὡς μὲν ἐμοὶ δοκεῖ, τοῦτʼ αἰνιττόμενος διὰ τῆς ἀποφάσεως, διότι κατὰ μὲν τὰς ἀναπαύσεις ἐνίοτε καὶ ῥᾳθυμίας ἐν τῷ ζῆν ἡδίστας τοῖς νέοις ἀπολαύσεις τὰ τοιαῦτα παρέχεται καὶ διατριβάς, ἐν δὲ τοῖς τοῦ πράττειν καιροῖς μέγιστα γίνεται καὶ κατὰ σῶμα καὶ κατὰ ψυχὴν ἐμπόδια τοῖς χρωμένοις.

[6] τοῖς μὲν οὖν νεανίσκοις ἔφη χάριν ἔχειν, τὸν δὲ τῆς παρθένου πατέρα καλέσας καὶ δοὺς αὐτὴν ἐκ χειρὸς ἐκέλευε συνοικίζειν ᾧ ποτʼ ἂν προαιρῆται τῶν πολιτῶν.

[7] διʼ ὧν καὶ τὰ τῆς ἐγκρατείας καὶ τὰ τῆς μετριότητος ἐμφαίνων μεγάλην ἀποδοχὴν ἐνειργάζετο τοῖς ὑποταττομένοις.

ταῦτα δὲ διοικησάμενος,

[8] καὶ τὰ λοιπὰ τῶν αἰχμαλώτων παραδοὺς τοῖς χιλιάρχοις, ἐξέπεμψε Γάιον τὸν Λαίλιον ἐπὶ πεντήρους εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην, τούς τε Καρχηδονίους συστήσας καὶ τῶν ἄλλων αἰχμαλώτων τοὺς ἐπιφανεστάτους, δηλώσοντα τοῖς ἐν τῇ πατρίδι τὰ γεγονότα.

[9] τὸ γὰρ πλεῖον αὐτῶν ἤδη τὰ κατὰ τὴν Ἰβηρίαν ἀπηλπικότων, σαφῶς ᾔδει διότι τούτων προσαγγελθέντων αὖθις ἀναθαρρήσαντες πολλαπλασίως συνεπιλήψονται τῶν πραγμάτων.

[1] αὐτὸς δὲ χρόνον μέν τινʼ ἐν τῇ Καρχηδόνι τάς τε ναυτικὰς δυνάμεις ἐγύμναζε συνεχῶς καὶ τοῖς χιλιάρχοις ὑπέδειξε τοιοῦτόν τινα τρόπον τῆς τῶν πεζικῶν στρατοπέδων γυμνασίας.

[2] τὴν μὲν πρώτην ἡμέραν ἐκέλευσε τροχάζειν ἐπὶ τριάκοντα σταδίους ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις, τὴν δὲ δευτέραν πάντας ἐκτρίβειν καὶ θεραπεύειν καὶ κατασκοπεῖν ἐν τῷ φανερῷ τὰς πανοπλίας, τῇ δʼ ἑξῆς ἀναπαύεσθαι καὶ ῥᾳθυμεῖν,

[3] τῇ δὲ μετὰ ταύτην τοὺς μὲν μαχαιρομαχεῖν ξυλίναις ἐσκυτωμέναις μετʼ ἐπισφαιρῶν μαχαίραις, τοὺς δὲ τοῖς ἐσφαιρωμένοις γρόσφοις ἀκοντίζειν, τῇ δὲ πέμπτῃ πάλιν ἐπὶ τοὺς αὐτοὺς δρόμους καὶ τὴν ἀρχὴν ἐπανάγειν.

[4] ἵνα δὲ μήτε τῶν πρὸς τὰς μελέτας ὅπλων μήτε τῶν πρὸς τὴν ἀλήθειαν μηδὲν ἐλλείπῃ, τὴν πλείστην ἐποιεῖτο σπουδὴν πρὸς τοὺς χειροτέχνας.

[5] κατὰ μέρος μὲν οὖν ἄνδρας ἐπιμελεῖς ἐφεστάκει πρὸς ταύτην τὴν χρείαν, καθάπερ ἐπάνω προεῖπον· αὐτὸς δὲ καθʼ ἡμέραν ἐπεπορεύετο, καὶ διʼ αὑτοῦ τὰς χορηγίας ἑκάστοις παρεσκεύαζε.

[6] λοιπὸν τῶν μὲν πεζικῶν στρατοπέδων κατὰ τοὺς πρὸ τῆς πόλεως τόπους χρωμένων ταῖς μελέταις καὶ ταῖς γυμνασίαις, τῶν δὲ ναυτικῶν δυνάμεων κατὰ θάλατταν ταῖς ἀναπείραις καὶ ταῖς εἰρεσίαις, τῶν δὲ κατὰ τὴν πόλιν ἀκονώντων τε καὶ χαλκευόντων καὶ τεκταινομένων, καὶ συλλήβδην ἁπάντων σπουδαζόντων περὶ τὰς τῶν ὅπλων κατασκευάς,

[7] οὐκ ἔσθʼ ὃς οὐκ ἂν εἶπε κατὰ τὸν Ξενοφῶντα τότε θεασάμενος ἐκείνην τὴν πόλιν ἐργαστήριον εἶναι πολέμου.

[8] ἐπεὶ δʼ αὐτῷ πάντα καλῶς ἐδόκει καὶ δεόντως ἐξησκῆσθαι τὰ πρὸς τὰς χρείας, μετὰ ταῦτα ταῖς τε φυλακαῖς καὶ ταῖς τῶν τειχῶν κατασκευαῖς ἀσφαλισάμενος τὰ κατὰ τὴν πόλιν, ἀνέζευξε καὶ τῇ πεζικῇ καὶ ναυτικῇ δυνάμει, καὶ προῆγε ποιούμενος τὴν πορείαν ὡς ἐπὶ Ταρράκωνος, ἔχων μεθʼ αὑτοῦ καὶ τοὺς ὁμήρους.

ιιι. ρες γραεξιαε

[1] ὅτι Εὐρυλέων ὁ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν στρατηγὸς ἄτολμος ἦν καὶ πολεμικῆς χρείας ἀλλότριος.

[2] τοῦ δὲ καιροῦ τοῦ κατὰ τὴν διήγησιν ἐφεστακότος ἡμᾶς ἐπὶ τὴν ἀρχὴν τῶν Φιλοποίμενος πράξεων, καθήκειν ἡγούμεθα, καθάπερ καὶ περὶ τῶν ἄλλων τῶν ἀξιολόγων ἀνδρῶν τὰς ἑκάστων ἀγωγὰς καὶ φύσεις ἐπειράθημεν ὑποδεικνύναι, καὶ περὶ τούτου ποιῆσαι τὸ παραπλήσιον.

[3] καὶ γὰρ ἄτοπον τὰς μὲν τῶν πόλεων κτίσεις τοὺς συγγραφέας, καὶ πότε καὶ πῶς καὶ διὰ τίνων ἐκτίσθησαν, ἔτι δὲ τὰς διαθέσεις καὶ περιστάσεις μετʼ ἀποδείξεως ἐξαγγέλλειν, τὰς δὲ τῶν τὰ ὅλα χειρισάντων ἀνδρῶν ἀγωγὰς καὶ ζήλους παρασιωπᾶν, καὶ ταῦτα τῆς χρείας μεγάλην ἐχούσης τὴν διαφοράν·

[4] ὅσῳ γὰρ ἄν τις καὶ ζηλῶσαι καὶ μιμήσασθαι δυνηθείη μᾶλλον τοὺς ἐμψύχους ἄνδρας τῶν ἀψύχων κατασκευασμάτων, τοσούτῳ καὶ τὸν περὶ αὐτῶν λόγον διαφέρειν εἰκὸς πρὸς ἐπανόρθωσιν τῶν ἀκουόντων.

[5] εἰ μὲν οὖν μὴ κατʼ ἰδίαν ἐπεποιήμεθα τὴν περὶ αὐτοῦ σύνταξιν, ἐν ᾗ διεσαφοῦμεν καὶ τίς ἦν καὶ τίνων καὶ τίσιν ἀγωγαῖς ἐχρήσατο νέος ὤν, ἀναγκαῖον ἦν ὑπὲρ ἑκάστου τῶν προειρημένων φέρειν ἀπολογισμόν·

[6] ἐπεὶ δὲ πρότερον ἐν τρισὶ βυβλίοις ἐκτὸς ταύτης τῆς συντάξεως τὸν ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ πεποιήμεθα λόγον, τήν τε παιδικὴν ἀγωγὴν διασαφοῦντες καὶ τὰς ἐπιφανεστάτας πράξεις,

[7] δῆλον ὡς ἐν τῇ νῦν ἐξηγήσει πρέπον ἂν εἴη τῆς μὲν νεωτερικῆς ἀγωγῆς καὶ τῶν νεωτερικῶν ζήλων κατὰ μέρος ἀφελεῖν, τοῖς δὲ κατὰ τὴν ἀκμὴν αὐτοῦ κεφαλαιωδῶς ἐκεῖ δεδηλωμένοις ἔργοις προσθεῖναι καὶ κατὰ μέρος, ἵνα τὸ πρέπον ἑκατέρᾳ τῶν συντάξεων τηρῶμεν. ὥσπερ γὰρ ἐκεῖνος ὁ τόπος,

[8] ὑπάρχων ἐγκωμιαστικός, ἀπῄτει τὸν κεφαλαιώδη καὶ μετʼ αὐξήσεως τῶν πράξεων ἀπολογισμόν, οὕτως ὁ τῆς ἱστορίας, κοινὸς ὢν ἐπαίνου καὶ ψόγου, ζητεῖ τὸν ἀληθῆ καὶ τὸν μετʼ ἀποδείξεως καὶ τῶν ἑκάστοις παρεπομένων συλλογισμῶν.

[1] Φιλοποίμην τοίνυν πρῶτον μὲν ἔφυ καλῶς· ἦν γὰρ ἐξ ἀνδρῶν τῶν ἐπιφανεστάτων κατʼ Ἀρκαδίαν, τραφεὶς δὲ καὶ παιδευθεὶς ὑπὸ Κλέανδρον τὸν Μαντινέα, πατρικὸν μὲν αὐτῷ ξένον ὑπάρχοντα, φυγαδεύοντα δὲ κατʼ ἐκείνους τοὺς καιρούς, ὄντα δὲ Μαντινέων ἐπιφανέστατον.

[2] μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα παραγενόμενος εἰς ἡλικίαν ἐγένετο ζηλωτὴς Ἐκδήμου καὶ Δημοφάνους, οἳ τὸ μὲν γένος ἦσαν ἐκ Μεγάλης πόλεως, φεύγοντες δὲ τοὺς τυράννους καὶ συμβιώσαντες Ἀρκεσίλᾳ τῷ φιλοσόφῳ κατὰ τὴν φυγὴν ἠλευθέρωσαν μὲν τὴν αὑτῶν πατρίδα, συστησάμενοι κατʼ Ἀριστοδήμου τοῦ τυράννου πρᾶξιν,

[3] συνεπελάβοντο δὲ καὶ τῆς καταλύσεως τοῦ Σικυωνίων τυράννου Νικοκλέους, κοινωνήσαντες Ἀράτῳ τῆς ἐπιβολῆς· ἔτι δὲ Κυρηναίων αὐτοὺς μεταπεμψαμένων ἐπιφανῶς προύστησαν καὶ διεφύλαξαν αὐτοῖς τὴν ἐλευθερίαν,

[4] οἷς κατὰ τὴν πρώτην ἡλικίαν ἐπὶ πολὺ συμβιώσας διέφερε μὲν εὐθέως τῶν καθʼ αὑτὸν περί τε τὰς ἐν τοῖς κυνηγίοις κακοπαθείας καὶ τόλμας περί τε τὰς ἐν τοῖς πολεμικοῖς,

[5] ἦν δὲ καὶ περὶ τὸν βίον ἐπιμελὴς καὶ λιτὸς κατὰ τὴν περικοπήν, παρειληφὼς παρὰ τῶν προειρημένων ἀνδρῶν τοιαύτας τινὰς δόξας ὡς οὐχ οἷόν τε τῶν κοινῶν προστατεῖν καλῶς τὸν ὀλιγωροῦντα τῶν κατὰ τὸν ἴδιον βίον, οὔτε μὴν ἀποσχέσθαι τῶν τῆς πατρίδος, ὅστις πολυτελέστερον ζῇ τῆς κατὰ τὴν ἰδίαν ὕπαρξιν χορηγίας.

[6] πλὴν κατασταθεὶς ὑπὸ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν ἱππάρχης ἐν τοῖς προειρημένοις καιροῖς, καὶ παραλαβὼν τὰ συντάγματα τῶν ἱππέων παντὶ τρόπῳ κατεφθαρμένα καὶ τὰς ψυχὰς τῶν ἀνδρῶν ἡττημένας,

[7] οὐ μόνον αὐτοὺς ἑαυτῶν βελτίους, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν ὑπεναντίων κρείττους ἐν ὀλίγῳ χρόνῳ κατεσκεύασε, πάντας εἰς ἀληθινὴν ἄσκησιν καὶ ζῆλον ἐπιτευκτικὸν ἐμβιβάσας.

[8] τῶν μὲν γὰρ ἄλλων οἱ πλεῖστοι τῶν καθισταμένων ἐπὶ τὴν προειρημένην ἀρχήν, οἱ μὲν διὰ τὴν ἰδίαν ἀδυναμίαν ἐν τοῖς ἱππικοῖς οὐδὲ τοῖς πλησίον τολμῶσιν οὐδὲν ὧν καθήκει προστάττειν,

[9] οἱ δὲ τῆς στρατηγίας ὀρεγόμενοι διὰ ταύτης τῆς ἀρχῆς ἐξεριθεύονται τοὺς νέους καὶ παρασκευάζουσιν εὔνους συναγωνιστὰς εἰς τὸ μέλλον, οὐκ ἐπιτιμῶντες τῷ δεομένῳ, διʼ οὗ τρόπου σῴζεται τὰ κοινά, ἀλλὰ συμπεριστέλλοντες τὰς ἁμαρτίας καὶ μικρᾷ χάριτι μεγάλα βλάπτοντες τοὺς πιστεύοντας.

[10] εἰ δέ ποτε γένοιντο τῶν ἀρχόντων τινὲς τῇ τε κατὰ σῶμα χρείᾳ δυνατοὶ πρός τε τὸ τῶν κοινῶν ἀπέχεσθαι πρόθυμοι, πλείω κατὰ τῶν ὀλιγωρούντων διὰ τὴν κακοζηλωσίαν ἀπεργάζονται τοὺς πεζούς, ἔτι δὲ μᾶλλον τοὺς ἱππεῖς.

[1] ἦσαν δὲ κινήσεις, ἃς ὑπελάμβανε πρὸς πάντα καιρὸν ἁρμόζειν, αἷς ἔδει συνειθίσθαι τοὺς ἱππεῖς, αὗται·

[2] αἱ καθʼ ἵππον μὲν κλίσεις ἐφʼ ἡνίαν καὶ πάλιν ἐπὶ δόρυ, πρὸς δὲ τούτοις ἀναστροφὴ καὶ μεταβολή,

[3] κατʼ οὐλαμὸν δʼ ἐπιστροφὴ καὶ περισπασμός, ἔτι δʼ ἐκπερισπασμός,

[4] πρὸς δὲ τούτοις ἐξαγωγαὶ κατὰ λόχους καὶ διλοχίας ἀφʼ ἑκατέρων τῶν κεράτων μετὰ τάχους, ποτὲ δʼ ἀπὸ τῶν μέσων, καὶ συναγωγαὶ πάλιν μετʼ ἐποχῆς εἰς οὐλαμούς, εἰς ἴλας, εἰς ἱππαρχίας,

[5] ἐπὶ δὲ τούτοις ἐκτάξεις ἐφʼ ἑκατέρων τῶν κεράτων ἢ διὰ παρεμβολῆς ἢ διὰ παραγωγῆς τῆς παρὰ τοὺς οὐραγούς.

[6] τὰς μὲν γὰρ κατὰ περίκλασιν οὐ προσδεῖσθαι μελέτης ἔφη· σχεδὸν γὰρ ὡς ἂν εἰ πορείας ἔχειν διάθεσιν.

[7] ἐκ δὲ τούτου τὰς ἐπαγωγὰς τὰς ἐπὶ τοὺς ἐναντίους καὶ τὰς ἀποχωρήσεις ἔδει συνεθίζειν ἐν πάσαις ταῖς κινήσεσιν ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον ὥστε δεινῷ τῷ τάχει προσάγειν, ἐφʼ ὅσον συζυγοῦντας καὶ συστοιχοῦντας διαμένειν, ἅμα δὲ καὶ τὰ διαστήματα κατὰ τοὺς οὐλαμοὺς τηρεῖν,

[8] ὡς ἱππέων λελυκότων τὴν τάξιν τὴν ἐν οὐλαμοῖς, αἱρουμένων κινδυνεύειν, οὐδὲν ἐπισφαλέστερον ὑπάρχον οὐδʼ ἀχρειότερον.

[9] ταῦτα δʼ ὑποδείξας τοῖς τε πολλοῖς καὶ τοῖς ἀποτελείοις, αὖθις ἐπεπορεύετο τὰς πόλεις, ἐξετάζων πρῶτον μὲν εἰ συμπεριφέρονθʼ οἱ πολλοὶ τοῖς παραγγελλομένοις, δεύτερον δʼ εἰ κρατοῦσιν οἱ κατὰ πόλεις ἄρχοντες τοῦ σαφῶς καὶ δεόντως διδόναι τὰ παραγγέλματα,

[10] κρίνων πρὸς τὴν ἀλήθειαν οὐδὲν ἀναγκαιότερον εἶναι τῆς τῶν

[1] κατὰ μέρος ἡγεμόνων ἐμπειρίας. προκατασκευασάμενος δὲ τὰ προειρημένα τοῦτον τὸν τρόπον, συνῆγε τοὺς ἱππεῖς ἐκ τῶν πόλεων εἰς ἕνα τόπον, καὶ διʼ αὑτοῦ τὰς κινήσεις ἐπετέλει καὶ τὸν ὅλον χειρισμὸν αὐτὸς ἐποιεῖτο τῆς ἐξοπλισίας,

[2] οὐ προηγούμενος πάντων, ὅπερ οἱ νῦν ποιοῦσιν ἡγεμόνες, ὑπολαμβάνοντες ἡγεμονικὴν εἶναι τὴν πρώτην χώραν.

[3] τί γὰρ ἀπειρότερον, ἅμα δʼ ἐπισφαλέστερον ἄρχοντος, ὃς ὁρᾶται μὲν ὑπὸ πάντων τῶν ὑποτεταγμένων, ὁρᾷ δʼ οὐδένα;

[4] οὐ γὰρ στρατιωτικῆς ἐξουσίας, ἀλλʼ ἡγεμονικῆς ἐμπειρίας, ἅμα δὲ καὶ δυνάμεως δεῖγμα δεῖ φέρειν τὸν ἱππάρχην ἐν ταῖς ἐξοπλισίαις, ποτὲ μὲν ἐν πρώτοις, ποτὲ δʼ ἐν ἐσχάτοις, ποτὲ δὲ κατὰ μέσους γινόμενον.

[5] ὅπερ ὁ προειρημένος ἀνὴρ ἐποίει, παριππεύων καὶ πάντας ἐφορῶν αὐτός, καὶ προσδιασαφῶν αὐτοῖς ἀποροῦσι καὶ διορθῶν ἐν ἀρχαῖς πᾶν τὸ διαμαρτανόμενον.

[6] ἦν δὲ τὰ τοιαῦτα τελέως βραχέα καὶ σπάνια διὰ τὴν προγεγενημένην ἐν τοῖς κατὰ μέρος ἐπιμέλειαν.

[7] Δημήτριος ὁ Φαληρεὺς ἕως λόγου τὸ τοιοῦτον ὑπέδειξε, φήσας ὅτι καθάπερ ἐν οἰκοδομίαις, ἐὰν κατὰ μίαν πλίνθον θῇς καὶ καθʼ ἕνα δόμον ἐπιμελείας τύχῃ τὸ παρατεθέν, οὕτως ἐν στρατοπέδῳ τὸ κατʼ ἄνδρα καὶ κατὰ λόχον ἀκριβωθὲν ὅλην ποιεῖ τὴν δύναμιν ἰσχυράν. —

[1] εἶναι γὰρ τὸ νῦν γινόμενον ὁμοιότατον τῇ περὶ τὰς παρατάξεις οἰκονομίᾳ καὶ χειρισμῷ.

[2] καὶ γὰρ ἐπʼ ἐκείνων προκινδυνεύει μὲν ὡς ἐπίπαν καὶ προαπόλλυται τὰ κοῦφα καὶ τὰ πρακτικώτατα τῆς δυνάμεως, τὴν δʼ ἐπιγραφὴν τῶν ἐκβαινόντων ἡ φάλαγξ καὶ τὰ βαρέα λαμβάνει τῶν ὅπλων.

[3] νῦν δὲ παραπλησίως προκινδυνεύουσι μὲν Αἰτωλοὶ καὶ Πελοποννησίων οἱ τούτοις συμμαχοῦντες, ἐφεδρεύουσι δὲ Ῥωμαῖοι, φάλαγγος ἔχοντες διάθεσιν.

[4] κἂν μὲν οὗτοι πταίσαντες καταφθαρῶσιν, ἀναστρέψαντες ἐκ τῶν πραγμάτων ἀβλαβεῖς ἀπολυθήσονται Ῥωμαῖοι·

[5] νικησάντων δὲ τούτων, ὃ μὴ δόξειε τοῖς θεοῖς, ἅμα τούτοις καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους Ἕλληνας ὑφʼ αὑτοὺς ἐκεῖνοι ποιήσονται. —

[6] πᾶσαν γὰρ δημοκρατικὴν συμμαχίαν καὶ φιλίας πολλῆς δεῖσθαι διὰ τὰς ἐν τοῖς πλήθεσι γινομένας ἀλογίας. —

[1] ὅτι Φίλιππος ὁ βασιλεὺς Μακεδόνων μετὰ τὸ ἐκτελέσαι τὸν τῶν Νεμέων ἀγῶνα αὖθις εἰς Ἄργος ἐπανῆλθε καὶ τὸ μὲν διάδημα καὶ τὴν πορφύραν ἀπέθετο, βουλόμενος αὑτὸν ἴσον τοῖς πολλοῖς καὶ πρᾷόν τινα καὶ δημοτικὸν ὑπογράφειν.

[2] ὅσῳ δὲ τὴν ἐσθῆτα δημοτικωτέραν περιετίθετο, τοσούτῳ τὴν ἐξουσίαν ἐλάμβανε μείζω καὶ μοναρχικωτέραν.

[3] οὐ γὰρ ἔτι τὰς χήρας ἐπείρα γυναῖκας οὐδὲ τὰς ὑπάνδρους ἠρκεῖτο μοιχεύων, ἀλλʼ ἐκ προστάγματος ἣν αὐτῷ φανείη, προσπέμψας ἐκάλει, ταῖς δὲ μὴ προχείρως συνυπακουούσαις ἐνύβριζε, κώμους ποιούμενος ἐπὶ τὰς οἰκίας.

[4] καὶ τῶν μὲν τοὺς υἱεῖς, τῶν δὲ τοὺς ἄνδρας ἀνακαλούμενος ἐπὶ προφάσεσιν ἀλόγοις διέσειε, καὶ πολλὴν ἀσέλγειαν ἐναπεδείκνυτο καὶ παρανομίαν.

[5] διὸ καὶ χρώμενος τῇ κατὰ τὴν παρεπιδημίαν ἐξουσίᾳ ἀνέδην πολλοὺς ἐλύπει τῶν Ἀχαιῶν, καὶ μάλιστα τοὺς μετρίους ἄνδρας.

[6] πιεζόμενοι δὲ διὰ τὸ πανταχόθεν αὐτοῖς περιεστάναι τὸν πόλεμον ἠναγκάζοντο καρτερεῖν καὶ φέρειν τὰ παρὰ φύσιν.

[7] ὅτι [Φιλίππου] οὐκ ἂν ἀγαθὰ μείζω τις σχοίη πρὸς βασιλείαν οὐδεὶς τῶν πρότερον οὐδὲ κακὰ τούτου τοῦ βασιλέως.

[8] καί μοι δοκεῖ τὰ μὲν ἀγαθὰ φύσει περὶ αὐτὸν ὑπάρξαι, τὰ δὲ κακὰ προβαίνοντι κατὰ τὴν ἡλικίαν ἐπιγενέσθαι, καθάπερ ἐνίοις ἐπιγίνεται γηράσκουσι τῶν ἵππων.

[9] καίπερ ἡμεῖς οὐκ ἐν τοῖς προοιμίοις, ὥσπερ τῶν λοιπῶν συγγραφέων, προφερόμεθα τὰς τοιαύτας διαλήψεις, ἀλλʼ ἐπʼ αὐτῶν τῶν πραγμάτων ἀεὶ τὸν καθήκοντα λόγον ἁρμόζοντες ἀποφαινόμεθα περί τε τῶν βασιλέων καὶ τῶν ἐπιφανῶν ἀνδρῶν,

[10] νομίζοντες ταύτην οἰκειοτέραν εἶναι καὶ τοῖς γράφουσι καὶ τοῖς ἀναγινώσκουσι τὴν ἐπισημασίαν.

ιϝ. ρες ασιαε

[1] ἔστι τοίνυν ἡ Μηδία κατά τε τὸ μέγεθος τῆς χώρας ἀξιοχρεωτάτη τῶν κατὰ τὴν Ἀσίαν δυναστειῶν καὶ κατὰ τὸ πλῆθος καὶ κατὰ τὰς ἀρετὰς τῶν ἀνδρῶν, ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ τῶν ἵππων·

[2] τοῖς γὰρ ζῴοις τούτοις σχεδὸν ἅπασαν χορηγεῖ τὴν Ἀσίαν τῷ καὶ τὰ βασιλικὰ συστήματα τῶν ἱπποτροφιῶν Μήδοις ἐπιτετράφθαι διὰ τὴν τῶν τόπων εὐφυΐαν.

[3] περιοικεῖται δὲ πόλεσιν Ἑλληνίσι κατὰ τὴν ὑφήγησιν τὴν Ἀλεξάνδρου, φυλακῆς ἕνεκεν τῶν συγκυρούντων αὐτῇ βαρβάρων πλὴν Ἐκβατάνων.

[4] αὕτη δʼ ἔκτισται μὲν ἐν τοῖς πρὸς τὰς ἄρκτους μέρεσι τῆς Μηδίας, ἐπίκειται δὲ τοῖς περὶ τὴν Μαιῶτιν καὶ τὸν Εὔξεινον μέρεσι τῆς Ἀσίας,

[5] ἦν δὲ βασίλειον ἐξ ἀρχῆς Μήδων, πλούτῳ δὲ καὶ τῇ τῆς κατασκευῆς πολυτελείᾳ μέγα τι παρὰ τὰς ἄλλας δοκεῖ διενηνοχέναι πόλεις.

[6] κεῖται μὲν οὖν ὑπὸ τὴν παρώρειαν τὴν παρὰ τὸν Ὀρόντην, ἀτείχιστος οὖσα, ἄκραν δʼ ἐν αὑτῇ χειροποίητον ἔχει, θαυμασίως πρὸς ὀχυρότητα κατεσκευασμένην.

[7] ὑπὸ δὲ ταύτην ἐστὶ βασίλεια, περὶ ὧν καὶ τὸ λέγειν κατὰ μέρος καὶ τὸ παρασιωπᾶν ἔχει τινʼ ἀπορίαν·

[8] τοῖς μὲν γὰρ αἱρουμένοις τὰς ἐκπληκτικὰς τῶν διηγήσεων προφέρεσθαι καὶ μετʼ αὐξήσεως ἔνια καὶ διαθέσεως εἰθισμένοις ἐξαγγέλλειν καλλίστην ὑπόθεσιν ἡ προειρημένη πόλις ἔχει, τοῖς δʼ εὐλαβῶς προσπορευομένοις πρὸς πᾶν τὸ παρὰ τὴν κοινὴν ἔννοιαν λεγόμενον ἀπορίαν παρασκευάζει καὶ δυσχρηστίαν.

[9] πλὴν ἔστι γε τὰ βασίλεια τῷ μὲν μεγέθει σχεδὸν ἑπτὰ σταδίων ἔχοντα τὴν περιγραφήν, τῇ δὲ τῶν κατὰ μέρος κατασκευασμάτων πολυτελείᾳ μεγάλην ἐμφαίνοντα τὴν τῶν ἐξ ἀρχῆς καταβαλλομένων εὐκαιρίαν.

[10] οὔσης γὰρ τῆς ξυλείας ἁπάσης κεδρίνης καὶ κυπαριττίνης, οὐδεμίαν αὐτῶν γεγυμνῶσθαι συνέβαινεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰς δοκοὺς καὶ τὰ φατνώματα καὶ τοὺς κίονας τοὺς ἐν ταῖς στοαῖς καὶ περιστύλοις, τοὺς μὲν ἀργυραῖς, τοὺς δὲ χρυσαῖς λεπίσι περιειλῆφθαι, τὰς δὲ κεραμίδας ἀργυρᾶς εἶναι πάσας.

[11] τούτων δὲ τὰ μὲν πλεῖστα συνέβη λεπισθῆναι κατὰ τὴν Ἀλεξάνδρου καὶ Μακεδόνων ἔφοδον, τὰ δὲ λοιπὰ κατὰ τὴν Ἀντιγόνου καὶ Σελεύκου τοῦ Νικάνορος δυναστείαν.

[12] ὅμως δὲ κατὰ τὴν Ἀντιόχου παρουσίαν ὅ τε ναὸς αὐτὸς ὁ τῆς Αἴνης προσαγορευόμενος ἔτι τοὺς κίονας εἶχε τοὺς πέριξ κεχρυσωμένους, καὶ κεραμίδες ἀργυραῖ καὶ πλείους ἐν αὐτῷ συνετέθειντο, πλίνθοι δὲ χρυσαῖ τινες ὀλίγαι μὲν ἦσαν, ἀργυραῖ δὲ καὶ πλείους ὑπέμενον.

[13] ἐκ δὲ πάντων τῶν προειρημένων τὸ χαραχθὲν εἰς τὸ βασιλικὸν ἡθροίσθη νόμισμα μικρῷ λεῖπον τετρακισχιλίων ταλάντων. —

[1] ἕως μὲν οὖν τούτων τῶν τόπων ἤλπισεν αὐτὸν ἥξειν Ἀρσάκης, τὴν δʼ ἔρημον τὴν τούτοις πρόσχωρον οὐ τολμήσειν ἔτι δυνάμει τηλικαύτῃ διεκβαλεῖν, καὶ μάλιστα διὰ τὴν ἀνυδρίαν.

[2] ἐπιπολῆς μὲν γὰρ οὐδέν ἐστι φαινόμενον ὕδωρ ἐν τοῖς προειρημένοις τόποις, ὑπόνομοι δὲ πλείους εἰσὶ καὶ διὰ τῆς ἐρήμου φρεατίας ἔχοντες ἀγνοουμένας τοῖς ἀπείροις.

[3] περὶ δὲ τούτων ἀληθὴς παραδίδοται λόγος διὰ τῶν ἐγχωρίων, ὅτι καθʼ οὓς χρόνους Πέρσαι τῆς Ἀσίας ἐπεκράτουν, ἔδωκαν τοῖς ἐπί τινας τόπους τῶν μὴ πρότερον ἀρδευομένων ἐπεισαγομένοις ὕδωρ πηγαῖον ἐπὶ πέντε γενεὰς καρπεῦσαι τὴν χώραν·

[4] ὅθεν ἔχοντος τοῦ Ταύρου πολλὰς καὶ μεγάλας ὑδάτων ἀπορρύσεις, πᾶσαν ἐπεδέχοντο δαπάνην καὶ κακοπάθειαν, ἐκ μακροῦ κατασκευάζοντες τοὺς ὑπονόμους, ὥστε κατὰ τοὺς νῦν καιροὺς μηδὲ τοὺς χρωμένους τοῖς ὕδασι γινώσκειν τὰς ἀρχὰς τῶν ὑπονόμων πόθεν ἔχουσι τὰς ἐπιρρύσεις.

[5] πλὴν ὁρῶν Ἀρσάκης ἐπιβαλόμενον αὐτὸν τῇ διὰ τῆς ἐρήμου πορείᾳ, τὸ τηνικάδε χωννύειν καὶ φθείρειν ἐνεχείρησε τὰς φρεατίας.

[6] ὁ δὲ βασιλεύς, ἐξαγγελθέντος αὐτῷ, πάλιν ἐξαπέστειλε τοὺς περὶ Νικομήδην μετὰ χιλίων ἱππέων, οἳ καὶ καταλαβόντες τὸν Ἀρσάκην μετὰ τῆς δυνάμεως ὑποκεχωρηκότα, τινὰς δὲ τῶν ἱππέων φθείροντας τὰ στόματα τῶν ὑπονόμων, τούτους μὲν ἐξ ἐφόδου τρεψάμενοι φυγεῖν ἠνάγκασαν, αὐτοὶ δὲ πάλιν ἀνεχώρησαν ὡς τὸν Ἀντίοχον.

[7] ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς διανύσας τὴν ἔρημον ἧκε πρὸς τὴν Ἑκατόμπυλον προσαγορευομένην, ἣ κεῖται μὲν ἐν μέσῃ τῇ Παρθυηνῇ, τῶν δὲ διόδων τῶν φερουσῶν ἐπὶ πάντας τοὺς πέριξ τόπους ἐνταῦθα συμπιπτουσῶν ἀπὸ τοῦ συμβαίνοντος ὁ τόπος εἴληφε τὴν προσηγορίαν.

[1] πλὴν αὐτοῦ διαναπαύσας τὴν δύναμιν, καὶ συλλογισάμενος ὡς εἰ μὲν οἷός τʼ ἦν Ἀρσάκης διὰ μάχης κρίνεσθαι πρὸς σφᾶς, οὔτʼ ἂν ἐξεχώρει λιπὼν τὴν αὑτοῦ χώραν οὔτʼ ἂν ἐπιτηδειοτέρους τόπους ἐζήτει πρὸς ἀγῶνα ταῖς σφετέραις δυνάμεσι τῶν περὶ τὴν Ἑκατόμπυλον·

[2] ἐπειδὴ δʼ ἐκχωρεῖ, δῆλός ἐστι τοῖς ὀρθῶς σκοπουμένοις ἐπʼ ἄλλης ὢν γνώμης· διόπερ ἔκρινε προάγειν εἰς τὴν Ὑρκανίαν.

[3] παραγενόμενος δʼ ἐπὶ Ταγάς, καὶ πυνθανόμενος τῶν ἐγχωρίων τήν τε δυσχέρειαν τῶν τόπων, οὓς ἔδει διεκβάλλειν αὐτόν, ἕως εἰς τὰς ὑπερβολὰς διεξίκοιτο τοῦ Λάβου τὰς νευούσας ἐπὶ τὴν Ὑρκανίαν, καὶ τὸ πλῆθος τῶν βαρβάρων τῶν κατὰ τόπους ἐφεστώτων ταῖς δυσχωρίαις αὐτοῦ,

[4] προέθετο διατάττειν τὸ τῶν εὐζώνων πλῆθος καὶ τοὺς τούτων ἡγεμόνας μερίζειν, ὡς ἑκάστους δεήσει πορεύεσθαι, ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ τοὺς λειτουργούς, οὓς ἔδει παραπορευομένους τὸν καταλαμβανόμενον ὑπὸ τῶν εὐζώνων τόπον εὔβατον παρασκευάζειν τῇ τῶν φαλαγγιτῶν καὶ τῇ τῶν ὑποζυγίων πορείᾳ.

[5] ταῦτα δὲ διανοηθεὶς τὴν μὲν πρώτην ἔδωκε τάξιν Διογένει, συστήσας αὐτῷ τοξότας καὶ σφενδονήτας καὶ τῶν ὀρείων τοὺς ἀκοντίζειν καὶ λιθάζειν δυναμένους, οἵτινες τάξιν μὲν οὐκ ἔνεμον, αἰεὶ δὲ πρὸς τὸν παρόντα καιρὸν καὶ τόπον κατʼ ἄνδρα ποιούμενοι τὸν κίνδυνον πραγματικωτάτην παρείχοντο χρείαν ἐν ταῖς δυσχωρίαις.

[6] τούτοις δὲ συνεχεῖς Κρῆτας ἀσπιδιώτας ἐπέταξε περὶ δισχιλίους, ὧν ἡγεῖτο Πολυξενίδας Ῥόδιος, τελευταίους δὲ θωρακίτας καὶ θυρεοφόρους, ὧν εἶχον τὴν ἡγεμονίαν Νικομήδης Κῷος καὶ Νικόλαος Αἰτωλός.

[1] προαγόντων δὲ τούτων εἰς τὸ πρόσθεν, πολλῷ δυσχερεστέρας συνέβαινε φαίνεσθαι τὰς τῶν τόπων τραχύτητας καὶ στενότητας τῆς τοῦ βασιλέως προσδοκίας.

[2] ἦν γὰρ τὸ μὲν ὅλον μῆκος τῆς ἀναβάσεως περὶ τριακοσίους σταδίους· ταύτης δὲ τὸ πλεῖστον μέρος ἔδει ποιεῖσθαι τῆς πορείας διὰ χαράδρας χειμάρρου καὶ βαθείας, εἰς ἣν πολλαὶ μὲν αὐτομάτως ἐκ τῶν ὑπερκειμένων κρημνῶν πέτραι κατενηνεγμέναι καὶ δένδρα δύσβατον ἐποίουν τὴν διʼ αὐτῆς πορείαν, πολλὰ δʼ ὑπὸ τῶν βαρβάρων εἰς τοῦτο τὸ μέρος συνηργεῖτο.

[3] καὶ γὰρ ἐκκοπὰς δένδρων ἐπεποίηντο συνεχεῖς καὶ λίθων πλήθη μεγέθει διαφερόντων συνηθροίκεισαν· αὐτοί τε παρʼ ὅλην τὴν φάραγγα τὰς εὐκαίρους ὑπεροχὰς καὶ δυναμένας σφίσιν ἀσφάλειαν παρέχεσθαι κατειληφότες ἐτήρουν, ὥστʼ, εἰ μὴ διήμαρτον, ἐντελῶς ἂν ἐξαδυνατήσαντα τὸν Ἀντίοχον ἀποστῆναι τῆς ἐπιβολῆς.

[4] ὡς γὰρ δέον τοὺς πολεμίους πάντας κατʼ ἀνάγκην ποιεῖσθαι διʼ αὐτῆς τῆς φάραγγος τὴν ἀνάβασιν, οὕτως παρεσκευάσαντο καὶ πρὸς τοῦτο κατελάβοντο τοὺς τόπους.

[5] ἐκεῖνο δʼ οὐκ ἔβλεψαν ὅτι τὴν μὲν φάλαγγα καὶ τὴν ἀποσκευὴν οὐκ ἄλλως δυνατὸν ἦν, ἀλλʼ ὡς ἐκεῖνοι διέλαβον, ποιεῖσθαι τὴν πορείαν· πρὸς γὰρ τὰ παρακείμενα τῶν ὀρῶν οὐχ οἷόν τʼ ἦν τούτοις προσβαλεῖν, ἀλλὰ τοῖς ψιλοῖς καὶ τοῖς εὐζώνοις οὐκ ἀδύνατος ἦν ἡ διʼ αὐτῶν τῶν λευκοπέτρων ἀναβολή.

[6] ὅθεν ἅμα τῷ πρὸς τὸ πρῶτον φυλακεῖον προσμῖξαι τοὺς περὶ τὸν Διογένην, ἔξωθεν τῆς χαράδρας ποιουμένους τὴν ἀνάβασιν, ἀλλοιοτέραν ἐλάμβανε διάθεσιν.

[7] εὐθέως γὰρ κατὰ τὴν συμπλοκὴν αὐτοῦ τοῦ πράγματος διδάσκοντος, ὑπερτιθέμενοι καὶ προσβαίνοντες πρὸς τὰ πλάγια τῶν χωρίων οἱ περὶ τὸν Διογένην, ὑπερδέξιοι τῶν πολεμίων ἐγίνοντο, καὶ χρώμενοι πυκνοῖς τοῖς ἀκοντίσμασι καὶ τοῖς ἐκ χειρὸς λίθοις κακῶς διετίθεσαν τοὺς βαρβάρους, καὶ μάλιστα ταῖς σφενδόναις ἐκακοποίουν ἐξ ἀποστήματος βάλλοντες.

[8] ὅτε δὲ τοὺς πρώτους ἐκβιασάμενοι κατάσχοιεν τὸν τούτων τόπον, ἐδίδοτο τοῖς λειτουργοῖς καιρὸς εἰς τὸ πᾶν τὸ πρὸ ποδῶν ἀνακαθαίρειν καὶ λεαίνειν μετʼ ἀσφαλείας. ἐγίνετο δὲ τοῦτο ταχέως διὰ τὴν πολυχειρίαν.

[9] οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ τούτῳ τῷ τρόπῳ τῶν μὲν σφενδονητῶν καὶ τοξοτῶν ἔτι δʼ ἀκοντιστῶν κατὰ τοὺς ὑπερδεξίους τόπους πορευομένων σποράδην, ποτὲ δὲ συναθροιζομένων καὶ καταλαμβανομένων τοὺς εὐκαίρους τόπους, τῶν δʼ ἀσπιδιωτῶν ἐφεδρευόντων, καὶ παρʼ αὐτὴν τὴν χαράδραν παραπορευομένων ἐν τάξει καὶ βάδην, οὐκ ἔμενον οἱ βάρβαροι, πάντες δὲ λιπόντες τοὺς τόπους ἡθροίσθησαν ἐπὶ τὴν ὑπερβολήν.

[1] οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Ἀντίοχον ἀσφαλῶς διέβησαν τὰς δυσχωρίας τῷ προειρημένῳ τρόπῳ, βραδέως δὲ καὶ δυσχερῶς· μόλις γὰρ ὀγδοαῖοι πρὸς τὰς κατὰ τὸν Λάβον ὑπεροχὰς ἀφίκοντο.

[2] τῶν δὲ βαρβάρων συνηθροισμένων ἐκεῖ, καὶ πεπεισμένων κωλύειν τῆς ὑπερβολῆς τοὺς πολεμίους, ἀγὼν συνέστη νεανικός. ἐξεώσθησαν δʼ οἱ βάρβαροι διὰ τοιαύτας αἰτίας.

[3] συστραφέντες γὰρ ἐμάχοντο πρὸς τοὺς φαλαγγίτας κατὰ πρόσωπον ἐκθύμως· τῆς δὲ νυκτὸς ἔτι τῶν εὐζώνων ἐκπεριελθόντων ἐκ πολλοῦ, καὶ καταλαβομένων τοὺς ὑπερδεξίους καὶ κατὰ νώτου τόπους, ἅμα τῷ συνιδεῖν οἱ βάρβαροι τὸ γεγονὸς εὐθέως πτοηθέντες ὥρμησαν πρὸς φυγήν.

[4] ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς τὴν μὲν ἐπὶ πλεῖον ὁρμὴν τῶν διωκόντων παρακατέσχε μετὰ πολλῆς σπουδῆς, ἀνακαλεσάμενος ταῖς σάλπιγξι, διὰ τὸ βούλεσθαι καταβαίνειν ἅθρους καὶ συντεταγμένους εἰς τὴν Ὑρκανίαν.

[5] συστησάμενος δὲ τὴν πορείαν ὡς ἐβούλετο καὶ παραγενόμενος ἐπὶ Τάμβρακα, πόλιν ἀτείχιστον, ἔχουσαν δὲ βασίλεια καὶ μέγεθος, αὐτοῦ κατεσκήνωσε.

[6] τῶν δὲ πλείστων πεποιημένων τὴν ἀποχώρησιν ἔκ τε τῆς μάχης καὶ τῆς περικειμένης χώρας εἰς τὴν προσαγορευομένην Σίρυγκα πόλιν — συνέβαινε κεῖσθαι ʼκείνην οὐ μακρὰν τῆς Τάμβρακος, εἶναι δὲ τῆς Ὑρκανίας ὡς ἂν εἰ βασίλειον διά τε τὴν ὀχυρότητα καὶ τὴν ἄλλην εὐκαιρίαν —

[7] ἔκρινε ταύτην ἐξελεῖν μετὰ βίας. ἀναλαβὼν οὖν τὴν δύναμιν προῆγε, καὶ περιστρατοπεδεύσας ἤρχετο τῆς πολιορκίας.

[8] ἦν δὲ τὸ πλεῖστον μέρος τῆς ἐπιβολῆς ἐν ταῖς χωστρίσι χελώναις. τάφροι γὰρ ἦσαν τριτταί, πλάτος μὲν οὐκ ἔλαττον ἔχουσαι τριάκοντα πηχῶν, βάθος δὲ πεντεκαίδεκα· ἐπὶ δὲ τοῖς χείλεσιν ἑκάστης ἐπέκειτο χαρακώματα διπλᾶ καὶ τελευταῖον προτείχισμα δυνατόν.

[9] συμπλοκαὶ μὲν οὖν ἐγίνοντο συνεχεῖς ἐπὶ τῶν ἔργων, ἐν αἷς οὐκ ἤνυον ἑκάτεροι φέροντες τοὺς νεκροὺς καὶ τοὺς τραυματίας διὰ τὸ μὴ μόνον ὑπὲρ γῆς, ἀλλὰ καὶ κατὰ γῆς διὰ τῶν ὀρυγμάτων ἐκ χειρὸς γίνεσθαι τοὺς κινδύνους.

[10] οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ τῷ πλήθει καὶ τῇ τοῦ βασιλέως ἐνεργείᾳ ταχέως συνέβη καὶ τὰς τάφρους χωσθῆναι καὶ τὸ τεῖχος πεσεῖν διὰ τῶν ὀρυγμάτων.

[11] οὗ συμβάντος διατραπέντες οἱ βάρβαροι τοῖς ὅλοις, καὶ τοὺς μὲν Ἕλληνας κατασφάξαντες τοὺς ἐν τῇ πόλει, τὰ δʼ ἐπιφανέστατα τῶν σκευῶν διαρπάσαντες, νυκτὸς ἀπεχώρησαν.

[12] ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς συνθεασάμενος Ὑπερβάσαν ἀπέστειλε μετὰ τῶν μισθοφόρων· οὗ συμμίξαντος οἱ βάρβαροι ῥίψαντες τὰς ἀποσκευὰς αὖθις εἰς τὴν πόλιν ἔφυγον.

[13] τῶν δὲ πελταστῶν ἐνεργῶς βιαζομένων διὰ τοῦ πτώματος, ἀπελπίσαντες σφᾶς αὐτοὺς παρέδοσαν.

Ἀχριανή, πόλις Ὑρκανίας.

[14] Πολύβιος δεκάτῳ.

Καλλιόπη, πόλις Παρθυαίων.

[15] Πολύβιος δεκάτῳ.

ϝ. ρες ιταλιαε

[1] βουλόμενοι δʼ οἱ ὕπατοι κατοπτεῦσαι σαφῶς τὰ πρὸς τὴν τῶν ὑπεναντίων στρατοπεδείαν κεκλιμένα μέρη τοῦ λόφου, τοῖς μὲν ἐν τῷ χάρακι μένειν κατὰ χώραν ἐπήγγειλαν,

[2] αὐτοὶ δὲ τῶν ἱππέων ἀναλαβόντες ἴλας δύο καὶ γροσφομάχους μετὰ τῶν ῥαβδοφόρων εἰς τριάκοντα προῆγον, κατασκεψόμενοι τοὺς τόπους.

[3] τῶν δὲ Νομάδων εἰθισμένοι τινὲς τοῖς ἀκροβολιζομένοις καὶ καθόλου προπορευομένοις ἐκ τοῦ τῶν ὑπεναντίων χάρακος ἐνέδρας ποιεῖν, ὑπεστάλκεισαν κατά τινα συντυχίαν ὑπὸ τὸν λόφον.

[4] οἷς τοῦ σκοποῦ σημήναντος ὅτι παραγίνονταί τινες κατʼ ἄκρον τὸν βουνὸν ὑπερδέξιοι ʼκείνων, ἐξαναστάντες καὶ παρὰ πλάγια ποιησάμενοι τὴν πορείαν ἀποτέμνονται τοὺς στρατηγοὺς καὶ διακλείουσιν ἀπὸ τῆς ἰδίας παρεμβολῆς.

[5] καὶ τὸν μὲν Κλαύδιον εὐθέως ἐν τῇ πρώτῃ συμπλοκῇ καί τινας ἑτέρους ἅμα τούτῳ κατέβαλον, τοὺς δὲ λοιποὺς κατατραυματίσαντες διὰ τῶν κρημνῶν ἠνάγκασαν ἄλλον ἄλλῃ φεύγειν.

[6] οἱ δʼ ἐν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ θεωροῦντες τὸ γινόμενον οὐδαμῶς ἠδυνήθησαν ἐπικουρῆσαι τοῖς κινδυνεύουσιν· ἔτι γὰρ ἀναβοώντων καὶ πρὸς τὸ συμβαῖνον ἐκπεπληγμένων, καὶ τῶν μὲν χαλινούντων τοὺς ἵππους, τῶν δὲ καθοπλιζομένων, πέρας εἶχε τὸ πρᾶγμα. καὶ τὸν υἱὸν τοῦ Κλαυδίου τραυματίαν, μόλις καὶ παραδόξως τὸν κίνδυνον διαπεφευγότα

[7] Μάρκος μὲν οὖν ἀκακώτερον ἢ στρατηγικώτερον αὑτῷ χρησάμενος τοῖς δεδηλωμένοις περιέπεσε συμπτώμασιν·

[8] ἐγὼ δὲ παρʼ ὅλην τὴν πραγματείαν πολλάκις ἀναγκάζομαι περὶ τῶν τοιούτων ὑπομιμνήσκειν τοὺς ἐντυγχάνοντας, θεωρῶν, εἰ καὶ περί τι τῶν τῆς στρατηγίας μερῶν ἄλλο, καὶ περὶ τοῦτο διαμαρτάνοντας τοὺς ἡγεμόνας, καίτοι προδήλου τῆς ἀγνοίας ὑπαρχούσης.

[9] τί γὰρ ὄφελος ἡγεμόνος ἢ στρατηγοῦ μὴ διειληφότος διότι τῶν κατὰ μέρος κινδύνων, οἷς μὴ συμπάσχει τὰ ὅλα, πλεῖστον ἀπέχειν δεῖ τὸν ἡγούμενον;

[10] τί δʼ ἀγνοοῦντος ὅτι, κἄν ποτʼ ἀναγκάζωσιν οἱ καιροὶ πράττειν τι τῶν κατὰ μέρος, πολλοὺς δεῖ πρότερον ἀποθανεῖν τῶν συνόντων πρὶν ἢ τὸ δεινὸν ἐγγίσαι τοῖς προεστῶσι τῶν ὅλων;

[11] δεῖ γὰρ ἐν Καρὶ τὴν πεῖραν, ὡς ἡ παροιμία φησίν, οὐκ ἐν τῷ στρατηγῷ γίνεσθαι.

[12] τὸ μὲν γὰρ λέγειν ὡς "3οὐκ ἂν ᾠόμην"3 "3τίς γὰρ ἂν ἤλπισε τοῦτο γενέσθαι"3; μέγιστον εἶναί μοι δοκεῖ σημεῖον ἀπειρίας στρατηγικῆς καὶ βραδυτῆτος.

[1] διὸ καὶ τὸν Ἀννίβαν κατὰ πολλοὺς τρόπους ἀγαθὸν ἡγεμόνα κρίνων,

[2] κατὰ τοῦτο μάλιστά τις ἂν ἐπισημήναιτο, διότι πολλοὺς μὲν χρόνους ἐν τῇ πολεμίᾳ διατρίψας, πολλοῖς δὲ καιροῖς καὶ ποικίλοις χρησάμενος, ἔσφηλε μὲν τοὺς ὑπεναντίους πολλάκις ἐν ταῖς κατὰ μέρος χρείαις διὰ τὴν ἰδίαν ἀγχίνοιαν, ἐσφάλη δʼ οὐδέποτε τοσούτους καὶ τηλικούτους ἀγῶνας χειρίσας·

[3] τοιαύτην ἐποιεῖτο τὴν πρόνοιαν, ὡς ἔοικε, περὶ τῆς ἀσφαλείας αὑτοῦ. καὶ μάλʼ εἰκότως· ἀκεραίου μὲν γὰρ καὶ σῳζομένου τοῦ προεστῶτος,

[4] κἄν ποτε πέσῃ τὰ ὅλα, πολλὰς ἀφορμὰς ἡ τύχη δίδωσι πρὸς τὸ πάλιν ἀνακτήσασθαι τὰς ἐκ τῶν περιπετειῶν ἐλαττώσεις·

[5] πταίσαντος δέ, καθάπερ ἐν νηὶ τοῦ κυβερνήτου, κἂν [τὸ νικᾶν] ἡ τύχη τοῖς πολλοῖς παραδιδῷ κρατεῖν τῶν ἐχθρῶν, οὐδὲν ὄφελος γίνεται διὰ τὸ πάσας ἐξηρτῆσθαι τὰς ἐλπίδας ἑκάστοις ἐκ τῶν ἡγουμένων.

[6] ταῦτα μὲν οὖν εἰρήσθω μοι πρὸς τοὺς ἢ διὰ κενοδοξίαν ἢ μειρακιώδει παραστάσει περιπίπτοντας τοῖς τοιούτοις ἀλογήμασιν ἢ διʼ ἀπειρίαν ἢ διὰ καταφρόνησιν·

[7] ἓν γὰρ ἀεί τι τῶν προειρημένων αἴτιον γίνεται τῶν τοιούτων περιπετειῶν. —

οἱ δὲ καταρράκτας,

[8] οὓς εἶχον ὀλίγον ἐξωτέρω διὰ μηχανημάτων ἀνημμένους, αἰφνίδιον καθῆκαν καὶ ἐπεβάλοντο, καὶ τούτους κατασχόντες πρὸ τοῦ τείχους ἀνεσκολόπισαν.

ϝι. ρες ηισπανιαε

[1] κατὰ δὲ τὴν Ἰβηρίαν Πόπλιος ὁ τῶν Ῥωμαίων στρατηγός, ποιούμενος τὴν παραχειμασίαν ἐν Ταρράκωνι, καθάπερ ἐν τοῖς πρὸ τούτων δεδηλώκαμεν, πρῶτον μὲν τοὺς Ἴβηρας εἰς τὴν αὑτῶν φιλίαν καὶ πίστιν ἐνεδήσατο διὰ τῆς τῶν ὁμήρων ἑκάστοις ἀποδόσεως,

[2] λαβὼν συναγωνιστὴν ἐκ ταὐτομάτου πρὸς τοῦτο τὸ μέρος Ἐδεκῶνα τὸν Ἐδετανῶν δυνάστην, ὃς ἅμα τῷ προσπεσεῖν τὴν Καρχηδόνος ἅλωσιν καὶ γενέσθαι κύριον τῆς γυναικὸς αὐτοῦ καὶ τῶν υἱῶν τὸν Πόπλιον, εὐθέως συλλογισάμενος τὴν ἐσομένην τῶν Ἰβήρων μεταβολὴν ἀρχηγὸς ἐβουλήθη γενέσθαι τῆς αὐτῆς ὁρμῆς,

[3] μάλιστα πεπεισμένος οὕτως τὴν γυναῖκα καὶ τὰ τέκνα κομιεῖσθαι καὶ δόξειν οὐ κατʼ ἀνάγκην, ἀλλὰ κατὰ πρόθεσιν αἱρεῖσθαι τὰ Ῥωμαίων· ἃ καὶ συνέβη γενέσθαι.

[4] τῶν γὰρ δυνάμεων ἄρτι διαφειμένων εἰς τὴν παραχειμασίαν παρῆν εἰς τὴν Ταρράκωνα μετὰ τῶν οἰκείων καὶ φίλων.

[5] ἐλθὼν δʼ εἰς λόγους τῷ Ποπλίῳ ταύτην ἔφη τοῖς θεοῖς μεγίστην χάριν ἔχειν, ὅτι πρῶτος τῶν κατὰ τὴν χώραν δυναστῶν ἥκει πρὸς αὐτόν.

[6] τοὺς μὲν γὰρ ἄλλους ἀκμὴν διαπέμπεσθαι καὶ βλέπειν πρὸς Καρχηδονίους, τὰς δὲ χεῖρας ἐκτείνειν Ῥωμαίοις· αὐτὸς δὲ παραγεγονέναι διδοὺς οὐ μόνον αὑτόν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοὺς φίλους καὶ συγγενεῖς εἰς τὴν Ῥωμαίων πίστιν. διόπερ ἂν νομισθῇ παρʼ αὐτῷ φίλος καὶ σύμμαχος,

[7] μεγάλην μὲν αὐτῷ πρὸς τὸ παρὸν ἔφη, μεγάλην δʼ εἰς τὸ μέλλον παρέξεσθαι χρείαν.

[8] παραυτίκα μὲν γὰρ θεασαμένους τοὺς Ἴβηρας πρός τε τὴν φιλίαν αὑτὸν προσδεδεγμένον καὶ τετευχότα τῶν ἀξιουμένων πάντας ἐπὶ τὸ παραπλήσιον ἥξειν, σπουδάζοντας κομίσασθαι τοὺς ἀναγκαίους καὶ τυχεῖν τῆς Ῥωμαίων συμμαχίας·

[9] εἰς δὲ τὸν μετὰ ταῦτα χρόνον προκαταληφθέντας τῇ τοιαύτῃ τιμῇ καὶ φιλανθρωπίᾳ συναγωνιστὰς ἀπροφασίστους ὑπάρξειν αὐτῷ πρὸς τὰ κατάλοιπα τῶν ἔργων.

[10] διόπερ ἠξίου τὴν γυναῖκα καὶ τὰ τέκνα κομίσασθαι, καὶ κριθεὶς φίλος ἐπανελθεῖν εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν, ἵνα λαβὼν ἀφορμὴν εὔλογον ἐναποδείξηται τὴν αὑτοῦ καὶ τῶν φίλων εὔνοιαν κατὰ δύναμιν εἴς τε τὸν Πόπλιον αὐτὸν καὶ τὰ Ῥωμαίων πράγματα.

[11] Ἐδεκὼν μὲν οὖν τοιαῦτα

[1] διαλεχθεὶς ἐπέσχεν· ὁ δὲ Πόπλιος, καὶ πάλαι πρὸς τοῦτο τὸ μέρος ἕτοιμος ὢν καὶ συλλελογισμένος παραπλήσια τοῖς ὑπὸ τοῦ Ἐδεκῶνος εἰρημένοις, τὴν γυναῖκα καὶ τὰ τέκνα παρέδωκεν αὐτῷ καὶ τὴν φιλίαν συνέθετο.

[2] πρὸς δὲ τούτοις παρὰ τὴν συνουσίαν ποικίλως ψυχαγωγήσας τὸν Ἴβηρα καὶ πᾶσι τοῖς αὐτοῦ μεγάλας εἰς τὸ μέλλον ἐλπίδας ὑπογράψας, οὕτως εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν ἐξαπέστειλε.

[3] τούτου τοῦ πράγματος ταχέως περιβοήτου γενομένου πάντας συνέβη τοὺς ἐντὸς Ἴβηρος ποταμοῦ κατοικοῦντας οἷον ἀπὸ μιᾶς ὁρμῆς ἑλέσθαι τὰ Ῥωμαίων, ὅσοι μὴ πρότερον αὐτῶν ὑπῆρχον φίλοι.

[4] ταῦτα μὲν οὖν καλῶς κατὰ νοῦν ἐχώρει τῷ Ποπλίῳ·

[5] μετὰ δὲ τὸν τούτων χωρισμὸν τὰς μὲν ναυτικὰς δυνάμεις διέλυσε, θεωρῶν οὐδὲν ἀντίπαλον ὑπάρχον κατὰ θάλατταν, ἐκ δὲ τῶν ναυτῶν ἐκλέξας τοὺς ἐπιτηδείους ἐπὶ τὰς σημαίας ἐμέρισε. καὶ συνηύξησε τοιούτῳ τρόπῳ τὰς πεζικὰς δυνάμεις.

Ἀνδοβάλης δὲ καὶ Μανδόνιος,

[6] μέγιστοι μὲν ὄντες δυνάσται τότε τῶν κατʼ Ἰβηρίαν, ἀληθινώτατοι δὲ Καρχηδονίων φίλοι δοξαζόμενοι, πάλαι μὲν ὑπούλως διέκειντο καὶ καιρὸν ἐπετήρουν, ἐξ ὅτου προσποιηθέντες οἱ περὶ τὸν Ἀσδρούβαν ἀπιστεῖν αὐτοῖς ᾔτησαν χρημάτων τε πλῆθος καὶ τὰς γυναῖκας καὶ τὰς θυγατέρας εἰς ὁμηρείαν, καθάπερ ἐν τοῖς πρὸ τούτων ἐδηλώσαμεν·

[7] τότε δὲ νομίσαντες ἔχειν εὐφυῆ καιρόν, ἀναλαβόντες τὰς ἑαυτῶν δυνάμεις ἐκ τῆς Καρχηδονίων παρεμβολῆς νυκτὸς ἀπεχώρησαν εἴς τινας ἐρυμνοὺς τόπους καὶ δυναμένους αὐτοῖς τὴν ἀσφάλειαν παρασκευάζειν.

[8] οὗ γενομένου καὶ τῶν ἄλλων Ἰβήρων συνέβη τοὺς πλείστους ἀπολιπεῖν Ἀσδρούβαν, πάλαι μὲν βαρυνομένους ὑπὸ τῆς τῶν Καρχηδονίων ἀγερωχίας, τότε δὲ πρῶτον καιρὸν λαβόντας εἰς τὸ φανερὰν ποιῆσαι τὴν αὑτῶν προαίρεσιν.

[1] ὃ δὴ καὶ περὶ πολλοὺς ἤδη γέγονε. μεγάλου γὰρ ὄντος, ὡς πλεονάκις ἡμῖν εἴρηται, τοῦ κατορθοῦν ἐν πράγμασι καὶ περιγίνεσθαι τῶν ἐχθρῶν ἐν ταῖς ἐπιβολαῖς, πολλῷ μείζονος ἐμπειρίας προσδεῖται καὶ φυλακῆς τὸ καλῶς χρήσασθαι τοῖς κατορθώμασι·

[2] διὸ καὶ πολλαπλασίους ἂν εὕροι τις τοὺς ἐπὶ προτερημάτων γεγονότας τῶν καλῶς τοῖς προτερήμασι κεχρημένων. ὃ καὶ τότε περὶ τοὺς Καρχηδονίους συνέβη γενέσθαι.

[3] μετὰ γὰρ τὸ νικῆσαι μὲν τὰς Ῥωμαίων δυνάμεις, ἀποκτεῖναι δὲ τοὺς στρατηγοὺς ἀμφοτέρους, Πόπλιον καὶ Γνάϊον, ὑπολαβόντες ἀδήριτον αὐτοῖς ὑπάρχειν τὴν Ἰβηρίαν, ὑπερηφάνως ἐχρῶντο τοῖς κατὰ τὴν χώραν.

[4] τοιγαροῦν ἀντὶ συμμάχων καὶ φίλων πολεμίους ἔσχον τοὺς ὑποταττομένους.

[5] καὶ τοῦτʼ εἰκότως ἔπαθον· ἄλλως μὲν γὰρ ἐπειδήπερ ὑπέλαβον δεῖν κτᾶσθαι τὰς ἀρχάς, ἄλλως δὲ τηρεῖν, οὐκ ἔμαθον διότι κάλλιστα φυλάττουσι τὰς ὑπεροχὰς οἱ κάλλιστα διαμείναντες ἐπὶ τῶν αὐτῶν προαιρέσεων, αἷς ἐξ ἀρχῆς κατεκτήσαντο τὰς δυναστείας,

[6] καίτοι γε προφανοῦς ὄντος καὶ ἐπὶ πολλῶν ἤδη τεθεωρημένου διότι κτῶνται μὲν ἄνθρωποι τὰς εὐκαιρίας εὖ ποιοῦντες καὶ προτεινόμενοι τὴν ἀγαθὴν ἐλπίδα τοῖς πέλας,

[7] ἐπειδὰν δὲ τῶν ἐπιθυμουμένων τυχόντες κακῶς ποιῶσι καὶ δεσποτικῶς ἄρχωσι τῶν ὑποτεταγμένων, εἰκότως ἅμα ταῖς τῶν προεστώτων μεταβολαῖς συμμεταπίπτουσι καὶ τῶν ὑποταττομένων αἱ προαιρέσεις. ὃ καὶ τότε συνέβη τοῖς Καρχηδονίοις.

[1] Ἀσδρούβας μὲν οὖν ἐν τοιαύταις περιστάσεσι πολλὰς καὶ ποικίλας ἐποιεῖτο περὶ τῶν ἐπιφερομένων πραγμάτων ἐννοίας.

[2] ἐλύπει μὲν γὰρ αὐτὸν ἡ περὶ τὸν Ἀνδοβάλην ἀπόστασις, ἐλύπει δὲ καὶ τὰ κατὰ τὴν ἀντιπαραγωγὴν καὶ τὴν ἀλλοτριότητα τὴν ὑπάρχουσαν αὐτῷ πρὸς τοὺς ἄλλους στρατηγούς· ἠγωνία δὲ καὶ τὴν Ποπλίου παρουσίαν.

[3] καὶ τὸ λοιπὸν ἤδη προσδοκῶν αὐτὸν ἥξειν μετὰ τῶν δυνάμεων, θεωρῶν δʼ αὑτὸν μὲν ἐγκαταλειπόμενον ὑπὸ τῶν Ἰβήρων, τοῖς δὲ Ῥωμαίοις πάντας ὁμοθυμαδὸν προσχωροῦντας, ἐπί τινας λογισμοὺς κατήντησε τοιούτους.

[4] προέθετο γὰρ διότι δεῖ παρεσκευασμένον τὰ δυνατὰ συμβαλεῖν πρὸς μάχην τοῖς ὑπεναντίοις, κἂν μὲν ἡ τύχη δῷ τὸ νικᾶν, βουλεύσασθαι μετὰ ταῦτα περὶ τῶν ἑξῆς ἀσφαλῶς·

[5] ἂν δʼ ἀντιπίπτῃ τὰ κατὰ τὴν μάχην, ποιεῖσθαι τὴν ἀποχώρησιν μετὰ τῶν διασῳζομένων ἐξ αὐτῆς εἰς Γαλατίαν, κἀκεῖθεν παραλαβόντα τῶν βαρβάρων ὡς πλείστους βοηθεῖν εἰς τὴν Ἰταλίαν καὶ κοινωνεῖν Ἀννίβᾳ τἀδελφῷ τῶν αὐτῶν ἐλπίδων.

[6] Ἀσδρούβας μὲν δὴ ταῦτα διανοηθεὶς πρὸς τούτοις ἦν· Πόπλιος δὲ προσδεξάμενος Γάιον τὸν Λαίλιον καὶ διακούσας τῶν παραγγελλομένων ὑπὸ τῆς συγκλήτου, προῇγε τὰς δυνάμεις ἀναλαβὼν ἐκ τῆς παραχειμασίας, ἀπαντώντων αὐτῷ κατὰ τὴν δίοδον τῶν Ἰβήρων, ἑτοίμως καὶ προθύμως συνεξορμώντων.

[7] οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Ἀνδοβάλην πάλαι μὲν διεπέμποντο πρὸς τὸν Πόπλιον, τότε δὲ πλησιάσαντος αὐτοῦ τοῖς τόποις ἧκον ὡς αὐτὸν ἐκ τῆς παρεμβολῆς ἅμα τοῖς φίλοις, καὶ συμμίξαντες ἀπελογίσαντο περὶ τῆς προγεγενημένης σφίσι φιλίας πρὸς Καρχηδονίους, ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ τὰς χρείας καὶ τὴν ὅλην πίστιν ἐνεφάνιζον, ἣν ἐτύγχανον ἐκείνοις παρεσχημένοι.

[8] μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα τὰς ἀδικίας ἐξηγοῦντο καὶ τὰς ὕβρεις τὰς ἐξ ἐκείνων ἀπηντημένας.

[9] διόπερ ἠξίουν τὸν Πόπλιον αὐτὸν κριτὴν γίνεσθαι τῶν λεγομένων, κἂν μὲν φανῶσιν ἀδίκως ἐγκαλοῦντες Καρχηδονίοις, σαφῶς γινώσκειν αὐτὸν ὡς οὐδὲ τὴν πρὸς Ῥωμαίους δύνανται τηρεῖν πίστιν·

[10] ἐὰν δὲ πολλὰς ἀδικίας ἀναλογιζόμενοι κατʼ ἀνάγκην ἀφιστῶνται τῆς εὐνοίας τῆς ἐκείνων, καλὰς ἐλπίδας ἔχειν διότι νῦν ἑλόμενοι τὰ Ῥωμαίων βεβαίως τηρήσουσι τὴν πρὸς αὐτοὺς εὔνοιαν.

[1] καὶ πλείω πρὸς τοῦτο τὸ μέρος αὐτῶν διαλεχθέντων, ἐπεὶ κατέπαυσαν τὸν λόγον, μεταλαβὼν ὁ Πόπλιος καὶ τοῖς ὑπʼ ἐκείνων εἰρημένοις ἔφη πιστεύειν, μάλιστα δὲ γινώσκειν τὴν Καρχηδονίων ὕβριν ἔκ τε τῆς εἰς τοὺς ἄλλους Ἴβηρας καὶ μάλιστα τῆς εἰς τὰς ἐκείνων γυναῖκας καὶ θυγατέρας ἀσελγείας,

[2] ἃς αὐτὸς παρειληφὼς νῦν οὐχ ὁμήρων ἐχούσας διάθεσιν, ἀλλʼ αἰχμαλώτων καὶ δούλων, οὕτως τετηρηκέναι τὴν πίστιν ὡς οὐδʼ ἂν αὐτοὺς ἐκείνους τηρῆσαι πατέρας ὑπάρχοντας.

[3] τῶν δʼ ἀνθομολογησαμένων διότι παρακολουθοῦσι καὶ προσκυνησάντων αὐτὸν καὶ προσφωνησάντων βασιλέα πάντων, οἱ μὲν παρόντες ἐπεσημήναντο τὸ ῥηθέν, ὁ δὲ Πόπλιος ἐντραπεὶς θαρρεῖν αὐτοῖς παρῄνει· τεύξεσθαι γὰρ ἔφη σφᾶς ἁπάντων τῶν φιλανθρώπων ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίων.

[4] καὶ παραυτίκα μὲν ἐκ χειρὸς τὰς θυγατέρας ἀπέδωκε, τῇ δʼ ἐπαύριον ἐποιεῖτο τὰς συνθήκας πρὸς αὐτούς.

[5] ἦν δὲ τὸ συνέχον τῶν ὁμολογηθέντων ἀκολουθεῖν τοῖς Ῥωμαίων ἄρχουσι καὶ πείθεσθαι τοῖς ὑπὸ τούτων παραγγελλομένοις.

[6] γενομένων δὲ τούτων ἀναχωρήσαντες εἰς τὰς αὑτῶν παρεμβολὰς καὶ παραλαβόντες τὰς δυνάμεις, ἧκον πρὸς τὸν Πόπλιον, καὶ στρατοπεδεύσαντες ὁμοῦ τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις προῆγον ἐπὶ τὸν Ἀσδρούβαν.

[7] ὁ δὲ τῶν Καρχηδονίων στρατηγὸς ἐτύγχανε μὲν διατρίβων ἐν τοῖς περὶ Κασταλῶνα τόποις περὶ Βαίκυλα πόλιν οὐ μακρὰν τῶν ἀργυρείων μετάλλων·

[8] πυθόμενος δὲ τὴν παρουσίαν τῶν Ῥωμαίων μετεστρατοπέδευσε, καὶ λαβὼν ἐκ μὲν τῶν ὄπισθεν ποταμὸν ἀσφαλῆ, παρὰ δὲ τὴν κατὰ πρόσωπον πλευρὰν τοῦ χάρακος ἐπίπεδον τόπον, ὀφρὺν προβεβλημένην ἔχοντα καὶ βάθος ἱκανὸν πρὸς ἀσφάλειαν καὶ μῆκος πρὸς ἔκταξιν, ἔμενεν ἐπὶ τῶν ὑποκειμένων, προτιθέμενος ἐπὶ τὴν ὀφρὺν ἀεὶ τὰς ἐφεδρείας.

[9] ὁ δὲ Πόπλιος ἐγγίσας προθύμως μὲν εἶχε πρὸς τὸ διακινδυνεύειν, ἀπόρως δὲ διέκειτο, θεωρῶν τοὺς τόπους εὐφυεῖς ὄντας πρὸς τὴν τῶν ἐναντίων ἀσφάλειαν.

[10] οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ προσανασχὼν δύʼ ἡμέρας καὶ διαγωνιάσας μὴ συνεπιγενομένων τῶν περὶ τὸν Μάγωνα καὶ τὸν τοῦ Γέσκωνος Ἀσδρούβαν πανταχόθεν αὐτὸν οἱ πολέμιοι περιστῶσιν, ἔκρινε παραβάλλεσθαι καὶ καταπειράζειν τῶν ὑπεναντίων.

[1] τὴν μὲν οὖν ἄλλην δύναμιν ἑτοιμάσας πρὸς μάχην συνεῖχεν ἐν τῷ χάρακι, τοὺς δὲ γροσφομάχους καὶ τῶν πεζῶν τοὺς ἐπιλέκτους ἐξαφιεὶς ἐκέλευε προσβάλλειν πρὸς τὴν ὀφρὺν καὶ καταπειράζειν τῆς τῶν πολεμίων ἐφεδρείας.

[2] τῶν δὲ ποιούντων τὸ παραγγελθὲν εὐψύχως, τὰς μὲν ἀρχὰς ὁ τῶν Καρχηδονίων στρατηγὸς ἐκαραδόκει τὸ συμβαῖνον· θεωρῶν δὲ διὰ τὴν τόλμαν τῶν Ῥωμαίων τοὺς παρʼ αὑτῶν πιεζομένους καὶ κακῶς πάσχοντας, ἐξῆγε τὴν δύναμιν καὶ παρενέβαλε παρὰ τὴν ὀφρύν, πιστεύων τοῖς τόποις.

[3] κατὰ δὲ τὸν καιρὸν τοῦτον ὁ Πόπλιος τοὺς μὲν εὐζώνους ἅπαντας ἐπαφῆκε, συντάξας βοηθεῖν τοῖς προκινδυνεύουσι, τοὺς δὲ λοιποὺς ἑτοίμους ἔχων, τοὺς μὲν ἡμίσεις αὐτὸς ἔχων, περιελθὼν τὴν ὀφρὺν κατὰ τὸ λαιὸν τῶν ὑπεναντίων, προσέβαλλε τοῖς Καρχηδονίοις,

[4] τοὺς δʼ ἡμίσεις Λαιλίῳ δοὺς ὁμοίως παρήγγειλε τὴν ἔφοδον ἐπὶ τὰ δεξιὰ μέρη τῶν πολεμίων.

[5] οὗ συμβαίνοντος ὁ μὲν Ἀσδρούβας ἀκμὴν ἐκ τῆς στρατοπεδείας ἐξῆγε τὴν δύναμιν· τὸν γὰρ πρὸ τούτου χρόνον ἐπέμενε πιστεύων τοῖς τόποις καὶ πεπεισμένος μηδέποτε τολμήσειν τοὺς πολεμίους ἐγχειρεῖν αὐτοῖς· διὸ παρὰ τὴν προσδοκίαν γεγενημένης τῆς ἐπιθέσεως καθυστέρει τῆς ἐκτάξεως.

[6] οἱ δὲ Ῥωμαῖοι κατὰ κέρας ποιούμενοι τὸν κίνδυνον, οὐδέπω τῶν πολεμίων κατειληφότων τοὺς ἐπὶ τῶν κεράτων τόπους, οὐ μόνον ἐπέβησαν ἀσφαλῶς ἐπὶ τὴν ὀφρύν, ἀλλὰ καὶ προσάγοντες ἔτι παρεμβαλλόντων καὶ κινουμένων τῶν ὑπεναντίων τοὺς μὲν αὐτῶν προσπίπτοντας ἐκ πλαγίων ἐφόνευον, τοὺς δὲ παρεμβάλλοντας ἐξ ἐπιστροφῆς φεύγειν ἠνάγκαζον.

[7] Ἀσδρούβας δὲ κατὰ τοὺς ἐξ ἀρχῆς διαλογισμούς, θεωρῶν κλινούσας καὶ διατετραμμένας τὰς αὑτοῦ δυνάμεις, τὸ μὲν ψυχομαχεῖν μέχρι τῆς ἐσχάτης ἐλπίδος ἀπεδοκίμαζε,

[8] λαβὼν δὲ τά τε χρήματα καὶ τὰ θηρία, καὶ τῶν φευγόντων ὅσους ἠδύνατο πλείστους ἐπισπασάμενος, ἐποιεῖτο τὴν ἀναχώρησιν παρὰ τὸν Τάγον ποταμὸν ὡς ἐπὶ τὰς Πυρήνης ὑπερβολὰς καὶ τοὺς ταύτῃ κατοικοῦντας Γαλάτας.

[9] Πόπλιος δὲ τὸ μὲν ἐκ ποδὸς ἕπεσθαι τοῖς περὶ τὸν Ἀσδρούβαν οὐχ ἡγεῖτο συμφέρειν τῷ δεδιέναι τῶν ἄλλων στρατηγῶν τὴν ἔφοδον, τὸν δὲ χάρακα τῶν ὑπεναντίων ἐφῆκε τοῖς αὑτοῦ στρατιώταις διαρπάζειν.

[1] εἰς δὲ τὴν ἐπαύριον συναθροίσας τὸ τῶν αἰχμαλώτων πλῆθος, ὧν ἦσαν πεζοὶ μὲν εἰς μυρίους, ἱππεῖς δὲ πλείους δισχιλίων, ἐγίνετο περὶ τὴν τούτων οἰκονομίαν.

[2] τῶν δʼ Ἰβήρων ὅσοι κατὰ τοὺς προειρημένους τόπους Καρχηδονίοις τότε συνεμάχουν, ἧκον ἐγχειρίζοντες σφᾶς αὐτοὺς εἰς τὴν Ῥωμαίων πίστιν, κατὰ δὲ τὰς ἐντεύξεις βασιλέα προσεφώνουν τὸν Πόπλιον.

[3] πρῶτον μὲν οὖν ἐποίησε τοῦτο καὶ προσεκύνησε πρῶτος Ἐδεκών, μετὰ δὲ τοῦτον οἱ περὶ τὸν Ἀνδοβάλην. τότε μὲν οὖν ἀνεπιστάτως αὐτὸν παρέδραμε τὸ ῥηθέν·

[4] μετὰ δὲ τὴν μάχην ἁπάντων βασιλέα προσφωνούντων, εἰς ἐπίστασιν ἤγαγε τὸν Πόπλιον τὸ γινόμενον.

[5] διὸ καὶ συναθροίσας τοὺς Ἴβηρας βασιλικὸς μὲν ἔφη βούλεσθαι καὶ λέγεσθαι παρὰ πᾶσι καὶ ταῖς ἀληθείαις ὑπάρχειν, βασιλεύς γε μὴν οὔτʼ εἶναι θέλειν οὔτε λέγεσθαι παρʼ οὐδενί. ταῦτα δʼ εἰπὼν παρήγγειλε στρατηγὸν αὑτὸν προσφωνεῖν.

[6] ἴσως μὲν οὖν καὶ τότε δικαίως ἄν τις ἐπεσημήνατο τὴν μεγαλοψυχίαν τἀνδρός, ᾗ κομιδῇ νέος ὢν καὶ τῆς τύχης αὐτῷ συνεκδραμούσης ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον ὥστε πάντας τοὺς ὑποταττομένους ἐξ αὑτῶν ἐπί τε ταύτην κατενεχθῆναι τὴν διάληψιν καὶ τὴν ὀνομασίαν, ὅμως ἐν ἑαυτῷ διέμεινε καὶ παρῃτεῖτο τὴν τοιαύτην ὁρμὴν καὶ φαντασίαν.

[7] πολὺ δὲ μᾶλλον ἄν τις θαυμάσειε τὴν ὑπερβολὴν τῆς περὶ τὸν ἄνδρα μεγαλοψυχίας, βλέψας εἰς τοὺς ἐσχάτους τοῦ βίου καιρούς, ἡνίκα πρὸς τοῖς κατὰ τὴν Ἰβηρίαν ἔργοις κατεστρέψατο μὲν Καρχηδονίους, καὶ τὰ πλεῖστα καὶ κάλλιστα μέρη τῆς Λιβύης ἀπὸ τῶν Φιλαίνου βωμῶν ἕως Ἡρακλείων στηλῶν ὑπὸ τὴν τῆς πατρίδος ἐξουσίαν ἤγαγε, κατεστρέψατο δὲ τὴν Ἀσίαν καὶ τοὺς τῆς Συρίας βασιλεῖς, καὶ τὸ κάλλιστον καὶ μέγιστον μέρος τῆς οἰκουμένης ὑπήκοον ἐποίησε Ῥωμαίοις, ἔλαβε δὲ καιροὺς εἰς τὸ περιποιήσασθαι δυναστείαν βασιλικὴν ἐν οἷς ἐπιβάλοιτο καὶ βουληθείη τόποις τῆς οἰκουμένης.

[8] ταῦτα γὰρ οὐ μόνον ἀνθρωπίνην φύσιν, ἀλλὰ καὶ θειοτέραν, εἰ θέμις εἰπεῖν, ὑπερφρονεῖν ἂν ἐποίησεν.

[9] Πόπλιος δὲ τοσοῦτον ὑπερέθετο μεγαλοψυχίᾳ τοὺς ἄλλους ἀνθρώπους ὡς οὗ μεῖζον ἀγαθὸν εὔξασθαί τις τοῖς θεοῖς οὐ τολμήσειε, λέγω δὲ βασιλείας, τοῦτʼ ἐκεῖνος πολλάκις ὑπὸ τῆς τύχης αὐτῷ δεδομένον ἀπηξίωσε, καὶ περὶ πλείονος ἐποιήσατο τὴν πατρίδα καὶ τὴν ταύτης πίστιν τῆς περιβλέπτου καὶ μακαριστῆς βασιλείας.

[10] πλὴν τότε γε διαλέξας ἐκ τῶν αἰχμαλώτων τοὺς Ἴβηρας, τούτους μὲν ἀπέλυσε χωρὶς λύτρων πάντας εἰς τὰς ἑαυτῶν πατρίδας, τῶν δʼ ἵππων τριακοσίους κελεύσας ἐκλέξαι τοῖς περὶ τὸν Ἀνδοβάλην τοὺς λοιποὺς διέδωκε τοῖς ἀνίπποις.

[11] καὶ τὸ λοιπὸν ἤδη μεταλαβὼν τὴν τῶν Καρχηδονίων στρατοπεδείαν διὰ τὴν τῶν τόπων εὐφυΐαν, αὐτὸς μὲν ἔμενε καραδοκῶν τοὺς καταλειπομένους τῶν Καρχηδονίων στρατηγούς, ἐπὶ δὲ τὰς ὑπερβολὰς τῶν Πυρηναίων ὀρέων ἐξαπέστειλε τοὺς τηρήσοντας τὸν Ἀσδρούβαν.

[12] μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα, τῆς ὥρας ἤδη συναπτούσης, ἀνεχώρησε μετὰ τῆς δυνάμεως εἰς Ταρράκωνʼ, ἐν τούτοις τοῖς τόποις ποιεῖσθαι τὴν παραχειμασίαν.

ϝιι. ρες γραεξιαε

[1] οἱ μὲν Αἰτωλοί, προσφάτως ἐπηρμένοι ταῖς ἐλπίσιν ἐπὶ τῇ Ῥωμαίων καὶ τῇ τοῦ βασιλέως Ἀττάλου παρουσίᾳ, πάντας ἐξέπληττον καὶ πᾶσιν ἐπέκειντο κατὰ γῆν, οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Ἄτταλον καὶ Πόπλιον κατὰ θάλατταν.

[2] διόπερ ἧκον Ἀχαιοὶ μὲν παρακαλοῦντες τὸν Φίλιππον βοηθεῖν· οὐ γὰρ μόνον τοὺς Αἰτωλοὺς ἠγωνίων, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὸν Μαχανίδαν διὰ τὸ προκαθῆσθαι μετὰ τῆς δυνάμεως ἐπὶ τοῖς τῶν Ἀργείων ὅροις.

[3] Βοιωτοὶ δὲ δεδιότες τὸν στόλον τῶν ὑπεναντίων, ἡγεμόνα καὶ βοήθειαν ᾔτουν. φιλοπονώτατά γε μὴν οἱ τὴν Εὔβοιαν κατοικοῦντες ἠξίουν ἔχειν τινὰ πρόνοιαν τῶν πολεμίων. παραπλήσια δʼ Ἀκαρνᾶνες παρεκάλουν.

[4] ἦν δὲ καὶ παρʼ Ἠπειρωτῶν πρεσβεία. προσήγγελτο δὲ καὶ Σκερδιλαΐδαν καὶ Πλευρᾶτον ἐξάγειν τὰς δυνάμεις· ἔτι δὲ τοὺς προσοροῦντας τῇ Μακεδονίᾳ Θρᾷκας, καὶ μάλιστα τοὺς Μαιδούς, ἐπιβολὰς ἔχειν ὡς ἐμβαλοῦντας ἐπὶ Μακεδονίαν, ἐὰν βραχύ τι μόνον ὁ βασιλεὺς τῆς οἰκείας ἀποσπασθῇ.

[5] προκατελάμβανον δὲ καὶ τὰ περὶ Θερμοπύλας στενὰ τάφροις καὶ χάρακι καὶ φυλακαῖς βαρείαις Αἰτωλοί, πεπεισμένοι συγκλείειν τὸν Φίλιππον καὶ καθόλου κωλύειν παραβοηθεῖν τοῖς ἐντὸς Πυλῶν συμμάχοις.

[6] δοκεῖ δέ μοι τὰς τοιαύτας περιστάσεις εὐλόγως ἄν τις ἐπισημήνασθαι καὶ συνεφιστάνειν τοὺς ἀναγινώσκοντας, ἐν αἷς πεῖρα καὶ βάσανος ἀληθινὴ γίνεται κατὰ τάς τε ψυχικὰς ὁρμὰς καὶ τὰς σωματικὰς δυνάμεις τῶν ἡγεμόνων.

[7] καθάπερ γὰρ ἐν ταῖς κυνηγεσίαις τὰ ζῷα τότε διάδηλα γίνεται κατὰ τὴν ἀλκὴν καὶ τὴν δύναμιν, ὅταν τὸ δεινὸν αὐτὰ περιστῇ πανταχόθεν, τὸν αὐτὸν τρόπον συμβαίνει καὶ ἐπὶ τῶν ἡγουμένων. ὃ δὴ τότε μάλιστα συνιδεῖν ἦν γινόμενον ὑπὸ τοῦ Φιλίππου·

[8] τὰς μὲν γὰρ πρεσβείας ἀπέλυσε πάσας, ἑκάστοις τὰ δυνατὰ ποιήσειν ἐπαγγειλάμενος, τῷ δὲ πολέμῳ πανταχόθεν ἐπεῖχε, καραδοκῶν πῇ καὶ πρὸς τίνα πρῶτον δεήσει

[1] ποιεῖσθαι τὴν ὁρμήν. προσπεσόντος δʼ αὐτῷ κατὰ τὸν καιρὸν τοῦτον τοὺς περὶ τὸν Ἄτταλον διάραντας καὶ προσορμήσαντας τῇ Πεπαρήθῳ κατεσχηκέναι τὴν χώραν, τούτοις μὲν ἐξαπέστειλε τοὺς παραφυλάξοντας τὴν πόλιν,

[2] εἰς δὲ Φωκέας καὶ τοὺς κατὰ τὴν Βοιωτίαν τόπους Πολυφάνταν ἐξέπεμψε μετὰ συμμέτρου δυνάμεως, εἰς δὲ Χαλκίδα καὶ τὴν ἄλλην Εὔβοιαν Μένιππον, ἔχοντα πελταστὰς χιλίους, Ἀγριᾶνας πεντακοσίους.

[3] αὐτὸς δὲ προῆγε ποιούμενος τὴν πορείαν εἰς Σκοτοῦσαν, παραπλησίως δὲ καὶ τοῖς Μακεδόσιν εἰς ταύτην τὴν πόλιν παρήγγειλεν ἀπαντᾶν.

[4] πυθόμενος δὲ τοὺς περὶ τὸν Ἄτταλον εἰς Νίκαιαν καταπεπλευκέναι, τῶν δʼ Αἰτωλῶν τοὺς ἄρχοντας εἰς Ἡράκλειαν ἁθροίζεσθαι χάριν τοῦ κοινολογηθῆναι πρὸς ἀλλήλους ὑπὲρ τῶν ἐνεστώτων, ἀναλαβὼν τὴν δύναμιν ἐκ τῆς Σκοτούσης ὥρμησε σπεύδων καταταχῆσαι καὶ πτοήσας διασῦραι τὴν σύνοδον αὐτῶν.

[5] τοῦ μὲν οὖν συλλόγου καθυστέρει, τὸν δὲ σῖτον φθείρας καὶ παρελόμενος τῶν περὶ τὸν Αἰνιᾶνα κόλπον κατοικούντων ἐπανῆλθε.

[6] καὶ τὴν μὲν δύναμιν ἐν τῇ Σκοτούσῃ πάλιν ἀπέλειπε, μετὰ δὲ τῶν εὐζώνων καὶ τῆς βασιλικῆς ἴλης εἰς Δημητριάδα καταλύσας ἔμενε, καραδοκῶν τὰς τῶν ἐναντίων ἐπιβολάς.

[7] ἵνα δὲ μηδὲν αὐτὸν λανθάνῃ τῶν πραττομένων, διεπέμψατο πρὸς Πεπαρηθίους καὶ πρὸς τοὺς ἐπὶ τῆς Φωκίδος, ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ πρὸς τοὺς ἐπὶ τῆς Εὐβοίας, καὶ παρήγγειλε διασαφεῖν αὑτῷ πάντα τὰ γινόμενα διὰ τῶν πυρσῶν ἐπὶ τὸ Τίσαιον. τοῦτο δʼ ἐστὶ τῆς Θετταλίας ὄρος,

[8] εὐφυῶς κείμενον πρὸς τὰς τῶν προειρημένων τόπων περιφάσεις.

[1] τοῦ δὲ κατὰ τὰς πυρσείας γένους, μεγίστας δὴ παρεχομένου χρείας ἐν τοῖς πολεμικοῖς, ἀνεργάστου πρότερον ὑπάρχοντος, χρήσιμον εἶναί μοι δοκεῖ τὸ μὴ παραδραμεῖν, ἀλλὰ ποιήσασθαι περὶ αὐτοῦ τὴν ἁρμόζουσαν μνήμην.

[2] ὅτι μὲν οὖν ὁ καιρὸς ἐν πᾶσι μεγάλην ἔχει μερίδα πρὸς τὰς ἐπιβολάς, μεγίστην δʼ ἐν τοῖς πολεμικοῖς, παντὶ δῆλον· τῶν δὲ πρὸς τοῦτο συναγωνισμάτων πλείστην ἔχουσι δύναμιν οἱ πυρσοί.

[3] ἄρτι γὰρ τὰ μὲν γέγονε, τινὰ δʼ ἀκμὴν ἐνεργεῖται καὶ δυνατόν ἐστι γινώσκειν, ᾧ μέλει, ποτὲ μὲν ἡμερῶν τριῶν ἢ τεττάρων ὁδὸν ἀπέχοντι, ποτὲ δὲ καὶ πλειόνων.

[4] ὥστʼ ἀεὶ τοῖς δεομένοις πράγμασιν ἐπικουρίας παράδοξον γίνεσθαι τὴν βοήθειαν διὰ τῆς τῶν πυρσῶν ἀπαγγελίας.

[5] τὸν μὲν οὖν πρὸ τούτου χρόνον ἁπλῆς γινομένης τῆς πυρσείας κατὰ τὸ πλεῖστον αὐτὴν ἀνωφελῆ συνέβαινε γίνεσθαι τοῖς χρωμένοις.

[6] διὰ γὰρ συνθημάτων ὡρισμένων ἔδει τὴν χρείαν συντελεῖν· τῶν δὲ πραγμάτων ἀορίστων ὑπαρχόντων τὰ πλεῖστα διέφυγε τὴν τῶν πυρσῶν χρείαν, οἷον ἐπʼ αὐτῶν τῶν νῦν εἰρημένων.

[7] ὅτι μὲν οὖν εἰς Ὠρεὸν καὶ Πεπάρηθον ἢ Χαλκίδα πάρεστι στόλος, δυνατὸν ἦν διασαφεῖν τοῖς περὶ τούτου συνθεμένοις·

[8] ὅτι δὲ μεταβάλλονταί τινες τῶν πολιτῶν ἢ προδιδόασιν, ἢ φόνος ἐν τῇ πόλει γέγονεν, ἤ τι τῶν τοιούτων, ἃ δὴ συμβαίνει μὲν πολλάκις, πρόληψιν δʼ ἔχειν πάντων ἀδύνατον —

[9] μάλιστα δὲ τὰ παραδόξως γινόμενα τῆς ἐκ τοῦ καιροῦ συμβουλίας καὶ ἐπικουρίας προσδεῖται — τὰ τοιαῦτα πάντα διέφυγε τὴν τῶν πυρσῶν χρείαν.

[10] περὶ ὧν γὰρ οὐκ ἐνεδέχετο προνοηθῆναι, περὶ τούτων οὐδὲ σύνθημα ποιήσασθαι δυνατόν.

[1] Αἰνείας δὲ βουληθεὶς διορθώσασθαι τὴν τοιαύτην ἀπορίαν, ὁ τὰ περὶ τῶν Στρατηγικῶν ὑπομνήματα συντεταγμένος, βραχὺ μέν τι προεβίβασε, τοῦ γε μὴν δέοντος ἀκμὴν πάμπολυ τὸ κατὰ τὴν ἐπίνοιαν ἀπελείφθη.

[2] γνοίη δʼ ἄν τις ἐκ τούτων. φησὶ γὰρ δεῖν τοὺς μέλλοντας ἀλλήλοις διὰ τῶν πυρσῶν δηλοῦν τὸ κατεπεῖγον ἀγγεῖα κατασκευάσαι κεραμεᾶ, κατά τε τὸ πλάτος καὶ κατὰ τὸ βάθος ἰσομεγέθη πρὸς ἀκρίβειαν· εἶναι δὲ μάλιστα τὸ μὲν βάθος τριῶν πηχῶν, τὸ δὲ πλάτος πήχεος.

[3] εἶτα παρασκευάσαι φελλοὺς βραχὺ κατὰ πλάτος ἐνδεεῖς τῶν στομάτων, ἐν δὲ τούτοις μέσοις ἐμπεπηγέναι βακτηρίας διῃρημένας εἰς ἴσα μέρη τριδάκτυλα, καθʼ ἕκαστον δὲ μέρος εἶναι περιγραφὴν εὔσημον.

[4] ἐν ἑκάστῳ δὲ μέρει γεγράφθαι τὰ προφανέστατα καὶ καθολικώτατα τῶν ἐν τοῖς πολεμικοῖς συμβαινόντων, οἷον εὐθέως ἐν τῷ πρώτῳ, διότι "

[5] πάρεισιν ἱππεῖς εἰς τὴν χώραν," ἐν δὲ τῷ δευτέρῳ διότι "πεζοὶ βαρεῖς," ἐν δὲ τῷ τρίτῳ "ψιλοί," τούτων δʼ ἑξῆς "

[6] πεζοὶ μεθʼ ἱππέων," εἶτα "πλοῖα," μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα "σῖτος," καὶ κατὰ τὸ συνεχὲς οὕτω, μέχρις ἂν ἐν πάσαις γραφῇ ταῖς χώραις τὰ μάλιστʼ ἂν ἐκ τῶν εὐλόγων προνοίας τυγχάνοντα καὶ συμβαίνοντα κατὰ τοὺς ἐνεστῶτας καιροὺς ἐκ τῶν πολεμικῶν.

[7] τούτων δὲ γενομένων ἀμφότερα κελεύει τρῆσαι τὰ ἀγγεῖα πρὸς ἀκρίβειαν, ὥστε τοὺς αὐλίσκους ἴσους εἶναι καὶ κατʼ ἴσον ἀπορρεῖν· εἶτα πληρώσαντας ὕδατος ἐπιθεῖναι τοὺς φελλοὺς ἔχοντας τὰς βακτηρίας, κἄπειτα τοὺς αὐλίσκους ἀφεῖναι ῥεῖν ἅμα.

[8] τούτου δὲ συμβαίνοντος δῆλον ὡς ἀνάγκη πάντων ἴσων καὶ ὁμοίων ὄντων, καθʼ ὅσον ἂν ἀπορρέῃ τὸ ὑγρόν, κατὰ τοσοῦτον τοὺς φελλοὺς καταβαίνειν καὶ τὰς βακτηρίας κρύπτεσθαι κατὰ τῶν ἀγγείων.

[9] ὅταν δὲ τὰ προειρημένα γένηται κατὰ τὸν χειρισμὸν ἰσοταχῆ καὶ σύμφωνα, τότε κομίσαντας ἐπὶ τοὺς τόπους, ἐν οἷς ἑκάτεροι μέλλουσι συντηρεῖν τὰς πυρσείας, ἑκάτερον θεῖναι τῶν ἀγγείων.

[10] εἶτʼ ἐπὰν ἐμπέσῃ τι τῶν ἐν τῇ βακτηρίᾳ γεγραμμένων, πυρσὸν ἆραι κελεύει, καὶ μένειν, ἕως ἂν ἀνταίρωσιν οἱ συντεταγμένοι· γενομένων δὲ φανερῶν ἀμφοτέρων ἅμα τῶν πυρσῶν καθελεῖν. εἶτʼ εὐθέως ἀφεῖναι τοὺς αὐλίσκους ῥεῖν.

[11] ὅταν δὲ καταβαίνοντος τοῦ φελλοῦ καὶ τῆς βακτηρίας ἔλθῃ τῶν γεγραμμένων ὃ βούλει δηλοῦν κατὰ τὸ χεῖλος τοῦ τεύχους, ἆραι κελεύει τὸν πυρσόν·

[12] τοὺς δʼ ἑτέρους ἐπιλαβεῖν εὐθέως τὸν αὐλίσκον, καὶ σκοπεῖν τί κατὰ τὸ χεῖλός ἐστι τῶν ἐν τῇ βακτηρίᾳ γεγραμμένων·

[13] ἔσται δὲ τοῦτο τὸ δηλούμενον πάντων ἰσοταχῶς παρʼ ἀμφοτέροις κινουμένων.

[1] ταῦτα δὲ βραχὺ μέν τι τῆς διὰ τῶν συνθημάτων πυρσείας ἐξήλλαχεν, ἀκμὴν δʼ ἐστὶν ἀόριστα.

[2] δῆλον γὰρ [ἔσται] ὡς οὔτε προϊδέσθαι τὰ μέλλοντα πάντα δυνατὸν οὔτε προϊδόμενον εἰς τὴν βακτηρίαν γράψαι· λοιπὸν ὁπόταν ἐκ τῶν καιρῶν ἀνυπονόητά τινα συμβαίνῃ, φανερὸν ὡς οὐ δύναται δηλοῦσθαι κατὰ ταύτην τὴν ἐπίνοιαν.

[3] καὶ μὴν οὐδʼ αὐτῶν τῶν ἐν τῇ βακτηρίᾳ γεγραμμένων οὐδέν ἐστιν ὡρισμένον. πόσοι γὰρ ἥκουσιν ἱππεῖς ἢ πόσοι πεζοὶ καὶ ποῦ τῆς χώρας καὶ πόσαι νῆες καὶ πόσος σῖτος, οὐχ οἷόν τε διασαφῆσαι·

[4] περὶ γὰρ ὧν ἀδύνατον γνῶναι πρὶν ἢ γενέσθαι, περὶ τούτων οὐδὲ συνθέσθαι πρὸ τοῦ δυνατόν.

[5] τὸ δὲ συνέχον ἐστὶ τοῦτο· πῶς γὰρ ἄν τις βουλεύσαιτο περὶ τοῦ βοηθεῖν μὴ γινώσκων πόσοι πάρεισι τῶν πολεμίων ἢ ποῦ; πῶς δὲ θαρρήσαι πάλιν ἢ τοὐναντίον ἢ καθόλου διανοηθείη τι μὴ συνεὶς πόσαι νῆες ἢ πόσος σῖτος ἥκει παρὰ τῶν συμμάχων;

[6] ὁ δὲ τελευταῖος τρόπος, ἐπινοηθεὶς διὰ Κλεοξένου καὶ Δημοκλείτου, τυχὼν δὲ τῆς ἐξεργασίας διʼ ἡμῶν, πάντη πάντως μέν ἐστιν ὡρισμένος καὶ πᾶν τὸ κατεπεῖγον δυνάμενος ἀκριβῶς διασαφεῖν, κατὰ δὲ τὸν χειρισμὸν ἐπιμελείας δεῖ καὶ παρατηρήσεως ἀκριβεστέρας.

[7] ἔστι δὲ τοιοῦτος. τὸ τῶν στοιχείων πλῆθος ἑξῆς δεῖ λαμβάνοντας διελεῖν εἰς πέντε μέρη κατὰ πέντε γράμματα. λείψει δὲ τὸ τελευταῖον ἑνὶ στοιχείῳ· τοῦτο δʼ οὐ βλάπτει πρὸς τὴν χρείαν.

[8] μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα πλατεῖα παρεσκευάσθαι πέντε τοὺς μέλλοντας ἀποδιδόναι τὴν πυρσείαν ἀλλήλοις ἑκατέρους καὶ γράψαι τῶν μερῶν ἑξῆς εἰς ἕκαστον πλατεῖον,

[9] κἄπειτα συνθέσθαι πρὸς αὑτοὺς διότι τοὺς μὲν πρώτους ἀρεῖ πυρσοὺς ὁ μέλλων σημαίνειν ἅμα καὶ δύο καὶ μενεῖ μέχρις ἂν ὁ ἕτερος ἀνταίρῃ.

[10] τοῦτο δʼ ἔσται χάριν τοῦ διὰ ταύτης τῆς πυρσείας ἑαυτοῖς ἀνθομολογήσασθαι διότι προσέχουσι.

[11] καθαιρεθέντων δὲ τούτων λοιπὸν ὁ σημαίνων ἀρεῖ μὲν τοὺς πρώτους ἐκ τῶν εὐωνύμων, διασαφῶν τὸ πλατεῖον ποῖον δεήσει σκοπεῖν, οἷον ἐὰν μὲν τὸ πρῶτον, ἕνʼ, ἂν δὲ τὸ δεύτερον, δύο, καὶ κατὰ λόγον οὕτω·

[12] τοὺς δὲ δευτέρους ἐκ τῶν δεξιῶν κατὰ τὸν αὐτὸν λόγον, ποῖον δεήσει γράμμα τῶν ἐκ τοῦ πλατείου γράφειν αὖ τὸν ἀποδεχόμενον τὴν πυρσείαν.

[1] ὅταν δὲ ταῦτα συνθέμενοι χωρισθῶσιν, ἑκάτερον ἐπὶ τοῦ τόπου δεήσει πρῶτον μὲν διόπτραν ἔχειν δύʼ αὐλίσκους ἔχουσαν, ὥστε τοῦ μέλλοντος ἀντιπυρσεύειν τῷ μὲν τὸν δεξιὸν τόπον, τῷ δὲ τὸν εὐώνυμον δύνασθαι θεωρεῖν.

[2] παρὰ δὲ τὴν διόπτραν ἑξῆς ὀρθὰ δεῖ τὰ πλατεῖα πεπηγέναι,

[3] παραπεφράχθαι δὲ καὶ τὸν δεξιὸν καὶ τὸν εὐώνυμον τόπον ἐπὶ δέκα πόδας, τὸ δὲ βάθος ὡς ἀνδρόμηκες, εἰς τὸ τοὺς πυρσοὺς αἰρομένους μὲν παρὰ ταῦτα τὴν φάσιν ἀκριβῆ ποιεῖν, καθαιρουμένους δὲ τὴν κρύψιν.

[4] τούτων δʼ ἑτοιμασθέντων παρʼ ἀμφοτέροις, ὅταν βούλῃ δηλῶσαι λόγου χάριν διότι "τῶν στρατιωτῶν τινες εἰς ἑκατὸν ἀποκεχωρήκασι πρὸς τοὺς ὑπεναντίους," πρῶτον δεῖ διαλέξαι τῶν λέξεων, ὅσαι διʼ ἐλαχίστων γραμμάτων δύνανται ταὐτὸ δηλοῦν,

[5] οἷον ἀντὶ τοῦ προειρημένου "Κρῆτες ἑκατὸν ἀφʼ ἡμῶν ηὐτομόλησαν." νῦν γὰρ τὰ μὲν γράμματʼ ἐστὶν ἐλάττω τῶν ἡμίσεων, διασαφεῖται δὲ ταὐτόν.

[6] τούτου δὲ γραφέντος εἰς πινάκιον, οὕτω δηλωθήσεται τοῖς πυρσοῖς. πρῶτον δʼ ἐστὶ γράμμα τὸ κάππα·

[7] τοῦτο δʼ ἐστὶν ἐν τῇ δευτέρᾳ μερίδι καὶ τῷ δευτέρῳ πλατείῳ. δεήσει δὲ καὶ πυρσοὺς ἐκ τῶν εὐωνύμων δύʼ αἴρειν, ὥστε τὸν ἀποδεχόμενον γινώσκειν ὅτι δεῖ τὸ δεύτερον πλατεῖον ἐπισκοπεῖν.

[8] εἶτʼ ἐκ τῶν δεξιῶν ἀρεῖ πέντε, διασαφῶν ὅτι κάππα· τοῦτο γὰρ πέμπτον ἐστὶ τῆς δευτέρας μερίδος, ὃ δεήσει γράφειν εἰς τὸ πινάκιον τὸν ἀποδεχόμενον τοὺς πυρσούς.

[9] εἶτα τέτταρας ἐκ τῶν εὐωνύμων, ἐπεὶ τὸ ῥῶ τῆς τετάρτης ἐστὶ μερίδος. εἶτα δύο πάλιν ἐκ τῶν δεξιῶν· δεύτερον γάρ ἐστι τῆς τετάρτης. ἐξ οὗ τὸ ῥῶ γράφει [ὁ δεχόμενος τοὺς πυρσούς]· καὶ τὰ λοιπὰ τὸν αὐτὸν τρόπον.

[10] προδηλοῦται μὲν οὖν πᾶν τὸ προσπῖπτον ὡρισμένως κατὰ ταύτην τὴν ἐπίνοιαν,

[1] πολλοὶ δὲ γίνονθʼ οἱ πυρσοὶ διὰ τὸ δεῖν ὑπὲρ ἑκάστου γράμματος διττὰς ποιεῖσθαι τὰς πυρσείας.

[2] οὐ μὴν ἀλλʼ ἐάν τις εὐτρεπῆ ποιήσῃ τὰ πρὸς τὸ πρᾶγμα, δύναται γίνεσθαι τὸ δέον.

[3] καθʼ ἑκατέραν δὲ τὴν ἐπίνοιαν προμελετᾶν δεῖ τοὺς χειρίζοντας, ἵνα τῆς χρείας γινομένης ἀδιαπτώτως δύνωνται διασαφεῖν ἀλλήλοις.

[4] πηλίκην δὲ συμβαίνει φαίνεσθαι τὴν διαφορὰν ἐπὶ τῶν αὐτῶν πραγμάτων πρῶτον λεγομένων καὶ πάλιν κατὰ συνήθειαν γινομένων, ἐκ πολλῶν εὐχερὲς τῷ βουλομένῳ καταμαθεῖν.

[5] πολλὰ γὰρ οὐ μόνον τῶν δυσχερῶν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν ἀδυνάτων εἶναι δοκούντων κατὰ τὰς ἀρχάς, μετὰ ταῦτα χρόνου καὶ συνηθείας τυχόντα ῥᾷστα πάντων ἐπιτελεῖται.

[6] τοῦ δὲ τοιούτου λόγου παραδείγματα μὲν πολλὰ καὶ ἕτερα πρὸς πίστιν, ἐναργέστατον δὲ τὸ γινόμενον ἐπὶ τῆς ἀναγνώσεως.

[7] ἐπὶ γὰρ ἐκείνης, εἴ τις παραστησάμενος ἄνθρωπον ἄπειρον μὲν καὶ ἀσυνήθη γραμματικῆς, τἄλλα δʼ ἀγχίνουν, κἄπειτα παιδάριον ἕξιν ἔχον παραστήσας καὶ δοὺς βυβλίον κελεύοι λέγειν τὰ γεγραμμένα,

[8] δῆλον ὡς οὐκ ἂν δύναιτο πιστεῦσαι διότι δεῖ πρῶτον ἐπὶ τὰς ὄψεις τὰς ἑνὸς ἑκάστου τῶν γραμμάτων ἐπιστῆσαι τὸν ἀναγινώσκοντα, δεύτερον ἐπὶ τὰς δυνάμεις, τρίτον ἐπὶ τὰς πρὸς ἄλληλα συμπλοκάς, ὧν ἕκαστον ποσοῦ χρόνου τινὸς δεῖται.

[9] διόπερ ὅταν ἀνεπιστάτως θεωρῇ τὸ παιδάριον ὑπὸ τὴν ἀναπνοὴν ἑπτὰ καὶ πέντε στίχους συνεῖρον, οὐκ ἂν εὐχερῶς δύναιτο πιστεῦσαι διότι πρότερον οὗτος οὐκ ἀνέγνωκε τὸ βυβλίον·

[10] εἰ δὲ καὶ τὴν ὑπόκρισιν καὶ τὰς διαιρέσεις, ἔτι δὲ δασύτητας καὶ ψιλότητας δύναιτο συσσῴζειν, οὐδὲ τελέως.

[11] διόπερ οὐκ ἀποστατέον οὐδενὸς τῶν χρησίμων διὰ τὰς προφαινομένας δυσχερείας, προσακτέον δὲ τὴν ἕξιν, ᾗ πάντα τὰ καλὰ γίνεται θηρατὰ τοῖς ἀνθρώποις, ἄλλως τε καὶ περὶ τῶν τοιούτων, ἐν οἷς πολλάκις κεῖται τὸ συνέχον τῆς σωτηρίας.

[12] ταῦτα μὲν οὖν κατὰ τὴν ἐξ ἀρχῆς ἐπαγγελίαν προήχθημεν εἰπεῖν. ἔφαμεν γὰρ πάντα τὰ θεωρήματα καθʼ ἡμᾶς ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον εἰληφέναι τὰς προκοπάς, ὥστε τῶν πλείστων τρόπον τινὰ μεθοδικὰς εἶναι τὰς ἐπιστήμας.

[13] διὸ καὶ τοῦτο γίνεται τῆς δεόντως ἱστορίας συντεταγμένης ὠφελιμώτατον.

ϝιιι. ρες ασιαε

[1] οἱ δʼ Ἀπασιάκαι κατοικοῦσι μὲν ἀνὰ μέσον Ὄξου καὶ Τανάιδος, ὧν ὁ μὲν εἰς τὴν Ὑρκανίαν ἐμβάλλει θάλατταν, ὁ δὲ Τάναϊς ἐξίησιν εἰς τὴν Μαιῶτιν λίμνην· εἰσὶ δʼ ἑκάτεροι κατὰ τὸ μέγεθος πλωτοί.

[2] καὶ δοκεῖ θαυμαστὸν εἶναι πῶς οἱ Νομάδες περαιούμενοι τὸν Ὄξον εἰς τὴν Ὑρκανίαν ἔρχονται πεζῇ μετὰ τῶν ἵππων.

[3] εἰσὶ δὲ δύο λόγοι περὶ τούτου τοῦ πράγματος, ὁ μὲν ἐπιεικής, ὁ δʼ ἕτερος παράδοξος, οὐ μὴν ἀδύνατος.

[4] ὁ γὰρ Ὄξος ἔχει μὲν ἐκ τοῦ Καυκάσου τὰς πηγάς, ἐπὶ πολὺ δʼ αὐξηθεὶς ἐν τῇ Βακτριανῇ, συρρεόντων εἰς αὐτὸν ὑδάτων, φέρεται διὰ πεδιάδος χώρας πολλῷ καὶ θολερῷ ῥεύματι.

[5] παραγενόμενος δʼ εἰς τὴν ἔρημον ἐπί τινας πέτρας ἀπορρῶγας ἐξωθεῖ τὸ ῥεῦμα τῇ βίᾳ διὰ τὸ πλῆθος καὶ τὴν καταφορὰν τῶν ὑπερκειμένων τόπων ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον ὥστε τῆς πέτρας ἐν τοῖς κάτω μέρεσι πλεῖον ἢ στάδιον ἀφάλλεσθαι τὴν καταφορὰν αὐτοῦ.

[6] διὰ δὴ τούτου τοῦ τόπου φασὶ τοὺς Ἀπασιάκας παρʼ αὐτὴν τὴν πέτραν ὑπὸ τὴν καταφορὰν τοῦ ποταμοῦ πεζεύειν μετὰ τῶν ἵππων εἰς τὴν Ὑρκανίαν.

[7] ὁ δʼ ἕτερος λόγος ἐπιεικεστέραν ἔχει τοῦ πρόσθεν τὴν ἀπόφασιν. τοῦ γὰρ ὑποκειμένου τόπου μεγάλους ἔχοντος πλαταμῶνας, εἰς οὓς καταρράττει, τούτους φασὶ τῇ βίᾳ τοῦ ῥεύματος ἐκκοιλαίνοντα καὶ διαρρηγνύντα κατὰ βάθος ὑπὸ γῆν φέρεσθαι τόπον οὐ πολύν, εἶτʼ ἀναφαίνεσθαι πάλιν.

[8] τοὺς δὲ βαρβάρους διὰ τὴν ἐμπειρίαν κατὰ τὸν διαλείποντα τόπον ποιεῖσθαι τὴν δίοδον ἐπὶ τῶν ἵππων εἰς τὴν Ὑρκανίαν. —

[1] γενομένης δὲ τῆς προσαγγελίας διότι συμβαίνει τὸν μὲν Εὐθύδημον μετὰ τῆς δυνάμεως εἶναι περὶ Ταπουρίαν, μυρίους δʼ ἱππεῖς προκαθίζεσθαι φυλάττοντας τὰς περὶ τὸν Ἄριον ποταμὸν διαβάσεις, ἔκρινε τὴν πολιορκίαν ἀπογνοὺς ἔχεσθαι τῶν προκειμένων.

[2] ἀπέχοντος δὲ τοῦ ποταμοῦ τριῶν ἡμερῶν ὁδόν, ἐπὶ μὲν ἡμέρας δύο σύμμετρον ἐποιήσατο τὴν πορείαν, τῇ δὲ τρίτῃ μετὰ τὸ δειπνῆσαι τοῖς ἄλλοις ἅμα τῷ φωτὶ ποιεῖσθαι παρήγγειλε τὴν ἀναζυγήν, αὐτὸς δʼ ἀναλαβὼν τοὺς ἱππέας καὶ τοὺς εὐζώνους,

[3] ἅμα δὲ πελταστὰς μυρίους, προῆγε νυκτός, πορείᾳ χρώμενος ἐνεργῷ.

[4] τοὺς γὰρ ἱππεῖς ἐπυνθάνετο τῶν ὑπεναντίων τὰς μὲν ἡμέρας ἐφεδρεύειν παρὰ τὸ χεῖλος τοῦ ποταμοῦ, τὰς δὲ νύκτας ὑποχωρεῖν πρός τινα πόλιν οὐκ ἔλαττον εἴκοσι σταδίων διέχουσαν. διανύσας δὲ νύκτωρ τὴν καταλειπομένην ὁδόν,

[5] ἅτε τῶν πεδίων ἱππασίμων ὑπαρχόντων, ἔφθασε περαιώσας τὸν ποταμὸν ἅμα τῷ φωτὶ τὸ πλεῖστον μέρος τῆς μεθʼ ἑαυτοῦ δυνάμεως.

[6] οἱ δὲ τῶν Βακτριανῶν ἱππεῖς, σημηνάντων αὐτοῖς τῶν σκοπῶν τὸ γεγονός, ἐξεβοήθουν, καὶ κατὰ πορείαν συνέμισγον τοῖς ὑπεναντίοις.

[7] ὁ δὲ βασιλεύς, θεωρῶν ὅτι δεῖ δέξασθαι τὴν πρώτην ἐπιφορὰν τῶν πολεμίων, παρακαλέσας τοὺς περὶ αὐτὸν εἰθισμένους κινδυνεύειν τῶν ἱππέων δισχιλίους, τοῖς μὲν ἄλλοις παρήγγειλε κατὰ σημαίας καὶ κατʼ οὐλαμοὺς αὐτοῦ παρεμβαλεῖν καὶ λαμβάνειν ἑκάστους τὰς εἰθισμένας τάξεις,

[8] αὐτὸς δὲ μετὰ τῶν προειρημένων ἱππέων ἀπαντήσας συνέβαλε τοῖς πρώτοις ἐπιφερομένοις τῶν Βάκτρων.

[9] δοκεῖ δὲ κατὰ τοῦτον τὸν κίνδυνον Ἀντίοχος ἀγωνίσασθαι διαπρεπέστατα τῶν μεθʼ αὑτοῦ.

[10] πολλοὶ μὲν οὖν ἀμφοτέρων διεφθάρησαν, ἐπεκράτησαν δὲ τῆς πρώτης ἱππαρχίας οἱ μετὰ τοῦ βασιλέως· τῆς δὲ δευτέρας καὶ τρίτης ἐπιφερομένης ἐπιέζοντο καὶ κακῶς ἀπήλλαττον.

[11] κατὰ δὲ τὸν καιρὸν τοῦτον, τῶν πλείστων ἱππέων ἐκτεταγμένων ἤδη, Παναίτωλος ἐπαγαγεῖν παραγγείλας τὸν μὲν βασιλέα καὶ τοὺς μετʼ αὐτοῦ κινδυνεύοντας ἐδέξατο, τοὺς δὲ τῶν Βακτριανῶν ἐπιφερομένους ἀτάκτως ἐκ μεταβολῆς προτροπάδην ἠνάγκασε φυγεῖν.

[12] ἐκεῖνοι μὲν οὖν, τῶν περὶ τὸν Παναίτωλον αὐτοῖς ἐπικειμένων, οὐ πρότερον ἔστησαν ἕως οὗ συνέμιξαν τοῖς περὶ τὸν Εὐθύδημον, τοὺς πλείστους ἀπολωλεκότες αὑτῶν· οἱ δὲ τοῦ βασιλέως ἱππεῖς,

[13] πολλοὺς μὲν φονεύσαντες, πολλοὺς δὲ ζωγρίᾳ λαβόντες, ἀνεχώρουν. καὶ τότε μὲν αὐτοῦ παρὰ τὸν ποταμὸν ηὐλίσθησαν·

[14] ἐν δὲ τούτῳ τῷ κινδύνῳ τὸν μὲν ἵππον συμβαίνει ἀποθανεῖν τραυματισθέντα , αὐτὸν δὲ πληγέντα διὰ τοῦ στόματος ἀποβαλεῖν τινας· τῶν ὀδόντων, καθόλου δὲ φήμην ἐπʼ ἀνδρείᾳ περιποιήσασθαι τότε μάλιστα.

[15] γενομένης δὲ τῆς μάχης ταύτης ὁ μὲν Εὐθύδημος καταπλαγεὶς ἀνεχώρησε μετὰ τῆς δυνάμεως εἰς πόλιν Ζαριάσπαν τῆς Βακτριανῆς.

Notes on the current edition

Histories

1. B.C. 209, Coss. Q. Fabius Maximus V. Q. Fulvius Flaccus IV.

2. The port of Brundisium was known long before. See Herod. 4. 99 . The Romans colonised the town in B. C. 244. See Livy, epit. 19 .

3. A common mistake to Scipio’s character.

4. Scipio’s use of religion compared with that of Lycurgus.

5. Scipio’s first exploit, B. C. 218.

6. line 5: everawed should read overawed.

7. See on .

8. Elected aedile, end of B. C. 217.

9. line 20: his brother would should read his brother would not.

10. Speech of Publius Scipio to the soldiers in Spain , B. C. 210.

11. Scipio crosses the Ebro , and swoops down upon New Carthage.

12. Scipio’s careful inquiries as to the state of things in Spain .

13. He determines to attempt New Carthage.

14. Gaius Laelius proceeds to New Carthage with the fleet,

15. Scipio by land. B.C. 209.

16. Dr. Arnold declares it all but an impossibility that an army should have marched the distance (not less than 325 Roman miles) in a week. Livy (26, 42) accepts the statement without question.

17. Mr. Strachan-Davidson explains this to mean from the sea to the lake, as Scipio’s lines would not have extended right round the lake to the other sea.

18. Description of New Carthage .

19. Escombrera ( Σκομβραρία). I must refer my readers to Mr. Strachan-Davidson’s appendix on The Site of the Spanish Carthage for a discussion of these details. See above ; Livy, 26, 42 .

20. Scipio discloses his intention of assaulting New Carthage .

21. The assault.

22. A sally of the defenders repulsed.

23. Difficulties of the escalade.

24. Towards evening Scipio renews the assault on the gate, to distract attention from his attack by way of the lagoon.

25. Scipio crosses the lagoon and gets his men upon the wall.

26. The city entered and given up to the sword.

27. Mago surrenders the citadel.

28. Sack of the city.

29. The Roman customs in the distribution of booty.

30. See .

31. Scipio’s treatment of the prisoners. The citizens are dismissed to their homes.

32. The skilled slaves are promised their freedom at the end of the war.

33. Some are drafted into the navy.

34. Mago is entrusted to Laelius.

35. This seems to be the distinction between the words γερουσιά and σύγκλητος. Cp. . The latter is the word used by Polybius for the Roman Senate; for the nature of the first see Bosworth Smith, Carthage and he Carthaginians, p. 27. It was usually called The Hundred. Mommsen ( Hist. of Rome ,, vol. ii. p. 15) seems to doubt the existence of the larger council: its authority at any rate had been superseded by the oligarchical gerusia.

36. The hostages.

37. The women.

38. Scipio’s continence.

39. Laelius sent to Rome with the news. B.C. 209.

40. Preparations for an advance.

41. Xen. Hellen. 3, 4, 17 : Aegsil. 1, 26

42. Euryleon Achaean Strategus, B.C. 210-209.

43. Birth, parentage, and education of Philopoemen b. B.C. 252

44. Elected Hipparch, B.C. 210. Cp. Plut. Phil. 7 , συχνὸς χρόνυς after the battle of Sallasia, B.C. 222.

45. The cavalry tactics of Philopoemen, B.C. 210-209.

46. This and the following chapter were formerly assigned to the description of Scipio’s proceedings in Spain and followed, . Hultsch, however, seems right in placing them thus, and assigning them to the account of the tactics of Philopoemen.

47. A fragment of a speech of some Macedonian orator as to the Aetolians making an alliance with Rome .

48. Alliance between Aetolians and Rome against Philip, negotiated by Scopas and Dorimachus, B. C. 211. See Livy, 26, 24 .

49. On the margin of one MS. the following is written, which may be a sentence from the same speech, or a comment of the Epitomator: A confederacy with democratic institutions always stands in need of external support, owing to the fickleness of the multitude.

50. King Philip’s conduct at Argos after presiding at the Nemean games, B. C. 208. See Livy, 27, 30 , 31.

51. War between Antiochus the Great (III.) and Arsaces III., King of the Parthians. B.C. 212-205. See above,

52. Description of Media, and of the palace at Ecbatana .

53. See .

54. This goddess is variously called Anaitis ( Plut. Artax. 27 ) and Nanea ( 2 Macc. 1, 13 ). And is identified by Plutarch with Artemis, and by others with Aphrodite.

55. The nature of the desert between Media and Parthia .

56. Antiochus prepares to cross it: Arsaces orders the wells to be choked.

57. Antiochus arrives at Hecatompylos .

58. Antiochus determines to follow Arsaces into Hyrcania.

59. The ascent of Mount Labus.

60. The battle on the summit of Mount Labus.

61. He reaches Tambrax.

62. Capture of Sirynx.

63. B. C. 208. Coss. M. Claudius Marcellus, T. Quinctius Crispinus. The two Consuls were encamped within three miles of each other, between Venusia and Bantia , Hannibal had been at Lacinium in Bruttii, but had advanced into Apulia . Livy, 27, 25-27 .

64. Death of the Consul M. Claudius Marcellus.

65. This proverb perhaps arose from the frequent employment of the non-Hellenic Carians as mercenaries. Cp. Plato, Laches, 187 B ; Euthydemus, 285 B ; Euripides, Cyclops, 654 .

66. Fiat experimentum in corpore vili

67. An incident in the attempt of Hannibal to enter Salapia , under cover of a letter sealed by the ring of the dead Consul Marcus. Livy, 27, 28 .

68. Winter of B.C. 209-208. See supra. . The adhesion of Edeco, prince of the Edetani.

69. Edeco is followed by other tribes. B. C. 209-8.

70. Andobales and mandonius abandon Hasdrubal.

71. See .

72. Early in B. C. 208, Scipio moves

73. southward to attack Hasdrubal in the valley of the Baetis. Livy, 27, 18 -19.

74. Andobales joins Scipio.

75. Hasdrubal changes his position to one of superior strength.

76. Scipio arrives.

77. Scipio successfully assaults Hasdrubal’s position.

78. Hasdrubal retreats, and makes for the Pyrenees .

79. Scipio’s self-restraint.

80. Scipio occupies the position evacuated by the Carthaginians.

81. Winter of B. C. 208-207.

82. King Philip undertakes to aid the Achaean league, and other Greek states, against a threat-ened attack of the Aetolians in alliance with Rome , B. C. 208. Cp. Livy, 27, 30 . See above .

83. The improvement introduced by Aeneas Tactitus.

84. This passage does not occur in the extant treatise of Aeneas; but is apparently referred to ( ) as being contained in a preparatory treatise ( παρασκευαστικὴ βίβλος).

85. The drawbacks to this method.

86. The improved method of Cleoxenus and Democlitus.

87.

The grouping of these letters will be as follows:— 1 2 3 4 5 6 1 α ζ λ π φ 2 β η μ ρ χ 3 γ θ ν σ ψ 4 δ ι ξ τ ω 5 ε κ ο υ

88. Antiochus in Parthia , B.C. 209-5. See .

89. The entrance of the Nomad Scythians into Hyrcania .

90. Polybius confuses the Tanais (Don) with another Tanais or Iaxartes flowing into the south-east part of the Caspian.

91. King of Bactria , see .

92. Battle on the river Arius between Antiochus and the Bactrians.

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Search the Perseus Catalog for:

The Hannibalian War — The Recovery of Tarentum

Publius Cornelius Scipio Africanus in Spain , B.C. 210-206. His Character

Scipio’s First Brilliant Success

His Election To the Aedileship

Publius and Lucius Become Aediles

Speech of Publius Scipio to the Soldiers

He Determines To Attack Carthagena

Why New Carthage is a Desirable Target

Laelius and Scipio Proceed to New Carthage

Topography of Carthagena

Scipio Briefs His Troops

The Attack On Carthagena Begun

Double Assault By The Romans

Scipio Creates a Distraction

Carthagena Captured and Looted

How the Romans Distribute Booty

Scipio’s Treatment of the Prisoners

Scipio’s Treatment of Women

The Money

Scipio’s Training Regimen

Philopoemen of Megalopolis

His Birth and Education

Philopoemen’s Reforms

How to Drill a Large Company

Philip’s Increasing Deterioration

Philip V

Medea and the Palace at Ecbatana

Antiochus the Great In Media

Antiochus Moves into Hyrcania

Fighting On Mount Labus

Antiochus Reaches Tambrax

Fall of M. Claudius Marcellus

Hannibal’s Greatness

The Submission of the Edetani to Scipio

General Defection to the Romans

Difficulty of Making Good Use of a Victory

Hasdrubal Comes to a Decision

Hasdrubal and Scipio Prepare to Fight

Scipio Attacks Hasdrubal

Scipio Refuses the Title King

Affairs in Greece : Philip V. Called In Against the Aetolians

Reinforcements Sent to Various Cities

Fire signals

Methods of Signalling

An Improved Method

Improvements In Signalling

Importance of Practice

Antiochus Crosses the Arius

Antiochus Engages the Bactrians

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