ῥᾳδίως οὕτω
: 377 B note
θυσαμένους ‐‐ ἀκοῦσαι
. ἀπορρήτων suggests the mysteries, whence the allusion to the ‘mystic pig’ (
Ar.
Ach. 764
). For
ἄπορον, ‘unprocurable’ (Jowett),
ἄπνρον has been suggested, absurdly enough.
ἄπορον is further explained by
ὅπως— ἀκοῦσαι. It should be noted that
ὅπως with a past tense of the indicative in clauses of this kind is rare in Plato: it occurs again only in
Laws 830 B, 959 C (where
ἄν should be expunged). Cf. Weber in Schanz's
Beiträge zur hist. Synt. d. Gr. Sprache II 2, p. 64.
οὐδ’ αὖ
has been needlessly doubted by Richter (
Fl. Jahrb. 1867 p. 142), who suggests
οὐδέν. The words
ἀδικῶν—ποιοῖ correspond to the conduct of Uranus and Cronus towards their children:
οὐδ’ αὖ—τρόπῳ to Cronus' treatment of Uranus, and Zeus' of Cronus. Cf
Euthyph. 5 E
—6 A. The
Euthyphro presents so many parallels to § 378 that some have—erroneously, no doubt—supposed it to be a spurious elaboration of that section: see my edition of the dialogue p. xxix.
πολλοῦ δεῖ ‐‐ ποικιλτέον
. πολλοῦ δεῖ is not adverbial (like
ἥκιστα), as J. and C assert: otherwise
δεῖ would be
δεῖν (so Herwerden would read
Mnem. N. S. XI p. 339). The asyndeton is justified by emphasis and the ampliative character of the sentence. The verbals are best explained (with Stallbaum) by supposing an ellipse of
εἶναι: cf. Schanz
Nov. Comm. Pl. p. 33.
ποικιλτέον
. ποικίλλειν is used of depicting in a variety of colours (VIII 557 C), not necessarily by embroidery. Cf. 373 A note There is probably a special reference here to the
πέπλος. At the greater, if not also at the lesser, Panathenaic festival, a robe woven by Athenian maidens and representing the triumph of Athena and the Olympians over the giants, together with other celestial fights, was carried in procession to the Acropolis, and presented to the statue of the goddess in the Erechtheum: cf.
Euthyph. 6 B
, C and Mommsen
Feste d. Stadt Athen pp. 107 ff. The subject was depicted on the Parthenon frieze: see Baumeister
Denkm. d. kl. Alterth. II p. 1185. The allusion to the ceremony is the more appropriate in this connexion, if, as appears to be probable, the action of the dialogue takes place just before the great Panathenaea of 410 B.C. See
Introd. § 3.
ὡς οὐδεὶς κτλ.
Plato desires to obtain a religious sanction for his institutions, as in the myth III 414 B ff. The best
δημηγόρος, according to Socrates, is
ὁ στάσεις τε παύων καὶ ὁμόνοιαν ἐμποιῶν (
Xen.
Mem. IV 6. 14
): and the Platonic State may from this point of view be regarded as “an attempt to determine the ways and means of securing political
ὁμόνοια” (Krohn
Pl. St. p. 369).
λεκτέα
—see cr. n.—cannot be dispensed with. Madvig's suggestion, that
μᾶλλον is corrupt for
φατέον or
ᾀστέον or the like, and Liebhold's
μελητέον for
μᾶλλον, are much less probable than the accidental omission of
λεκτέα in A. See
Introd. § 5. Vermehren (
Pl. Stud. p. 92), rejecting
λεκτέα, would carry on
μυθολογητέον or the like; but this solution is much too difficult.
καὶ πρεσβυτέροις γιγνομένοις
. The dative goes with
λογοποιεῖν (‘to make tales for them as they grow older’), and
καί before
τοὺς ποιητάς means
etiam. This explanation was proposed by Richter (
Fl. Jahrb. 1867 p. 138) and Vermehren (l. c. p. 91), and is probably right. Cf.
Ar.
Frogs 1054
f. Others connect the words with
καὶ γέρουσι καὶ γραυσί: old men, old women, and the boys themselves as they grow older, must tell such stories
πρὸς τὰ παιδία εὐθύς. But it is difficult to understand
τοῖς παιδίοις with
γιγνομένοις unless
πρεσβυτέροις γιγνομένοις is construed with
λογοποιεῖν.
ὑέος
. Hephaestus.
Διός is a false reading derived from a mistaken reference to
Il. XV 18 ff. The story (according to Clement ap. Suid. s. vv.
Ἥρας δὲ δεσμοὺς ὑπὸ υἱέος) was in Pindar:
παρὰ Πινδάρῳ γὰρ ὑπὸ Ἡφαίστου δεσμεύεται ἐν τῷ ὑπ’ αὐτοῦ κατασκευασθέντι θρόνῳ—καί φασι δεθῆναι αὐτὴν ἐπιβουλεύσασαν Ἡρακλεῖ. Cf. Paus. I 20. 3.
Ἡφαίστου ῥίψεις
.
Il. I 586—594.
θεομαχίας ‐‐ οὐ παραδεκτέον
. Homer
Il. XX 1—74, XXI 385—513. Cf. Xenophanes
Fr. 1. 19—22 (Bergk) and Pind.
Ol. IX 43, 44
μή νυν λαλάγει τὰ τοιαῦτ’ · ἔα πόλεμον μάχαν τε πᾶσαν χωρὶς ἀθανάτων.
ἐν ὑπονοίαις
: adverbial, like
ἐν φαρμάκου εἴδει III 389 B (J. and C.). The allegorical interpretation of Homer probably originated in the desire to save his character for piety and morality:
πάντη γὰρ ἠσέβησεν (says Heraclides
Alleg. Hom. ad init.),
εἰ μηδὲν ἠλληγόρησεν. Before the time of Plato it was practised by Theagenes of Rhegium, Anaxagoras, Metrodorus of Lampsacus, Stesimbrotos of Thasos and others: see Wolf
Proleg. ad Homerum pp. 161—166 and Jebb's
Homer p. 89. In Plato's day the Cynics were the chief exponents of this school of criticism, especially Antisthenes: examples may be found in Winckelmann's
Antisth. Frag. pp. 16, 23—28: cf. also Dümmler
Antisthenica pp. 16 ff. Dümmler, many of whose combinations are highly speculative, regards the present passage as directed against Antisthenes, whose rivalry with Plato is well known: but there is nothing to suggest any personal reference. The historical Socrates occasionally played with the same weapons, as appears from Xen.
Symp. 3. 6, and
Mem. I 3. 7: so also does Plato, but seldom, if ever, without irony, e.g.
Rep. 1 332 B
ἠνίξατο— ὁ Σιμωνίδης ποιητικῶς: cf. also
Theaet. 194 C
,
Alc. II 147 B—D al. Plato's attacks upon Homer lent a great impetus to this method of exegesis—the only method, as it was thought, by which his animadversions could be met: cf. Schow's
Heraclides pp. 223—234.
πλούτου
δὲ οὐδέν and Liebhold (
Fl. Jahrb. 1888, p. 107)
κόσμου
δὲ ἄλλο μὲν <ἔχοντ)> οὐδέν for
τοῦτον δὲ ἄλλο μὲν οὐδέν. Neither of these proposals has any plausibility, and it is best to regard this as one of the places where we owe the right reading to
Π .