Plato Republic 3.415

ὡς φήσομεν . The sense (as Schneider observes) is ὡς ὁ μῦθος λέγει, ὃν πρὸς αὐτοὺς ἐροῦμεν. Hartman cancels ὡς, but it was more likely to have been wrongly omitted here than inserted.

χρυσὸν κτλ. The metals are borrowed from Hesiod ( O. D. 109—201), as Plato indicates in VIII 546 E. Hesiod enumerates five ages of men (interposing the age of heroes between those of copper and iron), but the older legend probably recognised four only: see Rohde Psyche^{2} I p. 87. Plato makes the golden and the other classes coexist—a truer and profounder view than Hesiod's. In other respects, the myth (as Jackson has pointed out in Susemihl and Hicks Politics of Aristotle p. 244) is not to be pressed: for “it does not recognise the promotion of ἐπίκουροι” to be ἄρχοντες. We should expect the φύλακες to contain admixtures, both of gold and silver, such as are to be Rulers receiving more gold than silver, and conversely; but the Greek does not favour this idea. Iron again seems to be exclusively (though less emphatically) reserved for the farmers, and copper for the artisans: cf. infra B, C, VIII 547 A, B, and Arist. Pol. B 5. 1264^{b} 14. It makes the ψεῦδος all the more γενναῖον and effective to tell the citizens that the classes are even more distinct than they really are.

ἅτε οὖν ξυγγενεῖς ὄντες is said with reference to the δέ clause, on which the stress falls. The fundamental kinship of the different classes will occasionally reassert itself in their offspring. So J. and C., rightly.

ἐξ ἀργυροῦ : sc. ἐκγόνου, which should also be supplied with χρυσοῦ. Plato sees in fancy the onward march of generations καθάπερ λαμπάδα τὸν βίον παραδιδόντες: cf. IV 424 A. Ast's proposal ἀργύρου should not have received the approval of Hartman; and D. and V. miss a characteristic touch by translating ἀργυροῦ “a silver parent.”

ἐάν τε κτλ. This provision is the corner-stone of Plato's State, and as soon as it gives way, the edifice is doomed (VIII 546 E—547 A). It is only by the elevation of the worthy and the degradation of the unfit that class-distinctions can be made to coincide with those of Nature (cf. IV 423 D); and unless they do, the foundation of the city, which is τὸ ἑαυτοῦ πράττειν, is sapped. Hence the emphasis with which Plato introduces this subject. His theory, it should be noted, conforms at least as much to the interest of the individual as to that of the State; for it provides congenial work for all according to their natural capacities, and uncongenial labour, whether above or below one's powers, is a fertile source of misery and crime. Aristotle ( Pol. B 4. 1262^{b} 27) seems to doubt if Plato's scheme was feasible. Granted rulers who are φρόνιμοι εἰς τοῦτο, δυνατοί, and κηδεμόνες τῆς πόλεως (412 C), in a small city—a thousand warriors, says Plato, will suffice (IV 423 A, cf. Grote Plato III p. 206 note) —it could probably be worked without much difficulty. See also IV 423 E ff. We are not of course to suppose that the child was once for all assigned to his class at birth; he would be watched and tested again and again, before being finally disposed of, so that the likelihood of mistakes on the part of the Rulers is greatly lessened. Cf. Tim. 19 A .

τιμήσαντες : not “having estimated their values” (J. and C.): but simply ‘they will do him honour and’ etc. The suggestions ἀντιτιμήσαντες or τιμήσαντες κατ’ ἀξίαν will hardly command assent. τιμήν in τιμὴν ἀποδόντες above may also be translated ‘honour’ if τὴν τῇ φύσει προσήκουσαν is taken in its full force: the honour appropriate to his nature and no more.

ὅπως μέντ’ ἂν κτλ. Cf. Laws 663 E—664 A. Grote justly observes that “Plato has fair reason for his confident assertion that if such legends could once be imprinted on the minds of his citizens, as portions of an established creed, they would maintain themselves for a long time in unimpaired force and credit” (l. c. III p. 188). The first generation of citizens would remain incredulous, but the γενναῖον φεῦδος would be impressed upon their children, and soon be universally believed. It would require but little effort for a Greek city like Plato's (V 470 E) to entertain in course of time a view which has so many points of contact with Greek tradition. Here Plato seems to hint that even his Rulers (for οἱ τούτων ὑεῖς must include these also) will in time believe; the Rulers of VI—VII might teach the legend as an ἐν δέοντι ψεῦδος, but would themselves refuse their assent.

σχεδὸν ‐‐ λέγεις : viz. that the story is intended to form part of the city's permanent religious creed, and so encourage patriotism and fraternity.

τοῦτο ‐‐ ἀγάγῃ : ‘this will be as the vox populi shall determine’: i.e. it will depend upon φήμη whether our fable is believed or not. φήμη is not of course an oracle (as Ficinus supposed), but the half-personified voice of popular belief. Cf. Laws 838 C, D.

τούς τε ἔνδον κτλ. Henkel ( Studien zur Gesch. d. Gr. Lehre vom Staat p. 52 note 13) remarks that the prevention of faction inside the city is characteristically put in the foreground. The greatest danger to a Greek city was from internal dissension: cf. V 470 C ff. notes

στρατοπεδευσάμενοι . The Spartan government was compared to that of a στρατόπεδον (Isocr. 6. 81: cf. Gilbert Gr. Const. Ant. E. T. pp. 61 ff.). Plato's city is literally a camp. His proposals would probably strike the average Athenian as a dangerous and tyrannical exaggeration of Spartan usages. See Jowett Introd. p. 176.