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CHAPTER II.

[1] No one can [justly] blame us for having undertaken to write on a subject already often treated of, unless it appears that we have done nothing more than copy the works of former writers. In our opinion, though they may have perfectly treated some subjects, in others they have still left much to be completed; and we shall be justified in our performance, if we can add to their information even in a trifling degree. At the present moment the conquests of the Romans and Parthians have added much to our knowledge, which (as was well observed by Eratosthenes) had been considerably increased by the expedition of Alexander. This prince laid open to our view the greater part of Asia, and the whole north of Europe as far as the Danube. And the Romans [have discovered to us] the entire west of Europe as far as the river Elbe, which divides Germany, and the country beyond the Ister to the river Dniester. The country beyond this to the Maeotis,¹ and the coasts extending along Colchis,² was brought to light by Mithridates, surnamed Eupator, and his generals. To the Parthians we are indebted for a better acquaintance with Hyrcania,³ Bactriana,⁴ and the land of the Scythians⁵ lying beyond, of which before we knew but little. Thus we can add much information not supplied by former writers, but this will best be seen when we come to treat on the writers who have preceded us; and this method we shall pursue, not so much in regard to the primitive geographers, as to Eratosthenes and those subsequent to him. As these writers far surpassed the generality in the amount of their knowledge, so naturally it is more difficult to detect their errors when such occur. If I seem to contradict those most whom I take chiefly for my guides, I must claim indulgence on the plea, that it was never intended to criticise the whole body of geographers, the larger number of whom are not worthy of consideration, but to give an opinion of those only who are generally found correct. Still, while many are beneath discussion, such men as Eratosthenes, Posidonius, Hipparchus, Polybius, and others of their stamp, deserve our highest consideration.

[2] Let us first examine Eratosthenes, reviewing at the same time what Hipparchus has advanced against him. Eratosthenes is much too creditable an historian for us to believe what Polemon endeavours to charge against him, that he had not even seen Athens. At the same time he does not merit that unbounded confidence which some seem to repose in him, although, as he himself tells us, he passed much of his time with first-rate [characters]. Never, says he, at one period, and in one city, were there so many philosophers flourishing together as in my time. In their number was Ariston and Arcesilaus. This, however, it seems is not sufficient, but you must also be able to choose who are the real guides whom it is your interest to follow. He considers Arcesilaus and Ariston to be the coryphaei of the philosophers who flourished in his time, and is ceaseless in his eulogies of Apelles and Bion, the latter of whom, says he, was the first to deck himself in the flowers of philosophy, but concerning whom one is often likewise tempted to exclaim, How great is Bion in spite of his rags!⁶ It is in such instances as the following that the mediocrity of his genius shows itself.

Although at Athens he became a disciple of Zeno⁷ of Citium, he makes no mention of his followers; while those who opposed that philosopher, and of whose sect not a trace remains, he thinks fit to set down amongst the [great characters] who flourished in his time. His real character appears in his Treatise on Moral Philosophy,⁸ his Meditations, and some similar productions. He seems to have held a middle course between the man who devotes himself to philosophy, and the man who cannot make up his mind to dedicate himself to it: and to have studied the science merely as a relief from his other pursuits, or as a pleasing and instructive recreation. In his other writings he is just the same; but let these things pass. We will now proceed as well as we can to the task of rectifying his geography.

First, then, let us return to the point which we lately deferred.

[3] Eratosthenes says that the poet directs his whole attention to the amusement of the mind, and not at all to its instruction. In opposition to his idea, the ancients define poesy as a primitive philosophy, guiding our life from infancy, and pleasantly regulating our morals, our tastes, and our actions. The [Stoics] of our day affirm that the only wise man is the poet. On this account the earliest lessons which the citizens of Greece convey to their children are from the poets; certainly not alone for the purpose of amusing their minds, but for their instruction. Nay, even the professors of music, who give lessons on the harp, lyre, and pipe, lay claim to our consideration on the same account, since they say that [the accomplishments which they teach] are calculated to form and improve the character. It is not only among the Pythagoreans that one hears this claim supported, for Aristoxenus is of that opinion, and Homer too regarded the bards as amongst the wisest of mankind.

Of this number was the guardian of Clytemnestra, to whom the son of Atreus, when he set out for Troy, gave earnest charge to preserve his wife,⁹ whom Aegisthus was unable to seduce, until leading the bard to a desert island, he left him,¹⁰ and then

The queen he led, not willing less than he,

To his own mansion.¹¹

Ib. iii. 272.

But apart from all such considerations, Eratosthenes contradicts himself; for a little previously to the sentence which we have quoted, at the commencement of his Essay on Geography, he says, that all the ancient poets took delight in showing their knowledge of such matters. Homer inserted into his poetry all that he knew about the Ethiopians, Egypt, and Libya. Of all that related to Greece and the neighbouring places he entered even too minutely into the details, describing Thisbe as abounding in doves, Haliartus, grassy, Anthedon, the far distant, Litaea, situated on the sources of the Cephissus,¹² and none of his epithets are without their meaning. But in pursuing this method, what object has he in view, to amuse [merely], or to instruct? The latter, doubtless. Well, perhaps he has told the truth in these instances, but in what was beyond his observation both he and the other writers have indulged in all the marvels of fable. If such be the case the statement should have been, that the poets relate some things for mere amusement, others for instruction; but he affirms that they do it altogether for amusement, without any view to information; and by way of climax, inquires, What can it add to Homer’s worth to be familiar with many lands, and skilled in strategy, agriculture, rhetoric, and similar information, which some persons seem desirous to make him possessed of. To seek to invest him with all this knowledge is most likely the effect of too great a zeal for his honour. Hipparchus observes, that to assert he was acquainted with every art and science, is like saying that an Attic eiresionè¹³ bears pears and apples.

As far as this goes, Eratosthenes, you are right enough; not so, however, when you not only deny that Homer was possessed of these vast acquirements, but represent poetry in general as a tissue of old wives’ fables, where, to use your own expression, every thing thought likely to amuse is cooked up. I ask, is it of no value to the auditors¹⁴ of the poets to be made acquainted with [the history of] different countries, with strategy, agriculture, and rhetoric, and suchlike things, which the lecture generally contains.

[4] One thing is certain, that the poet has bestowed all these gifts upon Ulysses, whom beyond any of his other [heroes] he loves to adorn with every virtue. He says of him, that he

Discover’d various cities, and the mind

And manners learn’d of men in lands remote.¹⁵

Odyssey i 3. That he was

Of a piercing wit and deeply wise.¹⁶

Iliad iii. 202. He is continually described as the destroyer of cities, and as having vanquished Troy, by his counsels, his advice, and his deceptive art. Diomede says of him,

Let him attend me, and through fire itself

We shall return; for none is wise as he.¹⁷

Ib. x. 246. He prides himself on his skill in husbandry, for at the harvest [he says],

I with my well-bent sickle in my hand,

Thou arm’d with one as keen.¹⁸

Odyssey xviii. 367. And also in tillage,

Then shouldst thou see

How straight my furrow should be cut and true.¹⁹

Ib. xviii. 374. And Homer was not singular in his opinion regarding these matters, for all educated people appeal to him in favour of the idea that such practical knowledge is one of the chief means of acquiring understanding.

[5] That eloquence is regarded as the wisdom of speech, Ulysses manifests throughout the whole poem, both in the Trial,²⁰ the Petitions,²¹ and the Embassy.²² Of him it is said by Antenor,

But when he spake, forth from his breast did flow

A torrent swift as winter’s feather’d snow.²³

Iliad iii. 221. Who can suppose that a poet capable of effectively introducing into his scenes rhetoricians, generals, and various other characters, each displaying some peculiar excellence, was nothing more than a droll or juggler, capable only of cheating or flattering his hearer, and not of instructing him.

Are we not all agreed that the chief merit of a poet consists in his accurate representation of the affairs of life? Can this be done by a mere driveller, unacquainted with the world?

The excellence of a poet is not to be measured by the same standard as that of a mechanic or a blacksmith, where honour and virtue have nothing to do with our estimate. But the poet and the individual are connected, and he only can become a good poet, who is in the first instance a worthy man.

[6] To deny that our poet possesses the graces of oratory is using us hardly indeed. What is so befitting an orator, what so poetical as eloquence, and who so sweetly eloquent as Homer? But, by heaven! you’ll say, there are other styles of eloquence than those peculiar to poetry. Of course [I admit this]; in poetry itself there is the tragic and the comic style; in prose, the historic and the forensic. But is not language a generality, of which poetry and prose are forms? Yes, language is; but are not the rhetorical, the eloquent, and the florid styles also? I answer, that flowery prose is nothing but an imitation of poetry. Ornate poetry was the first to make its appearance, and was well received. Afterwards it was closely imitated by writers in the time of Cadmus, Pherecydes, and Hecataeus. The metre was the only thing dispensed with, every other poetic grace being carefully preserved. As time advanced, one after another of its beauties was discarded, till at last it came down from its glory into our common prose. In the same way we may say that comedy took its rise from tragedy, but descended from its lofty grandeur into what we now call the common parlance of daily life. And when [we find] the ancient writers making use of the expression to sing, to designate eloquence of style, this in itself is an evidence that poetry is the source and origin of all ornamented and rhetorical language. Poetry in ancient days was on every occasion accompanied by melody. The song or ode was but a modulated speech, from whence the words rhapsody, tragedy, comedy,²⁴ are derived; and since originally eloquence was the term made use of for the poetical effusions which were always of the nature of a song, it soon happened [that in speaking of poetry] some said, to sing, others, to be eloquent; and as the one term was early misapplied to prose compositions, the other also was soon applied in the same way. Lastly, the very term prose, which is applied to language not clothed in metre, seems to indicate, as it were, its descent from an elevation or chariot to the ground.²⁵

[7] Homer accurately describes many distant countries, and not only Greece and the neighbouring places, as Eratosthenes asserts. His romance, too, is in better style than that of his successors. He does not make up wondrous tales on every occasion, but to instruct us the better often, and especially in the Odyssey, adds to the circumstances which have come under his actual observation, allegories, wise harangues, and enticing narrations. Concerning which, Eratosthenes is much mistaken when he says that both Homer and his commentators are a pack of fools. But this subject demands a little more of our attention.

[8] To begin. The poets were by no means the first to avail themselves of myths. States and lawgivers had taken advantage of them long before, having observed the constitutional bias of mankind. Man is eager after knowledge, and the love of legend is but the prelude thereto. This is why children begin to listen [to fables], and are acquainted with them before any other kind of knowledge; the cause of this is that the myth introduces them to a new train of ideas, relating not to every-day occurrences, but something in addition to these.

A charm hangs round whatever is new and hitherto unknown, inspiring us with a desire to become acquainted with it, but when the wonderful and the marvellous are likewise present, our delight is increased until at last it becomes a philtre of study. To children we are obliged to hold out such enticements, in order that in riper years, when the mind is powerful, and no longer needs such stimulants, it may be prepared to enter on the study of actual realities.

Every illiterate and uninstructed man is yet a child, and takes delight in fable. With the partially informed it is much the same; reason is not all-powerful within him, and he still possesses the tastes of a child. But the marvellous, which is capable of exciting fear as well as pleasure, influences not childhood only, but age as well. As we relate to children pleasing tales to incite them [to any course] of action, and frightful ones to deter them, such as those of Lamia,²⁶ Gorgo,²⁷ Ephialtes,²⁸ and Mormolyca.²⁹ So numbers of our citizens are incited to deeds of virtue by the beauties of fable, when they hear the poets in a strain of enthusiasm recording noble actions, such as the labours of Hercules or Theseus, and the honours bestowed on them by the gods, or even when they see paintings, sculptures, or figures bearing their romantic evidence to such events. In the same way they are restrained from vicious courses, when they think they have received from the gods by oracles or some other invisible intimations, threats, menaces, or chastisements, or even if they only believe they have befallen others. The great mass of women and common people, cannot be induced by mere force of reason to devote themselves to piety, virtue, and honesty; superstition must therefore be employed, and even this is insufficient without the aid of the marvellous and the terrible. For what are the thunderbolts, the aegis, the trident, the torches, the dragons, the barbed thyrses, the arms of the gods, and all the paraphernalia of antique theology, but fables employed by the founders of states, as bugbears to frighten timorous minds.

Such was mythology; and when our ancestors found it capable of subserving the purposes of social and political life, and even contributing to the knowledge of truth, they continued the education of childhood to maturer years, and maintained that poetry was sufficient to form the understanding of every age. In course of time history and our present philosophy were introduced; these, however, suffice but for the chosen few, and to the present day poetry is the main agent which instructs our people and crowds our theatres. Homer here stands pre-eminent, but in truth all the early historians and natural philosophers were mythologists as well.

[9] Thus it is that our poet, though he sometimes employs fiction for the purposes of instruction, always gives the preference to truth; he makes use of what is false, merely tolerating it in order the more easily to lead and govern the multitude. As a man

Binds with a golden verge

Bright silver:³⁰

Odyssey vi. 232. so Homer, heightening by fiction actual occurrences, adorns and embellishes his subject; but his end is always the same as that of the historian, who relates nothing but facts. In this manner he undertook the narration of the Trojan war, gilding it with the beauties of fancy and the wanderings of Ulysses; but we shall never find Homer inventing an empty fable apart from the inculcation of truth. It is ever the case that a person lies most successfully, when he intermingles [into the falsehood] a sprinkling of truth. Such is the remark of Polybius in treating of the wanderings of Ulysses; such is also the meaning of the verse,

He fabricated many falsehoods, relating them like truths:³¹

Odyssey xix. 203. not all, but many falsehoods, otherwise it would not have looked like the truth. Homer’s narrative is founded on history. He tells us that king Aeolus governed the Lipari Islands, that around Mount Aetna and Leontini dwelt the Cyclopae, and certain Laestrygonians inhospitable to strangers. That at that time the districts surrounding the strait were unapproachable; and Scylla and Charybdis were infested by banditti. In like manner in the writings of Homer we are informed of other freebooters, who dwelt in divers regions. Being aware that the Cimmerians dwelt on the Cimmerian Bosphorus, a dark northern country, he felicitously locates them in a gloomy region close by Hades, a fit theatre for the scene in the wanderings of Ulysses. That he was acquainted with these people we may satisfy ourselves from the chroniclers, who report an incursion made by the Cimmerians either during his life-time or just before.

[10] Being acquainted with Colchis, and the voyage of Jason to Aea, and also with the historical and fabulous relations concerning Circe and Medea, their enchantments and their various other points of resemblance, he feigns there was a relationship between them, notwithstanding the vast distance by which they were separated, the one dwelling in an inland creek of the Euxine, and the other in Italy, and both of them beyond the ocean.

It is possible that Jason himself wandered as far as Italy, for traces of the Argonautic expedition are pointed out near the Ceraunian³² mountains, by the Adriatic,³³ at the Possidonian³⁴ Gulf, and the isles adjacent to Tyrrhenia.³⁵ The Cyaneae, called by some the Symplegades,³⁶ or Jostling Rocks, which render the passage through the Strait of Constantinople so difficult, also afforded matter to our poet. The actual existence of a place named Aea, stamped credibility upon his Aeaea; so did the Symplegades upon the Planctae, (the Jostling Rocks upon the Wandering Rocks,) and the passage of Jason through the midst of them; in the same way Scylla and Charybdis accredited the passage [of Ulysses] past those rocks. In his time people absolutely regarded the Euxine as a kind of second ocean, and placed those who had crossed it in the same list with navigators who had passed the Pillars.³⁷ It was looked upon as the largest of our seas, and was therefore par excellence styled the Sea, in the same way as Homer [is called] the Poet. In order therefore to be well received, it is probable he transferred the scenes from the Euxine to the ocean, so as not to stagger the general belief. And in my opinion those Solymi who possess the highest ridges of Taurus, lying between Lycia and Pisidia, and those who in their southern heights stand out most conspicuously to the dwellers on this side Taurus, and the inhabitants of the Euxine by a figure of speech, he describes as being beyond the ocean. For narrating the voyage of Ulysses in his ship, he says,

But Neptune, traversing in his return

From Ethiopia’s sons, the mountain heights

Of Solymè, descried him from afar.³⁸

Odyssey v. 282.

It is probable he took his account of the one-eyed Cyclopae from Scythian history, for the Arimaspi, whom Aristaeus of Proconnesus describes in his Tales of the Arimaspi, are said to be distinguished by this peculiarity.

[11] Having premised thus much, we must now take into consideration the reasons of those who assert that Homer makes Ulysses wander to Sicily or Italy, and also of those who denied this. The truth is, he may be equally interpreted on this subject either way, according as we take a correct or incorrect view of the case. Correct, if we understand that he was convinced of the reality of Ulysses’ wanderings there, and taking this truth as a foundation, raised thereon a poetical superstructure. And so far this description of him is right; for not about Italy only, but to the farthest extremities of Spain, traces of his wanderings and those of similar adventurers may still be found. Incorrect, if the scene-painting is received as fact, his Ocean, and Hades, the oxen of the sun, his hospitable reception by the goddesses, the metamorphoses, the gigantic size of the Cyclopae and Laestrygonians, the monstrous appearance of Scylla, the distance of the voyage, and other similar particulars, all alike manifestly fabulous. It is as idle to waste words with a person who thus openly maligns our poet, as it would be with one who should assert as true all the particulars of Ulysses’ return to Ithaca,³⁹ the slaughter of the suitors, and the pitched battle between him and the Ithacans in the field. But nothing can be said against the man who understands the words of the poet in a rational way.

[12] Eratosthenes, though on no sufficient grounds for so doing, rejects both these opinions, endeavouring in his attack on the latter, to refute by lengthened arguments what is manifestly absurd and unworthy of consideration, and in regard to the former, maintaining a poet to be a mere gossip, to whose worth an acquaintance with science or geography could not add in the least degree: since the scenes of certain of Homer’s fables are cast in actual localities, as Ilium,⁴⁰ Pelion,⁴¹ and Ida;⁴² others in purely imaginary regions, such as those of the Gorgons and Geryon. Of this latter class, he says, are the places mentioned in the wanderings of Ulysses, and those who pretend that they are not mere fabrications of the poet, but have an actual existence, are proved to be mistaken by the differences of opinion existing among themselves: for some of them assert that the Sirenes of Homer are situated close to Pelorus,⁴³ and others that they are more than two thousand stadia distant,⁴⁴ near the Sirenussae,⁴⁵ a three-peaked rock which separates the Gulfs of Cummaea and Posidonium. Now, in the first place, this rock is not three-peaked, nor does it form a crest at the summit at all, but a long and narrow angle reaching from the territory of Surrentum⁴⁶ to the Strait of Capria,⁴⁷ having on one side of the mountain the temple of the Sirens, and on the other side, next the Gulf of Posidonius, three little rocky and uninhabited islands, named the Sirenes; upon the strait, is situated the Athenaeum, from which the rocky angle itself takes its name.

[13] Further, if those who describe the geography of certain places do not agree in every particular, are we justified in at once rejecting their whole narration? Frequently this is a reason why it should receive the greater credit. For example, in the investigation whether the scene of Ulysses’ wanderings were Sicily or Italy, and the proper position of the Sirenes, they differ in so far that one places them at Pelorus, and the other at Sirenussae, but neither of them dissents from the idea that it was some where near Sicily or Italy. They add thereby strength to this view, inasmuch as though they are not agreed as to the exact locality, neither of them makes any question but that it was some where contiguous to Italy or Sicily. If a third party should add, that the monument of Parthenope, who was one of the Sirens, is shown at Naples, this only confirms us the more in our belief, for though a third place is introduced to our notice, still as Naples is situated in the gulf called by Eratosthenes the Cumaean, and which is formed by the Sirenussae, we are more confident still that the position of the Sirenes was some where close by.

That the poet did not search for accuracy in every minor detail we admit, but neither ought we to expect this of him; at the same time we are not to believe that he composed his poem without inquiring into the history of the Wandering, nor where and how it occurred.

[14] Eratosthenes thinks it probable that Hesiod, having heard of the wanderings of Ulysses, and of their having taken place near to Sicily and Italy, embraced this view of the case, and not only describes the places spoken of by Homer, but also Aetna, the Isle of Ortygia,⁴⁸ near to Syracuse, and Tyrrhenia. As for Homer, he was altogether unacquainted with these places, and further, had no wish to lay the scene of the wanderings in any well-known locality. What! are then Aetna and Tyrrhenia such well-known places, and Scyllaeum, Charybdis, Circaeum,⁴⁹ and the Sirenussae, so obscure? Or is Hesiod so correct as never to write nonsense, but always follow in the wake of received opinions, while Homer blurts out whatever comes uppermost? Without taking into consideration our remarks on the character and aptitude of Homer’s myths, a large array of writers who bear evidence to his statements, and the additional testimony of local tradition, are sufficient proof that his are not the inventions of poets or contemporary scribblers, but the record of real actors and real scenes.

[15] The conjecture of Polybius in regard to the particulars of the wandering of Ulysses is excellent. He says that Aeolus instructed sailors how to navigate the strait, a difficult matter on account of the currents occasioned by the ebb and flow. and was therefore called the dispenser of the winds, and reputed their king.

In like manner Danaus for pointing out the springs of water that were in Argos, and Atreus for showing the retrograde movement of the sun in the heavens, from being mere soothsayers and diviners, were raised to the dignity of kings. And the priests of the Egyptians, the Chaldeans, and Magi, distinguished for their wisdom above those around them, obtained from our predecessors honour and authority; and so it is that in each of the gods, we worship the discoverer of some useful art.

Having thus introduced his subject, he does not allow us to consider the account of Aeolus, nor yet the rest of the Odyssey, as altogether mythical. There is a spice of the fabulous here, as well as in the Trojan War,⁵⁰ but as respects Sicily, the poet accords entirely with the other historians who have written on the local traditions of Sicily and Italy. He altogether denies the justness of Eratosthenes’ dictum, that we may hope to discover the whereabout of Ulysses’ wanderings, when we can find the cobbler who sewed up the winds in the leathern sack. “And [adds Polybius] his description of the hunt of the galeotes⁵¹ at Scylla,

‘Plunged to her middle in the horrid den

She lurks, protruding from the black abyss

Her heads, with which the ravening monster dives

In quest of dolphins, dog-fish, or of prey

More bulky,⁵²

Odyssey xii. 95. accords well with what takes place around Scyllaeum: for the thunny-fish, carried in shoals by Italy, and not being able to reach Sicily, fall into [the Strait], where they become the prey of larger fish, such as dolphins, dog-fish, and other cetacea, and it is by this means that the galeotes (which are also called sword-fish) and dogs fatten themselves. For the same thing occurs here, and at the rising of the Nile and other rivers, as takes place when a forest is on fire. Vast crowds of animals, in flying from the fire or the water, become the prey of beasts more powerful than themselves.”

[16] He then goes on to describe the manner in which they catch the sword-fish at Scyllaeum. One look-out directs the whole body of fishers, who are in a vast number of small boats, each furnished with two oars, and two men to each boat. One man rows, the other stands on the prow, spear in hand, while the look-out has to signal the appearance of a sword-fish. (This fish, when swimming, has about a third of its body above water.) As it passes the boat, the fisher darts the spear from his hand, and when this is withdrawn, it leaves the sharp point with which it is furnished sticking in the flesh of the fish: this point is barbed, and loosely fixed to the spear for the purpose; it has a long end fastened to it; this they pay out to the wounded fish, till it is exhausted with its struggling and endeavours at escape. Afterwards they trail it to the shore, or, unless it is too large and full-grown, haul it into the boat. If the spear should fall into the sea, it is not lost, for it is jointed of oak and pine, so that when the oak sinks on account of its weight, it causes the other end to rise, and thus is easily recovered. It sometimes happens that the rower is wounded, even through the boat, and such is the size of the sword with which the galeote is armed, such the strength of the fish, and the method of the capture, that [in danger] it is not surpassed by the chase of the wild boar. From these facts (he says) we may conclude that Ulysses’ wanderings were close to Sicily, since Homer describes Scylla⁵³ as engaging in a pursuit exactly similar to that which is carried on at Scyllaeum. As to Charybdis, he describes just what takes place at the Strait of Messina:

Each day she thrice disgorges,⁵⁴

Odyssey xii. 105. instead of twice, being only a mistake, either of the scribe or the historian.

[17] The customs of the inhabitants of Meninx⁵⁵ closely correspond to the description of the Lotophagi. If any thing does not correspond, it should be attributed to change, or to misconception, or to poetical licence, which is made up of history, rhetoric, and fiction. Truth is the aim of the historical portion, as for instance in the Catalogue of Ships,⁵⁶ where the poet informs us of the peculiarities of each place, that one is rocky, another the furthest city, that this abounds in doves. and that is maritime. A lively interest is the end of the rhetorical, as when he points to us the combat; and of the fiction, pleasure and astonishment. A mere fabrication would neither be persuasive nor Homeric; and we know that his poem is generally considered a scientific treatise, notwithstanding what Eratosthenes may say, when he bids us not to judge poems by the standard of intellect, nor yet look to them for history.

It is most probable that the line

Nine days by cruel storms thence was I borne

Athwart the fishy deep,⁵⁷

Odyssey ix. 82. should be understood of merely a short distance, (for cruel storms do not blow in a right course,) and not of being carried beyond the ocean, as if impelled by favourable winds. And, says Polybius, allowing the distance from Malea⁵⁸ to the Pillars to be 22,500 stadia, and supposing the rate of passage was the same throughout the nine days, the voyage must have been accomplished at the speed of 2500 stadia per diem: now who has ever recorded that the passage from Lycia or Rhodes to Alexandria, a distance of 4000 stadia, has been made in two days? To those who demand how it was that Ulysses, though he journeyed thrice to Sicily, never once navigated the Strait, we reply that, long after his time, voyagers always sedulously avoided that route.

[18] Such are the sentiments of Polybius; and in many respects they are correct enough; but when he discusses the voyage beyond the ocean, and enters on minute calculations of the proportion borne by the distance to the number of days, he is greatly mistaken. He alleges perpetually the words of the poet,

Nine days by cruel storms thence was I borne;

but at the same time he takes no notice of this expression, which is his as well,

And now borne sea-ward from the river stream

Of the Oceanus;⁵⁹

Odyss. xii. l. and this,

In the island of Ogygia, the centre of the sea,⁶⁰

Odyssey i. 50. and that the daughter of Atlas⁶¹ dwells there. And the following concerning the Phaeacians,

Remote amid the billowy deep, we hold

Our dwelling, utmost of all human kind,

And free from mixture with a foreign race.⁶²

Odyssey vi. 204.

These passages clearly refer to the Atlantic Ocean,⁶³ but though so plainly expressed, Polybius slily manages to overlook them. Here he is altogether wrong, though quite correct about the wandering of Ulysses having taken place round Sicily and Italy, a fact which Homer establishes himself. Otherwise, what poet or writer could have persuaded the Neapolitans to assert that they possessed the tomb of Parthenope⁶⁴ the Siren, or the inhabitants of Cumae, Dicaearchia,⁶⁵ and Vesuvius [to bear their testimony] to Pyriphlegethon, the Marsh of Acherusia,⁶⁶ to the oracle of the dead which was near Aornus,⁶⁷ and to Baius and Misenus,⁶⁸ the companions of Ulysses. The same is the case with the Sirenussae, and the Strait of Messina, and Scylla, and Charybdis, and Aeolus, all which things should neither be examined into too rigorously, nor yet [despised] as groundless and without foundation, alike remote from truth and historic value.

[19] Eratosthenes seems to have had something like this view of the case himself, when he says, Any one would believe that the poet intended the western regions as the scene of Ulysses’ wanderings, but that he has departed from fact, sometimes through want of perfect information, at other times because he wished to give to scenes a more terrific and marvellous appearance than they actually possessed. So far this is true, but his idea of the object which the poet had in view while composing, is false; real advantage, not trifling, being his aim. We may justly reprehend his assertion on this point, as also where he says, that Homer places the scene of his marvels in distant lands that he may lie the more easily. Remote localities have not furnished him with near so many wonderful narrations as Greece, and the countries thereto adjacent; witness the labours of Hercules, and Theseus, the fables concerning Crete, Sicily, and the other islands; besides those connected with Cithaerum, Helicon,⁶⁹ Parnassus,⁷⁰ Pelion,⁷¹ and the whole of Attica and the Peloponnesus. Let us not therefore tax the poets with ignorance on account of the myths which they employ, and since, so far from myth being the staple, they for the most part avail themselves of actual occurrences, (and Homer does this in a remarkable degree,) the inquirer who will seek how far these ancient writers have wandered into fiction, ought not to scrutinize to what extent the fiction was carried, but rather what is the truth concerning those places and persons to which the fictions have been applied; for instance, whether the wanderings of Ulysses did actually occur, and where.

[20] On the whole, however, it is not proper to place the works of Homer in the common catalogue of other poets, without challenging for him a superiority both in respect of his other [excellences] and also for the geography on which our attention is now engaged.

If any one were to do no more than merely read through the Triptolemus of Sophocles, or the prologue to the Bacchae of Euripides, and then compare them with the care taken by Homer in his geographical descriptions, he would at once perceive both the difference and superiority of the latter, for wherever there is necessity for arrangement in the localities he has immortalized, he is careful to preserve it as well in regard to Greece, as to foreign countries.

They

On the Olympian summit thought to fix

Huge Ossa, and on Ossa’s towering head

Pelion with all his forests.⁷²

And Juno starting from the Olympian height

O’erflew Pieria and the lovely plains

Of broad Emathia;⁷³ soaring thence she swept

The snow-clad summit of the Thracian hills⁷⁴

Steed-famed, nor printed, as she pass’d, the soil,

From Athos⁷⁵ the foaming billows borne.⁷⁶

In the Catalogue he does not describe his cities in regular order, because here there was no necessity, but both the people and foreign countries he arranges correctly. Having wandered to Cyprus, and Phoenice, and the Egyptians, I came to the Ethiopians, and Sidonians, and Erembi, and Libya.⁷⁷ Hipparchus has drawn attention to this. But the two tragedians where there was great necessity for proper arrangement, one⁷⁸ where he introduces Bacchus visiting the nations, the other⁷⁹ Triptolemus sowing the earth, have brought in juxta-position places far remote, and separated those which were near.

And having left the wealthy lands of the Lydians and Phrygians, and the sunny plains of the Persians and the Bactrian walls, and having come over the stormy land of the Medes, and the Happy Arabia.⁸⁰ And the Triptolemus is just as inaccurate.

Further, in respect to the winds and climates, Homer shows the wide extent of his geographical knowledge, for in his topographical descriptions he not unfrequently informs us of both these matters. Thus,

My abode

Is sun-burnt Ithaca.

Flat on the deep she lies, farthest removed

Toward the west, while situate apart,

Her sister islands face the rising day.⁸¹

Odyssey ix. 25. And,

It has a two-fold entrance,

One towards the north, the other south.⁸²

Odyssey xiii. 109, 111. And again,

Which I alike despise, speed they their course

With right-hand flight towards the ruddy east,

Or leftward down into the shades of eve.⁸³

Iliad xii. 239. Ignorance of such matters he reckons no less than confusion.

Alas! my friends, for neither west

Know we, nor east; where rises or where sets

The all-enlightening sun.⁸⁴

Odyssey x. 190. Where the poet has said properly enough,

As when two adverse winds, blowing from Thrace,

Boreas and Zephyrus,⁸⁵

Iliad ix.5. Eratosthenes ill-naturedly misrepresents him as saying in an absolute sense, that the west wind blows from Thrace; whereas he is not speaking in an absolute sense at all, but merely of the meeting of contrary winds near the bay of Melas,⁸⁶ on the Thracian sea, itself a part of the Aegaean. For where Thrace forms a kind of promontory, where it borders on Macedonia,⁸⁷ it takes a turn to the south-west, and projects into the ocean, and from this point it seems to the inhabitants of Thasos, Lemnos, Imbros, Samothracia,⁸⁸ and the surrounding sea, that the west winds blow.⁸⁹ So in regard to Attica, they seem to come from the rocks of Sciros,⁹⁰ and this is the reason why all the westerly winds, the north-west more particularly, are called the Scirones. Of this Eratosthenes was not aware, though he suspected as much, for it was he who described this bending of the land [towards the south-west] which we have mentioned. But he interprets our poet in an absolute sense, and then taxes him with ignorance, because, says he, Zephyr blows from the west, and off Spain, and Thrace does not extend so far. Does he then think that Homer was not aware that Zephyr came from the west, notwithstanding the careful manner in which he distinguishes its position when he writes as follows:

The east, the south, the heavy-blowing Zephyr,

And the cold north-wind clear.⁹¹

Odyssey v. 295. Or was he ignorant that Thrace did not extend beyond the Paeonian and Thessalian mountains.⁹² To be sure he was well acquainted with the position of the countries adjoining Thrace in that direction, and does he not mention by name both the maritime and inland districts, and tells us of the Magnetae,⁹³ the Malians,⁹⁴ and other Grecian [territories], all in order, as far as Thesprotis;⁹⁵ also of the Dolopes⁹⁶ bordering on Paeonia, and the Sellae who inhabit the territory around Dodona⁹⁷ as far as the [river] Achelous,⁹⁸ but he never mentions Thrace, as being beyond these. He has evidently a predilection for the sea which is nearest to him, and with which he is most familiar, as where he says,

Commotion shook

The whole assembly, such as heaves the flood

Of the Icarian deep.⁹⁹

Iliad ii. 144.

[21] Some writers tell us there are but two principal winds, the north and south, and that the other winds are only a slight difference in the direction of these two. That is, (supposing only two winds, the north and south,) the south wind from the commencement of the summer quarter blows in a south-easterly direction; and from the commencement of the winter quarter from the east. The north wind from the decline of the summer, blows in a westerly direction, and from the decline of the winter, in a north-westerly direction.

In support of this opinion of the two winds they adduce Thrasyalces and our poet himself, forasmuch as he mentions the north-west with the south,

From the north-west south,¹⁰⁰

Iliad xi. 306, xxi. 334. and the west with the north,

As when two adverse winds, blowing from Thrace,

Boreas and Zephyrus.¹⁰¹

Iliad ix. 5.

But Posidonius remarks that none of those who are really acquainted with these subjects, such as Aristotle, Timosthenes, and Bion the astronomer, entertain so mistaken an opinion in regard to the winds. They say that the north-east (Caecias) blows from the commencement of summer, and that the southwest wind (Libs), which is exactly opposite to this, blows from the decline of winter. And again, the south-east wind (Eurus), which is opposite to the north-west wind (Argestes), from the commencement of winter. The east and west winds being intermediate.

When our poet makes use of the expression stormy zephyr, he means the wind which is now called by us the north-west; and by the clear-blowing zephyr our west wind; our Leuconotus is his Argestes-notus, or clearing south wind,¹⁰² for this wind brings but few clouds, all the other southern winds bringing clouds and rain,¹⁰³

As when whirlwinds of the west

A storm encounter from the clearing south.¹⁰⁴

Iliad xi. 305. Here he alludes to the stormy zephyr, which very frequently scatters the feathery clouds brought up by the Leuconotus, or, as it is called by way of epithet, the clearing south.

The statements made by Eratosthenes in the first book of his Geography, require some such correction as this.

[22] Persisting in his false views in relation to Homer, he goes on to say, He was ignorant that the Nile separated into many mouths, nay, he was not even acquainted with the name of the river, though Hesiod knew it well, for he even mentions it.¹⁰⁵ In respect of the name, it is probable that it had not then been given to the river, and as to the mouths, if they were obscure and little known, will not every one excuse him for not being aware whether there were several or merely one? At that time, the river, its rising, and its mouths were considered, as they are at the present day, amongst the most remarkable, the most wonderful, and most worthy of recording of all the peculiarities of Egypt: who can suppose that those who told our poet of the country and river of Egypt, of Egyptian Thebes, and of Pharos, were unaware of the many embouchures of the Nile; or that being aware, they would not have described them, were it not that they were too generally known? But is it not inconceivable that Homer should describe Ethiopia, and the Sidonians, the Erembi, and the Exterior Sea,¹⁰⁶—should tell us that Ethiopia was divided into two parts, and yet nothing about those things which were nearer and better known? Certainly not, his not describing these things is no proof that he was not acquainted with them. He does not tell us of his own country, nor yet many other things. The most probable reason is, they were so generally known that they did not appear to him worth recording.¹⁰⁷

[23] Again, they are entirely wrong when they allege as a mark of Homer’s ignorance, that he describes the island of Pharos¹⁰⁸ as entirely surrounded by the sea. On the contrary, it might be taken advantage of as a proof that our poet was not unacquainted with a single one of the points concerning Egypt which we have just been speaking of: and thus we demonstrate it:—Every one is prone to romance a little in narrating his travels, and Menelaus was no exception to the rule. He had been to Ethiopia,¹⁰⁹ and there heard much discussion concerning the sources of the Nile, and the alluvium which it deposited, both along its course, and also at its mouths, and the large additions which it had thereby made to the main-land, so as fully to justify the remark of Herodotus¹¹⁰ that the whole of Egypt was a gift from the river; or if not the whole, at all events that part of it below the Delta, called Lower Egypt. He had heard too that Pharos was entirely surrounded by sea, and therefore misrepresented it as entirely surrounded by the sea, although it had long ago ceased so to be. Now the author of all this was Homer, and we therefore infer that he was not ignorant concerning either the sources or the mouths of the Nile.

[24] They are again mistaken when they say that he was not aware of the isthmus between the sea of Egypt and the Arabian Gulf, and that his description is false,

The Ethiopians, utmost of mankind,

These eastward situate, those toward the west.¹¹¹

Odyssey i. 23. Nevertheless he is correct, and the criticism of the moderns is quite out of place: indeed, there is so little truth in the assertion that Homer was ignorant of this isthmus, that I will venture to affirm he was not only acquainted with it, but has also accurately defined it. But none of the grammarians, not even the chiefs of their number, Aristarchus and Crates, have understood the words of our poet on this subject. For they disagree as to the words which follow this expression of Homer,

The Ethiopians, utmost of mankind,

These eastward situate, those towards the west,¹¹²

Odyssey i. 23. Aristarchus writing,

These towards the west, and those towards the east,

and Crates,

As well in the west as also in the east.

However, in regard to their hypotheses, it makes no difference whether the passage were written this way or that. One of them, in fact, takes what he considers the mathematical view of the case, and says that the torrid zone is occupied by the ocean,¹¹³ and that on each side of this there is a temperate zone, one inhabited by us and another opposite thereto. And as we call the Ethiopians, who are situated to the south, and dwell along the shores of the ocean, the most distant on the face of the inhabited globe; so he supposed that on the other side of the ocean,¹¹⁴ there were certain Ethiopians dwelling along the shores, who would in like manner be considered the most distant¹¹⁵ by the inhabitants of the other temperate zone; and thus that the Ethiopians were double, separated into two divisions by the ocean. He adds, as well in the west as also in the east, because as the celestial zodiac always corresponds to the terrestrial, and never exceeds in its obliquity the space occupied by the two Ethiopias, the sun’s entire course must necessarily be within this space, and also his rising and setting, as it appears to different nations according to the sign which he may be in.

He (Crates) adopted this version, because he considered it the more astronomical. But it would have maintained his opinion of the division of the Ethiopians into two parts, and at the same time have been much more simple, had he said that the Ethiopians dwelt on either side of the ocean from the rising to the setting of the sun. In this case what difference does it make whether we follow his version, or adopt the reading of Aristarchus,

These towards the west, and those towards the east?

which also means, that whether east or west, on either side of the ocean, Ethiopians dwell. But Aristarchus rejects this hypothesis. He says, The Ethiopians with whom we are acquainted, and who are farthest south from the Greeks, are those described by the poet as being separated into two divisions. But Ethiopia is not so separated as to form two countries, one situated towards the west, the other towards the east, but only one, that which lies south of the Greeks and adjoins Egypt; but of this the poet was ignorant, as well as of other matters enumerated by Apollodorus, which he has falsely stated concerning various places in his second book, containing the catalogue of the ships.

[25] To refute Crates would require a lengthened argument, which here perhaps may be considered out of place. Aristarchus we commend for rejecting the hypothesis of Crates, which is open to many objections, and for referring the expression of the poet to our Ethiopia. But the remainder of his statement we must discuss. First, his minute examination of the reading is altogether fruitless, for whichever way it may have been written, his interpretation is equally applicable to both; for what difference is there whether you say thus—In our opinion there are two Ethiopias, one towards the east, the other to the west; or thus—For they are as well towards the east as the west? Secondly, He makes false assumptions. For admitting that the poet was ignorant of the isthmus,¹¹⁶ and that he alludes to the Ethiopia contiguous to Egypt, when he says,

The Ethiopians separated into two divisions;¹¹⁷

Odyssey i. 23. what then? Are they not separated into two divisions, and could the poet have thus expressed himself if he had been in ignorance? Is not Egypt, nay, are not the Egyptians, separated into two divisions by the Nile from the Delta to Syene,¹¹⁸

These towards the west, those towards the east?

And what else is Egypt, with the exception of the island formed by the river and overflowed by its waters; does it not lie on either side of the river both east and west?

Ethiopia runs in the same direction as Egypt, and resembles it both in its position with respect to the Nile, and in its other geographical circumstances. It is narrow, long, and subject to inundation; beyond the reach of this inundation it is desolate and parched, and unfitted for the habitation of man; some districts lying to the east and some to the west of [the river]. How then can we deny that it is separated into two divisions? Shall the Nile, which is looked upon by some people as the proper boundary line between Asia and Libya,¹¹⁹ and which extends southward in length more than 10,000 stadia, embracing in its breadth islands which contain populations of above ten thousand men, the largest of these being Meroe, the seat of empire and metropolis of the Ethiopians, be regarded as too insignificant to divide Ethiopia into two parts? The greatest obstacle which they who object to the river being made the line of demarcation between the two continents are able to allege, is, that Egypt and Ethiopia are by this means divided, one part of each being assigned to Libya, and the other to Asia, or, if this will not suit, the continents cannot be divided at all, or at least not by the river.

[26] But besides these there is another method of dividing Ethiopia. All those who have sailed along the coasts of Libya, whether starting from the Arabian Gulf,¹²⁰ or the Pillars,¹²¹ after proceeding a certain distance, have been obliged to turn back again on account of a variety of accidents; and thus originated a general belief that it was divided midway by some isthmus, although the whole of the Atlantic Ocean is confluent, more especially towards the south. Besides, all of these navigators called the final country which they reached, Ethiopia, and described it under that name. Is it therefore at all incredible, that Homer, misled by such reports, separated them into two divisions, one towards the east and the other west, not knowing whether there were any intermediate countries or not? But there is another ancient tradition related by Ephorus, which Homer had probably fallen in with. He tells us it is reported by the Tartessians,¹²² that some of the Ethiopians, on their arrival in Libya,¹²³ penetrated into the extreme west, and settled down there, while the rest occupied the greater part of the sea-coast; and in support of this statement he quotes the passage of Homer,

The Ethiopians, the farthest removed of men, separated into two divisions.

[27] These and other more stringent arguments may be urged against Aristarchus and those of his school, to clear our poet from the charge of such gross ignorance. I assert that the ancient Greeks, in the same way as they classed all the northern nations with which they were familiar under the one name of Scythians, or, according to Homer, Nomades, and afterwards becoming acquainted with those towards the west, styled them Kelts and Iberians; sometimes compounding the names into Keltiberians, or Keltoscythians, thus ignorantly uniting various distinct nations; so I affirm they designated as Ethiopia the whole of the southern countries towards the ocean. Of this there is evidence, for Aeschylus, in the Prometheus Loosed,¹²⁴ thus speaks:

There [is] the sacred wave, and the coralled bed of the Erythraean Sea, and [there] the luxuriant marsh of the Ethiopians, situated near the ocean, glitters like polished brass; where daily in the soft and tepid stream, the all-seeing sun bathes his undying self, and refreshes his weary steeds.

And as the ocean holds the same position in respect to the sun, and serves the same purpose throughout the whole southern region,¹²⁵ he¹²⁶ therefore concludes that the Ethiopians inhabited the whole of the region.

And Euripides in his Phaeton¹²⁷ says that Clymene was given

To Merops, sovereign of that land

Which from his four-horsed chariot first

The rising sun strikes with his golden rays;

And which its swarthy neighbours call

The radiant stable of the Morn and Sun.

Here the poet merely describes them as the common stables of the Morning and of the Sun; but further on he tells us they were near to the dwellings of Merops, and in fact the whole plot of the piece has reference to this. This does not therefore refer alone to the [land] next to Egypt, but rather to the whole southern country extending along the sea-coast.

[28] Ephorus likewise shows us the opinion of the ancients respecting Ethiopia, in his Treatise on Europe. He says, If the whole celestial and terrestrial globe were divided into four parts, the Indians would possess that towards the east, the Ethiopians towards the south, the Kelts towards the west, and the Scythians towards the north. He adds that Ethiopia is larger than Scythia; for, says he, it appears that the country of the Ethiopians extends from the rising to the setting of the sun in winter; and Scythia is opposite to it. It is evident this was the opinion of Homer, since he places Ithaca

Towards the gloomy region,¹²⁸

Odyssey ix. 26. that is, towards the north,¹²⁹ but the others apart,

Towards the morning and the sun,

by which he means the whole southern hemisphere: and again when he says,

speed they their course

With right-hand flight towards the ruddy east,

Or leftward down into the shades of eve.¹³⁰

Iliad xii. 239. And again,

Alas! my friends, for neither west

Know we, nor east, where rises or where sets

The all-enlightening sun.¹³¹

Odyssey x. 190. Which we shall explain more fully when we come to speak of Ithaca.¹³²

When therefore he says,

For to the banks of the Oceanus,

Where Ethiopia holds a feast to Jove,

He journey’d yesterday,¹³³

Iliad i. 423. we should take this in a general sense, and understand by it the whole of the ocean which washes Ethiopia and the southern region, for to whatever part of this region you direct your attention, you will there find both the ocean and Ethiopia. It is in a similar style he says,

But Neptune, traversing in his return

From Ethiopia’s sons the mountain heights

Of Solymè, descried him from afar.¹³⁴

Odyssey v. 282. which is equal to saying, in his return from the southern regions,¹³⁵ meaning by the Solymi, as I remarked before, not those of Pisidia, but certain others merely imaginary, having the same name, and bearing the like relation to the navigators in [Ulysses’] ship, and the southern inhabitants there called Ethiopians, as those of Pisidia do in regard to Pontus and the inhabitants of Egyptian Ethiopia. What he says about the cranes must likewise be understood in a general sense.

Such clang is heard

Along the skies, when from incessant showers

Escaping, and from winter’s cold, the cranes

Take wing, and over ocean speed away.

Woe to the land of dwarfs! prepared they fly

For slaughter of the small Pygmaean race.¹³⁶

Iliad iii. 3. For it is not in Greece alone that the crane is observed to emigrate to more southern regions, but likewise from Italy and Iberia,¹³⁷ from [the shores of] the Caspian, and from Bactriana. But since the ocean extends along the whole southern coast, and the cranes fly to all parts of it indiscriminately at the approach of winter, we must likewise believe that the Pygmies¹³⁸ were equally considered to inhabit the whole of it. And if the moderns have confined the term of Ethiopians to those only who dwell near to Egypt, and have also restricted the Pygmies in like manner, this must not be allowed to interfere with the meaning of the ancients. We do not speak of all the people who fought against Troy as merely Achaeans and Argives, though Homer describes the whole under those two names. Similar to this is my remark concerning the separation of the Ethiopians into two divisions, that under that designation we should understand the whole of the nations inhabiting the sea-board from east to west. The Ethiopians taken in this sense are naturally separated into two parts by the Arabian Gulf, which occupies a considerable portion of a meridian circle,¹³⁹ and resembles a river, being in length nearly 15,000 stadia,¹⁴⁰ and in breadth not above 1000 at the widest point. In addition to the length, the recess of the Gulf is distant from the sea at Pelusium only three or four days’ journey across the isthmus. On this account those who are most felicitous in their division of Asia and Africa, prefer the Gulf¹⁴¹ as a better boundary line for the two continents than the Nile, since it extends almost entirely from sea to sea, whereas the Nile is so remote from the ocean that it does not by any means divide the whole of Asia from Africa. On this account I believe it was the Gulf which the poet looked upon as dividing into two portions the whole southern regions of the inhabited earth. Is it possible, then, that he was unacquainted with the isthmus which separates this Gulf from the Egyptian Sea?¹⁴²

[29] It is quite irrational to suppose that he could be accurately acquainted with Egyptian Thebes,¹⁴³ which is separated from our sea¹⁴⁴ by a little less than 5000¹⁴⁵ stadia; and yet ignorant of the recess of the Arabian Gulf, and of the isthmus there, whose breadth is not more than 1000 stadia. Still more, would it not be ridiculous to believe that Homer was aware the Nile was called by the same name as the vast country [of Egypt], and yet unacquainted with the reason why? especially since the saying of Herodotus would occur to him, that the country was a gift from the river, and it ought therefore to bear its name. Further, the best known peculiarities of a country are those which have something of the nature of a paradox, and are likely to arrest general attention. Of this kind are the rising of the Nile, and the alluvial deposition at its mouth. There is nothing in the whole country to which travellers in Egypt so immediately direct their inquiries, as the character of the Nile; nor do the inhabitants possess any thing else equally wonderful and curious, of which to inform foreigners; for in fact, to give them a description of the river, is to lay open to their view every main characteristic of the country. It is the question put before every other by those who have never seen Egypt themselves. To these considerations we must add Homer’s thirst after knowledge, and his delight in visiting foreign lands, (tastes which we are assured both by those who have written histories of his life, and also by innumerable testimonies throughout his own poems, he possessed in an eminent degree,) and we shall have abundant evidence both of the extent of his information, and the felicity with which he described objects he deemed important, and passed over altogether, or with slight allusion, matters which were generally known.

[30] These Egyptians and Syrians¹⁴⁶ whom we have been criticising fill one with amazement. They do not understand [Homer], even when he is describing their own countries, but accuse him of ignorance where, as our argument proves, they are open to the charge themselves. Not to mention a thing is clearly no evidence that a person is not acquainted with it.¹⁴⁷ Homer does not tell us of the change in the current of the Euripus, nor of Thermopylae, nor of many other remarkable things well known to the Greeks; but was he therefore unacquainted with them? He describes to us, although these men, who are obstinately deaf, will not hear: they have themselves to blame.

Our poet applies to rivers the epithet of heaven-sent. And this not only to mountain torrents, but to all rivers alike, since they are all replenished by the showers. But even what is general becomes particular when it is bestowed on any object par excellence. Heaven-sent, when applied to a mountain torrent, means something else than when it is the epithet of the ever-flowing river; but the force of the term is doubly felt when attributed to the Nile. For as there are hyperboles of hyperboles, for instance, to be lighter than the shadow of a cork, more timid than a Phrygian hare,¹⁴⁸ to possess an estate shorter than a Lacedaemonian epistle; so excellence becomes more excellent, when the title of heaven-sent is given to the Nile. The mountain torrent has a better claim to be called heaven-sent than other rivers, but the Nile exceeds the mountain torrents, both in its size and the lengthened period of its overflow. Since, then, the wonders of this river were known to our poet, as we have shown in this defence, when he applies this epithet to the Nile, it must only be understood in the way we have explained. Homer did not think it worth mentioning, especially to those who were acquainted with the fact, that the Nile had many mouths, since this is a common feature of numerous other rivers. Alcaeus¹⁴⁹ does not mention it, although he tells us he had been in Egypt. One might infer the fact of its alluvial deposit, both From the rising [of the river] and what Homer tells us concerning Pharos. For his account, or rather the vulgar report concerning Pharos, that it was distant from the mainland a whole day’s voyage, ought not to be looked upon as a downright falsehood.

It is clear that Homer was only acquainted with the rising and deposit of the river in a general way, and concluding from what he heard that the island had been further removed in the time of Menelaus from the mainland, than it was in his own, he magnified the distance, simply that he might heighten the fiction. Fictions however are not the offspring of ignorance, as is sufficiently plain from those concerning Proteus, the Pygmies, the efficacy of charms, and many others similar to these fabricated by the poets. They narrate these things not through ignorance of the localities, but for the sake of giving pleasure and enjoyment. But [some one may inquire], how could he describe [Pharos], which is without water as possessed of that necessary?

The haven there is good, and many a ship

Finds watering there from rivulets on the coast.¹⁵⁰

Odyssey iv. 358. [I answer,] It is not impossible that the sources of water may since have failed. Besides, he does not say that the water was procured from the island, but that they went thither on account of the safety of the harbour; the water was probably obtained from the mainland, and by the expression the poet seems to admit that what he had before said of its being wholly surrounded by sea was not the actual fact, but a hyperbole or fiction.

[31] As his description of the wanderings of Menelaus may seem to authenticate the charge of ignorance made against him in respect to those regions, it will perhaps be best to point out the difficulties of the narrative, and their explanation, and at the same time enter into a fuller defence of our poet. Menelaus thus addresses Telemachus, who is admiring the splendour of his palace:

After numerous toils

And perilous wanderings o’er the stormy deep,

In the eighth year at last I brought them home.

Cyprus, Phoenicia, Sidon, and the shores

Of Egypt, roaming without hope, I reach’d,

In distant Ethiopia thence arrived,

And Libya.¹⁵¹

Odyssey iv. 81.

It is asked, What Ethiopians could he have met with on his voyage from Egypt? None are to be found dwelling by our sea,¹⁵² and with his vessels¹⁵³ he could never have reached the cataracts of the Nile. Next, who are the Sidonians? Certainly not the inhabitants of Phoenicia; for leaving mentioned the genus, he would assuredly not particularize the species.¹⁵⁴ And then the Erembi; this is altogether a new name. Our contemporary Aristonicus, the grammarian, in his [observations] on the wanderings of Menelaus, has recorded the opinions of numerous writers on each of the heads under discussion. It will be sufficient for us to refer to them very briefly. They who assert that Menelaus went by sea to Ethiopia, tell us he directed his course past Cadiz into the Indian Ocean;¹⁵⁵ with which, say they, the long duration of his wanderings agrees, since he did not arrive there till the eighth year. Others, that he passed through the isthmus¹⁵⁶ which enters the Arabian Gulf; and others again, through one of the canals. At the same time the idea of this circumnavigation, which owes its origin to Crates, is not necessary; we do not mean it was impossible, (for the wanderings of Ulysses are not impossible,) but neither the mathematical hypothesis, not yet the duration of the wandering, require such an explanation; for he was both retarded against his will by accidents in the voyage, as by [the tempest] which he narrates five only of his sixty ships survived; and also by voluntary delays for the sake of amassing wealth. Nestor says [of him],

Thus he, provision gathering as he went,

And gold abundant, roam’d to distant lands.¹⁵⁷

Odyssey iii. 301. [And Menelaus himself],

Cyprus, Phoenicia, and the Egyptians’ land

I wandered through.¹⁵⁸

Odyssey iv. 83.

As to the navigation of the isthmus, or one of the canals, if it had been related by Homer himself, we should have counted it a myth; but as he does not relate it, we regard it as entirely extravagant and unworthy of belief. We say unworthy of belief, because at the time of the Trojan war no canal was in existence. It is recorded that Sesostris, who had planned the formation of one, apprehending that the level of the sea was too high to admit of it, desisted from the undertaking.¹⁵⁹

Moreover the isthmus itself was not passable for ships, and Eratosthenes is unfortunate in his conjecture, for he considers that the strait at the Pillars was not then formed, so that the Atlantic should by that channel communicate with the Mediterranean, and that this sea being higher than the Isthmus [of Suez], covered it; but when the Strait [of Gibraltar] was formed, the sea subsided considerably; and left the land about Casium¹⁶⁰ and Pelusium¹⁶¹ dry as far over as the Red Sea.

But what account have we of the formation of this strait, supposing it were not in existence prior to the Trojan war? Is it likely that our poet would make Ulysses sail out through the Strait [of Gibraltar] into the Atlantic Ocean, as if that strait already existed, and at the same time describe Menelaus conducting his ships from Egypt to the Red Sea, as if it did not exist. Further, the poet introduces Proteus as saying to him,

Thee the gods

Have destined to the blest Elysian Isles,

Earth’s utmost boundaries.¹⁶²

Odyssey iv. 563. And what this place was, namely, some far western region, is evident from [the mention of] the Zephyr in connexion with it:

But Zephyr always gently from the sea

Breathes on them.¹⁶³

Odyssey iv. 567. This, however, is very enigmatical.

[32] But if our poet speaks of the Isthmus of Suez as ever having been the strait of confluence between the Mediterranean and the Red Seas, how much more credit may we attribute to his division of the Ethiopians into two portions, being thus separated by so grand a strait! And what commerce could he have carried on with the Ethiopians who dwelt by the shores of the exterior sea and the ocean? Telemachus and his companions admire the multitude of ornaments that were in the palace,

Of gold, electrum, silver, ivory.¹⁶⁴

Odyssey iv. 73. Now the Ethiopians are possessed of none of these productions in any abundance, excepting ivory, being for the most part a needy and nomad race. True, [you say,] but adjoining them is Arabia, and the whole country as far as India. One of these is distinguished above all other lands by the title of Felix,¹⁶⁵ and the other, though not dignified by that name, is both generally believed and also said to be preeminently Blessed.

But [we reply], Homer was not acquainted with India, or he would have described it. And though he knew of the Arabia which is now named Felix, at that time it was by no means wealthy, but a wild country, the inhabitants of which dwelt for the most part in tents. It is only a small district which produces the aromatics from which the whole territory afterwards received its name,¹⁶⁶ owing to the rarity of the commodity amongst us, and the value set upon it. That the Arabians are now flourishing and wealthy is due to their vast and extended traffic, but formerly it does not appear to have been considerable. A merchant or camel-driver might attain to opulence by the sale of these aromatics and similar commodities; but Menelaus could only become so either by plunder, or presents conferred on him by kings and nobles, who had the means at their disposal, and wished to gratify one so distinguished by glory and renown. The Egyptians, it is true, and the neighbouring Ethiopians and Arabians, were not so entirely destitute of the luxuries of civilization, nor so unacquainted with the fame of Agamemnon, especially after the termination of the Trojan war, but that Menelaus might have expected some benefits from their generosity, even as the breastplate of Agamemnon is said to be

The gift

Of Cinyras long since; for rumour loud

Had Cyprus reached.¹⁶⁷

Iliad xi. 20. And we are told that the greater part of his wanderings were in Phoenicia, Syria, Egypt, Africa, around Cyprus, and, in fact, the whole of our coasts and islands.¹⁶⁸ Here, indeed, he might hope to enrich himself both by the gifts of friendship and by violence, and especially by the plunder of those who had been the allies of Troy. They however who dwelt on the exterior ocean, and the distant barbarians, held out no such encouragement: and when Menelaus is said to have been in Ethiopia, it is because he had reached the frontiers of that country next Egypt. But perhaps at that time the frontiers lay more contiguous to Thebes than they do now. At the present day the nearest are the districts adjacent to Syene and Philae,¹⁶⁹ the former town being entirely in Egypt, while Philae is inhabited by a mixed population of Ethiopians and Egyptians. Supposing therefore he had arrived at Thebes, and thus reached the boundary-line of Ethiopia, where he experienced the munificence of the king, we must not be surprised if he is described as having passed through the country.¹⁷⁰ On no better authority Ulysses declares he has been to the land of the Cyclops, although he merely left the sea to enter a cavern which he himself tells us was situated on the very borders of the country: and, in fact, wherever he came to anchor, whether at Aeolia, Laestrygonia, or elsewhere, he is stated to have visited those places. In the same manner Menelaus is said to have been to Ethiopia and Libya, because here and there he touched at those places, and the port near Ardania above Paraetonium¹⁷¹ is called after him the port of Menelaus.¹⁷²

[33] When, after mentioning Phoenicia, he talks of Sidon, its metropolis, he merely employs a common form of expression, for example,

He urged the Trojans and Hector to the ships.¹⁷³ Iliad xiii. 1.

For the sons of magnanimous Oeneus were no more, nor was he himself surviving; moreover, fair-haired Meleager was dead.¹⁷⁴

He came to Ida—and to Gargarus.¹⁷⁵

Iliad viii. 47.

He possessed Euboea, Chalcis, and Eretria.¹⁷⁶

Iliad ii. 536. Sappho likewise [says],

Whether Cyprus, or the spacious-harboured Paphos.¹⁷⁷

But he had some other cause besides this for mentioning Sidon immediately after having spoken of the Phoenicians: for had he merely desired to recount the nations in order, it would have been quite sufficient to say,

Having wandered to Cyprus, Phoenice, and the Egyptians, I came to the Ethiopians.¹⁷⁸

But that he might record his sojourn amongst the Sidonians, which was considerably prolonged, he thought it well to refer to it repeatedly. Thus he praises their prosperity and skill in the arts, and alludes to the hospitality the citizens had shown to Helen and Alexander. Thus he tells us of the many [treasures]of this nature laid up in store by Alexander.¹⁷⁹

There his treasures lay,

Works of Sidonian women, whom her son,

The godlike Paris, when he crossed the seas

With Jove-begotten Helen, brought to Troy.¹⁸⁰

Iliad vi. 289. And also by Menelaus, who says to Telemachus,

‘I give thee this bright beaker, argent all,

But round encircled with a lip of gold.

It is the work of Vulcan, which to me

The hero Phaedimus presented, king

Of the Sidonians, when on my return

Beneath his roof I lodged. I make it thine.¹⁸¹

Odyssey xv. 115. Here the expression, work of Vulcan, must be looked upon as a hyperbole: in the same way all elegant productions are said to be the work of Minerva, of the Graces, or of the Muses. But that the Sidonians were skilful artists, is clear from the praises bestowed [by Homer] on the bowl which Euneos gave in exchange for Lycaon:

Earth

Own’d not its like for elegance of form.

Skilful Sidonian artists had around

Embellish’d it, and o’er the sable deep

Phoenician merchants into Lemnos’ port

Had borne it.¹⁸²

Iliad xxiii. 742.

[34] Many conjectures have been hazarded as to who the Erembi were: they who suppose the Arabs are intended, seem to deserve the most credit.

Our Zeno reads the passage thus:—

I came to the Ethiopians, the Sidonians, and the Arabians.

But there is no occasion to tamper with the text, which is of great antiquity; it is a far preferable course to suppose a change in the name itself, which is of frequent and ordinary occurrence in every nation: and in fact certain grammarians establish this view by a comparison of the radical letters. Posidonius seems to me to adopt the better plan after all, in looking for the etymology of names in nations of one stock and community; thus between the Armenians, Syrians, and Arabians there is a strong affinity both in regard to dialect, mode of life, peculiarities of physical conformation, and above all in the contiguity of the countries. Mesopotamia, which is a motley of the three nations, is a proof of this; for the similarity amongst these three is very remarkable. And though in consequence of the various latitudes there may be some difference between those who dwell in the north¹⁸³ and those of the the south,¹⁸⁴ and again between each of these and the inhabitants of the middle region,¹⁸⁵ still the same characteristics are dominant in all. Also the Assyrians and Arians have a great affinity both to these people and to each other. And [Posidonius] believes there is a similarity in the names of these different nations. Those whom we call Syrians style themselves Armenians and Arammaeans, names greatly like those of the Armenians, Arabs, and Erembi. Perhaps this [last] term is that by which the Greeks anciently designated the Arabs; the etymon of the word certainly strengthens the idea. Many deduce the etymology of the Erembi from ἔραν ἐμβαίνειν, (to go into the earth,) which [they say] was altered by the people of a later generation into the more intelligible name of Troglodytes,¹⁸⁶ by which are intended those Arabs who dwell on that side of the Arabian Gulf next to Egypt and Ethiopia. It is probable then that the poet describes Menelaus as having visited these people in the same way that he says he visited the Ethiopians; for they are likewise near to the Thebaid; and he mentions them not on account of any commerce or gain, (for of these there was not much,) but probably to enhance the length of the journey and his meed of praise: for such distant travelling was highly thought of. For example,—

Discover’d various cities, and the mind

And manners learn’d of men in lands remote.¹⁸⁷

Odyssey i. 3. And again:

After numerous toils

And perilous wanderings o’er the stormy deep,

In the eighth year at last I brought them home.¹⁸⁸

Odyssey iv. 81. Hesiod, in his Catalogue,¹⁸⁹ writes,

And the daughter of Arabus, whom gracious Hermes and Thronia, descended from king Belus, brought forth.

Thus, too, says Stesichorus. Whence it seems that at that time the country was from him named Arabia, though it is not likely this was the case in the heroic period.¹⁹⁰

[35] There are many who would make the Erembi a tribe of the Ethiopians, or of the Cephenes, or again of the Pygmies, and a thousand other fancies. These ought to be regarded with little trust; since their opinion is not only incredible, but they evidently labour under a certain confusion as to the different characters of history and fable. In the same category must be reckoned those who place the Sidonians and Phoenicians in the Persian Gulf, or somewhere else in the Ocean, and make the wanderings of Menelaus to have happened there. Not the least cause for mistrusting these writers is the manner in which they contradict each other. One half would have us believe that the Sidonians are a colony from the people whom they describe as located on the shores of the [Indian] Ocean, and who they say were called Phoenicians from the colour of the Erythraean Sea, while the others declare the opposite.¹⁹¹

Some again would transport Ethiopia into our Phoenicia, and make Joppa the scene of the adventures of Andromeda;¹⁹² and this not from any ignorance of the topography of those places, but by a kind of mythic fiction similar to those of Hesiod and other writers censured by Apollodorus, who, however, couples Homer with them, without, as it appears, any cause. He cites as instances what Homer relates of the Euxine and Egypt, and accuses him of ignorance for pretending to speak the actual truth, and then recounting fable, all the while ignorantly mistaking it for fact. Will anyone then accuse Hesiod of ignorance on account of his Hemicynes,¹⁹³ his Macro- cephali,¹⁹⁴ and his Pygmies; or Homer for his like fables, and amongst others the Pygmies themselves; or Alcman¹⁹⁵ for describing the Steganopodes;¹⁹⁶ or Aeschylus for his Cyno- cephali,¹⁹⁷ Sternophthalmi,¹⁹⁸ and Monommati;¹⁹⁹ when amongst prose writers, and in works bearing the appearance of veritable history, we frequently meet with similar narrations, and that without any admission of their having inserted such myths. Indeed it becomes immediately evident that they have woven together a tissue of myths not through ignorance of the real facts, but merely to amuse by a deceptive narration of the impossible and marvellous. If they appear to do this in ignorance, it is because they can romance more frequently and with greater plausibility on those things which are uncertain and unknown. This Theopompus plainly confesses in the announcement of his intention to relate the fables in his history in a better style than Herodotus, Ctesias, Hellanicus, and those who had written on the affairs of India.

[36] Homer has described to us the phenomena of the ocean under the form of a myth; this [art] is very desirable in a poet; the idea of his Charybdis was taken from the ebb and flow of the tide, and was by no means a pure invention of his own, but derived from what he knew concerning the Strait of Sicily.²⁰⁰ And although he states that the ebb and flow occurred thrice during the four and twenty hours, instead of twice,

(Each day she thrice disgorges, and each day

Thrice swallows it,”)²⁰¹

Odyssey xii. 105. we must suppose that he said this not through any ignorance of the fact, but for tragic effect, and to excite the fear which Circe endeavours to infuse into her arguments to deter Ulysses from departing, even at a little expense of truth. The following is the language Circe makes use of in her speech to him:

Each day she thrice disgorges, and each day

Thrice swallows it. Ah! well-forewarn’d beware

What time she swallows, that thou come not nigh,

For not himself, Neptune, could snatch thee thence.²⁰²

Odyssey xii. 105. And yet when Ulysses was ingulfed in the eddy he was not lost. He tells us himself,

‘It was the time when she absorb’d profound

The briny flood, but by a wave upborne,

I seized the branches fast of the wild fig,

To which bat-like I clung.²⁰³

Odyssey xii. 431. And then having waited for the timbers of the wreck he seized hold of them, and thus saved himself. Circe, therefore, had exaggerated both the peril, and also the fact of its vomiting forth thrice a day instead of twice. However, this latter is a hyperbole which every one makes use of; thus we say thrice-happy and thrice-miserable.

So the poet,

Thrice-happy Greeks!²⁰⁴

Odyssey v. 306. Again,

O delightful, thrice-wished for!²⁰⁵

Iliad viii. 488. And again,

O thrice and four times.²⁰⁶

Iliad iii. 363. Any one, too, might conclude from the passage itself that Homer even here hinted at the truth, for the long time which the remains of the wreck lay under water, which Ulysses, who was all the while hanging suspended to the branches, so anxiously desired to rise, accords much better with the ebb and flow taking place but twice during the night and day instead of thrice.

Therefore hard

I clench’d the boughs, till she disgorged again

Both keel and mast. Not undesired by me

They came, though late; for at what hour the judge,

After decision made of numerous strifes

Between young candidates for honour, leaves

The forum, for refreshment’s sake at home,

Then was it that the mast and keel emerged.²⁰⁷

Odyssey xii. 437.

Every word of this indicates a considerable length of time, especially when he prolongs it to the evening, not merely saying at that time when the judge has risen, but having adjudicated on a vast number of cases, and therefore detained longer than usual. Otherwise his account of the return of the wreck would not have appeared likely, if he had brought it back again with the return of the wave, before it had been first carried a long way off.

[37] Apollodorus, who agrees with Eratosthenes, throws much blame upon Callimachus for asserting, in spite of his character as a grammarian, that Gaudus²⁰⁸ and Corcyra²⁰⁹ were among the scenes of Ulysses’ wandering, such an opinion being altogether in defiance of Homer’s statement, and his description of the places as situated in the exterior ocean.²¹⁰

This criticism is just if we suppose the wandering to have never actually occurred, and to be merely the result of Homer’s imagination; but if it did take place, although in other regions, Apollodorus ought plainly to have stated which they were, and thus set right the mistake of Callimachus. Since, however, after such evidence as we have produced, we cannot believe the whole account to be a fiction, and since no other more likely places have as yet been named, we hold that the grammarian is absolved from blame.

[38] Demetrius of Skepsis is also wrong, and, in fact, the cause of some of the mistakes of Apollodorus. He eagerly objects to the statement of Neanthes of Cyzicus, that the Argonauts, when they sailed to the Phasis,²¹¹ founded at Cyzicus the temples of the Idaean Mother.²¹² Though their voyage is attested both by Homer and other writers, he denies that Homer had any knowledge whatever of the departure of Jason to the Phasis. In so doing, he not only contradicts the very words of Homer, but even his own assertions. The poet informs us that Achilles, having ravaged Lesbos²¹³ and other districts, spared Lemnos²¹⁴ and the adjoining islands, on account of his relationship with Jason and his son Euneos,²¹⁵ who then had possession of the island. How should he know of a relationship, identity of race, or other connexion existing between Achilles and Jason, which, after all, was nothing else than that they were both Thessalians, one being of Iolcos,²¹⁶ the other of the Achaean Pthiotis,²¹⁷ and yet was not aware how it happened that Jason, who was a Thessalian of Iolcos, should leave no descendants in the land of his nativity, but establish his son as ruler of Lemnos? Homer then was familiar with the history of Pelias and the daughters of Pelias, of Alcestis, who was the most charming of them all, and of her son

Eumelus, whom Alcestis, praised

For beauty above all her sisters fair,

In Thessaly to king Admetus bore,²¹⁸

Iliad ii. 714. and was yet ignorant of all that befell Jason, and Argo, and the Argonauts, matters on the actual occurrence of which all the world is agreed. The tale then of their voyage in the ocean from Aeeta, was a mere fiction, for which he had no authority in history.

[39] If, however, the expedition to the Phasis, fitted out by Pelias, its return, and the conquest of several islands, have at the bottom any truth whatever, as all say they have, so also has the account of their wanderings, no less than those of Ulysses and Menelaus; monuments of the actual occurrence of which remain to this day elsewhere than in the writings of Homer. The city of Aea, close by the Phasis, is still pointed Out Aeetes is generally believed to have reigned in Colchis, the name is still common throughout the country, tales of the sorceress Medea are yet abroad, and the riches of the country in gold, silver, and iron, proclaim the motive of Jason’s expedition, as well as of that which Phrixus had formerly undertaken. Traces both of one and the other still remain. Such is Phrixium,²¹⁹ midway between Colchis and Iberia, and the Jasonia, or towns of Jason, which are every where met with in Armenia, Media, and the surrounding countries. Many are the witnesses to the reality of the expeditions of Jason and Phrixus at Sinope²²⁰ and its shore, at Propontis, at the Hellespont, and even at Lemnos. Of Jason and his Colchian followers there are traces even as far as Crete,²²¹ Italy, and the Adriatic. Callimachus himself alludes to it where he says,

[The temple of] Apollo and [the Isle of] Anaphe,²²²

Near to Laconian Thera.²²³

In the verses which commence,

I sing how the heroes from Cytaean Aeeta,

Return’d again to ancient Aemonia.²²⁴

And again concerning the Colchians, who,

Ceasing to plough with oars the Illyrian Sea,²²⁵

Near to the tomb of fair Harmonia,

Who was transform’d into a dragon’s shape,

Founded their city, which a Greek would call

The Town of Fugitives, but in their tongue

Is Pola named.

Some writers assert that Jason and his companions sailed high up the Ister, others say he sailed only so far as to be able to gain the Adriatic: the first statement results altogether from ignorance; the second, which supposes there is a second Ister having its source from the larger river of the same name, and discharging its waters into the Adriatic, is neither incredible nor even improbable.²²⁶

[40] Starting from these premises, the poet, in conformity both with general custom and his own practice, narrates some circumstances as they actually occurred, and paints others in the colours of fiction. He follows history when he tells us of Aeetes and Jason also, when he talks of Argo, and on the authority of [the actual city of Aea], feigns his city of Aeaea, when he settles Euneos in Lemnos, and makes that island friendly to Achilles, and when, in imitation of Medea, he makes the sorceress Circe

Sister by birth of the all-wise Aeetes,²²⁷

Odyssey x. 137. he adds the fiction of the entrance of the Argonauts into the exterior ocean as the sequel to their wanderings on their return home. Here, supposing the previous statements admitted, the truth of the phrase the renowned Argo,²²⁸ is evident, since, in that case, the expedition was directed to a populous and well-known country. But if, as [Demetrius] of Skepsis asserts, on the authority of Mimnermus, Aeetes dwelt by the Ocean, and Jason was sent thither far east by Pelias, to bring back the fleece, it neither seems probable that such an expedition would have been undertaken into unknown and obscure countries after the Fleece, nor could a voyage to lands desert, uninhabited, and so far remote from us, be considered either glorious or renowned.

[Here follow the words of Demetrius.]

Nor as yet had Jason, having accomplished the arduous journey, carried off the splendid fleece from Aea, fulfilling the dangerous mission of the insolent Pelias, nor had they ploughed the glorious wave of the ocean.

And again:

The city of Aeetes, where the rays of the swift sun recline on their golden bed by the shore of the ocean, which the noble Jason visited.

Geography. Strabo. Hans Claude Hamilton (Translator), William Falconer (Translator). London. 1854-1857.

Sponsored by Perseus Project, Tufts University.

Funding provided by Tufts University.

Current edition Perseus

Geography (English) (Strabo. The Geography of Strabo, Vols. 1-3. Hamilton, Hans Claude, translator; Falconer, William, translator. London: Henry G. Bohn, 1854-1857.)

Editions (1)

Γεωγραφικά Perseus (Strabo. Strabonis Geographica, Vols. 1-3. Meineke, August, editor. Leipzig: Teubner. 1877.) — 1.2 focus

[1] εἰ δὲ πολλῶν προειπόντων ἐπιχειροῦμεν καὶ αὐτοὶ λέγειν περὶ τῶν αὐτῶν, οὔπω μεμπτέον, ἂν μὴ καὶ τὸν αὐτὸν τρόπον διελεγχθῶμεν ἐκείνοις ἅπαντα λέγοντες. ὑπολαμβάνομεν δʼ ἄλλων ἄλλο τι κατορθωσάντων ἄλλο πολὺ μέρος ἔτι τοῦ ἔργου λείπεσθαι· πρὸς οἷς ἂν καὶ μικρὸν προσλαβεῖν δυνηθῶμεν, ἱκανὴν δεῖ τίθεσθαι πρόφασιν τῆς ἐπιχειρήσεως. καὶ γὰρ δὴ πολύ τι τοῖς νῦν ἡ τῶν Ῥωμαίων ἐπικράτεια καὶ τῶν Παρθυαίων τῆς τοιαύτης ἐμπειρίας προσδέδωκε, καθάπερ τοῖς μετὰ τὴν Ἀλεξάνδρου στρατείαν, ὥς φησιν Ἐρατοσθένης· ὁ μὲν γὰρ τῆς Ἀσίας πολλὴν ἀνεκάλυψεν ἡμῖν καὶ τῶν βορείων τῆς Εὐρώπης ἅπαντα μέχρι τοῦ Ἴστρου· οἱ δὲ Ῥωμαῖοι τὰ ἑσπέρια τῆς Εὐρώπης ἅπαντα μέχρι Ἄλβιος ποταμοῦ τοῦ τὴν Γερμανίαν δίχα διαιροῦντος τά τε πέραν Ἴστρου τὰ μέχρι Τύρα ποταμοῦ· τὰ δὲ ἐπέκεινα μέχρι Μαιωτῶν καὶ τῆς εἰς Κόλχους τελευτώσης παραλίας Μιθριδάτης ὁ κληθεὶς Εὐπάτωρ ἐποίησε γνώριμα καὶ οἱ ἐκείνου στρατηγοί· οἱ δὲ Παρθυαῖοι τὰ περὶ τὴν Ὑρκανίαν καὶ τὴν Βακτριανὴν καὶ τοὺς ὑπὲρ τούτων Σκύθας γνωριμωτέρους ἡμῖν ἐποίησαν, ἧττον γνωριζομένους ὑπὸ τῶν πρότερον· ὥστε ἔχοιμεν ἄν τι λέγειν πλέον τῶν πρὸ ἡμῶν. ὁρᾶν δʼ ἔσται τοῦτο μάλιστα ἐν τοῖς λόγοις τοῖς πρὸς τοὺς πρὸ ἡμῶν, ἧττον μὲν τοὺς πάλαι, μᾶλλον δὲ τοὺς μετʼ Ἐρατοσθένη καὶ αὐτὸν ἐκεῖνον· οὓς εἰκὸς ὅσῳπερ πολυμαθέστεροι τῶν πολλῶν γεγόνασι, τοσούτῳ δυσελεγκτοτέρους εἶναι τοῖς ὕστερον, ἄν τι πλημμελῶς λέγωσιν. εἰ δʼ ἀναγκασθησόμεθά που τοῖς αὐτοῖς ἀντιλέγειν, οἷς μάλιστα ἐπακολουθοῦμεν κατʼ ἄλλα, δεῖ συγγνώμην ἔχειν· οὐ γὰρ πρόκειται πρὸς ἅπαντας ἀντιλέγειν, ἀλλὰ τοὺς μὲν πολλοὺς ἐᾶν, οἷς μηδὲ ἀκολουθεῖν ἄξιον, ἐκείνους δὲ διαιτᾶν, οὓς ἐν τοῖς πλείστοις κατωρθωκότας ἴσμεν, ἐπεὶ οὐδὲ πρὸς ἅπαντας φιλοσοφεῖν ἄξιον, πρὸς Ἐρατοσθένη δὲ καὶ Ἵππαρχον καὶ Ποσειδώνιον καὶ Πολύβιον καὶ ἄλλους τοιούτους καλόν.

[2] πρῶτον δʼ ἐπισκεπτέον Ἐρατοσθένη παρατιθέντας ἅμα καὶ τὴν Ἱππάρχου πρὸς αὐτὸν ἀντιλογίαν ἔστι δʼ ὁ Ἐρατοσθένης οὔθʼ οὕτως εὐκατατρόχαστος ὥστε μηδʼ Ἀθήνας αὐτὸν ἰδεῖν φάσκειν, ὅπερ Πολέμων ἐπιχειρεῖ δεικνύναι, οὔτʼ ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον πιστὸς ἐφʼ ὅσον παρεδέξαντό τινες, καίπερ πλείστοις ἐντυχών, ὡς εἴρηκεν αὐτός, ἀγαθοῖς ἀνδράσιν. ἐγένοντο γάρ φησίν ὡς οὐδέποτε, κατὰ τοῦτον τὸν καιρὸν ὑφʼ ἕνα περίβολον καὶ μίαν πόλιν οἱ κατʼ Ἀρίστωνα καὶ Ἀρκεσίλαον ἀνθήσαντες φιλόσοφοι. οὐχ ἱκανὸν δʼ οἶμαι τοῦτο, ἀλλὰ τὸ κρίνειν καλῶς οἷς μᾶλλον προσιτέον. ὁ δὲ Ἀρκεσίλαον καὶ Ἀρίστωνα τῶν καθʼ αὑτὸν ἀνθησάντων κορυφαίους τίθησιν· Ἀπελλῆς τε αὐτῷ πολύς ἐστι καὶ Βίων, ὅν φησι πρῶτον ἀνθινὰ περιβαλεῖν φιλοσοφίαν· ἀλλʼ ὅμως πολλάκις εἰπεῖν ἄν τινα ἐπʼ αὐτοῦ τοῦτο οἵην ἐκ ῥακέων ὁ Βίων. ἐν αὐταῖς γὰρ ταῖς ἀποφάσεσι ταύταις ἱκανὴν ἀσθένειαν ἐμφαίνει τῆς ἑαυτοῦ γνώμης· ᾗ τοῦ Ζήνωνος τοῦ Κιτιέως γνώριμος γενόμενος Ἀθήνησι τῶν μὲν ἐκεῖνον διαδεξαμένων οὐδενὸς μέμνηται, τοὺς δʼ ἐκείνῳ διενεχθέντας καὶ ὧν διαδοχὴ οὐδεμία σώζεται, τούτους ἀνθῆσαί φησι κατὰ τὸν καιρὸν ἐκεῖνον. δηλοῖ δὲ καὶ ἡ περὶ τῶν ἀγαθῶν ἐκδοθεῖσα ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ πραγματεία καὶ μελέται καὶ εἴ τι ἄλλο τοιοῦτο τὴν ἀγωγὴν αὐτοῦ, διότι μέσος ἦν τοῦ τε βουλομένου φιλοσοφεῖν καὶ τοῦ μὴ θαρροῦντος ἐγχειρίζειν ἑαυτὸν εἰς τὴν ὑπόσχεσιν ταύτην, ἀλλὰ μόνον μέχρι τοῦ δοκεῖν προϊόντος, ἢ καὶ παράβασίν τινα ταύτην ἀπὸ τῶν ἄλλων τῶν ἐγκυκλίων πεπορισμένου πρὸς διαγωγὴν ἢ καὶ παιδιάν· τρόπον δέ τινα καὶ ἐν τοῖς ἄλλοις ἐστὶ τοιοῦτος. ἀλλʼ ἐκεῖνα ἐάσθω, πρὸς δὲ τὰ νῦν ἐπιχειρητέον ὅσα δύναιτʼ ἂν ἐπανορθοῦν τὴν γεωγραφίαν, καὶ πρῶτον ὅπερ ἀρτίως ὑπερεθέμεθα.

[3] ποιητὴν γὰρ ἔφη πάντα στοχάζεσθαι ψυχαγωγίας, οὐ διδασκαλίας. τοὐναντίον δʼ οἱ παλαιοὶ φιλοσοφίαν τινὰ λέγουσι πρώτην τὴν ποιητικήν, εἰσάγουσαν εἰς τὸν βίον ἡμᾶς ἐκ νέων καὶ διδάσκουσαν ἤθη καὶ πάθη καὶ πράξεις μεθʼ ἡδονῆς· οἱ δʼ ἡμέτεροι καὶ μόνον ποιητὴν ἔφασαν εἶναι τὸν σοφόν. διὰ τοῦτο καὶ τοὺς παῖδας αἱ τῶν Ἑλλήνων πόλεις πρώτιστα διὰ τῆς ποιητικῆς παιδεύουσιν, οὐ ψυχαγωγίας χάριν δήπουθεν ψιλῆς, ἀλλὰ σωφρονισμοῦ· ὅπου γε καὶ οἱ μουσικοὶ ψάλλειν καὶ λυρίζειν καὶ αὐλεῖν διδάσκοντες μεταποιοῦνται τῆς ἀρετῆς ταύτης· παιδευτικοὶ γὰρ εἶναί φασι καὶ ἐπανορθωτικοὶ τῶν ἠθῶν. ταῦτα δʼ οὐ μόνον παρὰ τῶν Πυθαγορείων ἀκούειν ἐστὶ λεγόντων, ἀλλὰ καὶ Ἀριστόξενος οὕτως ἀποφαίνεται. καὶ Ὅμηρος δὲ τοὺς ἀοιδοὺς σωφρονιστὰς εἴρηκε, καθάπερ τὸν τῆς Κλυταιμνήστρας φύλακα ᾧ πόλλʼ ἐπέτελλεν Ἀτρείδης Τροίηνδε κιὼν εἴρυσθαι ἄκοιτιν, τόν τε Αἴγισθον οὐ πρότερον αὐτῆς περιγενέσθαι πρὶν ἢ τὸν μὲν ἀοιδὸν ἄγων ἐς νῆσον ἐρήμην κάλλιπεν· τὴν δʼ ἐθέλων ἐθέλουσαν ἀνήγαγεν ὅνδε δόμονδε. χωρὶς δὲ τούτων ὁ Ἐρατοσθένης ἑαυτῷ μάχεται· μικρὸν γὰρ πρὸ τῆς λεχθείσης ἀποφάσεως ἐναρχόμενος τοῦ περὶ τῆς γεωγραφίας λόγου φησὶν ἅπαντας κατʼ ἀρχὰς φιλοτίμως ἔχειν εἰς τὸ μέσον φέρειν τὴν ὑπὲρ τῶν τοιούτων ἱστορίαν. Ὅμηρον γοῦν ὑπέρ τε τῶν Αἰθιόπων ὅσα ἐπύθετο καταχωρίσαι εἰς τὴν ποίησιν καὶ περὶ τῶν κατʼ Αἴγυπτον καὶ Λιβύην, τὰ δὲ δὴ κατὰ τὴν Ἑλλάδα καὶ τοὺς σύνεγγυς τόπους καὶ λίαν περιέργως ἐξενηνοχέναι, πολυτρήρωνα μὲν τὴν Θίσβην λέγοντα, Ἁλίαρτον δὲ ποιήεντα, ἐσχατόωσαν δὲ Ἀνθηδόνα, Λίλαιαν δὲ πηγῇς ἔπι Κηφισσοῖο, καὶ οὐδεμίαν προσθήκην κενῶς ἀπορρίπτειν. πότερον οὖν ὁ ποιῶν ταῦτα ψυχαγωγοῦντι ἔοικεν ἢ διδάσκοντι; νὴ Δία, ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν οὕτως εἴρηκε, τὰ δʼ ἔξω τῆς αἰσθήσεως καὶ οὗτος καὶ ἄλλοι τερατολογίας μυθικῆς πεπληρώκασιν. οὐκοῦν ἐχρῆν οὕτως εἰπεῖν, ὅτι ποιητὴς πᾶς τὰ μὲν ψυχαγωγίας χάριν μόνον ἐκφέρει τὰ δὲ διδασκαλίας· ὁ δʼ ἐπήνεγκεν ὅτι ψυχαγωγίας μόνον, διδασκαλίας δʼ οὔ. καὶ προσεξεργάζεταί γε, πυνθανόμενος τί συμβάλλεται πρὸς ἀρετὴν ποιητοῦ πολλῶν ὑπάρξαι τόπων ἔμπειρον ἢ στρατηγίας ἢ γεωργίας ἢ ῥητορικῆς ἢ οἷα δὴ περιποιεῖν αὐτῷ τινες ἐβουλήθησαν; τὸ μὲν οὖν ἅπαντα ζητεῖν περιποιεῖν αὐτῷ προεκπίπτοντος ἄν τις θείη τῇ φιλοτιμίᾳ, ὡς ἂν εἴ τις, φησὶν ὁ Ἵππαρχος, Ἀττικῆς εἰρεσιώνης κατηγοροίη καὶ ἃ μὴ δύναται φέρειν μῆλα καὶ ὄγχνας, οὕτως ἐκείνου πᾶν μάθημα καὶ πᾶσαν τέχνην. τοῦτο μὲν δὴ ὀρθῶς ἂν λέγοις, ὦ Ἐρατόσθενες· ἐκεῖνα δʼ οὐκ ὀρθῶς, ἀφαιρούμενος αὐτὸν τὴν τοσαύτην πολυμάθειαν καὶ τὴν ποιητικὴν γραώδη μυθολογίαν ἀποφαίνων, ᾗ δέδοται πλάττειν, φησίν, ὃ ἂν αὐτῇ φαίνηται ψυχαγωγίας οἰκεῖον. ἆρα γὰρ οὐδὲ τοῖς ἀκροωμένοις τῶν ποιητῶν οὐδὲν συμβάλλεται πρὸς ἀρετήν; λέγω δὲ τὸ πολλῶν ὑπάρξαι τόπων ἔμπειρον ἢ στρατηγίας ἢ γεωργίας ἢ ῥητορικῆς, ἅπερ ἡ ἀκρόασις, ὡς εἰκός, περιποιεῖ.

[4] Ἀλλὰ μὴν ταῦτά γε πάντα ὁ ποιητὴς Ὀδυσσεῖ προσῆψεν, ὃν τῶν πάντων μάλιστα ἀρετῇ πάσῃ κοσμεῖ· οὗτος γὰρ αὐτῷ πολλῶν ἀνθρώπων ἴδεν ἄστεα καὶ νόον ἔγνω,¹ οὗτος δʼ ὁ πτολίπορθος ἀεὶ λεγόμενος καὶ τὸ Ἴλιον ἑλὼν βουλῇ καὶ μύθοισι καὶ ἠπεροπηίδι τέχνῃ· τούτου γʼ ἑσπομένοιο καὶ ἐκ πυρὸς αἰθομένοιο ἄμφω νοστήσαιμεν, φησὶν ὁ Διομήδης. καὶ μὴν ἐπί γε τῇ γεωργίᾳ σεμνύνεται· καὶ γὰρ ἐν ἀμητῷ ἐν ποίῃ δρέπανον μὲν ἐγὼν εὐκαμπὲς ἔχοιμι, καὶ δὲ σὺ τοῖον ἔχοις καὶ ἐν ἀρότῳ, τῷ κέ μʼ ἴδοις, εἰ ὦλκα διηνεκέα προταμοίμην. καὶ οὐχ Ὅμηρος μὲν οὕτω φρονεῖ περὶ τούτων οὐχὶ δὲ πάντες οἱ πεπαιδευμένοι μάρτυρι χρῶνται τῷ ποιητῇ ὡς ὀρθῶς λέγοντι περὶ τοῦ τὴν τοιαύτην ἐμπειρίαν εἰς φρόνησιν συντείνειν μάλιστα.

[5] ̔η δὲ ῥητορικὴ φρόνησίς ἐστι δήπου περὶ λόγους, ἣν ἐπιδείκνυται παρʼ ὅλην τὴν ποίησιν Ὀδυσσεὺς ἐν τῇ διαπείρᾳ, ἐν ταῖς λιταῖς, ἐν τῇ πρεσβείᾳ, ἐν ᾗ φησίν ἀλλʼ ὅτε δὴ ὄπα τε μεγάλην ἐκ στήθεος εἵη καὶ ἔπεα νιφάδεσσιν ἐοικότα χειμερίῃσιν, οὐκ ἂν ἔπειτʼ Ὀδυσῆί γʼ ἐρίσσειε βροτὸς ἄλλος. τίς ἂν οὖν ὑπολάβοι τὸν δυνάμενον ποιητὴν εἰσάγειν ῥητορεύοντας ἑτέρους καὶ στρατηγοῦντας καὶ τὰ ἄλλα ἐπιδεικνυμένους τὰ τῆς ἀρετῆς ἔργα αὐτὸν εἶναι τῶν φλυάρων ἕνα καὶ τῶν θαυματοποιῶν, γοητεύειν μόνον καὶ κολακεύειν τὸν ἀκροατὴν δυνάμενον, ὠφελεῖν δὲ μηδέν; προτέραν δʼ οὐδʼ ἀρετὴν ποιητοῦ λέγοιμεν ἂν ἡντινοῦν ἄλλην ἢ τὴν μιμητικὴν τοῦ βίου διὰ λόγων. πῶς ἂν οὖν μιμοῖτο ἄπειρος ὢν τοῦ βίου καὶ ἄφρων; οὐ γὰρ οὕτω φαμὲν τὴν τῶν ποιητῶν ἀρετὴν ὡσεὶ τεκτόνων ἢ χαλκέων· ἀλλʼ ἐκείνη μὲν οὐδενὸς ἔχεται καλοῦ καὶ σεμνοῦ, ἡ δὲ ποιητοῦ συνέζευκται τῇ τοῦ ἀνθρώπου, καὶ οὐχ οἷόν τε ἀγαθὸν γενέσθαι ποιητὴν μὴ πρότερον γενηθέντα ἄνδρα ἀγαθόν.

[6] τὸ δὲ δὴ καὶ τὴν ῥητορικὴν ἀφαιρεῖσθαι τὸν ποιητὴν τελέως ἀφειδοῦντος ἡμῶν ἐστι. τί γὰρ οὕτω ῥητορικὸν ὡς φράσις; τί δʼ οὕτω ποιητικόν; τίς δʼ ἀμείνων Ὁμήρου φράσαι; νὴ Δία, ἀλλʼ ἑτέρα φράσις ἡ ποιητική. τῷ γε εἴδει, ὡς καὶ ἐν αὐτῇ τῇ ποιητικῇ ἡ τραγικὴ καὶ ἡ κωμική, καὶ ἐν τῇ πεζῇ ἡ ἱστορικὴ καὶ ἡ δικανική. ἆρα γὰρ οὐδʼ ὁ λόγος ἐστὶ γενικός, οὗ εἴδη ὁ ἔμμετρος καὶ ὁ πεζός; ἢ λόγος μέν, ῥητορικὸς δὲ λόγος οὐκ ἔστι γενικὸς καὶ φράσις καὶ ἀρετὴ λόγου; ὡς δʼ εἰπεῖν, ὁ πεζὸς λόγος, ὅ γε κατεσκευασμένος, μίμημα τοῦ ποιητικοῦ ἐστι. πρώτιστα γὰρ ἡ ποιητικὴ κατασκευὴ παρῆλθεν εἰς τὸ μέσον καὶ εὐδοκίμησεν· εἶτα ἐκείνην μιμούμενοι, λύσαντες τὸ μέτρον, τἆλλα δὲ φυλάξαντες τὰ ποιητικά, συνέγραψαν οἱ περὶ Κάδμον καὶ Φερεκύδη καὶ Ἑκαταῖον· εἶτα οἱ ὕστερον ἀφαιροῦντες ἀεί τι τῶν τοιούτων εἰς τὸ νῦν εἶδος κατήγαγον ὡς ἂν ἀπὸ ὕψους τινός· καθάπερ ἄν τις καὶ τὴν κωμῳδίαν φαίη λαβεῖν τὴν σύστασιν ἀπὸ τῆς τραγῳδίας καὶ τοῦ κατʼ αὐτὴν ὕψους καταβιβασθεῖσαν εἰς τὸ λογοειδὲς νυνὶ καλούμενον. καὶ τὸ ἀείδειν δὲ ἀντὶ τοῦ φράζειν τιθέμενον παρὰ τοῖς πάλαι ταὐτὸ τοῦτο ἐκμαρτυρεῖ, διότι πηγὴ καὶ ἀρχὴ φράσεως κατεσκευασμένης καὶ ῥητορικῆς ὑπῆρξεν ἡ ποιητική. αὕτη γὰρ προσεχρήσατο τῷ μέλει κατὰ τὰς ἐπιδείξεις· τοῦτο δʼ ἦν ᾠδὴ ἢ λόγος μεμελισμένος, ἀφʼ οὗ δὴ ῥαψῳδίαν τʼ ἔλεγον καὶ τραγῳδίαν καὶ κωμῳδίαν. ὥστʼ ἐπειδὴ τὸ φράζειν πρώτιστα ἐπὶ τῆς ποιητικῆς ἐλέγετο φράσεως, αὕτη δὲ μετʼ ᾠδῆς * τὸ ἀείδειν αὐτοῖς τὸ αὐτὸ τῷ φράζειν ὑπῆρξε παρʼ ἐκείνοις. καταχρησαμένων δʼ αὐτῶν θατέρῳ καὶ ἐπὶ τοῦ πεζοῦ λόγου, καὶ ἐπὶ θάτερον ἡ κατάχρησις διέβη. καὶ αὐτὸ δὲ τὸ πεζὸν λεχθῆναι τὸν ἄνευ τοῦ μέτρου λόγον ἐμφαίνει τὸν ἀπὸ ὕψους τινὸς καταβάντα καὶ ὀχήματος εἰς τοὔδαφος.

[7] Ἀλλʼ οὐδὲ τὰ σύνεγγυς μόνον, ὥσπερ Ἐρατοσθένης εἴρηκε, καὶ τὰ ἐν τοῖς Ἕλλησιν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν πόρρω πολλὰ λέγει καὶ διʼ ἀκριβείας Ὅμηρος καὶ μᾶλλόν γε τῶν ὕστερον μυθολογεῖται, οὐ πάντα τερατευόμενος, ἀλλὰ καὶ πρὸς ἐπιστήμην ἀλληγορῶν ἢ διασκευάζων ἢ δημαγωγῶν ἄλλα τε καὶ τὰ περὶ τὴν Ὀδυσσέως πλάνην, περὶ ἧς πολλὰ διαμαρτάνει τούς τʼ ἐξηγητὰς φλυάρους ἀποφαίνων καὶ αὐτὸν τὸν ποιητήν· περὶ ὧν ἄξιον εἰπεῖν διὰ πλειόνων.

[8] καὶ πρῶτον ὅτι τοὺς μύθους ἀπεδέξαντο οὐχ οἱ ποιηταὶ μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ αἱ πόλεις πολὺ πρότερον καὶ οἱ νομοθέται τοῦ χρησίμου χάριν, βλέψαντες εἰς τὸ φυσικὸν πάθος τοῦ λογικοῦ ζῴου· φιλειδήμων γὰρ ἅνθρωπος, προοίμιον δὲ τούτου τὸ φιλόμυθον. ἐντεῦθεν οὖν ἄρχεται τὰ παιδία ἀκροᾶσθαι καὶ κοινωνεῖν λόγων ἐπὶ πλεῖον. αἴτιον δʼ, ὅτι καινολογία τίς ἐστιν ὁ μῦθος, οὐ τὰ καθεστηκότα φράζων ἀλλʼ ἕτερα παρὰ ταῦτα· ἡδὺ δὲ τὸ καινὸν καὶ ὃ μὴ πρότερον ἔγνω τις· τοῦτο δʼ αὐτό ἐστι καὶ τὸ ποιοῦν φιλειδήμονα. ὅταν δὲ προσῇ καὶ τὸ θαυμαστὸν καὶ τὸ τερατῶδες, ἐπιτείνει τὴν ἡδονήν, ἥπερ ἐστὶ τοῦ μανθάνειν φίλτρον. κατʼ ἀρχὰς μὲν οὖν ἀνάγκη τοιούτοις δελέασι χρῆσθαι, προϊούσης δὲ τῆς ἡλικίας ἐπὶ τὴν τῶν ὄντων μάθησιν ἄγειν, ἤδη τῆς διανοίας ἐρρωμένης καὶ μηκέτι δεομένης κολάκων. καὶ ἰδιώτης δὲ πᾶς καὶ ἀπαίδευτος τρόπον τινὰ παῖς ἐστι φιλομυθεῖ τε ὡσαύτως· ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ ὁ πεπαιδευμένος μετρίως· οὐδὲ γὰρ οὗτος ἰσχύει τῷ λογισμῷ, πρόσεστι δὲ καὶ τὸ ἐκ παιδὸς ἔθος. ἐπεὶ δʼ οὐ μόνον ἡδὺ ἀλλὰ καὶ φοβερὸν τὸ τερατῶδες, ἀμφοτέρων ἐστὶ τῶν εἰδῶν χρεία πρός τε τοὺς παῖδας καὶ τοὺς ἐν ἡλικίᾳ· τοῖς τε γὰρ παισὶ προσφέρομεν τοὺς ἡδεῖς μύθους εἰς προτροπήν, εἰς ἀποτροπὴν δὲ τοὺς φοβερούς· ἥ τε γὰρ Λάμια μῦθός ἐστι καὶ ἡ Γοργὼ καὶ ὁ Ἐφιάλτης καὶ ἡ Μορμολύκη. οἵ τε πολλοὶ τῶν τὰς πόλεις οἰκούντων εἰς μὲν προτροπὴν ἄγονται τοῖς ἡδέσι τῶν μύθων, ὅταν ἀκούωσι τῶν ποιητῶν ἀνδραγαθήματα μυθώδη διηγουμένων, οἷον Ἡρακλέους ἄθλους ἢ Θησέως, ἢ τιμὰς παρὰ θεῶν νεμομένας, ἢ νὴ Δία ὁρῶσι γραφὰς ἢ ξόανα ἢ πλάσματα τοιαύτην τινὰ περιπέτειαν ὑποσημαίνοντα μυθώδη· εἰς ἀποτροπὴν δέ, ὅταν κολάσεις παρὰ θεῶν καὶ φόβους καὶ ἀπειλὰς ἢ διὰ λόγων ἢ διὰ τύπων ἀοράτων τινῶν προσδέχωνται, ἢ καὶ πιστεύωσι περιπεσεῖν τινας. οὐ γὰρ ὄχλον γε γυναικῶν καὶ παντὸς χυδαίου πλήθους ἐπαγαγεῖν λόγῳ δυνατὸν φιλοσόφῳ καὶ προσκαλέσασθαι πρὸς εὐσέβειαν καὶ ὁσιότητα καὶ πίστιν, ἀλλὰ δεῖ καὶ διὰ δεισιδαιμονίας· τοῦτο δʼ οὐκ ἄνευ μυθοποιίας καὶ τερατείας. κεραυνὸς γὰρ καὶ αἰγὶς καὶ τρίαινα καὶ λαμπάδες καὶ δράκοντες καὶ θυρσόλογχα τῶν θεῶν ὅπλα μῦθοι καὶ πᾶσα θεολογία ἀρχαϊκή· ταῦτα δʼ ἀπεδέξαντο οἱ τὰς πολιτείας καταστησάμενοι μορμολύκας τινὰς πρὸς τοὺς νηπιόφρονας. τοιαύτης δὲ τῆς μυθοποιίας οὔσης καὶ καταστρεφούσης εἰς τὸ κοινωνικὸν καὶ τὸ πολιτικὸν τοῦ βίου σχῆμα καὶ τὴν τῶν ὄντων ἱστορίαν, οἱ μὲν ἀρχαῖοι τὴν παιδικὴν ἀγωγὴν ἐφύλαξαν μέχρι τῶν τελείων ἡλικιῶν, καὶ διὰ ποιητικῆς ἱκανῶς σωφρονίζεσθαι πᾶσαν ἡλικίαν ὑπέλαβον· χρόνοις δʼ ὕστερον ἡ τῆς ἱστορίας γραφὴ καὶ ἡ νῦν φιλοσοφία παρελήλυθεν εἰς μέσον. αὕτη μὲν οὖν πρὸς ὀλίγους, ἡ δὲ ποιητικὴ δημωφελεστέρα καὶ θέατρα πληροῦν δυναμένη, ἡ δὲ δὴ τοῦ Ὁμήρου ὑπερβαλλόντως· καὶ οἱ πρῶτοι δὲ ἱστορικοὶ καὶ φυσικοὶ μυθογράφοι.

[9] ̔́ατε δὴ πρὸς τὸ παιδευτικὸν εἶδος τοὺς μύθους ἀναφέρων ὁ ποιητὴς ἐφρόντισε πολὺ μέρος τἀληθοῦς, ἐν δʼ ἐτίθει καὶ ψεῦδος, τὸ μὲν ἀποδεχόμενος τῷ δὲ δημαγωγῶν καὶ στρατηγῶν τὰ πλήθη. ὡς δʼ ὅτε τις χρυσὸν περιχεύεται ἀργύρῳ ἀνήρ, οὕτως ἐκεῖνος ταῖς ἀληθέσι περιπετείαις προσεπετίθει μῦθον, ἡδύνων καὶ κοσμῶν τὴν φράσιν, πρὸς δὲ τὸ αὐτὸ τέλος τοῦ ἱστορικοῦ καὶ τοῦ τὰ ὄντα λέγοντος βλέπων. οὕτω δὴ τόν τε Ἰλιακὸν πόλεμον γεγονότα παραλαβὼν ἐκόσμησε ταῖς μυθοποιίαις, καὶ τὴν Ὀδυσσέως πλάνην ὡσαύτως· ἐκ μηδενὸς δὲ ἀληθοῦς ἀνάπτειν κενὴν τερατολογίαν οὐχ Ὁμηρικόν. προσπίπτει γάρ, ὡς εἰκός, ὡς πιθανώτερον ἂν οὕτω τις ψεύδοιτο, εἰ καταμίσγοι τι καὶ αὐτῶν τῶν ἀληθινῶν· ὅπερ καὶ Πολύβιός φησι περὶ τῆς Ὀδυσσέως πλάνης ἐπιχειρῶν· τοιοῦτο δʼ ἐστὶ καὶ τό ἴσκε ψεύδεα πολλὰ λέγων ἐτύμοισιν ὁμοῖα. οὐ γὰρ πάντα ἀλλὰ πολλά, ἐπεὶ οὐδʼ ἂν ἦν ἐτύμοισιν ὁμοῖα. ἔλαβεν οὖν παρὰ τῆς ἱστορίας τὰς ἀρχάς. καὶ γὰρ τὸν Αἰόλον δυναστεῦσαί φασι τῶν περὶ τὴν Λιπάραν νήσων καὶ τῶν περὶ τὴν Αἴτνην καὶ Λεοντίνην Κύκλωπας καὶ Λαιστρυγόνας ἀξένους τινάς· διὸ καὶ τὰ περὶ τὸν πορθμὸν ἀπροσπέλαστα εἶναι τοῖς τότε καὶ τὴν Χάρυβδιν καὶ τὸ Σκύλλαιον ὑπὸ λῃστῶν κατέχεσθαι. οὕτω δὲ καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους τῶν ὑπὸ Ὁμήρου λεγομένων ἐν ἄλλοις τόποις ἱστοροῦμεν· οὕτω δὲ καὶ τοὺς Κιμμερίους εἰδὼς οἰκοῦντας τὸν Κιμμερικὸν Βόσπορον πρὸς βορρᾶν καὶ ζοφώδη μετήγαγεν οἰκείως εἰς σκοτεινόν τινα τόπον τὸν καθʼ ᾄδην, χρήσιμον ὄντα πρὸς τὴν μυθοποιίαν τὴν ἐν τῇ πλάνῃ. ὅτι δʼ οἶδεν αὐτούς, οἱ χρονογράφοι δηλοῦσιν ἢ μικρὸν πρὸ αὐτοῦ τὴν τῶν Κιμμερίων ἔφοδον ἢ κατʼ αὐτὸν ἀναγράφοντες.

[10] ̔ωσαύτως καὶ τοὺς Κόλχους εἰδὼς καὶ τὸν Ἰάσονος πλοῦν τὸν εἰς Αἶαν καὶ τὰ περὶ Κίρκης καὶ Μηδείας μυθευόμενα καὶ ἱστορούμενα περὶ τῆς φαρμακείας καὶ τῆς ἄλλης ὁμοιοτροπίας συγγενείας τε ἔπλασε τῶν οὕτω διῳκισμένων, τῆς μὲν ἐν τῷ μυχῷ τοῦ Πόντου τῆς δʼ ἐν τῇ Ἰταλίᾳ, καὶ ἐξωκεανισμὸν ἀμφοῖν, τάχα καὶ τοῦ Ἰάσονος μέχρι τῆς Ἰταλίας πλανηθέντος· δείκνυται γάρ τινα καὶ περὶ τὰ Κεραύνια ὄρη καὶ περὶ τὸν Ἀδρίαν καὶ ἐν τῷ Ποσειδωνιάτῃ κόλπῳ καὶ ταῖς πρὸ τῆς Τυρρηνίας νήσοις τῆς τῶν Ἀργοναυτῶν πλάνης σημεῖα. προσέδοσαν δέ τι καὶ αἱ Κυάνεαι, ἅσπερ Συμπληγάδας καλοῦσι πέτρας τινές, τραχὺν ποιοῦσαι τὸν διέκπλουν τὸν διὰ τοῦ Βυζαντιακοῦ στόματος· ὥστε παρὰ μὲν τὴν Αἶαν ἡ Αἰαίη, παρὰ δὲ τὰς Συμπληγάδας αἱ Πλαγκταὶ καὶ ὁ διʼ αὐτῶν πλοῦς τοῦ Ἰάσονος πιθανὸς ἐφάνη, παρὰ δὲ τὴν Σκύλλαν καὶ τὴν Χάρυβδιν ὁ διὰ τῶν σκοπέλων πλοῦς. ἁπλῶς δʼ οἱ τότε τὸ πέλαγος τὸ Ποντικὸν ὥσπερ ἄλλον τινὰ ὠκεανὸν ὑπελάμβανον, καὶ τοὺς πλέοντας ἐκεῖσε ὁμοίως ἐκτοπίζειν ἐδόκουν ὥσπερ τοὺς ἔξω στηλῶν ἐπὶ πολὺ προϊόντας· καὶ γὰρ μέγιστον τῶν καθʼ ἡμᾶς ἐνομίζετο, καὶ διὰ τοῦτο κατʼ ἐξοχὴν ἰδίως πόντον προσηγόρευον, ὡς ποιητὴν Ὅμηρον. ἴσως οὖν καὶ διὰ τοῦτο μετήνεγκε τὰ ἐκ τοῦ Πόντου πρὸς τὸν ὠκεανὸν ὡς εὐπαράδεκτα διὰ τὴν κατέχουσαν δόξαν. οἶμαι δὲ καὶ τῶν Σολύμων τὰ ἄκρα τοῦ Ταύρου τὰ περὶ τὴν Λυκίαν ἕως Πισιδίας κατεχόντων τὰ ὑψηλότατα καὶ τὰς ἀπὸ τῆς μεσημβρίας ὑπερβολὰς ἐπιφανεστάτας παρεχόντων τοῖς ἐντὸς τοῦ Ταύρου καὶ μάλιστα τοῖς περὶ τὸν Πόντον, καθʼ ὁμοιότητά τινα καὶ τούτους ἐξωκεανισθῆναι· φησὶ γὰρ ἐπὶ τοῦ πλέοντος ἐν τῇ σχεδίᾳ τὸν δʼ ἐξ Αἰθιόπων ἀνιὼν κρείων Ἐνοσίχθων τηλόθεν ἐκ Σολύμων ὀρέων ἴδεν. τάχα δὲ καὶ τοὺς μονομμάτους Κύκλωπας ἐκ τῆς Σκυθικῆς ἱστορίας μετενήνοχε· τοιούτους γάρ τινας τοὺς Ἀριμασπούς φασιν, οὓς ἐν τοῖς Ἀριμασπείοις ἔπεσιν ἐνδέδωκεν Ἀριστέας ὁ Προκοννήσιος.

[11] δεῖ δὲ ταῦτα προϋποθέμενον σκοπεῖν τί λέγουσιν οἱ φήσαντες περὶ Σικελίαν ἢ Ἰταλίαν γενέσθαι τῷ Ὀδυσσεῖ τὴν πλάνην καθʼ Ὅμηρον·² ἔστι γὰρ ἀμφοτέρως τοῦτο δέξασθαι, καὶ βέλτιον καὶ χεῖρον· βέλτιον μέν, ἂν οὕτω τις δέχηται ὅτι πεισθεὶς ἐκεῖ τὴν πλάνην τῷ Ὀδυσσεῖ γενέσθαι, λαβὼν ἀληθῆ ταύτην τὴν ὑπόθεσιν ποιητικῶς διεσκεύασε· τοῦτο γὰρ οἰκείως ἂν λέγοιτο περὶ αὐτοῦ· καὶ οὐ μόνον γε περὶ Ἰταλίαν, ἀλλὰ καὶ μέχρι τῶν ἐσχάτων τῆς Ἰβηρίας ἐστὶν εὑρεῖν ἴχνη τῆς ἐκείνου πλάνης καὶ ἄλλων πλειόνων. χεῖρον δέ, ἐάν τις καὶ τὴν διασκευὴν ὡς ἱστορίαν δέχηται, ἐκείνου ὠκεανὸν καὶ ᾄδην καὶ Ἡλίου βόας καὶ παρὰ θεαῖς ξενίας καὶ μεταμορφώσεις καὶ μεγέθη Κυκλώπων καὶ Λαιστρυγόνων καὶ μορφὴν Σκύλλης καὶ διαστήματα πλοῦ καὶ ἄλλα πλείω τοιαῦτα τερατογραφοῦντος φανερῶς. οὔτε δὲ πρὸς τοῦτον ἄξιον ἀντιλέγειν οὕτω φανερῶς καταψευδόμενον τοῦ ποιητοῦ, καθάπερ οὐδʼ εἰ φαίη τοῦτον τὸν τρόπον γενέσθαι τὸν εἰς τὴν Ἰθάκην κατάπλουν τοῦ Ὀδυσσέως καὶ τὴν μνηστηροφονίαν καὶ τὴν ἐπὶ τοῦ ἀγροῦ συστᾶσαν μάχην τοῖς Ἰθακησίοις πρὸς αὐτόν, οὔτε πρὸς τὸν δεξάμενον οἰκείως προσπλέκεσθαι δίκαιον.

[12] ̔ο Ἐρατοσθένης δὲ πρὸς ἀμφοτέρας τὰς ἀποφάσεις ἀπήντηκεν οὐκ εὖ· πρὸς μὲν τὴν δευτέραν, ὅτι πειρᾶται διαβάλλειν φανερῶς ψευδῆ καὶ οὐκ ἄξια λόγου διὰ μακρῶν, πρὸς δὲ τὴν προτέραν, ποιητήν τε ἅπαντα ἀποφήνας φλύαρον καὶ μήτε τόπων ἐμπειρίαν μήτε τεχνῶν πρὸς ἀρετὴν συντείνειν νομίσας· τῶν τε μύθων τῶν μὲν ἐν τόποις οὐ πεπλασμένοις πεφημισμένων, οἷον ἐν Ἰλίῳ καὶ Ἴδῃ καὶ Πηλίῳ, τῶν δὲ ἐν πεπλασμένοις, καθάπερ ἐν οἷς αἱ Γοργόνες ἢ ὁ Γηρυόνης, ταύτης φησὶ τῆς ἰδέας εἶναι καὶ τοὺς κατὰ τὴν Ὀδυσσέως πλάνην λεγομένους, τοὺς δὲ μὴ πεπλάσθαι λέγοντας ἀλλʼ ὑποκεῖσθαι ἐξ αὐτοῦ τοῦ μὴ συμφωνεῖν ἐλέγχεσθαι ψευδομένους· τὰς γοῦν Σειρῆνας τοὺς μὲν ἐπὶ τῆς Πελωριάδος καθιδρύειν, τοὺς δὲ ἐπὶ τῶν Σειρηνουσσῶν πλείους ἢ δισχιλίους διεχουσῶν σταδίους· εἶναι δʼ αὐτὰς σκόπελον τρικόρυφον διείργοντα τὸν Κυμαῖον καὶ Ποσειδωνιάτην κόλπον. ἀλλʼ οὔθʼ ὁ σκόπελος οὗτος ἐστὶ τρικόρυφος οὔθʼ ὅλως κορυφοῦται πρὸς ὕψος, ἀλλʼ ἀγκών τις ἔκκειται μακρὸς καὶ στενὸς ἀπὸ τῶν κατὰ Συρρεντὸν χωρίων ἐπὶ τὸν κατὰ Καπρίας πορθμόν, ἐπὶ θάτερα μὲν τῆς ὀρεινῆς τὸ τῶν Σειρήνων ἱερὸν ἔχων, ἐπὶ θάτερα δὲ πρὸς τῷ Ποσειδωνιάτῃ κόλπῳ νησίδια τρία προκείμενα ἔρημα πετρώδη, ἃ καλοῦσι Σειρῆνας, ἐπʼ αὐτῷ δὲ τῷ πορθμῷ τὸ Ἀθήναιον, ᾧπερ ὁμωνυμεῖ καὶ ὁ ἀγκὼν αὐτός.

[13] Ἀλλʼ οὐδʼ εἰ μὴ συμφωνοῦσιν οἱ τὴν ἱστορίαν τῶν τόπων παραδιδόντες, εὐθὺς ἐκβάλλειν δεῖ τὴν σύμπασαν ἱστορίαν· ἀλλʼ ἔσθʼ ὅτε καὶ πιστοῦσθαι τὸ καθόλου μᾶλλόν ἐστιν. οἷόν τι λέγω, ζητουμένου εἰ κατὰ Σικελίαν καὶ Ἰταλίαν ἡ πλάνη γέγονε καὶ εἰ αἱ Σειρῆνες ἐνταῦθά που λέγονται· ὁ μὲν φήσας ἐν τῇ Πελωριάδι πρὸς τὸν ἐν ταῖς Σειρηνούσσαις διαφωνεῖ, ἀμφότεροι δὲ πρὸς τὸν περὶ Σικελίαν καὶ Ἰταλίαν λέγοντα οὐ διαφωνοῦσιν, ἀλλὰ καὶ μείζω πίστιν παρέχουσιν, ὅτι καίπερ μὴ τὸ αὐτὸ χωρίον φράζοντες ὅμως οὐκ ἐκβεβήκεσάν γε τοῦ κατὰ τὴν Ἰταλίαν ἢ Σικελίαν. ἐὰν δὲ προσθῇ τις ὅτι ἐν Νεαπόλει Παρθενόπης δείκνυται μνῆμα μιᾶς τῶν Σειρήνων, ἔτι πλείων προσεγένετο πίστις, καίτοι τρίτου τινὸς λεχθέντος τούτου τοῦ τόπου. ἀλλʼ ὅτι ἐν τούτῳ τῷ κόλπῳ τῷ ὑπὸ Ἐρατοσθένους λεχθέντι Κυμαίῳ, ὃν ποιοῦσιν αἱ Σειρηνοῦσσαι, καὶ ἡ Νεάπολις ἵδρυται, βεβαιοτέρως πιστεύομεν τὸ περὶ τούτους τοὺς τόπους γεγονέναι τὰς Σειρῆνας· οὔτε γὰρ τὸν ποιητὴν ἀκριβῶς ἕκαστα πυθέσθαι, οὔθʼ ἡμεῖς παρʼ ἐκείνου ζητοῦμεν τὸ ἀκριβές· οὐ μὴν οὐδʼ οὕτως ἔχομεν ὡς ὑπολαμβάνειν καὶ μηδὲν πεπυσμένον περὶ τῆς πλάνης, μήθʼ ὅπου μήθʼ ὅπως γεγένηται, ῥαψῳδεῖν.

[14] Ἐρατοσθένης δὲ Ἡσίοδον μὲν εἰκάζει πεπυσμένον περὶ τῆς Ὀδυσσέως πλάνης ὅτι κατὰ Σικελίαν καὶ Ἰταλίαν γεγένηται, πιστεύσαντα τῇ δόξῃ μὴ μόνον τῶν ὑφʼ Ὁμήρου λεγομένων μεμνῆσθαι, ἀλλὰ καὶ Αἴτνης καὶ Ὀρτυγίας τοῦ πρὸς Συρακούσαις νησίου καὶ Τυρρηνῶν· Ὅμηρον δὲ μήτε εἰδέναι ταῦτα μήτε βούλεσθαι ἐν γνωρίμοις τόποις ποιεῖν τὴν πλάνην. πότερον οὖν Αἴτνη μὲν καὶ Τυρρηνία γνώριμα, Σκύλλαιον δὲ καὶ Χάρυβδις καὶ Κίρκαιον καὶ Σειρηνοῦσσαι οὐ πάνυ; ἢ καὶ Ἡσιόδῳ μὲν ἔπρεπε μὴ φλυαρεῖν, ἀλλὰ ταῖς κατεχούσαις δόξαις ἀκολουθεῖν, Ὁμήρῳ δὲ πᾶν ὅ τι ἂν ἐπʼ ἀκαιρίμαν γλῶσσαν ἴῃ κελαδεῖν; χωρὶς γὰρ τῶν λεχθέντων περὶ τοῦ τρόπου τῆς πρεπούσης Ὁμήρῳ μυθοποιίας καὶ τὸ πλῆθος τῶν συγγραφέων τῶν ταὐτὰ θρυλούντων κἀκ τῆς κατὰ τοὺς τόπους ἐπιχωριαζούσης φήμης διδάσκειν δύναται, διότι ταῦτα οὐ ποιητῶν πλάσματά ἐστιν οὐδὲ συγγραφέων, ἀλλὰ γεγενημένων ἴχνη καὶ προσώπων καὶ πράξεων.

[15] καὶ Πολύβιος δʼ ὀρθῶς ὑπονοεῖ τὰ περὶ τῆς πλάνης· τὸν γὰρ Αἰόλον τὸν προσημαίνοντα τοὺς ἔκπλους ἐν τοῖς κατὰ τὸν πορθμὸν τόποις ἀμφιδρόμοις οὖσι καὶ δυσέκπλοις διὰ τὰς παλιρροίας ταμίαν τε εἰρῆσθαι τῶν ἀνέμων καὶ βασιλέα νενομίσθαι φησί, καθάπερ Δαναὸν μὲν τὰ ὑδρεῖα τὰ ἐν Ἄργει παραδείξαντα, Ἀτρέα δὲ τοῦ ἡλίου τὸν ὑπεναντίον τῷ οὐρανῷ δρόμον, μάντεις τε καὶ ἱεροσκοπουμένους ἀποδείκνυσθαι βασιλέας, τούς θʼ ἱερέας τῶν Αἰγυπτίων καὶ Χαλδαίους καὶ Μάγους σοφίᾳ τινὶ διαφέροντας τῶν ἄλλων ἡγεμονίας καὶ τιμῆς τυγχάνειν παρὰ τοῖς πρὸ ἡμῶν, οὕτω δὲ καὶ τῶν θεῶν ἕνα ἕκαστον τῶν χρησίμων τινὸς εὑρετὴν γενόμενον τιμᾶσθαι. ταῦτα δὲ προοικονομησάμενος οὐκ ἐᾷ τὸν Αἰόλον ἐν μύθου σχήματι ἀκούεσθαι οὐδʼ ὅλην τὴν Ὀδυσσέως πλάνην, ἀλλὰ μικρὰ μὲν προσμεμυθεῦσθαι καθάπερ καὶ τῷ Ἰλιακῷ πολέμῳ, τὸ δʼ ὅλον περὶ Σικελίαν καὶ τῷ ποιητῇ πεποιῆσθαι καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις συγγραφεῦσιν, ὅσοι τὰ περιχώρια λέγουσι τὰ περὶ τὴν Ἰταλίαν καὶ Σικελίαν. οὐκ ἐπαινεῖ δὲ οὐδὲ τὴν τοιαύτην τοῦ Ἐρατοσθένους ἀπόφασιν, διότι φησὶ τότʼ ἂν εὑρεῖν τινα ποῦ Ὀδυσσεὺς πεπλάνηται, ὅταν εὕρῃ τὸν σκυτέα τὸν συρράψαντα τὸν τῶν ἀνέμων ἀσκόν. καὶ τοῦτο δʼ οἰκείως εἰρῆσθαι τοῖς συμβαίνουσι περὶ τὸ Σκύλλαιον καὶ τὴν θήραν τῶν γαλεωτῶν τὸ ἐπὶ τῆς Σκύλλης αὐτοῦ δʼ ἰχθυάᾳ σκόπελον περιμαιμώωσα δελφῖνάς τε κύνας τε, καὶ εἴ ποθι μεῖζον ἕλῃσι κῆτος. τοὺς γὰρ θύννους ἀγεληδὸν φερομένους παρὰ τὴν Ἰταλίαν, ἐπειδὰν ἐμπέσωσι καὶ κωλυθῶσι τῆς Σικελίας ἅψασθαι, περιπίπτειν τοῖς μείζοσι τῶν ζῴων, οἷον δελφίνων καὶ κυνῶν καὶ ἄλλων κητωδῶν, ἐκ δὲ τῆς θήρας αὐτῶν πιαίνεσθαι τοὺς γαλεώτας, οὓς καὶ ξιφίας λέγεσθαι καὶ κύνας φησί· συμβαίνειν γὰρ ταὐτὸν ἐνθάδε καὶ κατὰ τὰς ἀναβάσεις τοῦ Νείλου καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ὑδάτων, ὅπερ ἐπὶ πυρὸς καὶ ὕλης ἐμπιπραμένης· ἀθροιζόμενα γὰρ τὰ θηρία φεύγειν τὸ πῦρ ἢ τὸ ὕδωρ καὶ βορὰν γίνεσθαι τοῖς κρείττοσι.

[16] ταῦτα δʼ εἰπὼν διηγεῖται τῶν γαλεωτῶν θήραν, ἣ συνίσταται περὶ τὸ Σκύλλαιον· σκοπὸς γὰρ ἐφέστηκε κοινὸς ὑφορμοῦσιν ἐν δικώποις σκαφιδίοις πολλοῖς, δύο καθʼ ἕκαστον σκαφίδιον· καὶ ὁ μὲν ἐλαύνει, ὁ δʼ ἐπὶ τῆς πρώρας ἕστηκε δόρυ ἔχων, σημήναντος τοῦ σκοποῦ τὴν ἐπιφάνειαν τοῦ γαλεώτου· φέρεται δὲ τὸ τρίτον μέρος ἔξαλον τὸ ζῷον. συνάψαντος δὲ τοῦ σκάφους, ὁ μὲν ἔπληξεν ἐκ χειρός, εἶτʼ ἐξέσπασεν ἐκ τοῦ σώματος τὸ δόρυ χωρὶς τῆς ἐπιδορατίδος· ἀγκιστρώδης τε γάρ ἐστι καὶ χαλαρῶς ἐνήρμοσται τῷ δόρατι ἐπίτηδες, καλώδιον δʼ ἔχει μακρὸν ἐξημμένον· τοῦτʼ ἐπιχαλῶσι τῷ τρωθέντι τέως ἕως ἂν κάμῃ σφαδάζον καὶ ὑποφεῦγον· τότε δʼ ἕλκουσιν ἐπὶ τὴν γῆν, ἢ εἰς τὸ σκάφος ἀναλαμβάνουσιν, ἐὰν μὴ μέγα ᾖ τελέως τὸ σῶμα. κἂν ἐκπέσῃ δὲ εἰς τὴν θάλατταν τὸ δόρυ, οὐκ ἀπόλωλεν· ἔστι γὰρ πηκτὸν ἔκ τε δρυὸς καὶ ἐλάτης, ὥστε βαπτιζομένου τοῦ δρυΐνου βάρει μετέωρον εἶναι τὸ λοιπὸν καὶ εὐανάληπτον. συμβαίνειν δέ ποτε καὶ τιτρώσκεσθαι διὰ τοῦ σκαφιδίου τὸν κωπηλάτην διὰ τὸ μέγεθος τοῦ ξίφους τῶν γαλεωτῶν καὶ τὸ τὴν ἀκμὴν τοῦ ζῴου συαγρώδη εἶναι καὶ τὴν θήραν. ἔκ τε δὴ τῶν τοιούτων εἰκάζοι τις ἄν, φησί, περὶ Σικελίαν γενέσθαι τὴν πλάνην κατὰ τὸν Ὅμηρον, ὅτι τῇ Σκύλλῃ προσῆψε τὴν τοιαύτην θήραν ἣ μάλιστʼ ἐπιχώριός ἐστι τῷ Σκυλλαίῳ, καὶ ἐκ τῶν περὶ τῆς Χαρύβδεως λεγομένων ὁμοίων τοῖς τοῦ πορθμοῦ πάθεσι. τὸ δέ τρὶς μὲν γάρ τʼ ἀνίησιν ἀντὶ τοῦ δίς, γραφικὸν εἶναι ἁμάρτημα ἢ ἱστορικόν.

[17] καὶ τὰ ἐν τῇ Μήνιγγι δὲ τοῖς περὶ τῶν Λωτοφάγων εἰρημένοις συμφωνεῖν. εἰ δέ τινα μὴ συμφωνεῖ, μεταβολὰς αἰτιᾶσθαι δεῖν ἢ ἄγνοιαν ἢ καὶ ποιητικὴν ἐξουσίαν, ἣ συνέστηκεν ἐξ ἱστορίας καὶ διαθέσεως καὶ μύθου. τῆς μὲν οὖν ἱστορίας ἀλήθειαν εἶναι τέλος, ὡς ἐν νεῶν καταλόγῳ τὰ ἑκάστοις τόποις συμβεβηκότα λέγοντος τοῦ ποιητοῦ, τὴν μὲν πετρήεσσαν τὴν δὲ ἐσχατόωσαν πόλιν, ἄλλην δὲ πολυτρήρωνα, τὴν δʼ ἀγχίαλον· τῆς δὲ διαθέσεως ἐνέργειαν εἶναι τὸ τέλος, ὡς ὅταν μαχομένους εἰσάγῃ, μύθου δὲ ἡδονὴν καὶ ἔκπληξιν. τὸ δὲ πάντα πλάττειν οὐ πιθανόν, οὐδʼ Ὁμηρικόν· τὴν γὰρ ἐκείνου ποίησιν φιλοσόφημα πάντας νομίζειν, οὐχ ὡς Ἐρατοσθένης φησί, κελεύων μὴ κρίνειν πρὸς τὴν διάνοιαν τὰ ποιήματα, μηδʼ ἱστορίαν ἀπʼ αὐτῶν ζητεῖν. πιθανώτερόν τε τό ἔνθεν δʼ ἐννῆμαρ φερόμην ὀλοοῖς ἀνέμοισιν ἐν βραχεῖ διαστήματι δέχεσθαι (οἱ γὰρ ὀλοοὶ οὐκ εὐθύδρομοι) ἢ ἐξωκεανίζειν, ὡς ἂν οὐρίων πνεόντων συνεχῶς. συνθεὶς δὲ τὸ διάστημα τὸ ἐκ Μαλεῶν ἐπὶ στήλας σταδίων δισμυρίων καὶ δισχιλίων πεντακοσίων, εἰ, φησί, τοῦτο θείημεν ἐν ταῖς ἐννέα ἡμέραις διηνύσθαι ἰσοταχῶς, ἑκάστης ἂν ἡμέρας ὁ πλοῦς συμβαίνοι σταδίων δισχιλίων πεντακοσίων. τίς οὖν ἱστόρηκεν ἐκ Λυκίας ἢ Ῥόδου δευτεραῖόν τινα ἀφιγμένον εἰς Ἀλεξάνδρειαν, ὄντος τοῦ διαστήματος σταδίων τετρακισχιλίων; πρὸς δὲ τοὺς ἐπιζητοῦντας πῶς τρὶς εἰς Σικελίαν ἐλθὼν οὐδʼ ἅπαξ διὰ τοῦ πορθμοῦ πέπλευκεν Ὀδυσσεύς, ἀπολογεῖται διότι καὶ οἱ ὕστερον ἔφευγον ἅπαντες τὸν πλοῦν τοῦτον.

[18] τοιαῦτα μὲν εἴρηκεν. ἔστι δὲ τἆλλα μὲν εὖ λεγόμενα· ὅταν δʼ ἀνασκευάζῃ τὸν ἐξωκεανιζόμενον καὶ πρὸς ἀκριβῆ μέτρα τὸν τῶν ἡμερῶν πλοῦν ἀνάγῃ καὶ διαστήματα, ὑπερβολὴν οὐκ ἀπολείπει τῆς ἀνομολογίας. ἅμα μὲν γὰρ παρατίθησι τὰ τοῦ ποιητοῦ ἔπη ἔνθεν δʼ ἐννῆμαρ φερόμην ὀλοοῖς ἀνέμοισιν, ἅμα δʼ ἐπικρύπτεται· καὶ γὰρ ταῦτα τοῦ ποιητοῦ αὐτὰρ ἐπεὶ ποταμοῖο λίπεν ῥόον ὠκεανοῖο νηῦς, καὶ τὸ νήσῳ ἐν Ὠγυγίῃ, ὅθι τʼ ὀμφαλός ἐστι θαλάσσης, καὶ ὅτι ἐνταῦθα οἰκεῖ Ἄτλαντος θυγάτηρ, καὶ τὸ περὶ τῶν Φαιάκων οἰκέομεν δʼ ἀπάνευθε πολυκλύστῳ ἐνὶ πόντῳ ἔσχατοι· οὐ δέ τις ἄμμι βροτῶν ἐπιμίσγεται ἄλλος. ταῦτα γὰρ πάντα φανερῶς ἐν τῷ Ἀτλαντικῷ πελάγει πλαττόμενα δηλοῦται. ὁ δὲ ταῦτʼ ἐπικρυπτόμενος τὰ φανερῶς λεγόμενα ἀναιρεῖ. τοῦτο μὲν οὖν οὐκ εὖ· τὸ δὲ περὶ Σικελίαν καὶ Ἰταλίαν γεγονέναι τὴν πλάνην ὀρθῶς,³ ἐπεὶ τίς ἔπεισε ποιητὴς ἢ συγγραφεὺς Νεαπολίτας μὲν λέγειν μνῆμα Παρθενόπης τῆς Σειρῆνος, τοὺς δὲ ἐν Κύμῃ καὶ Δικαιαρχείᾳ καὶ Βεσβίῳ Πυριφλεγέθοντα καὶ Ἀχερουσίαν λίμνην καὶ νεκυομαντεῖον τὸ ἐν τῷ Ἀόρνῳ καὶ Βάιον καὶ Μισηνὸν τῶν Ὀδυσσέως ἑταίρων τινάς; οὕτω δὲ καὶ τὰ περὶ Σειρηνούσσας καὶ τὰ περὶ τὸν πορθμὸν καὶ Σκύλλαν καὶ Χάρυβδιν καὶ Αἰόλον· ἅπερ οὔτʼ ἀκριβῶς ἐξετάζειν δεῖ οὔτʼ ἄρριζα καὶ ἀνέστια ἐᾶν, ἀληθείας μηδὲν προσαπτόμενα μηδʼ ὠφελείας ἱστορικῆς.

[19] καὶ αὐτὸς δὲ ὑπονοήσας τοῦτο ὁ Ἐρατοσθένης, ὑπολάβοι τις ἄν, φησί, τὸν ποιητὴν βούλεσθαι μὲν ἐν τοῖς προσεσπερίοις τόποις τὴν πλάνην τῷ Ὀδυσσεῖ ποιεῖν, ἀποστῆναι δʼ ἀπὸ τῶν ὑποκειμένων, τὰ μὲν οὐκ ἀκριβῶς πεπυσμένον, τὰ δὲ οὐδὲ προελόμενον οὕτως, ἀλλʼ ἐπὶ τὸ δεινότερον καὶ τὸ τερατωδέστερον ἕκαστα ἐξάγειν. τοῦτο μὲν αὐτὸ εὖ, τὸ δʼ οὗ χάριν τοῦτʼ ἐποίει κακῶς δεξάμενος· οὐ γὰρ φλυαρίας, ἀλλʼ ὠφελείας χάριν. ὥστε δίκαιός ἐστιν ὑπέχειν λόγον καὶ περὶ τούτου καὶ διότι φησὶ τὰ πόρρω τερατολογεῖσθαι μᾶλλον διὰ τὸ εὐκατάψευστον. πολλοστὸν γὰρ μέρος ἐστὶ τὰ πόρρω τερατολογούμενα τῶν ἐν τῇ Ἑλλάδι καὶ ἐγγὺς τῆς Ἑλλάδος· οἷα δὴ τὰ κατὰ τοὺς Ἡρακλέους ἄθλους καὶ Θησέως καὶ τὰ ἐν Κρήτῃ καὶ Σικελίᾳ μυθευόμενα καὶ ταῖς ἄλλαις νήσοις, καὶ τὰ περὶ τὸν Κιθαιρῶνα καὶ Ἑλικῶνα καὶ Παρνασσὸν καὶ Πήλιον καὶ τὴν Ἀττικὴν ὅλην καὶ Πελοπόννησον· οὐδείς τε ἐκ τῶν μύθων ἄγνοιαν αἰτιᾶται τῶν μυθοποιῶν. ἔτι δὲ ἐπεὶ οὐ πάντα μυθεύουσιν, ἀλλὰ πλείω προσμυθεύουσι, καὶ μάλιστα Ὅμηρος, ὁ ζητῶν τί οἱ παλαιοὶ προσμυθεύουσιν οὐ ζητεῖ, εἰ τὰ προσμυθευόμενα ὑπῆρξεν ἢ ἐστίν, ἀλλὰ καὶ μᾶλλον οἷς προσμυθεύεται τόποις ἢ προσώποις, περὶ ἐκείνων ζητεῖ τἀληθές, οἷον τὴν Ὀδυσσέως πλάνην, εἰ γέγονε καὶ ποῦ.

[20] τὸ δʼ ὅλον οὐκ εὖ τὸ τὴν Ὁμήρου ποίησιν εἰς ἓν συνάγειν τῇ τῶν ἄλλων ποιητῶν εἴς τε τἆλλα καὶ εἰς αὐτὰ τὰ νῦν προκείμενα τὰ τῆς γεωγραφίας καὶ μηδὲν αὐτῷ πρεσβεῖον ἀπονέμειν. καὶ γὰρ εἰ μηδὲν ἄλλο, τόν γε Τριπτόλεμον τὸν Σοφοκλέους ἢ τὸν ἐν ταῖς Βάκχαις ταῖς Εὐριπίδου πρόλογον ἐπελθόντα καὶ παραβαλόντα τὴν Ὁμήρου περὶ τὰ τοιαῦτα ἐπιμέλειαν, ῥᾷον ἦν αἰσθέσθαι τὴν ὑπερβολὴν ἢ τὴν διαφοράν· ὅπου γὰρ χρεία τάξεως ὧν μέμνηται τόπων, φυλάττει τὴν τάξιν ὁμοίως μὲν τῶν Ἑλληνικῶν, ὁμοίως δὲ τῶν ἄπωθεν· Ὄσσαν ἐπʼ Οὐλύμπῳ μέμασαν θέμεν, αὐτὰρ ἐπʼ Ὄσσῃ Πήλιον εἰνοσίφυλλον. Ἥρη δʼ ἀίξασα λίπεν ῥίον Οὐλύμποιο, Πιερίην δʼ ἐπιβᾶσα καὶ Ἠμαθίην ἐρατεινὴν σεύατʼ ἐφʼ ἱπποπόλων Θρῃκῶν ὄρεα νιφόεντα· ἐξ Ἀθόω δʼ ἐπὶ πόντον. καὶ ἐν τῷ καταλόγῳ τὰς μὲν πόλεις οὐκ ἐφεξῆς λέγει· οὐ γὰρ ἀναγκαῖον· τὰ δὲ ἔθνη ἐφεξῆς. ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ περὶ τῶν ἄπωθεν· Κύπρον Φοινίκην τε καὶ Αἰγυπτίους ἐπαληθεὶς Αἰθίοπάς θʼ ἱκόμην καὶ Σιδονίους καὶ Ἐρεμβοὺς καὶ Λιβύην. ὅπερ καὶ Ἵππαρχος ἐπισημαίνεται. οἱ δʼ ἐφʼ ὧν τάξεως χρεία, ὁ μὲν τὸν Διόνυσον ἐπιόντα τὰ ἔθνη φράζων, ὁ δὲ τὸν Τριπτόλεμον τὴν κατασπειρομένην γῆν, τὰ μὲν πολὺ διεστῶτα συνάπτουσιν ἐγγύς, τὰ δὲ συνεχῆ διασπῶσι· λιπὼν δὲ Λυδῶν τὰς πολυχρύσους γύας Φρυγῶν τε Περσῶν θʼ ἡλιοβλήτους πλάκας Βάκτριά τε τείχη, τήν τε δύσχειμον χθόνα Μήδων ἐπελθὼν Ἀραβίαν τʼ εὐδαίμονα. τοιαῦτα δὲ καὶ ὁ Τριπτόλεμος ποιεῖ. κἀν τοῖς κλίμασι δὲ κἀν τοῖς ἀνέμοις διαφαίνει τὸ πολυμαθὲς τὸ περὶ τὴν γεωγραφίαν Ὅμηρος, ἐν ταῖς τοποθεσίαις λέγων ἅμα καὶ ταῦτα πολλαχοῦ· αὐτὴ δὲ χθαμαλὴ πανυπερτάτη εἰν ἁλὶ κεῖται πρὸς ζόφον· αἱ δέ τʼ ἄνευθε πρὸς ἠῶ τʼ ἠέλιόν τε. δύω δέ τέ οἱ θύραι εἰσίν, αἱ μὲν πρὸς βορέαν, αἱ δʼ αὖ πρὸς νότον. εἴτʼ ἐπὶ δεξίʼ ἴωσι πρὸς ἠῶ τʼ ἠέλιόν τε, εἴτʼ ἐπʼ ἀριστερά τοί γε ποτὶ ζόφον. καὶ μὴν τὴν ἄγνοιάν γε τῶν τοιούτων τελείαν ἡγεῖται σύγχυσιν τῶν ἁπάντων· ὦ φίλοι, οὐ γάρ τʼ ἴδμεν, ὅπῃ ζόφος οὐδʼ ὅπῃ ἠώς, οὐδʼ ὅπῃ ἠέλιος. κἀνταῦθα δʼ εἰπόντος εὖ τοῦ ποιητοῦ βορέης καὶ ζέφυρος, τώ τε Θρῄκηθεν ἄητον, οὐκ εὖ δεξάμενος ὁ αὐτὸς συκοφαντεῖ ὡς καθόλου λέγοντος, ὅτι ὁ ζέφυρος ἐκ Θρᾴκης πνεῖ, ἐκείνου λέγοντος οὐ καθόλου, ἀλλʼ ὅταν κατὰ τὴν Θρᾳκίαν θάλατταν συμπέσωσι περὶ τὸν Μέλανα κόλπον αὐτοῦ τοῦ Αἰγαίου μέρος οὖσαν. ἐπιστροφὴν γὰρ λαμβάνει πρὸς νότον ἀκρωτηριάζουσα ἡ Θρᾴκη καθʼ ἃ συνάπτει τῇ Μακεδονίᾳ, καὶ προπίπτουσα εἰς τὸ πέλαγος τοὺς ζεφύρους ἐντεῦθεν πνέοντας ἀποφαίνει τοῖς ἐν Θάσῳ καὶ Λήμνῳ καὶ Ἴμβρῳ καὶ Σαμοθρᾴκῃ καὶ τῇ περὶ αὐτὰς θαλάττῃ, καθάπερ καὶ τῇ Ἀττικῇ ἀπὸ τῶν Σκειρωνίδων πετρῶν, ἀφʼ ὧν καὶ Σκείρωνες καλοῦνται οἱ ζέφυροι, καὶ μάλιστα οἱ ἀργέσται. οὐκ ἐνόησε δὲ τοῦτο Ἐρατοσθένης, ὑπενόησε δʼ ὅμως. αὐτὸς γοῦν ἐξηγεῖται τὴν ἐπιστροφὴν ἣν λέγω τῆς χώρας· ὡς καθόλου οὖν δέχεται, εἶτʼ ἀπειρίαν αἰτιᾶται τοῦ ποιητοῦ, ὡς τοῦ ζεφύρου μὲν ἀπὸ τῆς ἑσπέρας πνέοντος καὶ τῆς Ἰβηρίας, τῆς δὲ Θρᾴκης ἐκεῖσε μὴ διατεινούσης. πότερον οὖν τὸν ζέφυρον ἀγνοεῖ ἀπὸ ἑσπέρας πνέοντα; ἀλλʼ ὅταν οὕτω φῇ, φυλάττει τὴν οἰκείαν αὐτοῦ τάξιν σὺν δʼ εὖρός τε νότος τε πέσον ζέφυρός τε δυσαὴς καὶ βορέης· ἢ τὴν Θρᾴκην οὐκ οἶδε μὴ προπίπτουσαν πέραν τῶν Παιονικῶν καὶ Θετταλικῶν ὀρῶν; ἀλλὰ καὶ ταύτην τὴν ἐφεξῆς κατὰ τοὺς Θρᾷκας εἰδὼς καὶ κατονομάζων τήν τε παραλίαν καὶ τὴν μεσόγαιαν Μάγνητας μέν τινας καὶ Μαλιεῖς καὶ τοὺς ἐφεξῆς Ἕλληνας καταλέγει μέχρι Θεσπρωτῶν, ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ τοῖς Παίοσι τοὺς ὁμόρους Δόλοπας καὶ Σελλοὺς περὶ Δωδώνην μέχρις Ἀχελώου· Θρᾳκῶν δʼ οὐ μέμνηται περαιτέρω. εὐεπιφόρως δὲ ἔχει πρὸς τὴν ἐγγυτάτην καὶ γνωριμωτάτην ἑαυτῷ θάλατταν, ὡς καὶ ὅταν φῇ κινήθη δʼ ἀγορὴ ὡς κύματα μακρὰ θαλάσσης πόντου Ἰκαρίοιο.

[21] εἰσὶ δέ τινες οἵ φασιν εἶναι δύο τοὺς κυριωτάτους ἀνέμους βορέαν καὶ νότον, τοὺς δὲ ἄλλους κατὰ μικρὰν ἔγκλισιν διαφέρειν, τὸν μὲν ἀπὸ θερινῶν ἀνατολῶν εὖρον χειμερινῶν δὲ ἀπηλιώτην, δύσεων δὲ θερινῶν μὲν ζέφυρον χειμερινῶν δὲ ἀργέστην. τοῦ δὲ δύο εἶναι τοὺς ἀνέμους ποιοῦνται μάρτυρας Θρασυάλκην τε καὶ τὸν ποιητὴν αὐτὸν τῷ τὸν μὲν ἀργέστην τῷ νότῳ προσνέμειν ἀργεστᾶο Νότοιο, τὸν δὲ ζέφυρον τῷ βορέᾳ βορέης καὶ ζέφυρος, τώ τε Θρῄκηθεν ἄητον. φησὶ δὲ Ποσειδώνιος μηδένα οὕτως παραδεδωκέναι τοὺς ἀνέμους τῶν γνωρίμων περὶ ταῦτα, οἷον Ἀριστοτέλη Τιμοσθένη Βίωνα τὸν ἀστρολόγον· ἀλλὰ τὸν μὲν ἀπὸ θερινῶν ἀνατολῶν καικίαν, τὸν δὲ τούτῳ κατὰ διάμετρον ἐναντίον λίβα ἀπὸ δύσεως ὄντα χειμερινῆς· πάλιν δὲ τὸν μὲν ἀπὸ χειμερινῆς ἀνατολῆς εὖρον, τὸν δʼ ἐναντίον ἀργέστην· τοὺς δὲ μέσους ἀπηλιώτην καὶ ζέφυρον. τὸν δὲ ποιητὴν δυσαῆ μὲν ζέφυρον λέγειν τὸν ὑφʼ ἡμῶν καλούμενον ἀργέστην, λίγα δὲ πνέοντα ζέφυρον τὸν ὑφʼ ἡμῶν ζέφυρον, ἀργέστην δὲ νότον τὸν λευκόνοτον· οὗτος γὰρ ὀλίγα τὰ νέφη ποιεῖ, τοῦ λοιποῦ νότου ὀλεροῦ πως ὄντος. ὡς ὁπότε ζέφυρος νέφεα στυφελίξῃ, ἀργεστᾶο νότοιο βαθείῃ λαίλαπι τύπτων. τὸν γὰρ δυσαῆ ζέφυρον νῦν λέγει, ὃς εἴωθε διασκιδνάναι τὰ ὑπὸ τοῦ λευκονότου συναγόμενα ἀσθενῆ ὄντα, ἐπιθέτως τοῦ νότου νῦν ἀργέστου λεγομένου. ταῦτα μὲν δὴ ἐν ἀρχῇ τοῦ πρώτου τῶν γεωγραφικῶν εἰρημένα τοιαύτην τινὰ τὴν ἐπανόρθωσιν ἔχει.

[22] Ἐπιμένων δὲ τοῖς περὶ Ὁμήρου ψευδῶς ὑποληφθεῖσι καὶ ταῦτά φησιν, ὅτι οὐδὲ τὰ τοῦ Νείλου στόματα οἶδε πλείω ὄντα οὐδʼ αὐτὸ τοὔνομα, Ἡσίοδος δὲ οἶδε· μέμνηται γάρ. τὸ μὲν οὖν ὄνομα εἰκὸς μήπω λέγεσθαι κατʼ αὐτόν· τὰ δὲ στόματα εἰ μὲν ἦν ἀφανῆ καὶ ὀλίγοις γνώριμα ὅτι πλείω καὶ οὐχ ἕν, δοίη τις ἂν μὴ πεπύσθαι αὐτόν· εἰ δὲ τῶν κατʼ Αἴγυπτον τὸ γνωριμώτατον καὶ παραδοξότατον καὶ μάλιστα πάντων μνήμης ἄξιον καὶ ἱστορίας ὁ ποταμὸς καὶ ἦν καὶ ἐστίν, ὡς δʼ αὕτως αἱ ἀναβάσεις αὐτοῦ καὶ τὰ στόματα, τίς ἂν ἢ τοὺς ἀγγέλλοντας αὐτῷ ποταμὸν Αἴγυπτον καὶ χώραν καὶ Θήβας Αἰγυπτίας καὶ Φάρον ὑπολάβοι μὴ γνωρίζειν ταῦτα, ἢ γνωρίζοντας μὴ λέγειν, πλὴν εἰ μὴ διὰ τὸ γνώριμον; ἔτι δʼ ἀπιθανώτερον, εἰ τὴν μὲν Αἰθιοπίαν ἔλεγε καὶ Σιδονίους καὶ Ἐρεμβοὺς καὶ τὴν ἔξω θάλατταν καὶ τὸ διχθὰ δεδάσθαι τοὺς Αἰθίοπας, τὰ δʼ ἐγγὺς καὶ γνώριμα μή. εἰ δὲ μὴ ἐμνήσθη τούτων, οὐ τοῦτο σημεῖον τοῦ ἀγνοεῖν· οὐδὲ γὰρ τῆς αὐτοῦ πατρίδος ἐμνήσθη οὐδὲ πολλῶν ἄλλων, ἀλλὰ μᾶλλον τὰ λίαν γνώριμα ὄντα φαίη τις ἂν δόξαι μὴ ἄξια μνήμης εἶναι πρὸς τοὺς εἰδότας.

[23] οὐκ εὖ δὲ οὐδὲ τοῦτο προφέρουσιν αὐτῷ τὸ περὶ τῆς νήσου τῆς Φαρίας, ὅτι φησὶ πελαγίαν, ὡς κατʼ ἄγνοιαν λέγοντι· τοὐναντίον γὰρ κἂν μαρτυρίῳ χρήσαιτό τις τούτῳ πρὸς τὸ μὴ ἀγνοεῖσθαι μηδὲν ὑπὸ τοῦ ποιητοῦ τῶν εἰρημένων ἀρτίως περὶ τὴν Αἴγυπτον. γνοίης δʼ ἂν οὕτως· ἀλαζὼν δὴ πᾶς ὁ πλάνην αὑτοῦ διηγούμενος· τούτων δʼ ἦν καὶ ὁ Μενέλαος, ὃς ἀναβεβηκὼς μέχρις Αἰθιόπων ἐπέπυστο τὰς ἀναβάσεις τοῦ Νείλου καὶ τὴν χοῦν ὅσην ἐπιφέρει τῇ χώρᾳ, καὶ τὸν πρὸ τῶν στομάτων πόρον ὅσον ἤδη προσχώσας τῇ ἠπείρῳ προστέθεικεν, ὥστε εἰκότως ὑπὸ τοῦ Ἡροδότου καὶ τὴν ὅλην Αἴγυπτον τοῦ ποταμοῦ δῶρον λέγεσθαι· κἂν εἰ μὴ τὴν ὅλην, τήν γε ὑπὸ τῷ Δέλτα τὴν κάτω χώραν προσαγορευομένην. ἱστόρησε δὲ καὶ τὴν Φάρον πελαγίαν οὖσαν τὸ παλαιόν· προσεψεύσατο δὴ καὶ τὸ πελαγίαν εἶναι, καίπερ μηκέτι πελαγίαν οὖσαν. ὁ δὲ ταῦτα διασκευάζων ὁ ποιητὴς ἦν· ὥστʼ ἐκ τούτων εἰκάζειν ὅτι καὶ τὰς ἀναβάσεις ᾔδει καὶ τὰ στόματα τοῦ Νείλου.

[24] ̔η δʼ αὐτὴ ἁμαρτία καὶ περὶ τοῦ ἀγνοεῖν τὸν ἰσθμὸν τὸν μεταξὺ τοῦ Αἰγυπτίου πελάγους καὶ τοῦ Ἀραβίου κόλπου καὶ περὶ τοῦ ψευδῶς λέγεσθαι Αἰθίοπες, τοὶ διχθὰ δεδαίαται ἔσχατοι ἀνδρῶν. καὶ γὰρ τοῦτο ἐκείνου λέγοντος καλῶς ἐπιτιμῶσιν οἱ ὕστερον οὐκ εὖ. τοσούτου γὰρ δεῖ τοῦτʼ ἀληθὲς εἶναι τὸ ἀγνοεῖν Ὅμηρον τὸν ἰσθμὸν τοῦτον, ὥστε ἐκεῖνον μέν φημι μὴ εἰδέναι μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἀποφαίνεσθαι ἄντικρυς, τοὺς δὲ γραμματικοὺς μηδὲ λέγοντος ἐκείνου αἰσθάνεσθαι ἀπὸ Ἀριστάρχου καὶ Κράτητος τῶν κορυφαίων ἐν τῇ ἐπιστήμῃ ταύτῃ. εἰπόντος γὰρ τοῦ ποιητοῦ Αἰθίοπας, τοὶ διχθὰ δεδαίαται, ἔσχατοι ἀνδρῶν, περὶ τοῦ ἐπιφερομένου ἔπους διαφέρονται, ὁ μὲν Ἀρίσταρχος γράφων οἱ μὲν δυσομένου Ὑπερίονος, οἱ δʼ ἀνιόντος, ὁ δὲ Κράτης ἠμὲν δυσομένου Ὑπερίονος, ἠδʼ ἀνιόντος, οὐδὲν διαφέρον πρὸς τὴν ἑκατέρου ὑπόθεσιν οὕτως ἢ ἐκείνως γράφειν. ὁ μὲν γὰρ ἀκολουθῶν τοῖς μαθηματικῶς λέγεσθαι δοκοῦσι τὴν διακεκαυμένην ζώνην κατέχεσθαί φησιν ὑπὸ τοῦ ὠκεανοῦ· παρʼ ἑκάτερον δὲ ταύτης εἶναι τὴν εὔκρατον, τήν τε καθʼ ἡμᾶς καὶ τὴν ἐπὶ θάτερον μέρος. ὥσπερ οὖν οἱ παρʼ ἡμῖν Αἰθίοπες οὗτοι λέγονται οἱ πρὸς μεσημβρίαν κεκλιμένοι παρʼ ὅλην τὴν οἰκουμένην ἔσχατοι τῶν ἄλλων παροικοῦντες τὸν ὠκεανόν, οὕτως οἴεται δεῖν καὶ πέραν τοῦ ὠκεανοῦ νοεῖσθαί τινας Αἰθίοπας ἐσχάτους τῶν ἄλλων τῶν ἐν τῇ ἑτέρᾳ εὐκράτῳ, παροικοῦντας τὸν αὐτὸν τοῦτον ὠκεανόν· διττοὺς δὲ εἶναι καὶ διχθὰ δεδάσθαι ὑπὸ τοῦ ὠκεανοῦ. προσκεῖσθαι δὲ τὸ ἠμὲν δυσομένου Ὑπερίονος, ἠδʼ ἀνιόντος, ὅτι τοῦ ζωδιακοῦ κατὰ κορυφὴν ὄντος ἀεὶ τῷ ἐν τῇ γῇ ζωδιακῷ, τούτου δʼ οὐκ ἐκβαίνοντος ἔξω τῆς Αἰθιόπων ἀμφοῖν τῇ λοξώσει, ἀνάγκη καὶ τὴν πάροδον τοῦ ἡλίου πᾶσαν ἐν τῷ πλάτει τούτῳ νοεῖσθαι, καὶ τὰς ἀνατολὰς καὶ τὰς δύσεις συμβαίνειν ἐνταῦθα ἄλλας ἄλλοις καὶ κατʼ ἄλλα ἢ ἄλλα σημεῖα. εἴρηκε μὲν οὕτως ἀστρονομικώτερον νομίσας· ἦν δὲ καὶ ἁπλούστερον εἰπεῖν αὐτὸ σώζοντα τὸ οὕτω διῃρῆσθαι δίχα τοὺς Αἰθίοπας, ὡς εἴρηται, ὅτι ἀφʼ ἡλίου ἀνιόντος μέχρι δύσεως ἐφʼ ἑκάτερα παροικοῦσι τῷ ὠκεανῷ Αἰθίοπες. τί οὖν διαφέρει πρὸς τὸν νοῦν τοῦτον ἢ οὕτως εἰπεῖν ὥσπερ αὐτὸς γράφει, ἢ ὡς Ἀρίσταρχος οἱ μὲν δυσομένου Ὑπερίονος, οἱ δʼ ἀνιόντος; καὶ γὰρ τοῦτʼ ἐστὶ καὶ πρὸς δύσιν καὶ πρὸς ἀνατολὴν ἐφʼ ἑκάτερα τοῦ ὠκεανοῦ οἰκεῖν. ὁ δʼ Ἀρίσταρχος ταύτην μὲν ἐκβάλλει τὴν ὑπόθεσιν, δίχα δὲ μεμερισμένους οἴεται λέγεσθαι τοὺς καθʼ ἡμᾶς Αἰθίοπας τοὺς τοῖς Ἕλλησι πρὸς μεσημβρίαν ἐσχάτους. τούτους δὲ μὴ μεμερίσθαι δίχα ὥστε εἶναι δύο Αἰθιοπίας, τὴν μὲν πρὸς ἀνατολὴν τὴν δὲ πρὸς δύσιν, ἀλλὰ μίαν μόνην τὴν πρὸς μεσημβρίαν κειμένην τοῖς Ἕλλησιν, ἱδρυμένην δὲ κατʼ Αἴγυπτον. τοῦτο δὲ ἀγνοοῦντα τὸν ποιητήν, ὥσπερ καὶ τὰ ἄλλα, ὅσα εἴρηκεν Ἀπολλόδωρος ἐν τῷ περὶ νεῶν καταλόγου δευτέρῳ, καταψεύσασθαι τῶν τόπων τὰ μὴ ὄντα.

[25] πρὸς μὲν οὖν Κράτητα μακροῦ λόγου δεῖ καὶ ἴσως οὐδὲν ὄντος πρὸς τὰ νῦν. Ἀριστάρχου δὲ τοῦτο μὲν ἐπαινῶμεν, διότι τὴν Κρατήτειον ἀφεὶς ὑπόθεσιν δεχομένην πολλὰς ἐνστάσεις περὶ τῆς καθʼ ἡμᾶς Αἰθιοπίας ὑπονοεῖ γεγονέναι τὸν λόγον· τὰ δʼ ἄλλα ἐπισκοπῶμεν. καὶ πρῶτον ὅτι καὶ αὐτὸς μικρολογεῖται μάτην περὶ τῆς γραφῆς. καὶ γὰρ ἂν ἑκατέρως γράφηται, δύναται ἐφαρμόττειν τοῖς νοήμασιν αὐτοῦ. τί γὰρ διαφέρει λέγειν ἢ οὕτως δύο εἰσὶ καθʼ ἡμᾶς Αἰθίοπες, οἱ μὲν πρὸς ἀνατολὰς οἱ δὲ πρὸς δύσεις, ἢ οὕτως καὶ γὰρ πρὸς ἀνατολὰς καὶ πρὸς δύσεις; ἔπειθʼ ὅτι ψευδοῦς προΐσταται δόγματος. φέρε γὰρ τὸν ποιητὴν ἀγνοεῖν μὲν τὸν ἰσθμόν, τῆς δὲ κατʼ Αἴγυπτον Αἰθιοπίας μεμνῆσθαι ὅταν φῇ Αἰθίοπας, τοὶ διχθὰ δεδαίαται. πῶς οὖν; οὐ διχθὰ δεδαίαται οὕτως, ἀλλʼ ἀγνοῶν οὕτως εἴρηκεν ὁ ποιητής; πότερʼ οὐδʼ ἡ Αἴγυπτος, οὐδʼ οἱ Αἰγύπτιοι ἀπὸ τοῦ Δέλτα ἀρξάμενοι μέχρι πρὸς Συήνην ὑπὸ τοῦ Νείλου δίχα διῄρηνται οἱ μὲν δυσομένου Ὑπερίονος, οἱ δʼ ἀνιόντος; τί δʼ ἄλλο ἡ Αἴγυπτός ἐστι πλὴν ἡ ποταμία,⁴ ἣν ἐπικλύζει τὸ ὕδωρ; αὕτη δʼ ἐφʼ ἑκάτερα τοῦ ποταμοῦ κεῖται πρὸς ἀνατολὴν καὶ δύσιν. ἀλλὰ μὴν ἡ Αἰθιοπία ἐπʼ εὐθείας ἐστὶ τῇ Αἰγύπτῳ καὶ παραπλησίως ἔχει πρός τε τὸν Νεῖλον καὶ τὴν ἄλλην φύσιν τῶν τόπων. καὶ γὰρ αὕτη στενή τέ ἐστι καὶ μακρὰ καὶ ἐπίκλυστος. τὰ δʼ ἔξω τῆς ἐπικλύστου ἔρημά τε καὶ ἄνυδρα καὶ σπανίως οἰκεῖσθαι δυνάμενα, τὰ μὲν πρὸς ἕω τὰ δὲ πρὸς δύσιν κεκλιμένα. πῶς οὖν οὐχὶ καὶ δίχα διῄρηται; ἢ τοῖς μὲν τὴν Ἀσίαν ἀπὸ τῆς Λιβύης διαιροῦσιν ἀξιόλογον τοῦθʼ ὅριον ἐφάνη ὁ Νεῖλος, μῆκος μὲν ἀνατείνων ἐπὶ τὴν μεσημβρίαν πλειόνων ἢ μυρίων σταδίων, πλάτος δέ, ὥστε καὶ νήσους ἀπολαμβάνειν μυριάνδρους, ὧν μεγίστη ἡ Μερόη τὸ βασίλειον καὶ μητρόπολις τῶν Αἰθιόπων, αὐτὴν δὲ τὴν Αἰθιοπίαν οὐχ ἱκανὸς ἦν διαιρεῖν δίχα; καὶ μὴν οἵ γε ἐπιτιμῶντες τοῖς τὰς ἠπείρους τῷ ποταμῷ διαιροῦσι τῶν ἐγκλημάτων τοῦτο μέγιστον προφέρουσιν αὐτοῖς, ὅτι τὴν Αἴγυπτον καὶ τὴν Αἰθιοπίαν διασπῶσι καὶ ποιοῦσι τὸ μέν τι μέρος ἑκατέρας αὐτῶν Λιβυκόν, τὸ δʼ Ἀσιατικόν· ἢ εἰ μὴ βούλονται τοῦτο, ἢ οὐ διαιροῦσι τὰς ἠπείρους ἢ οὐ τῷ ποταμῷ.

[26] χωρὶς δὲ τούτων ἐστὶ καὶ ἄλλως διαιρεῖν τὴν Αἰθιοπίαν. πάντες γὰρ οἱ παραπλεύσαντες τῷ ὠκεανῷ τὴν Λιβύην, οἵ τε ἀπὸ τῆς Ἐρυθρᾶς καὶ οἱ ἀπὸ τῶν στηλῶν, μέχρι ποσοῦ προελθόντες εἶτα ἀνέστρεψαν ὑπὸ πολλῶν ἀποριῶν κωλυόμενοι, ὥστε καὶ πίστιν κατέλιπον τοῖς πολλοῖς, ὡς τὸ μεταξὺ διείργοιτο ἰσθμῷ· καὶ μὴν σύρρους ἡ πᾶσα Ἀτλαντικὴ θάλαττα, καὶ μάλιστα ἡ κατὰ μεσημβρίαν. ἅπαντες δὲ οὗτοι τὰ τελευταῖα χωρία, ἐφʼ ἃ πλέοντες ἦλθον, Αἰθιοπικὰ προσηγόρευσαν καὶ ἀπήγγειλαν οὕτως. τί οὖν ἄλογον, εἰ καὶ Ὅμηρος ὑπὸ τοιαύτης ἀκοῆς ἀχθεὶς δίχα διῄρει, τοὺς μὲν πρὸς ἀνατολὴν λέγων, τοὺς δὲ πρὸς δύσιν, τῶν μεταξὺ οὐ γινωσκομένων εἴτε εἰσὶν εἴτε μὴ εἰσίν; ἀλλὰ μὴν καὶ ἄλλην τινὰ ἱστορίαν εἴρηκεν παλαιὰν Ἔφορος, ᾗ οὐκ ἄλογον ἐντυχεῖν καὶ Ὅμηρον. λέγεσθαι γάρ φησιν ὑπὸ τῶν Ταρτησσίων Αἰθίοπας τὴν Λιβύην ἐπελθόντας μέχρι αὐάσεως τοὺς μὲν αὐτοῦ μεῖναι, τοὺς δὲ καὶ τῆς παραλίας κατασχεῖν πολλήν· τεκμαίρεται δʼ ἐκ τούτου καὶ Ὅμηρον εἰπεῖν οὕτως Αἰθίοπες, τοὶ διχθὰ δεδαίαται, ἔσχατοι ἀνδρῶν.

[27] ταῦτά τε δὴ πρὸς τὸν Ἀρίσταρχον λέγοι ἄν τις καὶ πρὸς τοὺς ἀκολουθοῦντας αὐτῷ καὶ ἄλλα τούτων ἐπιεικέστερα, ἀφʼ ὧν τὴν πολλὴν ἄγνοιαν ἀφαιρήσεται τοῦ ποιητοῦ. φημὶ γὰρ κατὰ τὴν τῶν ἀρχαίων Ἑλλήνων δόξαν, ὥσπερ τὰ πρὸς βορρᾶν μέρη τὰ γνώριμα ἑνὶ ὀνόματι Σκύθας ἐκάλουν ἢ νομάδας, ὡς Ὅμηρος, ὕστερον δὲ καὶ τῶν πρὸς ἑσπέραν γνωσθέντων Κελτοὶ καὶ Ἴβηρες ἢ μικτῶς Κελτίβηρες καὶ Κελτοσκύθαι προσηγορεύοντο, ὑφʼ ἓν ὄνομα τῶν καθʼ ἕκαστα ἐθνῶν ταττομένων διὰ τὴν ἄγνοιαν, οὕτω τὰ μεσημβρινὰ πάντα Αἰθιοπίαν καλεῖσθαι τὰ πρὸς ὠκεανῷ. μαρτυρεῖ δὲ τὰ τοιαῦτα. ὅ τε γὰρ Αἰσχύλος ἐν Προμηθεῖ τῷ λυομένῳ φησὶν οὕτω φοινικόπεδόν τʼ ἐρυθρᾶς ἱερὸν χεῦμα θαλάσσης, χαλκοκέραυνόν τε παρʼ ὠκεανῷ λίμναν παντοτρόφον Αἰθιόπων, ἵνʼ ὁ παντόπτας Ἥλιος αἰεὶ χρῶτʼ ἀθάνατον κάματόν θʼ ἵππων θερμαῖς ὕδατος μαλακοῦ προχοαῖς ἀναπαύει. παρʼ ὅλον γὰρ τὸ μεσημβρινὸν κλίμα τοῦ ὠκεανοῦ ταύτην πρὸς τὸν ἥλιον ἴσχοντος τὴν χρείαν καὶ τὴν σχέσιν, παρʼ ὅλον καὶ τοὺς Αἰθίοπας τάττων φαίνεται. ὅ τʼ Εὐριπίδης ἐν τῷ Φαέθοντι τὴν Κλυμένην δοθῆναί φησι Μέροπι τῆσδʼ ἄνακτι γῆς, ἣν ἐκ τεθρίππων ἁρμάτων πρώτην χθόνα Ἥλιος ἀνίσχων χρυσέᾳ βάλλει φλογί· καλοῦσι δʼ αὐτὴν γείτονες μελάμβροτοι Ἕω φαεννὰς Ἡλίου θʼ ἱπποστάσεις. νῦν μὲν δὴ κοινὰς ποιεῖται τὰς ἱπποστάσεις τῇ τε Ἠοῖ καὶ τῷ Ἡλίῳ, ἐν δὲ τοῖς ἑξῆς πλησίον αὐτάς φησιν εἶναι τῇ οἰκήσει τοῦ Μέροπος· καὶ ὅλῃ γε τῇ δραματουργίᾳ τοῦτο παραπέπλεκται, οὐ δή που τῆς κατʼ Αἴγυπτον ἴδιον ὄν, μᾶλλον δὲ τῆς παρʼ ὅλον τὸ μεσημβρινὸν κλίμα διηκούσης παραλίας.

[28] μηνύει δὲ καὶ Ἔφορος τὴν παλαιὰν περὶ τῆς Αἰθιοπίας δόξαν, ὅς φησιν ἐν τῷ περὶ τῆς Εὐρώπης λόγῳ, τῶν περὶ τὸν οὐρανὸν καὶ τὴν γῆν τόπων εἰς τέτταρα μέρη διῃρημένων, τὸ πρὸς τὸν ἀπηλιώτην Ἰνδοὺς ἔχειν, πρὸς νότον δὲ Αἰθίοπας, πρὸς δύσιν δὲ Κελτούς, πρὸς δὲ βορρᾶν ἄνεμον Σκύθας. προστίθησι δʼ ὅτι μείζων ἡ Αἰθιοπία καὶ ἡ Σκυθία· δοκεῖ γάρ, φησί, τὸ τῶν Αἰθιόπων ἔθνος παρατείνειν ἀπʼ ἀνατολῶν χειμερινῶν μέχρι δυσμῶν, ἡ Σκυθία δʼ ἀντίκειται τούτῳ. ὅτι δʼ ὁ ποιητὴς ὁμόλογος τούτοις, καὶ ἐκ τῶνδε δῆλον ὅτι ἡ μὲν Ἰθάκη κεῖται πρὸς ζόφον (ὅπερ ἐστὶ πρὸς ἄρκτον), αἱ δέ τʼ ἄνευθε πρὸς ἠῶ τʼ ἠέλιόν τε. ὅλον τὸ νότιον πλευρὸν οὕτω λέγων. καὶ ἔτι, ὅταν φῇ· εἴτʼ ἐπὶ δέξιʼ ἴωσι πρὸς ἠῶ τʼ ἠέλιόν τε, εἴτʼ ἐπʼ ἀριστερὰ τοί γε ποτὶ ζόφον ἠερόεντα. καὶ πάλιν ὦ φίλοι, οὐ γάρ τʼ ἴδμεν, ὅπῃ ζόφος, οὐδʼ ὅπῃ ἠώς, οὐδʼ ὅπῃ ἠέλιος φαεσίμβροτος εἶσʼ ὑπὸ γαῖαν, οὐδʼ ὅπῃ ἀννεῖται. περὶ ὧν λέγεται καὶ ἐν τοῖς περὶ τῆς Ἰθάκης λόγοις σαφέστερον. ὅταν οὖν φῇ Ζεὺς γὰρ ἐς ὠκεανὸν μετʼ ἀμύμονας Αἰθιοπῆας χθιζὸς ἔβη, κοινότερον δεκτέον καὶ τὸν ὠκεανὸν τὸν καθʼ ὅλον τὸ μεσημβρινὸν κλίμα τεταμένον καὶ τοὺς Αἰθίοπας· ᾧ γὰρ ἂν τόπῳ τοῦδε τοῦ κλίματος προσβάλῃς τὴν διάνοιαν, καὶ ἐπὶ τῷ ὠκεανῷ ἔσῃ καὶ ἐπὶ τῇ Αἰθιοπίᾳ. οὕτω δὲ λέγει καὶ τὸ τὸν δʼ ἐξ Αἰθιόπων ἀνιὼν τηλόθεν ἐκ Σολύμων ὀρέων ἴδεν, ἴσον τῷ ἀπὸ μεσημβρινῶν τόπων, Σολύμους λέγων οὐ τοὺς ἐν τῇ Πισιδίᾳ, ἀλλʼ ὡς ἔφην πρότερον πλάσαι τινὰς ὁμωνύμους, τοὺς ἀναλόγως ἔχοντας πρός τε τὸν πλέοντα ἐν τῇ σχεδίᾳ καὶ τοὺς ἐκεῖ μεσημβρινούς, ὡς ἂν Αἰθίοπας, ὡς οἱ Πισιδικοὶ πρός τε τὸν Πόντον καὶ τοὺς ὑπὲρ τῆς Αἰγύπτου Αἰθίοπας. οὕτω δὲ καὶ τὸν περὶ τῶν γεράνων λόγον κοινὸν ποιούμενός φησιν αἵ τʼ ἐπεὶ οὖν χειμῶνα φύγον καὶ ἀθέσφατον ὄμβρον, κλαγγῇ ταί γε πέτονται ἐπʼ ὠκεανοῖο ῥοάων, ἀνδράσι Πυγμαίοισι φόνον καὶ κῆρα φέρουσαι. οὐ γὰρ ἐν μὲν τοῖς κατὰ τὴν Ἑλλάδα τόποις ὁρᾶται φερομένη ἡ γέρανος ἐπὶ τὴν μεσημβρίαν, ἐν δὲ τοῖς κατὰ τὴν Ἰταλίαν ἢ Ἰβηρίαν οὐδαμῶς ἢ τοῖς κατὰ τὴν Κασπίαν καὶ Βακτριανήν. κατὰ πᾶσαν οὖν τὴν μεσημβρινὴν παραλίαν τοῦ ὠκεανοῦ παρατείνοντος, ἐφʼ ἅπασαν δὲ καὶ χειμοφυγούντων, δέχεσθαι δεῖ καὶ τοὺς Πυγμαίους μεμυθευμένους κατὰ πᾶσαν. εἰ δʼ οἱ ὕστερον τοὺς Αἰθίοπας ἐπὶ τοὺς κατʼ Αἴγυπτον μόνους μετήγαγον καὶ τὸν περὶ τῶν Πυγμαίων λόγον, οὐδὲν ἂν εἴη πρὸς τὰ πάλαι. καὶ γὰρ Ἀχαιοὺς καὶ Ἀργείους οὐ πάντας μὲν νῦν φαμεν τοὺς στρατεύσαντας ἐπὶ Ἴλιον, Ὅμηρος δὲ καλεῖ πάντας. παραπλήσιον δέ ἐστιν ὃ λέγω καὶ περὶ τῶν δίχα διῃρημένων Αἰθιόπων, ὅτι δεῖ δέχεσθαι τοὺς παρʼ ὅλην διατείνοντας τὴν ὠκεανῖτιν ἀφʼ ἡλίου ἀνιόντος μέχρι ἡλίου δυομένου. οἱ γὰρ οὕτω λεγόμενοι Αἰθίοπες δίχα διῄρηνται φυσικῶς τῷ Ἀραβίῳ κόλπῳ, ὡς ἂν μεσημβρινοῦ κύκλου τμήματι ἀξιολόγῳ, ποταμοῦ δίκην ἐν μήκει σχεδόν τι καὶ πεντακισχιλίων σταδίων ἐπὶ τοῖς μυρίοις, πλάτει δʼ οὐ πολὺ τῶν χιλίων μείζονι τῷ μεγίστῳ· πρόσεστι δὲ τῷ μήκει καὶ τὸ τὸν μυχὸν τοῦδε τοῦ κόλπου διέχειν τῆς κατὰ Πηλούσιον θαλάττης τριῶν ἢ τεττάρων ἡμερῶν ὁδόν, ἣν ἐπέχει ὁ ἰσθμός. καθάπερ οὖν οἱ χαριέστεροι τῶν διαιρούντων τὴν Ἀσίαν ἀπὸ τῆς Λιβύης ὅρον εὐφυέστερον ἡγοῦνται τοῦτον τῶν ἠπείρων ἀμφοῖν τὸν κόλπον ἢ τὸν Νεῖλον· τὸν μὲν γὰρ διήκειν παρʼ ὀλίγον παντελῶς ἀπὸ θαλάττης ἐπὶ θάλατταν, τὸν δὲ Νεῖλον πολλαπλάσιον ἀπὸ τοῦ ὠκεανοῦ διέχειν, ὥστε μὴ διαιρεῖν τὴν Ἀσίαν πᾶσαν ἀπὸ τῆς Λιβύης· τοῦτον ὑπολαμβάνω τὸν τρόπον κἀγὼ τὰ μεσημβρινὰ μέρη πάντα καθʼ ὅλην τὴν οἰκουμένην δίχα διῃρῆσθαι νομίσαι τὸν ποιητὴν τῷ κόλπῳ τούτῳ. πῶς οὖν ἠγνόει τὸν ἰσθμόν, ὃν οὗτος ποιεῖ πρὸς τὸ Αἰγύπτιον πέλαγος;

[29] καὶ γὰρ δὴ καὶ τελέως ἄλογον, εἰ τὰς μὲν Αἰγυπτίους Θήβας ᾔδει σαφῶς, αἳ διέχουσι τῆς καθʼ ἡμᾶς θαλάττης σταδίους μικρὸν ἀπολείποντας ἀπὸ τῶν πεντακισχιλίων, τὸν δὲ μυχὸν τοῦ Ἀραβίου κόλπου μὴ ᾔδει, μηδὲ τὸν ἰσθμὸν τὸν κατʼ αὐτόν, πλάτος ἔχοντα οὐ πλειόνων ἢ χιλίων σταδίων· πολὺ δʼ ἂν ἀλογώτερον δόξειεν, εἰ τὸν μὲν Νεῖλον ᾔδει ὁμωνύμως τῇ τοσαύτῃ χώρᾳ λεγόμενον, τὴν δʼ αἰτίαν μὴ ἑώρα τούτου· μάλιστα γὰρ ἂν προσπίπτοι τὸ ῥηθὲν ὑφʼ Ἡροδότου διότι δῶρον ἦν ἡ χώρα τοῦ ποταμοῦ καὶ διὰ τοῦτο ἠξιοῦτο τοῦ αὐτοῦ ὀνόματος. ἄλλως τε τῶν παρʼ ἑκάστοις ἰδίων ταῦτʼ ἐστὶ γνωριμώτατα, ἃ καὶ παραδοξίαν ἔχει τινά, καὶ ἐν τῷ φανερῷ πᾶσίν ἐστι· τοιοῦτον δʼ ἐστὶ καὶ ἡ τοῦ Νείλου ἀνάβασις καὶ ἡ πρόσχωσις τοῦ πελάγους. καὶ καθάπερ οἱ προσαχθέντες πρὸς τὴν Αἴγυπτον οὐδὲν πρότερον ἱστοροῦσι περὶ τῆς χώρας, ἢ τὴν τοῦ Νείλου φύσιν διὰ τὸ τοὺς ἐπιχωρίους μήτε καινότερα τούτων λέγειν ἔχειν πρὸς ἄνδρας ξένους, μήτʼ ἐπιφανέστερα περὶ τῶν παρʼ αὐτοῖς· τῷ γὰρ ἱστορήσαντι περὶ τοῦ ποταμοῦ κατάδηλος καὶ ἡ χώρα γίνεται πᾶσα ὁποία τίς ἐστιν· οὕτω καὶ οἱ πόρρωθεν ἀκούοντες οὐδὲν πρότερον ἱστοροῦσι τούτου. προστίθει οὖν τούτῳ καὶ τὸ φιλείδημον τοῦ ποιητοῦ καὶ τὸ φιλέκδημον, ὅπερ αὐτῷ μαρτυροῦσιν ὅσοι τὸν βίον ἀναγράφουσι, καὶ ἐξ αὐτῶν δὲ λαμβάνεται τῶν ποιημάτων πολλὰ παραδείγματα τοῦ τοιούτου. οὗτος μὲν οὖν ἐκ πλεόνων ἐλέγχεται καὶ εἰδὼς καὶ λέγων ῥητῶς τὰ ῥητὰ καὶ σιγῶν τὰ λίαν ἐκφανῆ ἢ ἐπιθέτως λέγων.

[30] θαυμάζειν δὲ δεῖ τῶν Αἰγυπτίων καὶ Σύρων, πρὸς οὓς νῦν ἡμῖν ὁ λόγος, εἰ μηδʼ ἐκείνου λέγοντος τὰ παρʼ αὐτοῖς ἐπιχώρια συνιᾶσιν, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἄγνοιαν αἰτιῶνται, ᾗ αὐτοὺς ἐνόχους δείκνυσιν ὁ λόγος. ἁπλῶς δὲ τὸ μὴ λέγειν οὐ τοῦ μὴ εἰδέναι σημεῖόν ἐστιν· οὐδὲ γὰρ τὰς τροπὰς τοῦ εὐρίπου λέγει οὐδὲ τὰς Θερμοπύλας οὐδʼ ἄλλα πλείω τῶν γνωρίμων παρὰ τοῖς Ἕλλησιν, οὐ μὴν ἠγνόει γε. ἀλλὰ καὶ λέγει, οὐ δοκεῖ δὲ τοῖς ἐθελοκωφοῦσιν, ὥστε ἐκείνους αἰτιατέον. ὁ ποιητὴς τοίνυν διιπετέας καλεῖ τοὺς ποταμούς, οὐ τοὺς χειμάρρους μόνους, ἀλλὰ καὶ πάντας κοινῶς, ὅτι πληροῦνται πάντες ἀπὸ τῶν ὀμβρίων ὑδάτων· ἀλλὰ τὸ κοινὸν ἐπὶ τῶν κατʼ ἐξοχὴν ἴδιον γίνεται. ἄλλως γὰρ ἂν τὸν χειμάρρουν ἀκούοι τις διιπετῆ καὶ ἄλλως τὸν ἀέναον· ἐνταῦθα δὲ διπλασιάζει πως ἡ ἐξοχή. καὶ καθάπερ εἰσί τινες ὑπερβολαὶ ἐπὶ ὑπερβολαῖς, ὡς τὸ κουφότερον εἶναι φελλοῦ σκιᾶς, δειλότερον δὲ λαγὼ Φρυγός, ἐλάττω δʼ ἔχειν γῆν τὸν ἀγρὸν ἐπιστολῆς Λακωνικῆς· οὕτως ἐξοχὴ ἐπὶ ἐξοχῇ συντρέχει ἐπὶ τοῦ διιπετῆ τὸν Νεῖλον λέγεσθαι. ὁ μὲν γὰρ χειμάρρους ὑπερβέβληται τοὺς ἄλλους ποταμοὺς τῷ διιπετὴς εἶναι· ὁ δὲ Νεῖλος καὶ τοὺς χειμάρρους ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον πληρούμενος καὶ πλήθους καὶ χρόνου. ὥστʼ ἐπεὶ καὶ γνώριμον ἦν τὸ πάθος τοῦ ποταμοῦ τῷ ποιητῇ, ὡς παραμεμυθήμεθα, καὶ κέχρηται τῷ ἐπιθέτῳ τούτῳ κατʼ αὐτοῦ, οὐκ ἄλλως δεκτέον ἢ ὡς εἰρήκαμεν. τὸ δὲ πλείοσι στόμασιν ἐκδιδόναι κοινὸν καὶ πλειόνων, ὥστʼ οὐκ ἄξιον μνήμης ὑπέλαβε, καὶ ταῦτα πρὸς εἰδότας· καθάπερ οὐδʼ Ἀλκαῖος, καίτοι φήσας ἀφῖχθαι καὶ αὐτὸς εἰς Αἴγυπτον. αἱ δὲ προσχώσεις καὶ ἐκ τῶν ἀναβάσεων μὲν δύνανται ὑπονοεῖσθαι καὶ ἐξ ὧν δὲ εἶπε περὶ τῆς Φάρου. ὁ γὰρ ἱστορῶν αὐτῷ περὶ τῆς Φάρου, μᾶλλον δὲ ἡ κοινὴ φήμη, διότι μὲν τότε τοσοῦτον ἀπεῖχεν ἀπὸ τῆς ἠπείρου ὅσον φησί, δρόμον νεὼς ἡμερήσιον, οὐκ ἂν εἴη διατεθρυλημένη ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον ἐψευσμένως. ὅτι δʼ ἡ ἀνάβασις καὶ αἱ προσχώσεις τοιαῦταί τινες, κοινότερον πεπύσθαι εἰκὸς ἦν· ἐξ ὧν συνθεὶς ὁ ποιητὴς ὅτι πλέον ἢ τότε ἀφειστήκει τῆς γῆς ἡ νῆσος κατὰ τὴν Μενελάου παρουσίαν, προσέθηκε παρʼ ἑαυτοῦ πολλαπλάσιον διάστημα τοῦ μυθώδους χάριν. αἱ δὲ μυθοποιίαι οὐκ ἀγνοίας σημεῖον δήπου· οὐδὲ τὰ περὶ τοῦ Πρωτέως καὶ τῶν Πυγμαίων, οὐδʼ αἱ τῶν φαρμάκων δυνάμεις, οὐδʼ εἴ τι ἄλλο τοιοῦτον οἱ ποιηταὶ πλάττουσιν· οὐ γὰρ κατʼ ἄγνοιαν τῶν τοπικῶν λέγεται, ἀλλʼ ἡδονῆς καὶ τέρψεως χάριν. πῶς οὖν καὶ ἄνυδρον οὖσαν φησὶν ὕδωρ ἔχειν; ἐν δὲ λιμὴν εὔορμος, ὅθεν τʼ ἀπὸ νῆας ἐίσας ἐς πόντον βάλλουσιν ἀφυσσάμενοι μέλαν ὕδωρ. ἀλλʼ οὔτε τὸ ὑδρεῖον ἐκλιπεῖν ἀδύνατον οὔτε τὴν ὑδρείαν ἐκ τῆς νήσου γενέσθαι φησίν, ἀλλὰ τὴν ἀναγωγὴν μόνην διὰ τὴν τοῦ λιμένος ἀρετήν, τὸ δʼ ὕδωρ ἐκ τῆς περαίας ἀρύσασθαι παρῆν, ἐξομολογουμένου πως τοῦ ποιητοῦ διʼ ἐμφάσεως, ὅτι πελαγίαν εἶπεν οὐ πρὸς ἀλήθειαν ἀλλὰ πρὸς ὑπερβολὴν καὶ μυθοποιίαν.

[31] Ἐπεὶ δὲ καὶ τὰ περὶ τῆς πλάνης τῆς Μενελάου λεχθέντα συνηγορεῖν δοκεῖ τῇ ἀγνοίᾳ τῇ περὶ τοὺς τόπους ἐκείνους, βέλτιον ἴσως ἐστὶ τὰ ἐν τοῖς ἔπεσι τούτοις ζητούμενα προεκθεμένους ἅμα ταῦτά τε διαστεῖλαι καὶ περὶ τοῦ ποιητοῦ ἀπολογήσασθαι καθαρώτερον. φησὶ δὴ πρὸς Τηλέμαχον ὁ Μενέλαος θαυμάσαντα τὸν τῶν βασιλείων κόσμον ἦ γὰρ πολλὰ παθὼν καὶ πόλλʼ ἐπαληθεὶς ἠγαγόμην ἐν νηυσί, καὶ ὀγδοάτῳ ἔτει ἦλθον Κύπρον Φοινίκην τε καὶ Αἰγυπτίους ἐπαληθείς, Αἰθίοπάς θʼ ἱκόμην καὶ Σιδονίους καὶ Ἐρεμβοὺς καὶ Λιβύην. ζητοῦσι δὲ πρὸς τίνας ἦλθεν Αἰθίοπας πλέων ἐξ Αἰγύπτου· οὔτε γὰρ ἐν τῇ καθʼ ἡμᾶς θαλάττῃ οἰκοῦσί τινες Αἰθίοπες, οὔτε τοῦ Νείλου τοὺς καταράκτας ἦν διελθεῖν ναυσί· τίνες τε οἱ Σιδόνιοι· οὐ γὰρ οἵ γε ἐν Φοινίκῃ· οὐ γὰρ ἂν τὸ γένος προθεὶς τὸ εἶδος ἐπήνεγκε· τίνες τε οἱ Ἐρεμβοί· καινὸν γὰρ τὸ ὄνομα. Ἀριστόνικος μὲν οὖν ὁ καθʼ ἡμᾶς γραμματικὸς ἐν τοῖς περὶ τῆς Μενελάου πλάνης πολλῶν ἀναγέγραφεν ἀνδρῶν ἀποφάσεις περὶ ἑκάστου τῶν ἐκκειμένων κεφαλαίων· ἡμῖν δʼ ἀρκέσει κἂν ἐπιτέμνοντες λέγωμεν. οἱ μὲν δὴ πλεῦσαι φήσαντες εἰς τὴν Αἰθιοπίαν οἱ μὲν περίπλουν τῶν διὰ Γαδείρων μέχρι τῆς Ἰνδικῆς εἰσάγουσιν, ἅμα καὶ τὸν χρόνον τῇ πλάνῃ συνοικειοῦντες, ὅν φησιν ὅτι ὀγδοάτῳ ἔτει ἦλθον, οἱ δὲ διὰ τοῦ ἰσθμοῦ τοῦ κατὰ τὸν Ἀράβιον κόλπον, οἱ δὲ διὰ τῶν διωρύγων τινός. οὔτε δʼ ὁ περίπλους ἀναγκαῖος, ὃν Κράτης εἰσάγει, οὐχ ὡς ἀδύνατος εἶναι (καὶ γὰρ οὐδʼ ἡ Ὀδυσσέως πλάνη ἀδύνατος), ἀλλʼ ὅτι οὔτε πρὸς τὰς ὑποθέσεις τὰς μαθηματικὰς χρήσιμος οὔτε πρὸς τὸν χρόνον τῆς πλάνης. καὶ γὰρ ἀκούσιοι διατριβαὶ κατέσχον αὐτὸν ὑπὸ δυσπλοίας, φήσαντος ὅτι ἀπὸ ἑξήκοντα νεῶν πέντε ἐλείφθησαν αὐτῷ, καὶ ἑκούσιοι χρηματισμοῦ χάριν· φησὶ γὰρ ὁ Νέστωρ ὣς ὁ μὲν ἔνθα πολὺν βίοτον καὶ χρυσὸν ἀγείρων, ἠλᾶτο ξὺν νηυσί· Κύπρον Φοινίκην τε καὶ Αἰγυπτίους ἐπαληθείς. ὅ τε διὰ τοῦ ἰσθμοῦ πλοῦς ἢ τῶν διωρύγων λεγόμενος μὲν ἠκούετο ἂν ἐν μύθου σχήματι, μὴ λεγόμενος δὲ περιττῶς καὶ ἀπιθάνως εἰσάγοιτο ἄν. ἀπιθάνως δὲ λέγω, ὅτι πρὸ τῶν Τρωικῶν οὐδεμία ἦν διῶρυξ· τὸν δὲ ἐπιχειρήσαντα ποιῆσαι Σέσωστριν ἀποστῆναί φασι, μετεωροτέραν ὑπολαβόντα τὴν τῆς θαλάττης ἐπιφάνειαν. ἀλλὰ μὴν οὐδʼ ὁ ἰσθμὸς ἦν πλόιμος· ἀλλʼ εἰκάζει ὁ Ἐρατοσθένης οὐκ εὖ. μὴ γάρ πω τὸ ἔκρηγμα τὸ κατὰ τὰς στήλας γεγονέναι νομίζει· ὥστε ἐνταῦθα μὴ συνάπτειν τὴν εἴσω θάλατταν τῇ ἐκτὸς καὶ καλύπτειν τὸν ἰσθμὸν μετεωροτέραν οὖσαν, τοῦ δʼ ἐκρήγματος γενομένου ταπεινωθῆναι καὶ ἀνακαλύψαι τὴν γῆν τὴν κατὰ τὸ Κάσιον καὶ τὸ Πηλούσιον μέχρι τῆς Ἐρυθρᾶς. τίνα οὖν ἔχομεν ἱστορίαν περὶ τοῦ ἐκρήγματος τούτου διότι πρὸ τῶν Τρωικῶν οὔπω ὑπῆρχεν, ἴσως δʼ ὁ ποιητὴς ἅμα μὲν τὸν Ὀδυσσέα ταύτῃ διεκπλέοντα εἰς τὸν ὠκεανὸν πεποίηκεν ὡς ἤδη ἐκρήγματος γεγονότος, ἅμα δὲ εἰς τὴν Ἐρυθρὰν τὸν Μενέλαον ἐκ τῆς Αἰγύπτου ναυστολεῖ ὡς οὔπω γεγονότος. ἀλλὰ καὶ τὸν Πρωτέα εἰσάγει λέγοντα αὐτῷ ἀλλά σʼ ἐς Ἠλύσιον πεδίον καὶ πείρατα γαίης ἀθάνατοι πέμψουσι. ποῖα οὖν; καὶ ὅτι ἑσπέριόν τινα λέγει τόπον τοῦτον ἔσχατον ὁ ζέφυρος παρατεθεὶς δηλοῖ ἀλλʼ αἰεὶ ζεφύροιο λιγὺ πνείοντας ἀήτας ὠκεανὸς ἀνίησι. ταῦτα γὰρ αἰνίγματος πλήρη.

[32] εἰ δʼ οὖν καὶ σύρρουν ποτὲ ὑπάρξαντα τὸν ἰσθμὸν τοῦτον ὁ ποιητὴς ἱστορήκει, πόσῳ μείζονα ἂν ἔχοιμεν πίστιν τοῦ τοὺς Αἰθίοπας διχθὰ διῃρῆσθαι, πορθμῷ τηλικούτῳ διειργομένους; τίς δὲ καὶ χρηματισμὸς παρὰ τῶν ἔξω καὶ κατὰ τὸν ὠκεανὸν Αἰθιόπων; ἅμα μὲν γὰρ θαυμάζουσι τοῦ κόσμου τῶν βασιλείων οἱ περὶ Τηλέμαχον τὸ πλῆθος ὅ ἐστι χρυσοῦ τʼ ἠλέκτρου τε καὶ ἀργύρου ἠδʼ ἐλέφαντος. τούτων δʼ οὐδενὸς πλὴν ἐλέφαντος εὐπορία παρʼ ἐκείνοις ἐστίν, ἀπορωτάτοις τῶν ἁπάντων οὖσι τοῖς πλείστοις καὶ νομάσι. νὴ Δία, ἀλλʼ ἡ Ἀραβία προσῆν καὶ τὰ μέχρι τῆς Ἰνδικῆς· τούτων δʼ ἡ μὲν εὐδαίμων κέκληται μόνη τῶν ἁπασῶν, τὴν δέ, εἰ καὶ μὴ ὀνομαστὶ καλοῦσιν, οὕτως ὑπολαμβάνουσί γε καὶ ἱστοροῦσιν ὡς εὐδαιμονεστάτην. τὴν μὲν οὖν Ἰνδικὴν οὐκ οἶδεν Ὅμηρος (εἰδὼς δὲ ἐμέμνητο ἄν), τὴν δʼ Ἀραβίαν, ἣν εὐδαίμονα προσαγορεύουσιν οἱ νῦν, τότε δʼ οὐκ ἦν πλουσία, ἀλλὰ καὶ αὐτὴ ἄπορος καὶ ἡ πολλὴ αὐτῆς σκηνιτῶν ἀνδρῶν· ὀλίγη δʼ ἡ ἀρωματοφόρος, διʼ ἣν καὶ τοῦτο τοὔνομα εὕρετο ἡ χώρα διὰ τὸ καὶ τὸν φόρτον εἶναι τὸν τοιοῦτον ἐν τοῖς παρʼ ἡμῖν σπάνιον καὶ τίμιον. νυνὶ μὲν οὖν εὐποροῦσι καὶ πλουτοῦσι διὰ τὸ καὶ τὴν ἐμπορίαν εἶναι πυκνὴν καὶ δαψιλῆ, τότε δʼ οὐκ εἰκός. αὐτῶν δὲ χάριν τῶν ἀρωμάτων ἐμπόρῳ μὲν καὶ καμηλίτῃ γένοιτʼ ἄν τις ἐκ τῶν τοιούτων φορτίων εὐπορία· Μενελάῳ δὲ λαφύρων ἢ δωρεῶν ἔδει παρὰ βασιλέων καὶ δυναστῶν, ἐχόντων τε ἃ δώσουσι καὶ βουλομένων διδόναι διὰ τὴν ἐπιφάνειαν αὐτοῦ καὶ εὔκλειαν. οἱ μὲν οὖν Αἰγύπτιοι καὶ οἱ πλησίον Αἰθίοπες καὶ Ἄραβες οὔθʼ οὕτω τελέως ἄβιοι οὔτʼ ἀνήκοοι τῆς τῶν Ἀτρειδῶν δόξης, καὶ μάλιστα διὰ τὴν κατόρθωσιν τοῦ Ἰλιακοῦ πολέμου, ὥστʼ ἐλπὶς ἦν τῆς ἐξ αὐτῶν ὠφελείας· καθάπερ ἐπὶ τοῦ θώρακος τοῦ Ἀγαμέμνονος λέγεται τόν ποτέ οἱ Κινύρης δῶκε ξεινήιον εἶναι· πεύθετο γὰρ Κύπρονδε μέγα κλέος. καὶ δὴ καὶ τὸν πλείω χρόνον τῆς πλάνης λεκτέον μὲν ἐν τοῖς κατὰ Φοινίκην καὶ Συρίαν καὶ Αἴγυπτον καὶ Λιβύην γενέσθαι καὶ τὰ περὶ Κύπρον χωρία καὶ ὅλως τὴν καθʼ ἡμᾶς παραλίαν καὶ τὰς νήσους· καὶ γὰρ ξένια παρὰ τούτοις καὶ τὸ βίᾳ καὶ τὸ ἐκ λεηλασίας πορίσασθαι, καὶ μάλιστα παρὰ τῶν συμμαχησάντων τοῖς Τρωσίν, ἐντεῦθεν ἦν. οἱ δʼ ἐκτὸς καὶ πόρρω βάρβαροι οὐδεμίαν τοιαύτην ὑπηγόρευον ἐλπίδα. εἰς οὖν τὴν Αἰθιοπίαν ἀφῖχθαι λέγεται ὁ Μενέλαος, οὐχ ὅτι μέχρι τῶν ὅρων τῶν πρὸς Αἰγύπτῳ. τάχα μὲν γὰρ καὶ πλησιαίτεροι ἦσαν ταῖς Θήβαις οἱ τότε ὅροι, ἀλλὰ καὶ οἱ νῦν πλησίον εἰσίν, οἱ κατὰ Συήνην καὶ τὰς Φίλας· ὧν ἡ μὲν τῆς Αἰγύπτου ἐστίν, αἱ δὲ Φίλαι κοινὴ κατοικία τῶν Αἰθιόπων καὶ τῶν Αἰγυπτίων. ὁ οὖν εἰς Θήβας ἀφιγμένος εἰ καὶ μέχρι τῶν ὅρων ἀφῖκτο ἢ καὶ περαιτέρω τῶν Αἰθιόπων, καὶ ταῦτα τῇ βασιλικῇ ξενίᾳ χρώμενος, οὐδὲν ἄλογον. οὕτω δὲ καὶ Κυκλώπων εἰς γαῖαν ἀφῖχθαί φησιν ὁ Ὀδυσσεύς, μέχρι τοῦ σπηλαίου προεληλυθὼς ἀπὸ θαλάττης· ἐπʼ ἐσχατιᾶς γὰρ ἱδρῦσθαί που λέγει. καὶ εἰς Αἰολίαν δὲ καὶ Λαιστρυγόνας καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους, ὅπου ποτὲ καὶ καθωρμίσατο, ἐκεῖσέ φησιν ἀφῖχθαι. καὶ ὁ Μενέλαος οὖν οὕτως εἰς Αἰθιοπίαν ἧκεν, οὕτω δὲ καὶ εἰς Λιβύην, ὅτι προσέσχε τόποις τισίν· ἀφʼ οὗ καὶ ὁ κατὰ τὴν Ἀρδανίαν λιμὴν τὴν ὑπὲρ Παραιτονίου Μενέλαος καλεῖται.

[33] εἰ δὲ Φοίνικας εἰπὼν ὀνομάζει καὶ Σιδωνίους τὴν μητρόπολιν αὐτῶν σχήματι συνήθει χρῆται, ὡς Τρῶάς τε καὶ Ἕκτορα νηυσὶ πέλασσε, καί οὐ γὰρ ἔτʼ Οἰνῆος μεγαλήτορος υἱέες ἦσαν, οὐδʼ ἄρʼ ἔτʼ αὐτὸς ἔην, θάνε δὲ ξανθὸς Μελέαγρος, καί Ἴδην δʼ ἵκανεν καὶ Γάργαρον, καί οἳ δʼ Εὔβοιαν ἔχον καὶ Χαλκίδα τʼ Εἰρέτριάν τε. καὶ Σαπφώ ἤ σε Κύπρος ἢ Πάφος ἢ Πάνορμος. καίτοι καὶ ἄλλο τι ἦν τὸ ποιῆσαν καίπερ ἤδη μνησθέντα τῆς Φοινίκης ἰδίως πάλιν καὶ τὴν Σιδῶνα συγκαταλέξαι.⁵ πρὸς μὲν γὰρ τὸ τὰ ἐφεξῆς ἔθνη καταλέξαι ἱκανῶς εἶχεν οὕτως εἰπεῖν Κύπρον Φοινίκην τε καὶ Αἰγυπτίους ἐπαληθεὶς Αἰθίοπάς θʼ ἱκόμην· ἵνα δʼ ἐμφήνῃ καὶ τὴν παρὰ τοῖς Σιδωνίοις ἀποδημίαν τὴν ἐπὶ πλέον γενομένην, καλῶς εἶχεν εἴτʼ ἀναλαβεῖν εἴτε καὶ παραλαβεῖν· ἐμφαίνει δὲ διὰ τῶν ἐπαίνων τῆς παρʼ αὐτοῖς εὐτεχνίας καὶ τοῦ τὴν Ἑλένην προεξενῶσθαι τοῖς ἀνθρώποις μετὰ Ἀλεξάνδρου· διόπερ παρὰ τῷ Ἀλεξάνδρῳ πολλὰ τοιαῦτα ἀποκείμενα λέγει ἔνθʼ ἔσαν οἱ πέπλοι παμποίκιλοι, ἔργα γυναικῶν Σιδονίων, ἃς αὐτὸς Ἀλέξανδρος θεοειδὴς ἤγαγε Σιδονίηθεν τὴν ὁδόν, ἣν Ἑλένην περ ἀνήγαγε· καὶ παρὰ τῷ Μενελάῳ· λέγει γὰρ πρὸς Τηλέμαχον δώσω τοι κρητῆρα τετυγμένον· ἀργύρεος δὲ ἐστὶν ἅπας, χρυσῷ δʼ ἐπὶ χείλεα κεκράανται. ἄργον δʼ Ἡφαίστοιο· πόρεν δέ ἑ φαίδιμος ἥρως Σιδονίων βασιλεύς, ὅθʼ ἑὸς δόμος ἀμφεκάλυψε κεῖσέ με νοστήσαντα. δεῖ δὲ δέξασθαι πρὸς ὑπερβολὴν εἰρημένον τὸ Ἡφαίστου ἔργον, ὡς λέγεται Ἀθηνᾶς ἔργα τὰ καλὰ καὶ Χαρίτων καὶ Μουσῶν. ἐπεὶ ὅτι γε οἱ ἄνδρες ἦσαν καλλίτεχνοι, δηλοῖ τὸν κρατῆρα ἐπαινῶν, ὃν ὁ Εὔνεως ἔδωκεν ἀντὶ Λυκάονος· φησὶ γάρ κάλλει ἐνίκα πᾶσαν ἐπʼ αἶαν πολλόν· ἐπεὶ Σιδόνες πολυδαίδαλοι εὖ ἤσκησαν, Φοίνικες δʼ ἄγον ἄνδρες.

[34] περὶ δὲ τῶν Ἐρεμβῶν πολλὰ μὲν εἴρηται, πιθανώτατοι δʼ εἰσὶν οἱ νομίζοντες τοὺς Ἄραβας λέγεσθαι. Ζήνων δʼ ὁ ἡμέτερος καὶ γράφει οὕτως Αἰθίοπάς θʼ ἱκόμην καὶ Σιδονίους Ἄραβάς τε. τὴν μὲν οὖν γραφὴν οὐκ ἀνάγκη κινεῖν παλαιὰν οὖσαν· αἰτιᾶσθαι δὲ βέλτιον τὴν τοῦ ὀνόματος μετάπτωσιν πολλὴν καὶ ἐπιπολαίαν οὖσαν ἐν πᾶσι τοῖς ἔθνεσιν. ἀμέλει δὲ καὶ ποιοῦσί τινες παραγραμματίζοντες. ἄριστα δʼ ἂν δόξειεν εἰπεῖν ὁ Ποσειδώνιος κἀνταῦθα ἀπὸ τῆς τῶν ἐθνῶν συγγενείας καὶ κοινότητος ἐτυμολογῶν. τὸ γὰρ τῶν Ἀρμενίων ἔθνος καὶ τὸ τῶν Σύρων καὶ Ἀράβων πολλὴν ὁμοφυλίαν ἐμφαίνει κατά τε τὴν διάλεκτον καὶ τοὺς βίους καὶ τοὺς τῶν σωμάτων χαρακτῆρας, καὶ μάλιστα καθὸ πλησιόχωροί εἰσι. δηλοῖ δʼ ἡ Μεσοποταμία ἐκ τῶν τριῶν συνεστῶσα τούτων ἐθνῶν· μάλιστα γὰρ ἐν τούτοις ἡ ὁμοιότης διαφαίνεται. εἰ δέ τις παρὰ τὰ κλίματα γίνεται διαφορὰ τοῖς προσβόρροις ἐπὶ πλέον πρὸς τοὺς μεσημβρινοὺς καὶ τούτοις πρὸς μέσους τοὺς ὅρους, ἀλλʼ ἐπικρατεῖ γε τὸ κοινόν. καὶ οἱ Ἀσσύριοι δὲ καὶ οἱ Ἀριανοὶ παραπλησίως πως ἔχουσι καὶ πρὸς τούτους καὶ πρὸς ἀλλήλους. εἰκάζει γε δὴ καὶ τὰς τῶν ἐθνῶν τούτων κατονομασίας ἐμφερεῖς ἀλλήλαις εἶναι. τοὺς γὰρ ὑφʼ ἡμῶν Σύρους καλουμένους ὑπʼ αὐτῶν τῶν Σύρων Ἀραμμαίους καλεῖσθαι· τούτῳ δʼ ἐοικέναι τοὺς Ἀρμενίους καὶ τοὺς Ἄραβας καὶ Ἐρεμβούς, τάχα τῶν πάλαι Ἑλλήνων οὕτω καλούντων τοὺς Ἄραβας, ἅμα καὶ τοῦ ἐτύμου συνεργοῦντος πρὸς τοῦτο. ἀπὸ γὰρ τοῦ εἰς τὴν ἔραν ἐμβαίνειν τοὺς Ἐρεμβοὺς ἐτυμολογοῦσιν οὕτως οἱ πολλοί, οὓς μεταλαβόντες οἱ ὕστερον ἐπὶ τὸ σαφέστερον Τρωγλοδύτας ἐκάλεσαν· οὗτοι δέ εἰσιν Ἀράβων οἱ ἐπὶ θάτερον μέρος τοῦ Ἀραβίου κόλπου κεκλιμένοι, τὸ πρὸς Αἰγύπτῳ καὶ Αἰθιοπίᾳ. τούτων δʼ εἰκὸς μεμνῆσθαι τὸν ποιητὴν καὶ πρὸς τούτους ἀφῖχθαι λέγειν τὸν Μενέλαον, καθʼ ὃν τρόπον εἴρηται καὶ πρὸς τοὺς Αἰθίοπας· τῇ γὰρ Θηβαΐδι καὶ οὗτοι πλησιάζουσιν· ὁμοίως οὐκ ἐργασίας οὐδὲ χρηματισμοῦ χάριν τούτων ὀνομαζομένων (οὐ πολὺ γὰρ ἦν τοῦτο), ἀλλὰ τοῦ μήκους τῆς ἀποδημίας καὶ τοῦ ἐνδόξου· ἔνδοξον γὰρ τοσοῦτον ἐκτοπίσαι. τοιοῦτον δὲ καὶ τὸ πολλῶν ἀνθρώπων ἴδεν ἄστεα καὶ νόον ἔγνω, καὶ τὸ ἦ γὰρ πολλὰ παθὼν καὶ πόλλʼ ἐπαληθεὶς ἠγαγόμην. Ἡσίοδος δʼ ἐν Καταλόγῳ φησί καὶ κούρην Ἀράβοιο, τὸν Ἑρμάων ἀκάκητα γείνατο καὶ Θρονίη, κούρη Βήλοιο ἄνακτος. οὕτω δὲ καὶ Στησίχορος λέγει. εἰκάζειν οὖν ἐστιν ὅτι ἀπὸ τούτου καὶ ἡ χώρα Ἀραβία ἤδη τότε ὠνομάζετο, κατὰ δὲ τοὺς ἥρωας τυχὸν ἴσως οὔπω.

[35] οἱ δὲ πλάττοντες Ἐρεμβοὺς ἴδιόν τι ἔθνος Αἰθιοπικὸν καὶ ἄλλο Κηφήνων καὶ τρίτον Πυγμαίων καὶ ἄλλα μυρία ἧττον ἂν πιστεύοιντο, πρὸς τῷ μὴ ἀξιοπίστῳ καὶ σύγχυσίν τινα ἐμφαίνοντες τοῦ μυθικοῦ καὶ ἱστορικοῦ σχήματος. ὅμοιοι δʼ εἰσὶ τούτοις καὶ οἱ Σιδονίους ἐν τῇ κατὰ Πέρσας θαλάττῃ διηγούμενοι ἢ ἄλλοθί που τοῦ ὠκεανοῦ, καὶ τὴν τοῦ Μενελάου πλάνην ἐξωκεανίζοντες· ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ τοὺς Φοίνικας. τῆς δʼ ἀπιστίας αἴτιον οὐκ ἐλάχιστόν ἐστι τὸ ἐναντιοῦσθαι ἀλλήλοις τοὺς λέγοντας. οἱ μὲν γὰρ καὶ τοὺς Σιδονίους τοὺς καθʼ ἡμᾶς ἀποίκους εἶναι τῶν ἐν τῷ ὠκεανῷ φασί, προστιθέντες καὶ διὰ τί Φοίνικες ἐκαλοῦντο, ὅτι καὶ ἡ θάλαττα ἐρυθρά· οἱ δʼ ἐκείνους τούτων. εἰσὶ δʼ οἳ καὶ τὴν Αἰθιοπίαν εἰς τὴν καθʼ ἡμᾶς Φοινίκην μετάγουσι καὶ τὰ περὶ τὴν Ἀνδρομέδαν ἐν Ἰόπῃ συμβῆναί φασιν· οὐ δήπου κατʼ ἄγνοιαν τοπικὴν καὶ τούτων λεγομένων, ἀλλʼ ἐν μύθου μᾶλλον σχήματι· καθάπερ καὶ τῶν παρʼ Ἡσιόδῳ καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις, ἃ προφέρει ὁ Ἀπολλόδωρος, οὐδʼ ὃν τρόπον παρατίθησι τοῖς Ὁμήρου ταῦτα εἰδώς. τὰ μὲν γὰρ Ὁμήρου τὰ περὶ τὸν Πόντον καὶ τὴν Αἴγυπτον παρατίθησιν ἄγνοιαν αἰτιώμενος, ὡς λέγειν μὲν τὰ ὄντα βουλομένου, μὴ λέγοντος δὲ τὰ ὄντα, ἀλλὰ τὰ μὴ ὄντα ὡς ὄντα κατʼ ἄγνοιαν. Ἡσιόδου δʼ οὐκ ἄν τις αἰτιάσαιτο ἄγνοιαν, ἡμίκυνας λέγοντος καὶ μακροκεφάλους καὶ πυγμαίους· οὐδὲ γὰρ αὐτοῦ Ὁμήρου ταῦτα μυθεύοντος, ὧν εἰσι καὶ οὗτοι οἱ πυγμαῖοι, οὐδʼ Ἀλκμᾶνος στεγανόποδας ἱστοροῦντος, οὐδʼ Αἰσχύλου κυνοκεφάλους καὶ στερνοφθάλμους καὶ μονομμάτους, ὅπου γε οὐδὲ τοῖς πεζῇ συγγράφουσιν ἐν ἱστορίας σχήματι προσέχομεν περὶ πολλῶν, κἂν μὴ ἐξομολογῶνται τὴν μυθογραφίαν. φαίνεται γὰρ εὐθὺς ὅτι μύθους παραπλέκουσιν ἑκόντες οὐκ ἀγνοίᾳ τῶν ὄντων, ἀλλὰ πλάσει τῶν ἀδυνάτων τερατείας καὶ τέρψεως χάριν. δοκοῦσι δὲ κατʼ ἄγνοιαν, ὅτι μάλιστα καὶ πιθανῶς τὰ τοιαῦτα μυθεύουσι περὶ τῶν ἀδήλων καὶ τῶν ἀγνοουμένων. Θεόπομπος δὲ ἐξομολογεῖται φήσας ὅτι καὶ μύθους ἐν ταῖς ἱστορίαις ἐρεῖ, κρεῖττον ἢ ὡς Ἡρόδοτος καὶ Κτησίας καὶ Ἑλλάνικος καὶ οἱ τὰ Ἰνδικὰ συγγράψαντες.

[36] περὶ δὲ τῶν τοῦ ὠκεανοῦ παθῶν εἴρηται μὲν ἐν μύθου σχήματι· καὶ γὰρ τούτου στοχάζεσθαι δεῖ τὸν ποιητήν. ἀπὸ γὰρ τῶν ἀμπώτεων καὶ τῶν πλημμυρίδων ἡ Χάρυβδις αὐτῷ μεμύθευται, οὐδʼ αὐτὴ παντάπασιν Ὁμήρου πλάσμα οὖσα, ἀλλʼ ἀπὸ τῶν ἱστορουμένων περὶ τὸν Σικελικὸν πορθμὸν διεσκευασμένη. εἰ δὲ δὶς τῆς παλιρροίας γινομένης καθʼ ἑκάστην ἡμέραν καὶ νύκτα ἐκεῖνος τρὶς εἴρηκε τρὶς μὲν γάρ τʼ ἀνίησιν ἐπʼ ἤματι, τρὶς δʼ ἀναροιβδεῖ, λέγοιτʼ ἂν καὶ οὕτως· οὐ γὰρ κατʼ ἄγνοιαν τῆς ἱστορίας ὑποληπτέον λέγεσθαι τοῦτο, ἀλλὰ τραγῳδίας χάριν καὶ φόβου, ὃν ἡ Κίρκη πολὺν τοῖς λόγοις προστίθησιν ἀποτροπῆς χάριν, ὥστε καὶ τὸ ψεῦδος παραμίγνυσθαι. ἐν αὐτοῖς γοῦν τοῖς ἔπεσι τούτοις εἴρηκε μὲν οὕτως ἡ Κίρκη τρὶς μὲν γάρ τʼ ἀνίησιν ἐπʼ ἤματι, τρὶς δʼ ἀναροιβδεῖ δεινόν· μὴ σύ γε κεῖθι τύχοις, ὅτε ῥοιβδήσειε· οὐ γάρ κεν ῥύσαιτό σʼ ὑπὲκ κακοῦ οὐδʼ Ἐνοσίχθων. καὶ μὴν παρέτυχέ τε τῇ ἀναρροιβδήσει ὁ Ὀδυσσεὺς καὶ οὐκ ἀπώλετο, ὥς φησιν αὐτός ἡ μὲν ἀνερροίβδησε θαλάσσης ἁλμυρὸν ὕδωρ· αὐτὰρ ἐγὼ ποτὶ μακρὸν ἐρινεὸν ὑψόσʼ ἀερθείς, τῷ προσφὺς ἐχόμην, ὡς νυκτερίς. εἶτα περιμείνας τὰ ναυάγια καὶ λαβόμενος πάλιν αὐτῶν σώζεται, ὥστʼ ἐψεύσατο ἡ Κίρκη. ὡς οὖν τοῦτο, κἀκεῖνο τὸ τρὶς μὲν γάρ τʼ ἀνίησιν ἐπʼ ἤματι ἀντὶ τοῦ δίς, ἅμα καὶ τῆς ὑπερβολῆς τῆς τοιαύτης συνήθους πᾶσιν οὔσης, τρισμακαρίους καὶ τρισαθλίους λεγόντων· καὶ ὁ ποιητής τρισμάκαρες Δαναοί, καί ἀσπασίη τρίλλιστος, τριχθά τε καὶ τετραχθά. ἴσως δʼ ἄν τις καὶ ἀπὸ τῆς ὥρας τεκμήραιτο, ὅτι ὑπαινίττεταί πως τὸ ἀληθές· μᾶλλον γὰρ ἂν ἐφαρμόττοι τῷ δὶς γενέσθαι τὴν παλίρροιαν κατὰ τὸν συνάμφω χρόνον, τὸν ἐξ ἡμέρας καὶ νυκτός, ἢ τῷ τρὶς τοσοῦτον χρόνον μεῖναι τὰ ναυάγια ὑποβρύχια, ὀψὲ δὲ ἀναβληθῆναι ποθοῦντι. καὶ συνεχῶς προσισχομένῳ τοῖς κλάδοις νωλεμέως δʼ ἐχόμην, ὄφρʼ ἐξεμέσειεν ὀπίσσω ἱστὸν καὶ τρόπιν αὖτις, ἐελδομένῳ δέ μοι ἦλθεν ὄψʼ· ἦμός τʼ ἐπὶ δόρπον ἀνὴρ ἀγορῆθεν ἀνέστη, κρίνων νείκεα πολλὰ δικαζομένων αἰζηῶν, καὶ τότε δήμοι δοῦρα Χαρύβδιος ἐξεφαάνθη. πάντα γὰρ ταῦτα χρόνου τινὸς ἔμφασιν ἀξιολόγου δίδωσι, καὶ μάλιστα τὸ τὴν ἑσπέραν ἐπιτεῖναι, μὴ κοινῶς εἰπόντα, ἡνίκα ὁ δικαστὴς ἀνίσταται, ἀλλʼ ἡνίκα κρίνων νείκεα πολλά, ὥστε βραδῦναι πλέον τι καὶ ἄλλως δὲ οὐ πιθανὴν ἂν ὑπέτεινε τῷ ναυαγῷ τὴν ἀπαλλαγήν, εἰ πρὶν ἀποσπασθῆναι πολὺ καὶ αὐτίκα εἰς τοὐπίσω παλίρρους μετέπιπτεν.

[37] Ἀπολλόδωρος δὲ ἐπιτιμᾷ Καλλιμάχῳ, συνηγορῶν τοῖς περὶ τὸν Ἐρατοσθένη, διότι καίπερ γραμματικὸς ὢν παρὰ τὴν Ὁμηρικὴν ὑπόθεσιν καὶ τὸν ἐξωκεανισμὸν τῶν τόπων, περὶ οὓς τὴν πλάνην φράζει, Γαῦδον καὶ Κόρκυραν ὀνομάζει. ἀλλʼ εἰ μὲν μηδαμοῦ γέγονεν ἡ πλάνη, ἀλλʼ ὅλον πλάσμα ἐστὶν Ὁμήρου τοῦτο, ὀρθὴ ἡ ἐπιτίμησις· ἢ εἰ γέγονε μέν, περὶ ἄλλους δὲ τόπους, δεῖ λέγειν εὐθὺς καὶ περὶ τίνας, ἐπανορθούμενον ἅμα τὴν ἄγνοιαν. μήτε δὲ ὅλου πλάσματος εἶναι πιθανῶς λεγομένου, καθάπερ ἐπεδείκνυμεν, μήτʼ ἄλλων τόπων κατὰ πίστιν μείζω δεικνυμένων, ἀπολύοιτʼ ἂν τῆς αἰτίας ὁ Καλλίμαχος.

[38] οὐδʼ ὁ Σκήψιος δὲ Δημήτριος εὖ, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῷ Ἀπολλοδώρῳ τῶν ἁμαρτιῶν ἐνίων αἴτιος ἐκεῖνος κατέστη. πρὸς γὰρ Νεάνθη τὸν Κυζικηνὸν φιλοτιμοτέρως ἀντιλέγων εἰπόντα ὅτι οἱ Ἀργοναῦται πλέοντες εἰς Φᾶσιν τὸν ὑφʼ Ὁμήρου καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ὁμολογούμενον πλοῦν ἱδρύσαντο τὰ τῆς Ἰδαίας μητρὸς ἱερὰ περὶ Κύζικον, ἀρχὴν φησὶ μηδʼ εἰδέναι τὴν εἰς Φᾶσιν ἀποδημίαν τοῦ Ἰάσονος Ὅμηρον. τοῦτο δʼ οὐ μόνον τοῖς ὑφʼ Ὁμήρου λεγομένοις μάχεται, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῖς ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ. φησὶ γὰρ τὸν Ἀχιλλέα Λέσβον μὲν πορθῆσαι καὶ ἄλλα χωρία, Λήμνου δʼ ἀποσχέσθαι καὶ τῶν πλησίον νήσων διὰ τὴν πρὸς Ἰάσονα καὶ τὸν υἱὸν Εὔνεων συγγένειαν τότε τὴν νῆσον κατέχοντα. πῶς οὖν ὁ ποιητὴς τοῦτο μὲν ᾔδει, διότι συγγενεῖς ἢ ὁμοεθνεῖς ἢ γείτονες ἢ ὁπωσοῦν οἰκεῖοι ὑπῆρχον ὅ τε Ἀχιλλεὺς καὶ ὁ Ἰάσων (ὅπερ οὐδαμόθεν ἄλλοθεν ἀλλʼ ἐκ τοῦ Θετταλοὺς ἀμφοτέρους εἶναι συνέβαινε, καὶ τὸν μὲν Ἰώλκιον τὸν δʼ ἐκ τῆς Φθιώτιδος Ἀχαιίδος ὑπάρχειν), τοῦτο δʼ ἠγνόει, πόθεν ἦλθε τῷ Ἰάσονι, Θετταλῷ καὶ Ἰωλκίῳ ὑπάρχοντι, ἐν μὲν τῇ πατρίδι μηδεμίαν καταλιπεῖν διαδοχήν, Λήμνου δὲ καταστῆσαι κύριον τὸν υἱόν; καὶ Πελίαν μὲν ᾔδει καὶ τὰς Πελιάδας καὶ τὴν ἀρίστην αὐτῶν καὶ τὸν υἱὸν αὐτῆς Εὔμηλον, τὸν ὑπʼ Ἀδμήτῳ τέκε δῖα γυναικῶν Ἄλκηστις, Πελίαο θυγατρῶν εἶδος ἀρίστη, τῶν δὲ περὶ τὸν Ἰάσονα συμβάντων καὶ τὴν Ἀργὼ καὶ τοὺς Ἀργοναύτας, τῶν ὁμολογουμένων παρὰ πᾶσιν, ἀνήκοος ἦν, ἐν δὲ τῷ ὠκεανῷ τὸν παρʼ Αἰήτου πλοῦν ἔπλαττεν, ἀρχὴν μηδεμίαν ἐξ ἱστορίας λαβών;

[39] ὡς μὲν γὰρ ἅπαντες λέγουσιν, ὅτι ἐξ ἀρχῆς ὁ πλοῦς ἐπὶ Φᾶσιν ἔχει πιθανόν τι τοῦ Πελίου στείλαντος, καὶ ἡ ἐπάνοδος καὶ ἡ ἐν τῷ παράπλῳ νήσων ὁσηδὴ ἐπικράτεια καὶ νὴ Δία ἡ ἐπὶ πλέον γενηθεῖσα πλάνη, καθάπερ καὶ τῷ Ὀδυσσεῖ καὶ τῷ Μενελάῳ, ἐκ τῶν ἔτι νῦν δεικνυμένων καὶ πεπιστευμένων ἐστὶν ἐκ τῆς Ὁμήρου φωνῆς. ἥ τε γὰρ Αἶα δείκνυται περὶ Φᾶσιν πόλις, καὶ ὁ Αἰήτης πεπίστευται βασιλεῦσαι τῆς Κολχίδος, καὶ ἔστι τοῖς ἐκεῖ τοῦτʼ ἐπιχώριον τοὔνομα. ἥ τε Μήδεια φαρμακὶς ἱστορεῖται, καὶ ὁ πλοῦτος τῆς ἐκεῖ χώρας ἐκ τῶν χρυσείων καὶ ἀργυρείων καὶ σιδηρείων δικαίαν τινὰ ὑπαγορεύει πρόφασιν τῆς στρατείας, καθʼ ἣν καὶ Φρίξος πρότερον ἔστειλε τὸν πλοῦν τοῦτον· καὶ ἔστιν ὑπομνήματα τῆς ἀμφοῖν στρατείας τό τε Φρίξειον τὸ ἐν τοῖς μεθορίοις τῆς τε Κολχίδος καὶ τῆς Ἰβηρίας, καὶ τὰ Ἰασόνεια, ἃ πολλαχοῦ καὶ τῆς Ἀρμενίας καὶ τῆς Μηδίας καὶ τῶν πλησιοχώρων αὐταῖς τόπων δείκνυται. καὶ μὴν καὶ περὶ Σινώπην καὶ τὴν ταύτης παραλίαν καὶ τὴν Προποντίδα καὶ τὸν Ἑλλήσποντον μέχρι τῶν κατὰ τὴν Λῆμνον τόπων λέγεται πολλὰ τεκμήρια τῆς τε Ἰάσονος στρατείας καὶ τῆς Φρίξου· τῆς δʼ Ἰάσονος καὶ τῶν ἐπιδιωξάντων Κόλχων καὶ μέχρι τῆς Κρήτης καὶ τῆς Ἰταλίας καὶ τοῦ Ἀδρίου, ὧν ἔνια καὶ ὁ Καλλίμαχος ἐπισημαίνεται, τοτὲ μὲν Αἰγλήτην Ἀνάφην τε Λακωνίδι γείτονα Θήρῃ λέγων ἄρχμενος, ὡς ἥρωες ἀπʼ Αἰήταο Κυταίου αὖτις ἐς ἀρχαίην ἔπλεον Αἱμονίην, τοτὲ δὲ περὶ τῶν Κόλχων

οἳ μὲν ἐπʼ Ἰλλυριοῖο πόρου σχάσσαντες ἐρετμὰ λᾶα πάρα ξανθῆς Ἁρμονίης τάφιον ἄστυρον ἐκτίσσαντο, τό κεν φυγάδων τις ἐνίσποι Γραικός, ἀτὰρ κείνων γλῶσσʼ ὀνόμηνε Πόλας.

τινὲς δὲ καὶ τὸν Ἴστρον ἀναπλεῦσαί φασι μέχρι πολλοῦ τοὺς περὶ τὸν Ἰάσονα, οἱ δὲ καὶ μέχρι τοῦ Ἀδρίου· οἱ μὲν κατὰ ἄγνοιαν τῶν τόπων, οἱ δὲ καὶ ποταμὸν Ἴστρον ἐκ τοῦ μεγάλου Ἴστρου τὴν ἀρχὴν ἔχοντα ἐκβάλλειν εἰς τὸν Ἀδρίαν φασί· τάδε οὐκ * ἀπιθάνως οὐδʼ ἀπίστως λέγοντες.

[40] τοιαύταις δή τισιν ἀφορμαῖς ὁ ποιητὴς χρησάμενος τὰ μὲν ὁμολογεῖ τοῖς ἱστορουμένοις, προσμυθεύει δὲ τούτοις, ἔθος τι φυλάττων καὶ κοινὸν καὶ ἴδιον. ὁμολογεῖ μέν, ὅταν Αἰήτην ὀνομάζῃ, καὶ τὸν Ἰάσονα καὶ τὴν Ἀργὼ λέγῃ, καὶ παρὰ τὴν Αἶαν τὴν Αἰαίην πλάττῃ, καὶ τὸν Εὔνεων ἐν Λήμνῳ καθιδρύῃ, καὶ ποιῇ τῷ Ἀχιλλεῖ φίλην τὴν νῆσον, καὶ παρὰ τὴν Μήδειαν τὴν Κίρκην φαρμακίδα ποιῇ αὐτοκασιγνήτην ὀλοόφρονος Αἰήταο· προσμυθοποιεῖ δὲ τὸν ἐξωκεανισμὸν τὸν κατὰ τὴν πλάνην συμβάντα τὴν ἀπʼ ἐκείνου τοῦ πλοῦ. ἐπεὶ κἀκεῖνο ὑποκειμένων μὲν τούτων εὖ λέγεται Ἀργὼ πασιμέλουσα, ὡς ἐν γνωρίμοις τόποις καὶ εὐανδροῦσι τῆς ναυστολίας γενομένης· εἰ δʼ, ὥσπερ ὁ Σκήψιός φησι παραλαβὼν μάρτυρα Μίμνερμον, ὃς ἐν τῷ ὠκεανῷ ποιήσας τὴν οἴκησιν τοῦ Αἰήτου πρὸς ταῖς ἀνατολαῖς ἐκτὸς πεμφθῆναί φησιν ὑπὸ τοῦ Πελίου τὸν Ἰάσονα καὶ κομίσαι τὸ δέρος, οὔτʼ ἂν ἡ ἐπὶ τὸ δέρος ἐκεῖσε πομπὴ πιθανῶς λέγοιτο εἰς ἀγνῶτας καὶ ἀφανεῖς τόπους, οὔθʼ ὁ διʼ ἐρήμων καὶ ἀοίκων καὶ καθʼ ἡμᾶς τοσοῦτον ἐκτετοπισμένων πλοῦς οὔτʼ ἔνδοξος οὔτε πασιμέλων.⁶

Notes on the current edition

Geography

1. The Sea of Azof.

2. Mingrelia; east of the Euxine.

3. A large country of Asia to the south of the eastern part of the Caspian Sea. It became much restricted during the Parthian rule, containing only the north of Comis, east of Masanderan, the country near Corcan. or Jorjan, (Dshiordshian,) and the west of the province of Khorassan.

4. A country of Asia, on the west bounded by Aria, south by the mountains of Paropamisus, east by the Emodi montes, north by Sogdiana, now belongs to the kingdom of Afhganistan. Bactriana was anciently the centre of Asiatic commerce.

5. A general name given by the Greeks and Romans to a large portion of Asia, and divided by them into Scythia intra et extra Imaum, that is, on either side of Mount Imaus. This mountain is generally thought to answer to the Himalaya mountains of Thibet.

6. This seems to be a paraphrase of Homer’s verse on Ulysses, Odyssey xviii. 74.

οἵην ἐκ ῥακέων ὁ γέοͅων ἐπιγουνίδα φαίνει.

Odyssey xviii. 74.

What thews

And what a haunch the senior’s tatters hide.

Cowper.

7. Zeno, of Citium, a city in the island of Cyprus, founded by Phoenician settlers, was the son of Mnaseas.

8. πεοͅὶ τῶν?̓αγαθῶν, is the title given by Strabo, but we find from Harpocrates and Clemens Alexandrinus, that properly it was πεοͅὶ?̓αγαθῶν καὶ κακῶν, or “Concerning Good and Evil Things ‘ which we have rendered in the text Moral Philosophy.

9. Odyssey iii. 267.

10. Ib. iii. 270.

11. Ib. iii. 272.

12. Thisbe, Haliartus, Anthedon, cities of Boeotia; Litaea, a city of Phocis. The Cephissus, a large river, rising in the west of Phocis.

13. A harvest-wreath of laurel or olive wound round with wool, and adorned with fruits, borne about by singing-boys at the πυανεψια and θαοͅγὴλια, while offerings were made to Helios and the Hours: it was afterwards hung up at the house-door. The song was likewise called eiresionè, which became the general name for all begging-songs.

14. Auditors,] ἀκοͅοωμένοις. In Greece there was a class of lectures where the only duty of the professors was to explain the works of the poets, and point out the beauties which they contained. The students who attended these lectures were styled ἀκοͅοάται, or auditors, and the method of instruction ἀκοͅόασις.

15. Odyssey i 3.

16. Iliad iii. 202.

17. Ib. x. 246.

18. Odyssey xviii. 367.

19. Ib. xviii. 374.

20. The second book of the Iliad.

21. The ninth book of the Iliad.

22. The deputation of Menelaus and Ulysses to demand back Helen, alluded to by Antenor, in the third book of the Iliad.

23.

But when he did send forth the mighty voice from his breast, and words like unto wintry flakes of snow, no longer then would another mortal contend with Ulysses.

Iliad iii. 221.

24. So much of the meaning of this sentence depends upon the orthography, that its force is not fully perceptible in English; the Greek is as follows: τοῦτο δ’ ὴ͂ν ἡ ᾠδὴ λόγος μεμελισμένος ἀφ’ ού͂ δὴ ῥαψῳδίαη τ̓ ἔλεγον καὶ τοͅαγῳδίαν καὶ κωμῳδίαν.

25. This last sentence can convey little or no meaning to the English reader; its whole force in the original depending on verbal association. Its general scope however will be evident, when it is stated that in Greek, the same word, πεζὸς, which means a foot-soldier, signifies also prose composition. Hence Strabo’s allusion to the chariot. The Latins borrowed the expression, and used sermo pedestris in the same sense.

26. A female phantom said to devour children, used by nurses as a bugbear to intimidate their refractory charges.

27. In later times there were three Gorgons, Stheino, Euryale, and Medusa, but Homer seems to have known but one.

28. One of the giants, who in the war against the gods was deprived of his left eye by Apollo, and of the right by Hercules.

29. The same phantom as Mormo, with which the Greeks used to frighten little children.

30. Odyssey vi. 232.

31. Odyssey xix. 203.

32. The mountains of Chimera in Albania.

33. The Gulf of Venice.

34. The Gulf of Salerno.

35. The Grecian name for Tuscany.

36. Several small islands, or rather reefs, at the entrance of the Strait of Constantinople. They took their name of Symplegades from the varying positions they assumed to the eyes of the voyager, owing to the sinuosities of the Strait.

37. Unfortunately for Strabo’s illustration, no Grecian navigator had ever passed the Strait of Gibraltar in Homer’s time.

38.

The powerful Shaker of the Earth, as he was returning from the Ethiopians, beheld him from a distance, from the mountains of the Solymi.

Odyssey v. 282.

39. There is some doubt as to the modern name of the island of Ithaca. D’Anville supposes it to be the island of Thiaki, between the island of Cephalonia and Acarnania, while Wheeler and others, who object to this island as being too large to answer the description of Ithaca given by Strabo, identify it with the little isle of Ithaco, between Thiaki and the main-land.

40. A name of the city of Troy, from Ilus, son of Tros.

41. A mountain of Magnesia in Thessaly.

42. A mountain in the Troad.

43. Cape Faro in Sicily.

44. The stadia here mentioned are 700 to a degree; thus 2000 stadia amount to rather more than 57 marine leagues, which is the distance in a direct line from Cape Faro to the Capo della Minerva.

45. The Sirenussae are the rocks which form the southern cape of the Gulf of Naples, and at the same time separate it from the Gulf of Salerno. This cape, which was also called the promontory of Minerva, from the Athenaeum which stood there, preserves to this day the name of Capo della Minerva.

46. Now Surrento.

47. The island of Capri is opposite to the Capo della Minerva.

48. Now the Island of St. Marcian.

49. Monte Circello, near to Terracina.

50. The Iliad.

51. Sword-fish.

52.

And fishes there, watching about the rock for dolphins and dogs, and if she can any where take a larger whale.

Odyssey xii. 95.

53. There is a very fine medallion in the Bibliothèque Nationale de France, portraying Scylla as half woman, half dolphin, with a trident in her left hand, and seizing a fish with her right. From her middle protrude two half-bodied dogs, who assist the monster in swimming.

54. Odyssey xii. 105.

55. At this place there was an altar consecrated to Ulysses. Meninx is now known as the island of Zerbi, on the side of the Bay of Cabus, on the coast of Africa.

56. The second book of the Iliad.

57.

And from thence I was carried for nine days over t’ fishy sea by baleful winds.

Odyssey ix. 82.

58. Cape Maleo off the Morea. The distance from this point to Gibraltar is now estimated at 28° 34′. The 22,500 stadia of Polybius would equal 32° 8′ 34″. He was therefore out in his calculation by 3° 34′ 34″.

59.

But when the ship left the stream of the river ocean.

Odyss. xii. l.

60. Vide Odyssey i. 50.

61. Calypso.

62.

And we dwell at a distance, the farthest in the sea of many waves, nor does any other of mortals mingle with us.

Odyssey vi. 204.

63. Gosselin has satisfactorily demonstrated that Strabo is wrong in supposing that these passages relate to the Atlantic Ocean, and most of our readers will come at once themselves to the same conclusion. Those, however, who wish for proofs, may refer to the French translation, vol. i. p. 51, n.

64. The ancient name of the city of Naples.

65. Puteoli, now Pozzuolo, in Campania.

66. Mare Morto, south of Baïa, and near to the ruins of Mycene.

67. Aornus or Avernus: this lake, which lies about one mile north of Baïa, still retains its ancient appellation.

68. Vide Virgil, Aeneid vi. 162.

69. Cythaeron and Helicon, two mountains of Boeotia, the latter of which is now named Zagaro Voreni.

70. Parnassus, a mountain of Phocis, near Delphi.

71. Pelion, a mountain of Magnesia, in Thessaly.

72. They attempted to place Ossa upon Olympus, and upon Ossa leafy Pelion. Odyssey xi. 314. The mountains Pelion, Ossa, and Olympus, bounded the eastern coasts of Thessaly.

73. Pieria and Emathia, two countries of Macedonia.

74. The mountains of Macedonia; this latter name was unknown to Homer, who consequently describes as Thracian, the whole of the people north of Thessaly.

75. The Mount Santo of the moderns.

76. Juno, hastening, quitted the summit of Olympus, and having passed over Pieria, and fertile Emathia, she hastened over the snowy mountains of equestrian Thrace, most lofty summits. * * * * From Athos she descended to the foaming deep. Iliad xiv. 225.

77. Odyssey iv. 83.

78. Euripides, Bacchae, towards commencement.

79. Sophocles.

80. The inaccuracy of the description consists in this; that Bacchus leaving Lydia and Phrygia should have taken his course by Media into Bactriana, and returned by Persia into Arabia Felix. Perhaps too, for greater exactness, Strabo would have had the god mention particularly the intermediate countries through which he necessarily passed, as Cappadocia, Armenia, Syria, etc.

81.

But it lies low, the highest in the sea towards the west, but those that are separated from it [lie] towards the east and the sun.

Odyssey ix. 25.

82.

Vide

Odyssey xiii. 109, 111.

83.

Which I very little regard, nor do I care for them whether they fly to the right, towards the morn and the sun, or to the left, towards the darkening west.

Iliad xii. 239.

84.

O my friends, since we know not where is the west, nor where the morning, nor where the sun.

Odyssey x. 190.

85.

The north and west winds, which both blow from Thrace.

Iliad ix. 5.

86. Now the Bay of Saros.

87. These two provinces are comprised in the modern division of Roumelia. A portion of Macedonia still maintains its ancient name Makidunia.

88. The modern names of these places are Thaso, Stalimene, Imbro, and Samothraki.

89. Strabo, as well as Casaubon in his notes on this passage, seems to have made an imperfect defence of Homer. The difficulty experienced, as well by them as Eratosthenes, arose from their overlooking the fact that Macedonia was a part of Thrace in Homer’s time, and that the name of Macedon did not exist.

90. These rocks were situated between the city of Megara and the isthmus of Corinth.

91.

And the south-east and the south rushed together, and the hard-blowing west, and the cold-producing north.

Odyssey v. 295.

92. The western part of Thrace, afterwards named Macedonia; having Paeonia on the north, and Thessaly on the south.

93. The Magnetae dwelt near to Mount Pelion and the Pelasgic Gulf, now the Bay of Volo.

94. These people dwelt between Mount Othrys, and the Maliac Gulf, now the Gulf of Zeitun.

95. The maritime portion of Epirus opposite Corfu.

96. In the time of Homer the Dolopes were the neighbours of the Paeonians, and dwelt in the north of that part of Thrace which afterwards formed Macedonia. Later, however, they descended into Thessaly, and established themselves around Pindus.

97. Dodona was in Epirus, but its exact position is not known.

98. Now Aspro-potamo, or the White River; this river flows into the sea at the entrance of the Gulf of Corinth.

99.

And the assembly was moved, as the great waves of the Icarian sea.

Iliad ii. 144.

100.

̓αοͅγέσταο νὀτοιο, Iliad xi. 306, xxi. 334. ̓αοͅγέστης strictly speaking means the north-west, and although, to an English ear, the north-west south seems at first absurd, yet in following up the argument which Strabo is engaged in, it is impossible to make use of any other terms than those which he has brought forward, and merely to have translated ἀργέσταο νότοιο by Argest-south, would have mystified the passage without cause. We do not here attempt to reconcile the various renderings of ἀοͅγέσταο νότοιο by Homeric critics, as Strabo’s sense alone concerns us.

101.

The north and west winds, which both blow from Thrace.

Iliad ix. 5.

102. ̓αοͅγέστης νότος, the clearing south wind, Horace’s Notus Albus;— in the improved compass of Aristotle, ἀοͅγέστης was the north-west wind, the Athenian σκείοͅων.

103. τοῦ λοιποῦ νότου ὅλου εὔοͅου πως ὄντος. MSS. i. e. all the other southern winds having an easterly direction. We have adopted the suggestion of Kramer, and translated the passage as if it stood thus, τοῦ λοιποῦ νότου ὀλεοͅοῦ πως ὄντος.

104.

As when the west wind agitates the light clouds of the clearing south, striking them with a dreadful gale.

Iliad xi. 305.

105. Gosselin observes that Hesiod lived about forty years after Homer, and he mentions not only the Nile, but also the Po, with which certainly Homer was unacquainted. He speaks too of the Western Ocean, where he places the Gorgons, and the garden of the Hesperides. It is very likely that these various points of information were brought into Greece by the Carthaginians. The name Nile seems to be merely a descriptive title; it is still in use in many countries of India, where it signifies water. The river known subsequently as the Nile, was, in Homer’s time, called the River of Egypt, or the River Egyptus; by the latter of which titles he was acquainted with it. See Odyssey xvii. 448.

106. By this expression is intended the Atlantic.

107. Gosselin remarks that the arguments made use of by Strabo are not sufficiently conclusive. The country with which the Greeks were best acquainted was Greece, undoubtedly, and it is this land which Homer has described with the greatest exactness of detail.

108. An island opposite to Alexandria, and seven stadia distant therefrom. The Ptolemies united it to the main-land by means of a pier, named Hepta-stadium, in allusion to its length. The sands which accumulated against the pier became the site of the present city of Alexandria. It was not on this island that the celebrated Pharos of Alexandria was erected, but on a desolate rock a little to the N. E. It received the same name as the island, to which it was joined by another pier. As to the passage of Homer, (Odyssey iv. 354–357,) where he says that Pharos is one day’s sail from the Egyptus, he does not mean Egypt, as Strabo fancies, but the mouth of the Nile, which river in his time was called the Egyptus, and probably fell into the sea about one day’s sail from Pharos.

109. We have before remarked that the Ethiopia visited by Menelaus was not the country above Egypt, generally known by that name, but an Ethiopia lying round Jaffa, the ancient Joppa.

110. The priests stated also that Menes was the first of mortals that ever ruled over Egypt; to this they added that in the days of that king, all Egypt, with the exception of the Thebaic nome, was but a morass; and that none of the lands now seen below Lake Moeris, then existed; from the sea up to this place is a voyage by the river of seven days. I myself am perfectly convinced the account of the priests in this particular is correct; for the thing is evident to every one who sees and has common sense, although he may not have heard the fact, that the Egypt to which the Hellenes navigate, is a land annexed to the Egyptians, and a gift from the river; and that even in the parts above the lake just mentioned, for three days’ sail, concerning which the priests relate nothing, the country is just of the same description. Herod. ii. § 5.

111.

The Ethiopians, who are divided into two parts, the most distant of men, some at the setting of the sun, others at the rising.

Odyssey i. 23.

112. Odyssey i. 23.

113. Many ancient writers entertained the opinion that the regions surrounding the terrestrial equator were occupied by the ocean, which formed a circular zone, separating our continent from that which they supposed to exist in the southern hemisphere. To the inhabitants of this second continent they gave the name of Antichthones.

114. The Southern Ocean.

115. Or nearest to the equator.

116. The isthmus of Suez.

117. Odyssey i. 23.

118. This explanation falls to the ground when we remember, that prior to the reign of Psammeticus no stranger had ever succeeded in penetrating into the interior of Egypt. This was the statement of the Greeks themselves. Now as Psammeticus did not flourish till two and a half centuries after Homer, that poet could not possibly have been aware of the circumstances which Strabo brings forward to justify his interpretation of this passage which he has undertaken to defend.

119. Africa.

120. The Red Sea.

121. The Strait of Gibraltar.

122. The Tartessians were the inhabitants of the island of Tartessus, formed by the two arms of the Baetis, (the present Guadalquiver,) near the mouth of this river. One of these arms being now dried up, the island is reunited to the mainland. It forms part of the present district of Andalusia. The tradition, says Gosselin, reported by Ephorus, seems to me to resemble that still preserved at Tingis, a city of Mauritania, so late as the sixth century. Procopius (Vandalicor. ii. 10) relates that there were two columns at Tingis bearing the following inscription in the Phoenician language, We are they who fled before the brigand Joshua, the son of Naue (Nun). It does not concern us to inquire whether these columns actually existed in the time of Procopius, but merely to remark two independent facts. The first is the tradition generally received for more than twenty centuries, that the coming of the Israelites into Palestine drove one body of Canaanites, its ancient inhabitants, to the extremities of the Mediterranean, while another party went to establish, among the savage tribes of the Peloponnesus and Attica, the earliest kingdoms known in Europe. The second observation has reference to the name of Ethiopians given by Ephorus to this fugitive people, as confirming what we have before stated, that the environs of Jaffa, and possibly the entire of Palestine, anciently bore the name of Ethiopia: and it is here we must leek for the Ethiopians of Homer, and not in the interior of Africa.

123. Africa.

124. This piece is now lost.

125. τὸ μεσημβοͅινὸν κλίμα.

126. Aeschylus.

127. This piece is now lost.

128. Odyssey ix. 26.

129. Strabo is mistaken in interpreting πρὸς ζόφον towards the north. It means here, as every where else, towards the west, and allusion in the passage is made to Ithaca as lying west of Greece.

130.

Whether they fly to the right towards the morn and the sun, or to the left towards the darkening west.

Iliad xii. 239.

131.

O my friends! since we know not where is the west, nor where the morning, nor where the sun that gives light to mortals descends beneath the earth, nor where he rises up again.

Odyssey x. 190.

132. In Book x.

133.

For yesterday Jove went to Oceanus to the blameless Ethiopians, to a banquet.

Iliad i. 423.

134.

The powerful shaker of the earth, as he was returning from the Ethiopians, beheld him from a distance, from the mountains of the Solymi,

Odyssey v. 282.

135. This would be true if Homer had lived two or three centuries later, when the Greeks became acquainted with the Ethiopians on the eastern and western coasts of Africa. But as the poet was only familiar with the Mediterranean, there is no question that the Ethiopians mentioned in this passage are those of Phoenicia and Palestine.

136.

Which, after they have escaped the winter and immeasurable shower, with a clamour wing their way towards the streams of the ocean bearing slaughter and fate to the Pygmaean men.

Iliad iii. 3.

137. Gosselin is of opinion that this Iberia has no reference to Spain, but is a country situated between the Euxine and Caspian Seas, and forms part of the present Georgia. He assigns as his reason, that if Strabo had meant to refer to Spain, he would have mentioned it before Italy, so as not to interrupt the geographical order, which he is always careful to observe.

138. Pygmy, ( πυγμαῖος,) a being whose length is a πυγμὴ, that is, from the elbow to the hand. The Pygmaei were a fabulous nation of dwarfs, the Lilliputians of antiquity, who, according to Homer, had every spring to sustain a war against the cranes on the banks of Oceanus. They were believed to have been descended from Pygmraeus, a son of Dorus and grandson of Epaphus. Later writers usually place them near the sources of the Nile, whither the cranes are said to have migrated every year to take possession of the field of the Pygmies. The reports of them have been embellished in a variety of ways by the ancients. Hecataeus, for example, related that they cut down every corn-ear with an axe, for they were conceived to be an agricultural people. When Hercules came into their country, they climbed with ladders to the edge of his goblet to drink from it; and when they attacked the hero, a whole army of them made an assault upon his left hand, while two made the attack on his right. Aristotle did not believe that the accounts of the Pygmies were altogether fabulous, but thought that they were a tribe in Upper Egypt, who had exceedingly small horses, and lived in caves. In later times we also hear of Northern Pygmies, who lived in the neighbourhood of Thule: they are described as very short-lived, small, and armed with spears like needles. Lastly, we also have mention of Indian Pygmies, who lived under the earth on the east of the river Ganges. Smith, Diet. Biog. and Mythol. Various attempts have been made to account for this singular belief, which however seems to have its only origin in the love of the Marvellous.

139. It must be observed that the Arabian Gulf, or Red Sea, does not run parallel to the equator, consequently it could not form any considerable part of a meridian circle; thus Strabo is wrong even as to the physical position of the Gulf, but this is not much to be wondered at, as he supposed in equatorial division of the earth into two hemispheres by the ocean.

140. 15,000 of the stadia employed by Strabo were equivalent to 21° 25′ 13″. The distance from the Isthmus of Suez to the Strait of Bab-el-Mandeb, following our better charts, is 20° 15′. Strabo says nearly 15,000 stadia; and this length may be considered just equal to that of the Arabian Gulf. Its breadth, so far as we know, is in some places equal to 1800 stadia.

141. The Arabian Gulf, or Red Sea.

142. The Mediterranean.

143. Aristotle accounts for Homer’s mentioning Thebes rather than Memphis, by saying that, at the time of the poet, the formation of that part of Egypt by alluvial deposit was very recent. So that Memphis either did no then exist, or at all events had not then obtained its after celebrity. Aristotle likewise seems to say that anciently Egypt consisted only of the territory of the Thebaid, καὶ τὸ ἀοͅχαῖον ἡ αἴυπτος, θῆβαι καλούμεναι.

144. The Mediterranean.

145.

Gosselin says, Read 4000, as in lib. xvii. This correction is indicated by the following measure given by Herodotus:
From the sea to Heliopolis . . . . . 1500 stadia
From Heliopolis to Thebes . . . . . 4860
——
6360

The stadium made use of in Egypt at the time of Herodotus consisted of 1111 1/9 to a degree on the grand circle, as may be seen by comparing the measure of the coasts of the Delta furnished by that historian with our actual information. The length of this stadium may likewise be ascertained by reference to Aristotle. In the time of Eratosthenes and Strabo, the stadium of 700 to a degree was employed in Egypt. Now 6360 stadia of 1111 1/9 to a degree make just 4006 stadia of 700: consequently these two measures are identical, their apparent inconsistency merely resulting from the different scales by which preceding authors had expressed them. This reasoning seems very plausible, but we must remark that Col. Leake, in a valuable paper On the Stade as a Linear Measure, published in vol. ix. of the Journal of the Royal Geographical Society, is of opinion that Gosselin’s system of stadia of different lengths cannot be maintained.

146. Namely Crates and Aristarchus. The last was of Alexandria, and consequently an Egyptian. Crates was of Cilicia, which was regarded as a part of Syria.

147. This is a very favourite axiom with Strabo, notwithstanding he too often forgets it himself.

148. The Phrygians were considered to be more timid than any other people, and consequently the hares of their country more timid than those of any other. We see then a twofold hyperbole in the expression that a man is more timid than a Phrygian hare.

149. Alcaeus of Mitylene in the island of Lesbos, the earliest of the Aeolian lyric poets, began to flourish in the forty-second Olympiad (B. C. 610). In the second year of this Olympiad we find Cicis and Antimenidas, the brothers of Alcaeus, fighting under Pittacus against Melanchrus, who is described as the tyrant of Lesbos, and who fell in the conflict. Alcaeus does not appear to have taken part with his brothers on this occasion; on the contrary, he speaks of Melanchrus in terms of high praise. Alcaeus is mentioned in connexion with the war in Troas, between the Athenians and Mitylenaeans, for the possession of Sigaeum. During the period which followed this war, the contest between the nobles and the people of Mitylene was brought to a crisis. The party of Alcaeus engaged actively on the side of the nobles, and was defeated. When he and his brother Antimenidas perceived that all hope of their restoration to Mitylene was gone, they travelled over different countries. Alcaeus visited Egypt, and appears to have written poems in which his adventures by sea were described. Horace, Carm. ii. 13. 26. See Smith’s Diet. of Biog. and Mythol.

150.

But in it there is a haven with good mooring, from whence they takes equal ships into the sea, having drawn black water.

Odyssey iv. 358.

151.

Certainly having suffered many things, and having wandered much, I was brought in my ships, and I returned in the eighth year; having wandered to Cyprus, and Phoenice, and the Egyptians, I came to the Ethiopians and Sidonians, and Erembians, and Libya.

Odyssey iv. 81.

152. On the coasts of the Mediterranean.

153. Strabo intends to say that the ships of Menelaus were not constructed so as to be capable of being taken to pieces, and carried on the backs of the sailors, as those of the Ethiopians were.

154. Having mentioned the Phoenicians, amongst whom the Sidonians are comprised, he certainly would not have enumerated these latter as a separate people.

155. That is to say, that he made the entire circuit of Africa, starting from Cadiz, and doubling the Cape of Good Hope. Such was the opinion of Crates, who endeavoured to explain all the expressions of Homer after mathematical hypotheses. If any one were to inquire how Menelaus, who was wandering about the Mediterranean, could have come into Ethiopia, Crates would answer, that Menelaus left the Mediterranean and entered the Atlantic, whence he could easily travel by sea into Ethiopia. In this he merely followed the hypothesis of the mathematicians, who said that the inhabited earth in all its southern portion was traversed by the Atlantic Ocean, and the other seas contiguous thereto.

156. The Isthmus of Suez. This isthmus they supposed to be covered by the sea, as Strabo explains further on.

157.

Thus far he, collecting much property and gold, wandered with his ships.

Odyssey iii. 301.

158. Odyssey iv. 83.

159. Strabo here appears to have followed Aristotle, who attributes to Sesostris the construction of the first canal connecting the Mediterranean, or rather the Pelusiac branch of the Nile, with the Red Sea. Pliny has followed the same tradition. Strabo, Book xvii., informs us, that other authors attribute the canal to Necho the son of Psammeticus; and this is the opinion of Herodotus and Diodorus. It is possible these authors may be speaking of two different attempts to cut this canal. Sesostris flourished about 1356 years before Christ, Necho 615 years before the same era. About a century after Necho, Darius the son of Hystaspes made the undertaking, but desisted under the false impression that the level of the Red Sea was higher than that of the Mediterranean. Ptolemy Philadelphus proved this to be an error, by uniting the Red Sea to the Nile without causing any inundation. At the time of Trojan and Hadrian the communication was still in existence, though subsequently it became choked up by an accumulation of sand. It will be remembered that a recent proposition for opening the canal was opposed in Egypt on similar grounds.

160. Mount El Kas.

161. Tineh.

162.

But the immortals will send you to the Elysian plain, and the boundaries of the earth.

Odyssey iv. 563.

163.

But ever does the ocean send forth the gently blowing breezes of the west wind.

Odyssey iv. 567.

164. Odyssey iv. 73. See Strabo’s description of electrum, Book iii. c. ii. § 8.

165. Blessed.

166. The name of Arabia Felix is now confined to Yemen. A much larger territory was anciently comprehended under this designation, containing the whole of Hedjaz, and even Nedjed-el-Ared. It is probable that Strabo here speaks of Hedjaz, situated about two days’ journey south of Mecca.

167. Iliad xi. 20.

168. Of the Mediterranean.

169. Philae was built on a little island formed by the Nile, now called El-Heif.

170. This is evidently Strabo’s meaning; but the text, as it now stands, is manifestly corrupt.

171. El-Baretun. A description of this place will be found in the 17th book.

172. At this port it was that Agesilaus terminated his glorious career.

173. Iliad xiii. 1. Strabo means that Homer, after having spoken of the Trojans in general, mentions Hector in particular.

174. Iliad ii. 641. Having mentioned the sons of Aeneus collectively, he afterwards distinguishes one of them by name.

175. Iliad viii. 47. Gargarus was one of the highest peaks of Ida.

176. Iliad ii. 536. Chalcis and Eretria were two cities of Euboea.

177. We have here taken advantage of Casaubon’s suggestion to read ἡ πάνορμος instead of ἢ πάνορμος, the Greek name for Palermo in Sicily, which was not founded in the time of Sappho.

178. Odyssey iv. 83.

179. Paris.

180.

Where were her variously embroidered robes, the works of Sidonian females, which godlike Alexander himself had brought from Sidon, sailing over the broad ocean, in that voyage in which he carried off Helen, sprung from a noble sire.

Iliad vi. 289.

181.

I will give thee a wrought bowl: it is all silver, and the lips are bound with gold; it is the work of Vulcan: the hero Phaedimus, king of the Sidonians, gave it [to me], when his home sheltered me, as I was returning from thence. I wish to give this to thee.

Odyssey xv. 115.

182.

But in beauty it much excelled [all] upon the whole earth, for the ingenious Sidonians had wrought it cunningly, and Phoenician men had carried it.

Iliad xxiii. 742.

183. The Armenians.

184. The Arabs

185. The Syrians

186. Dwelling in caverns.

187.

He saw the cities of many men, and learned their manners.

Odyssey i. 3.

188.

Having suffered many things, and having wandered much, I was brought.

Odyssey iv. 81.

189. See Hesiod, Fragments, ed. Loesner, p. 434.

190. This derivation of Arabia is as problematical as the existence of the hero from whom it is said to have received its name; a far more probable etymology is derived from ereb, signifying the west, a name supposed to have been conferred upon it at a very early period by a people inhabiting Persia.

191. That is, that the Phoenicians and Sidonians dwelling around the Persian Gulf are colonies from those inhabiting the shores of the Mediterranean.

192. As to this fact, upon which almost all geographers are agreed, it is only rejected by Strabo because it stands in the way of his hypothesis.

193. Half men, half dogs.

194. Long-headed men.

195. A celebrated poet who flourished about seven centuries before the Christian era, said to have been a native of Sardis in Lydia. Only three short fragments of his writings are known to be in existence.

196. Men who covered themselves with their feet.

197. Dog-headed men.

198. People having their eyes in their breasts.

199. One-eyed.

200. The Strait of Messina.

201.

For thrice in a day she sends it out, and thrice she sucks it in.

Odyssey xii. 105.

202.

For thrice in a day she sends it out, and thrice she sucks it in terribly. Mayest thou not come hither when she is gulping it; for not even Neptune could free thee from ill.

Odyssey xii. 105.

203.

She gulped up the briny water of the sea; but I, raised on high to the lofty fig-tree, held clinging to it, as a bat.

Odyssey xii. 431.

204. Odyssey v. 306.

205. Iliad viii. 488.

206. Iliad iii. 363.

207.

But I held without ceasing, until she vomited out again the mast and keel; and it came late to me wishing for it: as late as a man has risen from the forum to go to supper, adjudging many contests of disputing youths, so late these planks appeared from Charybdis.

Odyssey xii. 437.

208. Gaudus, the little island of Gozo near Malta, supposed by Callimachus to have been the Isle of Calypso.

209. It seems more probable that Callimachus intended the island of Corsura, now Pantalaria, a small island between Africa and Sicily.

210. The Atlantic.

211. A river of Colchis, hodie Fasz or Rion.

212. Cybele, so named because she had a temple on Mount Ida.

213. An island in the Aegaean, now Meteline.

214. Hodie Lemno or Stalimene.

215. Euneos was the eldest of the children which Hypsipele, daughter of Thoas, king of Lemnos, had by Jason during his stay in that island.

216. A town situated at the bottom of the Pelasgic Gulf, hodie Volo.

217. A country of Thessaly, which received its designation of Achaean from the same sovereign who left his name to Achaia in Peloponnesus.

218.

Eumelus, whom Alcestis, divine amongst women, most beautiful in form of the daughters of Pelias, brought forth to Admetus.

Iliad ii. 714.

219. Named Ideessa in the time of Strabo. Strabo, book xi. c. ii. § 18.

220. Sinub.

221. Candia.

222.

Hodie The Isle of Nanfio.

223. Now the Island of Callistè, founded by Theras the Lacedaemonian more than ten centuries before the Christian era.

224. A name of Thessaly.

225. The Gulf of Venice.

226. The erroneous opinion that one of the mouths of the Danube emptied itself into the Adriatic is very ancient, being spoken of by Aristotle as a well-known fact, and likewise supported by Theopompus, Hipparchus, and many other writers.

227. Odyssey x. 137.

228. Odyssey xii. 70.

Strabo Geography 1.2

Hans Claude Hamilton (Translator), William Falconer (Translator)

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