Homer Iliad 11.822

ed. Robert Southey

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Iliad. Homer. ed. Robert Southey. London. 1847.

Sponsored by Tufts University.

Current edition Experimental

English (William Cowper, 1791, ed. Southey) (OCR draft) (English) (English (William Cowper, 1791, ed. Southey))

Provisional text from uncorrected OCR; expect errors.

Editions (1)
Ἰλιάς Perseus (Homer. Homeri Opera, Volumes 1-2. Monro, D. B. (David Binning), editor; Allen, Thomas W. (Thomas William), editor. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1908-1920.) — 11.822 focus
Translations (8)
Iliad Perseus (Homer. The Iliad, Volume 1-2. Murray, A. T. (Augustus Taber), translator. London: William Heinmann; New York: G.P. Putnam's Sons, 1924-1925.) — 11.822 focus
Iliad Perseus (Homer. The Iliad of Homer, rendered into English prose for the use of those who cannot read the original. Butler, Samuel, 1835-1902, translator. London: Longmans, Green, and Co, 1898.) — 11.823 focus
English (Butler, rev. Nagy et al., 2020) (OCR draft) Experimental (English (Butler, rev. Nagy et al., 2020)) — 11.822 focus
Wounded Eurypylos made answer, “Noble Patroklos, there is no hope left for the Achaeans but they will perish at their ships. All they that were princes among us [825] are lying struck down and wounded at the hands of the Trojans, who are waxing stronger and stronger. But save me and take me to your ship; cut out the arrow from my thigh; wash the black blood from off it with warm water, and lay upon it those gracious herbs [830] which, so they say, have been shown you by Achilles, who was himself shown them by Cheiron, most righteous of all the centaurs. For of the physicians Podaleirios and Makhaon, I hear that the one is lying wounded in his tent and is himself in need of healing, [835] while the other is fighting the Trojans upon the plain.”
English (William Cullen Bryant, 1870) (OCR draft) Experimental (English (William Cullen Bryant, 1870)) — 11.822 focus
And thus the wise Eurypylus replied: -
"Nursling of Jove, Patroclus! there can be
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No help for Greece, and we at our black ships
Must perish; for within them even now
All those who were our bravest warriors lie,
Wounded in close encounter, or from far,
By Trojan hands, whose strength with every hour
1010
Becomes more terrible. Give now thine aid
And take me to my ship, and cut away
The arrow from my thigh, and from the part
Cleanse with warm water the dark blood, and shed
Soothing and healing balms upon the wound,
1015
As taught thee by Achilles, who had learned
The art from Chiron, righteous in his day
Beyond all other Centaurs. Now the leech
Machaon lies, I think, among the tents,
Wounded, and needs the aid of others' skill,
1020
And Podalirius out upon the plain
Helps stem the onset of the Trojan host."
Then spake the valiant Menetiades: -
"O brave Eurypylus! what yet will be
The end of this, and what are we to do?
1025
Even now I bear a message on my way
From reverend Nestor, guardian of the Greeks,
To the great warrior, Peleus' son; and yet
I must not leave thee in thine hour of need."
He spake; and, lifting in his arms the prince,
1030
He bore him to his tent. A servant spread,
Upon his entering, hides to form a couch;
And there Patroclus laid him down and cut
The rankling arrow from his thigh, and shed
Warm water on the wound to cleanse away
1035
The purple blood, and last applied a root
Of bitter flavor to assuage the smart,
Bruising it first within his palms: the pangs
Ceased; the wound dried; the blood no longer flowed.
English (Alexander Pope, 1720, ed. Watson, 1857) (OCR draft) Experimental (English (Alexander Pope, 1720, ed. Watson, 1857)) — 11.822 focus
Eurypylus replies: 'No more, my friend,
'Greece is no more! this day her glories end.
'E'en to the ships victorious Troy pursues,
'Her force increasing as her toil renews.
'Those chiefs, that us'd her utmost rage to meet,
960
'Lie pierc'd with wounds, and bleeding in the fleet.
'But thou, Patroclus! act a friendly part,
'Lead to my ships, and draw this deadly dart;
'With lukewarm water wash the gore away,
'With healing balms the raging smart allay,
965
'Such as sage Chiron, sire of pharmacy,
'Once taught Achilles, and Achilles thee.
'Of two fam'd surgeons, Podalirius stands
'This hour surrounded by the Trojan bands;
'And great Machaon, wounded in his tent,
970
'Now wants that succour which so oft he lent.'
English (Thomas Hobbes, 1667, ed. Molesworth 1843) (OCR draft) Experimental (English (Thomas Hobbes, 1667, ed. Molesworth 1843)) — 11.822 focus
English (George Chapman, 1611, ed. Hooper 1857) (OCR draft) Experimental (English (George Chapman, 1611, ed. Hooper 1857)) — 11.822 focus
English (F. W. Newman, 1856) (OCR draft) Experimental (English (F. W. Newman, 1856)) — 11 focus

New Alexandria Commentaries

Douglas Frame

this line as one of the counterexamples for identifying unmodified laos as one’s own

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this line as one of the counterexamples for identifying unmodified laos as one’s own, and with damnēmi together with laos

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analysis of Odysseus’ characterization in the Iliad, with this passage interpreted as counterbalancing his less heroic representation in e.g. I.08.090-098

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in the context of discussing Nestor’s appearances as a horseman in the Iliad

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analysis of Nestor’s appearances as a horseman in the Iliad and the twin myth (the setting of the story of hippota Nestōr in the frame of the twin myth)

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analysis of the distinction between Makhaon and Podaleirios as physicians (as discussed in the scholia to these verses)

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analysis of Nestor’s appearances as a horseman in the Iliad and the twin myth (the setting of the story of hippota Nestōr in the frame of the twin myth)

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in the context of analyzing the parallels and contrast between Nestor and Patroclus (and the twin myth)

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in the context of analyzing the parallels and contrast between Nestor and Patroclus (and the twin myth)

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in the context of analyzing the parallels and contrast between Nestor and Patroclus (and the twin myth)

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analysis of the (parallels and) contrasts between Nestor and Patroclus (and the twin myth), here, Nestor’s intelligence

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analysis of the (parallels and) contrasts between Nestor and Patroclus (and the twin myth)

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analysis of Nestor’s cup and its relevance to the Iliad

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analysis of Nestor’s cup and its relevance to the Iliad

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analysis of Nestor’s cup and its relevance to the Iliad

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analysis of the (parallels and) contrasts between Nestor and Patroclus (and the twin myth)

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in the context of analyzing the parallels and contrast between Nestor and Patroclus (and the twin myth)

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in the context of analyzing the parallels and contrast between Nestor and Patroclus (and the twin myth)

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analysis of the parallels and contrasts between Nestor and Patroclus (and the twin myth)

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the correspondence of Nestor’s story in I.11.670-761 to the cattleman twin and horseman twin distinction of the Vedic twin gods

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Nestor’s story in this passage in the Iliad as his myth

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citation of Nestor’s traditional story

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example of Nestor’s deeply traditional connection to cattle and sun symbolism, as indicated by the story of boēlasíē.

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Nestor’s becoming a warrior in his myth and the difference between the cattle raid and the battle

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analysis of the significance of the cattle raid in Nestor’s myth (sustenance and life, bringing his people back from extinction/to life)

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citation of Nestor’s traditional story

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Nestor’s becoming a warrior in his myth and the difference between the cattle raid and the battle

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Nestor’s becoming a warrior in his myth and the difference between the cattle raid and the battle

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citation of Nestor’s traditional story

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analysis of the significance of the cattle raid in Nestor’s myth (sustenance and life, bringing his people back from extinction/to life)

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Nestor’s becoming a warrior in his myth and the difference between the cattle raid and the battle

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citation of Nestor’s traditional story

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analysis of the significance of the cattle raid in Nestor’s myth (sustenance and life, bringing his people back from extinction/to life)

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analysis of the expansion in Nestor’s story, which relates to the Olympic celebration of 420 BC

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analysis of the movements in time in the expansion in Nestor’s story, which relates to the Olympic celebration of 420 BC

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analysis of the movements in time in the expansion in Nestor’s story, which relates to the Olympic celebration of 420 BC

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analysis of the meaning of Nestor’s name as “he who brings back to life” and its relevance to the cattle raid in Nestor’s story

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analysis of the movements in time in the expansion in Nestor’s story, which relates to the Olympic celebration of 420 BC

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discrepancy in the number of sons of Neleus between the Iliad and the Odyssey

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analysis of the movements in time in the expansion in Nestor’s story, which relates to the Olympic celebration of 420 BC

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analysis of the movements in time in the expansion in Nestor’s story, which relates to the Olympic celebration of 420 BC

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analysis of the expansion in Nestor’s story, which relates to the Olympic celebration of 420 BC

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analysis of the movements in time in the expansion in Nestor’s story, which relates to the Olympic celebration of 420 BC

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analysis of the expansion in Nestor’s story, which relates to the Olympic celebration of 420 BC

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comment on the weakness in the line as triēkosia has no noun to modify

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Lorimer on the dating of the four-horse chariot [MRBTP: 'ff']

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reference to the tradition of the Epeian king, Augeías

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analysis of the expansion in Nestor’s story, which relates to the Olympic celebration of 420 BC, with tōn in this verse as a sign that the story of Neleus’s chariot is not integral to the older version of the story

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analysis of the expansion in Nestor’s story, which relates to the Olympic celebration of 420 BC

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passages in Nestor’s story that Cantieni argued are later expansions

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analysis of the battle and the role of horses in Nestor’s myth (Nestor’s earning his epithet hippota)

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citation of Nestor’s traditional story

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analysis of the battle and the role of horses in Nestor’s myth (Nestor’s earning his epithet hippota)

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analysis of the chronological order of Nestor’s stories in Iliad 7, 11, and 23

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comparison of the openings of the expansions in Nestor’s story with other Homeric verses (the similarity of the expansions to Homeric formulas)

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comparison of the geography in I.02.592 with that in this verse (esp. regarding Thryoessa and Thryon in the two passages)

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disagreement with Kiechle regarding the location of Pylos (with regard to tēlou in this verse)

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locations/geography in Nestor’s story (expansion)

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Cantieni’s argument for dē having been changed to pan in this verse

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passages in Nestor’s story that Cantieni argued are later expansions

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analysis of the battle and the role of horses in Nestor’s myth (Nestor’s earning his epithet hippota)

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Nestor’s becoming a warrior in his myth and the difference between the cattle raid and the battle

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Cantieni’s take on what the interpolation in Nestor’s story was and his restoration of the older form of the story

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comparison of the openings of the expansions in Nestor’s story with other Homeric verses (the similarity of the expansions to Homeric formulas)

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Cantieni’s take on what the interpolation in Nestor’s story was and his restoration of the older form of the story

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locations/geography in Nestor’s story (expansion)

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the location of Alpheios, the use of endioi in the expansion of Nestor’s story, and the latter’s significance for Alcibiades and Endios

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Cantieni’s take on what the interpolation in Nestor’s story was and his restoration of the older form of the story

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Cantieni’s take on what the interpolation in Nestor’s story was and his restoration of the older form of the story

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Cantieni’s take on what the interpolation in Nestor’s story was and his restoration of the older form of the story, and his omission of the two final lines of the second passage (I.11.735-736)

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Cantieni’s take on what the interpolation in Nestor’s story was and his restoration of the older form of the story, and his omission of the two final lines of the second passage (I.11.735-736)

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passages in Nestor’s story that Cantieni argued are later expansions

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analysis of the battle and the role of horses in Nestor’s myth (Nestor’s earning his epithet hippota)

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Augeias’ and his daughter Agamede’s small role in Nestor’s story

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analysis of Nestor’s relationship to the Epeian king, Augeías, whose name is related to the noun augḗ, which suggests the “radiance” of the sun. Indicates that Augeías was originally connected with the sun. His daughter, Agamḗde, is another name for Mḗdeia, who in later tradition was considered to be the granddaughter of Helios. By capturing the Epeian herds, Nestor, in effect, captures the cattle of the sun

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analysis of the battle and Nestor’s earning his epithet hippota

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analysis of the battle and Nestor’s earning his epithet hippota

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the creation of realistic distances in the expansion of Nestor’s story (locating Pylos in Triphylia, using Alpheios to break up the action to realistic stages)

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comparison of the geography in I.02.617 with that in this verse (esp. regarding Alēsion in the two passages)

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analysis of the location of the Olenian Rock and other features of the geography in the passage and I.2

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Bölte’s argument for the location of the landmarks in this verse to make it plausible that Nestor and the Pylians would have been able to cover it in a one day rout of the Epeians

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the creation of realistic distances in the expansion of Nestor’s story (locating Pylos in Triphylia, using Alpheios to break up the action to realistic stages) – Cantieni’s effect of the third expansion of Nestor’s story (these verses)

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analysis of Nestor as a possible type of Nehélāwos, “he who brings the war-folk safely home.” However, argues that name’s relation to nóos “indicates that he is deeply traditional figure, whose roots go back to a time when the relation between nóos and néomai was still perceived

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analysis of the battle and Nestor’s earning his epithet hippota

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analysis of Nestor’s account of the battle as cast in terms of a chariot race

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analysis of Nestor’s parallel to Zeus’ status among gods to his status among men. Suggests that Nestor’s apparent “immortality” is a remnant of his possible former mythological status as a god

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comment on and reasons for Nestor’s disbelief at his own story

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analysis of the parallels and contrasts between Nestor and Patroclus (and the twin myth)

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example of the contrast between Achilles’ bíē and the greater age and superior counsel of Patroclus. Compare to Il. XIX.216

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analysis of Patroclus and Achilles, and Nestor’s advice to Patroclus, in terms of the twin myth (Patroclus either to bring Achilles back to fighting/back to life, or to take his place)

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analysis of Patroclus and Achilles, and Nestor’s advice to Patroclus, in terms of the twin myth (Patroclus either to bring Achilles back to fighting/back to life, or to take his place)

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analysis of the parallels and contrasts between Nestor and Patroclus (and the twin myth)

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analysis of Patroclus and Achilles, and Nestor’s advice to Patroclus, in terms of the twin myth (Patroclus either to bring Achilles back to fighting/back to life, or to take his place)

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example of laos as referring to one’s own in contexts where there is a contrast between “leader(s)” and those who “follow”

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in the context of analyzing the parallels and contrast between Nestor and Patroclus (and the twin myth)

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analysis of the (parallels and) contrasts between Nestor and Patroclus (and the twin myth)

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analysis of the (parallels and) contrasts between Nestor and Patroclus (and the twin myth), here, Patroclus’ pity

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analysis of the contrast between intelligence and might in terms of the twin myth in the case of Achilles and Patroclus, here specifically that they are both skilled physicians and their comparison with the twin sons of Asklepios

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analysis of the contrast between intelligence and might in terms of the twin myth in the case of Achilles and Patroclus, here specifically that they are both skilled physicians and their comparison with the twin sons of Asklepios

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analysis of the (parallels and) contrasts between Nestor and Patroclus (and the twin myth), here, Patroclus’ pity

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analysis of the (parallels and) contrasts between Nestor and Patroclus (and the twin myth)

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Gregory Nagy

At O.05.001–002 and here at I.11.001–002, Ēōs as goddess of the dawn is linked with a myth that tells how she abducted the young hero Tīthōnos. The myth is narrated in Homeric Hymn to Aphrodite 218–238.

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Rhapsody 11 marks the point in the Iliad where Patroklos is drawn into a fatal pattern of impersonating Achilles. Pivotal is the story that Patroklos hears from the old hero Nestor. My comments here on Iliad 11 work around Nestor’s story at I.11.670–803 as analyzed in the book Hippota Nestor by Douglas Frame, 2009:105–130.

draft js image errorNestor and his sons sacrifice to Poseidon. Attic red-figure calyx-krater, ca. 400–380 BCE. © Marie-Lan Nguyen / Wikimedia Commons, via Wikimedia Commons.

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As indicated already in the comment for I.08.220–227, the ships of the Achaeans are beached along the shores of a large U-shaped bay that opens into the Hellespont. See again Map 1 and Map 2 at HPC 157 and 158 respectively. At the upper left and the upper right tips of the U-shaped bay, at the northwest and northeast, are the beached ships of Achilles and of Ajax respectively, I.11.008–009. Also at those points are the klisiai ‘shelters’ of these two heroes, I.11.007. As for the beached ship of Odysseus, it is located at the base of the U-shaped bay, at the south in the middle of the bayline, I.11.005–006. There will be more to say about this location in the later comments at I.11.806–808 and at I.14.027–036. To be highlighted already now, however, is a detail about the ship of Odysseus: the goddess Eris ‘Strife’, who is here the spirit of war personified, I.11.004, is shown standing on the deck of this beached ship, which is said to be located en messatōi ‘in the middlemost space’, I.11.006, and from here she projects her voice of divine authority, shouting mightily to all the Achaeans stationed at their own ships, I.11.005–014, and all the Achaeans stationed at all the beached ships can hear the divine voice—from the ship of Achilles at one extreme of the U-shaped bay all the way to the ship of Ajax at the other extreme, I.11.007–009. Then, Agamemnon too shouts to the Achaeans, I.11.015–016, and his royal voice is figured here as an extension of the divine voice emanating from the goddess Eris herself, I.11.005–014. Later, in the comment on I.18.587–589, there will be more to say about the klisiā ‘shelter’ of Achilles, mentioned here together with the klisiā of Ajax, I.11.007–008: it can be argued that Achilles frequents this ‘shelter’ not only as an epic hero in the time of the Trojan War but also, in post-heroic times, as a cult hero (HPC 153).

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In the ancient world, the description of this shield was interpreted by some as an allegory of the cosmos, analogous to the description of the Shield of Achilles at I.18.478–609. One such interpreter was Crates of Mallos, contemporary of Aristarchus. For background on Crates, see the comment on I.14.245–246–246a.

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The description of the helmet of Agamemnon here at I.11.041 is cognate with the description of the helmet of Athena at I.05.743.

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The description of the epic hero Aeneas here indicates that there were rituals honoring him as a cult hero, and it may be that such rituals of hero cult were linked with myths about what happened to him after death. See anchor comment for I.05.077–078.

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At I.11.078, the gods are said to hold Zeus aitios ‘responsible’, as expressed by the verb aitiân, derived from the adjective aitios, for the fact that the Trojans are now winning in the Trojan War while the Achaeans are losing. At I.11.079, this fact is attributed to the Will of Zeus: the god ‘wishes’ for this to happen, as expressed by the verb boulesthai ‘ wish, plan’.

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This narrative alludes to the epic deeds of Achilles in the region of Mount Ida. These deeds, taking place before the time dramatized in the Iliad, will be analyzed in another comment.

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The description of Hector here as comparable to the god Zeus himself with regard to mētis ‘mind, intelligence’ is an implicit affront to Athena, who is the divine personification of mētis. See the comments on I.06.286–311, I.07.017–061, I.08.538–541, and I.10.043–052.

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lemmatizing: ἔσπετε νῦν μοι Μοῦσαι Ὀλύμπια δώματ' ἔχουσαι

It has already been noted in the comment on I.02.484 that the Master Narrator tends to re-invoke the Muse or the Muses at special moments of poetic self-awareness about the need for high fidelity to tradition (see also Martin 1989:238). Such a moment is now at hand as Agamemnon the over-king is about to have his own moment of experiencing an ‘epic high point’. At such a moment, the Narrator must be ready to do his very best in recapturing that heroic experience. And, to express his readiness, the Narrator in all his self-awareness will now re-invoke the Muse or the Muses. In this context, the ‘I’ who is re-invoking the Muse(s) is meant to be seen as a re-enactment of ‘Homer’ himself, as originally enacted by the speaker who invokes the Muse at I.01.001 and at O.01.001.

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This narrative centers on the aristeiā ‘epic high point’ of Agamemnon in the Iliad. On aristeiā ‘epic high point’, see the comment on I.05.103.

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Even the most minor character in the Iliad—and the hero Iphidamas here is a striking example—is willing to die simply for the chance of getting included in the kleos ‘glory’ of the present performance, which is of course the Homeric Iliad itself. What makes the example of Iphidamas even more striking is that he is not even fighting on the Achaean side in this war.

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Here at I.11.288, Hector is boasting that Agamemnon, ‘the best man’, ho aristos, is now out of the picture. There is an irony built into the words of Hector, and this irony emerges from the context. The aristeiā ‘epic high point’ of Agamemnon in the Iliad, inaugurated in grand style when the Master Narrator invokes the Muses at I.11.218, does not go all that well for the high king. Early on in the fighting, he gets wounded in the hand, I.11.253. He tries to fight on, but the pain from the wound finally gets to him, I.11.268–272. The intensity of his pain is compared here to the birth-pangs experienced by a woman at the climax of her labor, I.11.269–271. Unable to withstand such pain any more, Agamemnon jumps back on the platform of his war chariot and orders his driver to drive him back to the safety of the beached ships of the Achaeans, I.11.273–274, shouting to his fellow warriors that they should now follow him in retreat and defend the ships, I.11.275–278, since, as he says, Zeus has not supported the ongoing offensive initiated by the Achaeans, I.11.278–279. So, the aristeiā ‘epic high point’ of Agamemnon has not exactly turned out to be a spectacular success. And Hector knows it. As the chariot of Agamemnon speeds this over-king away from the scene of battle, I.11.280–283, Hector notices, I.11.284, as expressed by the verb noeîn ‘take note’. It is in this context, then, that Hector says what he says at I.11.288: ‘the best man’, ho aristos, is now out of the picture. But of course the truly best of all the Achaeans is not yet in the picture.

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The description of Hector as īsos Arēi ‘equal to Ares’ here at I.11.295 is parallel to his being described as atalantos Arēi ‘equal to Ares’ at I.08.215. For Hector and in fact for any heroic warrior in the Iliad, even for generic warriors, the idea of being ‘equal to Ares’ is parallel to the idea of being a therapōn of Ares, where therapōn is to be understood in the deeper sense of ‘ritual substitute’. About this deeper sense, see the comment on I.02.110.

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Here at I.11.297, two verses after I.11.295, where Hector is described as īsos Arēi ‘equal to Ares’ (ἶσος Ἄρηϊ), the same Trojan hero is now further described as īsos aellēi ‘equal to a blast of wind’ (ἶσος ἀέλλῃ). This verse-final phrase īsos aellēi ‘equal to a blast of wind’ (ἶσος ἀέλλῃ) matches rhythmically the verse-final phrase īsos Arēi ‘equal to Ares’ (ἶσος Ἄρηϊ). Aside from the match in form, there is also a deep-seated match in meaning here between the phrases ‘equal to Ares’ and ‘equal to a blast of wind’, since the god of war is traditionally linked with violent winds. See the comment on I.05.430. Such a link is also attested in the cognate poetics of other Indo-European languages besides Greek: analysis in BA 334, 337.

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The onslaught of Hector and his Trojans against the Achaeans is pictured here as a violent blast of wind in a storm that churns up the sea, which is called the pontos here at I.11.298. This onslaught will threaten the safety of the beached ships of the Achaeans, and thus it will threaten the very survival of the Achaeans and even of all Greeks as notional descendants of the Achaeans. See further on the Battle for the Ships in the comment on I.01.320–348.

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In the words of Diomedes, the Will of Zeus is now in effect: the plan of the god is to give kratos ‘winning-power’ to the Trojans and to take it away from the Achaeans, I.11.319. In this verse, we see that Zeus ‘wishes’ for this to happen, as expressed by the verb boulesthai ‘want, wish, plan’. See also the comment on I.11.078–079, where boulesthai ‘wish, plan’ is already expressing the same idea. And, by taking kratos ‘winning-power’ away from the Achaeans, Zeus is giving them akhos ‘grief’ instead, on which see the comment on I.01.509.

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Diomedes and Odysseus agree to fight as a team, I.11.310–319. Diomedes throws a spear at Thumbraios, who is riding on a chariot and who gets knocked to the ground by the piercing wound, I.11.320–321. Then Odysseus symmetrically wounds with his own piercing spear-throw the charioteer of Thumbraios, Molion, who is described here as the therapōn of Thumbraios, I.11.322. Presumably, Molion too has been riding on the same chariot and gets knocked to the ground. Molion is not overtly called the hēni-okhos ‘chariot driver’ of Thumbraios, but the context shows that he is exactly that, the chariot driver. And, although Molion is the therapōn of Thumbraios, Molion does not get to “take the hit” for Thumbraios the chariot fighter, since that fighter is hit even before his driver is hit. So we see here an unexpected variation on the theme of the therapōn as ‘ritual substitute’ as well as ‘attendant’.

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In the words of Diomedes, Hector is a pēma ‘pain’ for the Achaeans, I.11.347. The pain that he inflicts on them is visualized by way of the verb kulindesthai ‘roll’ in this same verse, I.11.347. The comparison that is implied by this verb becomes explicit at I.13.136–142, where we will see the menacing image of a boulder that breaks off from mountainous heights overhead and starts rolling downward from above, ever increasing in speed as it nears ground zero: only when the boulder has reached a level plain does it finally stop ‘rolling’, as expressed by the verb kulindesthai at I.13.142 (see H24H 5§10). In the framing verses of I.13.136-142, this visualization of the menacing boulder that is rolling down from the heights above is being compared to Hector himself as he rushes toward the Achaeans. The same visualization is implicit in the use of the verb kulindesthai ‘roll’ at I.11.347, where Hector is pictured as a pēma ‘pain’ that is rushing toward his enemies. See also the comment on I.17.098–101, where the death of Patroklos is viewed retrospectively as a great pēma ‘pain’, I.17.099, that was sure to kulindesthai ‘roll’ down from the heights like some boulder and to crush anyone daring to attack a warrior who is being protected by a god. And the same visualization of a breakaway boulder is implicit also in the combination of pēma ‘pain’ with kulindesthai ‘roll’ at O.08.081 of the “micro-Iliad” that is narrated at O.08.072–083, which is the First Song of Demodokos. In this song, at O.08.081, the ‘beginning of the pain [pēma]’ is pictured at the very beginning of the overall narrative: the pēma ‘pain’ is starting to ‘roll’, as expressed again by way of kulindesthai, and we see further at O.08.082 that this pain will be rolling toward Trojans and Achaeans (=Danaans) alike. Ultimately, both sides in the Trojan War will feel the pain, and it is all because Zeus willed it to be this way: everything will happen the way it will happen ‘because of the plans [boulai] of Zeus’, O.08.082 (Διὸς μεγάλου διὰ βουλάς).

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The immediate context here shows that the therapōn ‘attendant, ritual substitute’ is a chariot driver. He is not named. Nor is he described explicitly as a hēni-okhos ‘chariot driver’, but that is what he is doing here—driving the chariot.

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Hector does not yet notice that Ajax is fighting on the right-hand side of the battleground since he, Hector, is at this moment fighting on the left-hand side, near the banks of the river Scamander. Although the perception is attributed to Hector here, the actual perspective is that of the Master Narrator, who consistently views the scene of chariot fighting from the Achaean point of view. In terms of this perspective, Hector is now fighting on the east side of the battleground while Ajax is fighting on the west side. The map of the battleground can be visualized on the cumulative basis of references, as here at I.11.497–500, to left-right positioning in descriptions of the fighting. What follows is an outline of the overall mapping. The Achaeans are encamped in the north and defending the Wall that separates them and their beached ships from the Trojans, who are attacking from the south. The river Scamander, flowing from the southeast toward the northwest and emptying into the Hellespont, separates Troy in the northeast from the encampment of the Achaeans in the northwest. Meanwhile, the Wall of the Achaeans separates their encampment and their ships in the northwest from the Trojans who are attacking the Wall from the south. The Achaeans built the Wall because the Trojans, emboldened by the momentum of Hector, have by now crossed over from the southeast side of the river Scamander to the southwest side, moving into the plain situated to the south of the Achaean Wall. So now this whole plain to the west of the Scamander has become a battleground for chariot fighting. Hector is fighting further to the east, staying close to the west bank of the Scamander, while Ajax is fighting further to the west.

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The wounding of a hero, as in the case of the wound suffered by the hero Makhaon here, can put a stop to his aristeiā ‘epic high point’. See also the comment on I.11.288. The verb aristeuein here at I.11.506 can be interpreted as meaning ‘have an epic high point’, and we see that the wounding of Makhaon has stopped him from having such a high point. For more on aristeuein, which can also be translated as ‘strive to be the best, to be aristos’, see the comment at I.07.092–169.

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The idea of ‘breathing out’ something called menos ‘mental power’ implies that such power was previously ‘breathed in’, that is, ‘breathed into’ the hero, by a divine force. Such a ‘breathing in’ happens for example at I.10.482: as it is pointed out in the comment on that verse, the goddess Athena is pictured there in the act of literally ‘breathing’, pneîn, into the hero Odysseus something called menos ‘mental power’. Here at I.11.508, the aggregate of warriors who are ‘breathing-out [pneîn] mental-power [menos]’ are the Achaeans viewed as a group; so also at I.03.008; by contrast, at I.02.536, the epithet applies to a sub-group, the Abantes.

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The epikouroi ‘allies’ of the Trojans are described as polu-ēgerées, which means not ‘consisting of many groups’ but ‘consisting of many different groups’. Compare also I.02.804, I.17.156, I.11.642.

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The perspective of Achilles in viewing from his shelter the scene of chariot warfare as narrated here is precisely coordinated with the overall visual mapping of the ongoing battle. See the comment at I.11.497–500.

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Achilles calls out to Patroklos, who now comes out of the shelter. At this moment Patroklos is described as īsos Arēi ‘equal to Ares’, and the very application of this epithet here to Patroklos dooms him to die as a ritual substitute for Ares as god of war. That is why the ominous remark is added: ‘and that was the beginning of his doom’ (κακοῦ δ' ἄρα οἱ πέλεν ἀρχή). Much later, when he is finally killed, Patroklos is described as atalantos Arēi ‘equal to Ares’, I.16.784. For Patroklos, however, the ritual substitution involves not only Ares who is the god of war for the generic warrior: it involves also the god Apollo as the divine antagonist of Achilles. In Iliad 16, the death of Patroklos as a ritual substitute will be marked not only by the epithet atalantos Arēi ‘equal to Ares’ at I.16.784 but also by the epithet daimoni īsos ‘equal to a superhuman-force [daimōn]’ at I.16.705 and at I.16.786. This daimōn ‘superhuman force’ will be Apollo, the divine antagonist of Achilles.

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Eurymedon here is explicitly called the therapōn of Nestor, functioning as the ‘attendant’ of the old hero: at this moment, Eurymedon is taking care of the horse team of Patroklos, who has just driven his chariot to the headquarters of Nestor as the old hero’s guest, I.11.618–622. That passage is analyzed in the context of comparable passages at I.04.227.

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The references at I.09.128–131 and at I.09.270–272 to the story about the conquest of the Aeolian island of Lesbos by Achilles are complemented by the reference here at I.11.624–627 to a story about the conquest of the Aeolian island of Tenedos by the same hero. At Lesbos, Achilles is said to have captured seven unnamed Aeolian women, I.09.128–131 / I.09.270–272. At Tenedos, he is said to have captured one particular Aeolian woman named Hekamede, who was thereafter allotted as a war-prize to Nestor I.11.624–627. And why was Nestor allotted this war-prize? Because Hekamede excelled in intelligence, signaled here by way of the word boulē, I.11.627. On the meaning of boulē in the specific sense of clever ‘planning’, see the comment on I.11.627 immediately after this comment. For the moment, however, the focus of interest is not on the matching of Nestor with Hekamede in terms of their shared intelligence but rather on the degrading of Hekamede as a captive woman. In the narrative at I.11.624–627, we can see how it all happened. After Achilles conquered Tenedos and captured Hekamede, what must have happened next is that he handed her over to his fellow Achaeans, who then acted as a group in alloting her as a war-prize to Nestor. Parallel is the story of the seven unnamed Aeolian captive woman who were captured by Achilles when he conquered the Aeolian island of Lesbos, as noted in the anchor comment at I.09.128–131 / I.09.270–272: again, Achilles must have handed over these seven unnamed Aeolian captive women to his fellow Achaeans, who then acted as a group in allotting them as war-prizes to Agamemnon. Also parallel are the stories of two other Aeolian captive women, Chryseis and Briseis, who were captured by Achilles when he conquered the cities of Thēbē and Lyrnessos respectively, as noted in the anchor comment at I.02.689–693: yet again, Achilles must have handed over these two Aeolian captive women to his fellow Achaeans, who then acted as a group in allotting them as war-prizes—to Agamemnon in the case of Chryseis and to Achilles himself in the case of Briseis. Yet another Aeolian captive woman is of course Andromache herself, who originated from the city of Thēbē: in this case, however, as noted in the anchor comment at I.09.128–131 / I.09.270–272, she is taken captive only after Troy is conquered by the Achaeans, who allot her as war-prize to Neoptolemos, son of Achilles, as we read in the Iliou Persis, attributed to Arctinus of Miletus, plot summary by Proclus p. 108 line 9 (ed. Allen 1912). See also anchor comment at I.02.689–694 on: Aeolian women in the Iliad, part 1 and anchor comment at I.09.128–131 / I.09.270–272 on: Aeolian women in the Iliad, part 2.

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The narrative here at I.11.624–626 refers to the epic deeds of Achilles on the Aeolian island of Tenedos. These deeds, taking place before the time dramatized in the Iliad, will be analyzed in the anchor comment that immediately follows, at I.11.624–627.

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The Aeolian captive woman Hekamede excels in intelligence, as does Nestor, and such excellence is expressed here by way of the noun boulē in the specific sense of ‘plan, planning’, that is, having an aptitude for cleverness in planning.

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Achilles is said here to be uncaring whether Hector sets fire to the ships of the Achaeans.

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This noun īs ‘force, violence, strength’ is a synonym of the noun biē.

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This noun īs ‘force, violence, strength’ is a synonym of the noun biē.

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In the course of this lengthy narrative, I.11.671-761, the idea of a ‘gate’ of the Sun is linked with Nestor’s Pylos and with the underworldly Pylos of I.05.397. See also the comment at I.05.395–404.

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See the comment on I.02.658.

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example of vestigial traces of -˘˘-˘˘-˘/--˘˘-˘˘-- (where / means that the ˘ before it and the - after it should be on top of each other, meaning that syllable could be either long or short)

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Homeric references to four-horse chariot teams are rare, indicative of Athenian agenda. See the comments on I.05.263–273 and I.08.185.

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At later points, at O.12.132 and at O.23.246, the links that connect phaethōn ‘shining’ as epithet of Helios with the names Phaethōn and Phaethousa will be examined.

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To ‘strive to be the best always’, that was the instruction of Peleus to his son Achilles, and this instruction is relevant to the title ‘best of the Achaeans’ as claimed by the figure of Achilles.

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Conventionally, the heroic superiority of Achilles is measured in terms of his biē ‘force, violence, strength’. See the comment on I.09.346–352.

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Here as well as earlier at I.08.220–227 and at I.11.005–016, also later at I.14.027–036, the headquarters of the Achaeans are said to be located at the same place where the ship of Odysseus is beached, on the shores of the south end of the bay of the Hellespont. It is here, next to the beached ship of Odysseus, that the Achaeans of the Iliad hold their assemblies and perform their sacrifices, as we see from the wording at I.11.807–808. Such a centerpoint, then, is not only topographical: it is also political—even sacral. And it is from here that the king Agamemnon shouts his speech of royal authority, as we saw at I.08.220–227. Likewise, it is from here that the goddess Eris ‘Strife’, who is the spirit of war personified, shouts at the Achaeans with her voice of divine authority at I.11.005–014, echoed by Agamemnon’s voice of royal authority at I.11.015–016. The location of this political and sacral centerpoint is the naustathmon ‘ship-station’ of the Achaeans according to Strabo 13.1.31–32 C595 (quoted at HPC 153) and 13.1.36 C598 (quoted at HPC 154), who equates such a station with something called the limēn ‘harbor’of the Achaeans’. But such a notion of ‘harbor’ is misleading from the standpoint of the Iliad. As noted in the comment on I.08.220–227, the ships of the Achaeans were not floating at anchor in the bay of the Hellespont: rather, they were beached along the shores of the bay.

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For Patroklos to picture here the devouring of heroes’ corpses by dogs is to show the intensity of his anxious feelings about the future.

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The description of Cheiron as dikaiotatos ‘most righteous’ among the Centaurs is relevant to the conflicted temperament of Achilles: from boyhood on, this hero has a savage streak, tempered by the civilizing power of the Centaur as his mentor.

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In the immediate context, only the surface meaning of therapōn as ‘attendant’ is evident.

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Leonard Muellner

in the discussion of the rationale of the classification of the attestations of eukhesthai + dative

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apoina as object of dekhesthai, in the context of analyzing I.18.499-500 (litigation scene on the Shield), and Corlu, Benveniste, and Chantraine

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in a list of passages exemplifying the complementary metrical distribution of eukhos and kudos

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examples of the identical contexts in which eukhos and kudos occur

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in a list of passages exemplifying the complementary metrical distribution of eukhos and kudos

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analysis of the application of isos Arēi (and variants) to heroes in their aristeiai

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analysis of the application of isos Arēi (and variants) to heroes in their aristeiai and of the use of isos aellēi/lailapi in these contexts

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in a list of passages exemplifying the complementary metrical distribution of eukhos and kudos

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analysis of the attestations of eukhesthai + aorist infinitive (and the series to which this verse belongs)

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anomaly of the formula in this verse, namely, the complement to eukhomai is not a noun (e.g. name of divinity) but a pronoun

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in a list of examples of eukhesthai + dative, and in a list of anomalous attestations (divergent inflection of eukhesthai, has a relative pronoun in dative instead of a noun, and not in ritual-narrative sub-genre)

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in a list of secular eukhesthai indicating direct speech (introducing speech, p. 89), and analysis of this verse as the exception to the restriction that speeches framed by (X) || kai eukhomenos epos ēuda or (Y) hōs ephat’ Argeioisi d’akhos genet’ euxamenoio are spoken by a warrior immediately after killing his enemy in single combat and for the particular formula in this verse that it is not spoken by a Greek (Paris on wounding Diomedes)

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in a list of occurrences of the figura etymologica ‘eukhomenos epos ēuda’ in Homeric Greek (in comparison of the figure in Indo-Iranian)

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analysis of eukhesthai as proud, contentious, and accurate statement about its speaker and how Paris’ use of it here is ironic and contrary to the heroic code

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analysis of I.11.379 as the exception to the restriction that speeches framed by (X) || kai eukhomenos epos ēuda or (Y) hōs ephat’ Argeioisi d’akhos genet’ euxamenoio are spoken by a warrior immediately after killing his enemy in single combat and for the particular formula in this verse that it is not spoken by a Greek (Paris on wounding Diomedes)

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analysis of I.11.379 as the exception to the restriction that speeches framed by (X) || kai eukhomenos epos ēuda or (Y) hōs ephat’ Argeioisi d’akhos genet’ euxamenoio are spoken by a warrior immediately after killing his enemy in single combat and for the particular formula in this verse that it is not spoken by a Greek (Paris on wounding Diomedes)

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analysis of section II attestations, i.e. secular eukhesthai reporting speech (absolute usage)

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in a list of secular eukhesthai reporting speech (absolute usage)

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in a list of passages exemplifying the complementary metrical distribution of eukhos and kudos, and analysis of the instance of eukhos in which kudos could fit the metric as well (as in this verse)

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examples of the identical contexts in which eukhos and kudos occur

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analysis of analysis of the instance of eukhos in which kudos could fit the metric as well, and whether to take eukhos in secular or sacral sense

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in a list of examples of formulas for introducing a speech by an eukhomenos warrior, which Paris’ name-epithet formulas do not fit (in the context of analyzing I.11.379)

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analysis of the application of isos Arēi (and variants) to heroes in their aristeiai (here, an exception, namely, Patroklos)

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switch from Dii patri to Dii t’alloisin te theoisin attested with a variation of the || (short OR two shorts) euxamenos Dii patri # formula which uses epeukhesthai instead of eukhesthai and transformation of the formula with present tense of eukhesthai in I.08.526, in the context of analyzing Allen’s text at I.08.526 vs. Zenodotus’s version of the verse

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in a list of examples of eukhesthai + dative (formulas which report prayers)

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analysis of the formulas with the three places where eukhesthai + dative has the shape eukh ˘ ˘ – [=short short long], as in this verse

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analysis of the application of isos Arēi (and variants) to heroes in their aristeiai and of the use of isos aellēi/lailapi in these contexts

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example of the freedom of eukhetaasthai as against the restrictions of eukhesthai (used with ‘man’ in dative)

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Richard Martin

The description of the stories exchanged between Makhaon and Nestor—"with muthoi they found pleasure narrating to one another" (11.642-43)—shows muthoi as lengthy storytelling: the imperfect tense reinforces the perception of this, and the narrative shows the pair still drinking as Book 14 opens. A translation of muthos as "story" accords with its definition as an authoritative speech-act performed in detail. The only unusual feature distinguishing the muthoi in Nestor's tent is their nonpublic performance (Martin 1993:39).

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The advice that Patroklos is to deliver to Achilles is designated a pukinon epos: "tell him well a pukinon epos and instruct and give him directions" (11.788-89). This kind of discourse is language one can personally "keep"—or fail to keep, as is the case when Patroklos forgets Achilles' personal warning (16.686-87): "If he had guarded the epos of the son of Peleus, he would have fled the evil fate of black death." (Martin 1993:35).

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Zeus' promise through Iris to Hektor at 11.186-94 combines directive with explicit promise: he orders Hektor to retreat a short way (11.189), then promises killing strength to the hero (11.192). Furthermore, at the conclusion of this command, Zeus sets exact limitations on the action: Hektor will be allowed to win, but only until he reaches the Achaean ships (11.193-94). This shows Zeus' power to create nuance and give verbal texture to his directives, achieved by repetition and synonymity. There is an additional irony in the promise at 11.191-94: it contains elements of prediction—"the strength will come when struck by spear or hit by arrow he leaps to his horse"—and since predictions are constatives in speech-act terms while commands are directives, this correlation appears puzzling. But in Zeus' language, commands, threats, and predictions comprise one category; the mere speaking of a promise by Zeus is effective, the equivalent of action. Yet the time-frame of divine speech differs radically from that of its divine addressees: Hektor does not receive strength to reach the ships on the day that Zeus promised. His surge occurs later (Martin 1993:52-53).

For the ideal of Zeus' muthos commands, see the comment on Iliad 8.5-27.

References

Martin, R. P. 1993. The Language of Heroes: Speech and Performance in the Iliad. Ithaca.

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Even in his long reminiscence during his final muthos of command, Nestor depicts himself as an authority (11.781-90). He frames the speech to Patroklos on the basis of his own biography, and within the speech alludes to a previous rhetorical success—the original recruitment of Patroklos and Achilles for the war. Although Odysseus was also present in Phthia that day, it was Nestor (so he says) who "began the muthos" (11.781). The formulaic variation here, to the rarer use of the singular of the word for speech, might imply that Nestor's performance did not face any counter-speeches. Nestor selects the one detail from the alleged "instructions" of Peleus that contrasts most with his own recapitulation of advice by Patroklos' father, suggesting that the companion of Achilles should instruct and guide him (11.786-90). The older man uses his muthos to praise Patroklos, thereby constructing an image of the role he is supposed to play. As with Zeus' speeches to Hera and Thetis in Book 24, Homer has supplied enough detail to make an audience appreciate the possibilities for fictional presentation within authoritative speechmaking (Martin 1993:61-62).

For the broader analysis of Nestor as master of the memory genre, see the comment on Iliad 1.259-274.

References

Martin, R. P. 1993. The Language of Heroes: Speech and Performance in the Iliad. Ithaca.

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Nestor's recollection of his initiatory raid on Elis (11.677-83, 696-705) provides the clearest example of the "raiding boast" genre in the Iliad, against which Achilles' speech in Book 9 can be measured. The raiding boast genre features several topics: who took what from whom; what were the precise gains; what division of spoils was made later. Nestor recounts the circumstances of his people's raid, justifying it by citing the abuses suffered by the Pylians (hēmeas hubrizontes, 11.695); his father took part of the spoils from the raid to recompense himself (heileto, exelet', 697, 704) and gave out the rest for equal distribution (705-6). Achilles mentions all these details, but in his view a raid has been carried out against himself: Agamemnon has taken advantage (ephubrizōn, 9.368), like the men of Elis he has selected certain things (9.335-36) and distributed the rest unequally (9.333-34). In sum, Achilles uses the conventions normal for speaking about one's relations with outsiders when he talks about his own commander. A familiar speech genre is redeployed for new effect, and Achilles appears as a skillful manipulator of the conventional, a rhetorician (Martin 1993:172-73).

For the broader analysis of Achilles' speech, see the comment on Iliad 9.307-429.

References

Martin, R. P. 1993. The Language of Heroes: Speech and Performance in the Iliad. Ithaca.

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When the poet describes the death of Iphidamas at Agamemnon's hands (11.243), the tone is that of the most haunting of Homeric obituaries: resigned, factual, yet tense with restrained emotion. The victim "fell and slept the bronze-hard sleep, pitiable man, away from young wedded wife, fighting for his townsmen—the wife, from whom he had no joy, though he had given much" (kouridiēs, hēs ou ti kharin ide, polla d' edōke). Here, as often, kharis signifies both pleasure and reciprocal giving, reciprocity itself being a "pleasure" in the world of Homeric epic and a sign that the cosmos is operating properly. Iphidamas is cut off from ever getting return on investment as much as he is cut off from the sweetness of a young wife, and the poet grieves for both losses. It is with this dual meaning of the word that one should approach the ending of 9.316, ouk ara tis kharis ēen. Achilles' words echo the poet's voice. Through his use of the abstract noun, the personal gripe about lack of payment grows into an elegiac statement of universal human lack (Martin 1993:213-14).

For the related uses of the kharis motif in Glaukos' speech (17.142-68) and its comparison with Achilles' use, see the comment on Iliad 9.315-316.

References

Martin, R. P. 1993. The Language of Heroes: Speech and Performance in the Iliad. Ithaca.

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