Homer Iliad 2.419

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Iliad. Homer. Boston. 1870.

Current edition Experimental

English (William Cullen Bryant, 1870) (OCR draft) (English) (English (William Cullen Bryant, 1870))

Provisional text from uncorrected OCR; expect errors.

Editions (1)
Ἰλιάς Perseus (Homer. Homeri Opera, Volumes 1-2. Monro, D. B. (David Binning), editor; Allen, Thomas W. (Thomas William), editor. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1908-1920.) — 2.419 focus
Translations (8)
Iliad Perseus (Homer. The Iliad, Volume 1-2. Murray, A. T. (Augustus Taber), translator. London: William Heinmann; New York: G.P. Putnam's Sons, 1924-1925.) — 2.419 focus
Iliad Perseus (Homer. The Iliad of Homer, rendered into English prose for the use of those who cannot read the original. Butler, Samuel, 1835-1902, translator. London: Longmans, Green, and Co, 1898.) — 2.400 focus
English (Butler, rev. Nagy et al., 2020) (OCR draft) Experimental (English (Butler, rev. Nagy et al., 2020)) — 2.419 focus
Thus he prayed, but the son of Kronos would not fulfill his prayer. [420] He accepted the sacrifice, yet none the less increased their toil [ ponos] continually. When they had done praying and sprinkling the barley-meal upon the victim, they drew back its head, killed it, and then flayed it. They cut out the thigh-bones, wrapped them round in two layers of fat, and set pieces of raw meat on the top of them. [425] These they burned upon the split logs of firewood, but they spitted the innards, and held them in the flames to cook. When the thigh-pieces were burned, and they had tasted the innards, they cut the rest up small, put the pieces upon spits, roasted them till they were done, and drew them off; [430] then, when they had finished their work [ ponos] and the feast was ready, they ate it, and every man had his full share, so that all were satisfied. As soon as they had had enough to eat and drink, Nestor, charioteer of Gerenia, began to speak. “King Agamemnon,” said he, [435] “let us not stay talking here, nor be slack in the work that the gods have put into our hands. Let the heralds summon the bronze-armored people to gather at their several ships; we will then go about among the army of warriors, [440] that we may begin fighting at once.”
English (Alexander Pope, 1720, ed. Watson, 1857) (OCR draft) Experimental (English (Alexander Pope, 1720, ed. Watson, 1857)) — 2.419 focus
Thus pray'd the chief: his unavailing prayer
Great Jove refus'd, and toss'd in empty air:
The god, averse, while yet the fumes arose,
500
Prepar'd new toils, and doubled woes on woes.
Their prayers perform'd, the chiefs the rites pursue,
The barley sprinkled, and the victim slew.
The limbs they sever from th' enclosing hide,
The thighs, selected to the gods, divide.
505
On these, in double cauls involved with art,
The choicest morsels lie from every part.
From the cleft wood the crackling flames aspire,
While the fat victim feeds the sacred fire.
The thighs thus sacrific'd and entrails dress'd,
510
Th' assistants part, transfix, and roast the rest;
Then spread the tables, the repast prepare,
Each takes his seat, and each receives his share.
Soon as the rage of hunger was suppress'd,
The generous Nestor thus the prince address'd:
515
English (Thomas Hobbes, 1667, ed. Molesworth 1843) (OCR draft) Experimental (English (Thomas Hobbes, 1667, ed. Molesworth 1843)) — 2.419 focus
English (George Chapman, 1611, ed. Hooper 1857) (OCR draft) Experimental (English (George Chapman, 1611, ed. Hooper 1857)) — 2.419 focus
English (William Cowper, 1791, ed. Southey) (OCR draft) Experimental (English (William Cowper, 1791, ed. Southey)) — 2.419 focus
English (F. W. Newman, 1856) (OCR draft) Experimental (English (F. W. Newman, 1856)) — 2 focus

New Alexandria Commentaries

Douglas Frame

discussion of the singularity of the Athenian entry in the Catalogue of Ships and comparison with other entries (here, Orkhomenos)

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discussion of the singularity of the Athenian entry in the Catalogue of Ships and comparison with other entries (here, Euboea)

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discussion of the temple of Athena and Erechtheus in Athens and the latter’s removal from it so that it was only Athena Polias’, and the passage, correctly understood, as presupposing that the shrine of Erechtheus was separate from the temple of Athena

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discussion of the temple of Athena and Erechtheus in Athens and the latter’s removal from it so that it was only Athena Polias’, and the passage as reflecting the state of affairs after Erechtheus had taken over Poseidon’s shrine

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the passage as reflecting Erechtheus birth from Earth instead of from Athena

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discussion of Erechtheus temple and yearly sacrifices

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discussion of evidence for Athena and Erechtheus as a pair, and this passage from the Catalogue of Ships as reflecting later circumstances than O.07.078-081

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discussion of relationship of Athena (Polias) and Erechtheus, and contrast with their representation in O.07

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comment on Erechtheus epithet megalētōr as one used only of heroic warriors (to convey the warlike nature of Athenians)

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discussion of interpreting the temple mentioned as Erechtheus’, not Athena’s

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comment on Erechtheus’ relocation as described in terms of Athena’s own primordial act, and as reflecting their new cult relationship

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discussion of the different versions of Erectheus’ myth and Athena’s role in the newer version as given in the Catalogue of Ships

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comment dios thugatēr as Athena’s epithet here as marking her as a war goddess, not the old Athenian mother goddess (to convey the warlike nature of Athenians)

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comment on Athena as kourotrophos as compatible with her virginity and how her larger role as a mother goddess is limited here

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comment on interpreting eō en pioni nēō as “in his own rich temple” (i.e. Erechtheus’ as opposed to Athena’s)

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comment on the ambiguity of the pronouns (his or her temple) and how the passage does therefore not openly conflict with the old situation between Erechtheus and Athena

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discussion of relationship of Athena (Polias) and Erechtheus, and contrast with their representation in O.07

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comment on the ambiguity of the pronouns (his or her temple) and how the passage does therefore not openly conflict with the old situation between Erechtheus and Athena

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comparison of sacrifices to Poseidon Erechtheus in Euripides and Iliad

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comparison of this passage on sacrifices to Erechtheus with Hymn to Demeter 259-267 (cult of Demophoon)

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arguments that only parts of the Athenian catalogue have an Athenian origin

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analysis of the Athenian entry in the Catalogue of Ships as conveying the warlike nature of the Athenians

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arguments that only parts of the Athenian catalogue have an Athenian origin

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alleged interpolations in the Catalogue of the Ships in antiquity and the Megarians alternative version with no mention of Athens

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on the Athenian forgery in support of Athens’ claim to Salamis

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on Solon’s alleged addition to the Catalogue of Ships to support Athens’ claim to Salamis and taking Homeric poems literally in matters of geography and politics in antiquity

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attribution of the interpolation in the Catalogue of Ships to both Solon and Peisistratos

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alleged interpolations in the Catalogue of Ships in antiquity

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Gregory Nagy

The narrative of Rhapsody 2 now follows up on the dire consequences of the quarrel between Achilles and Agamemnon as narrated in Rhapsody 1. Achilles has already withdrawn from the war because of his anger. So, now that this greatest hero of the Achaeans is out of the picture, what will happen next? How will the absence of Achilles affect the story of the Trojan War? Many new doubts and fears set in, and the resolve of the Achaeans is harshly tested. There is negative talk, and there are omens. Thus the story of the Trojan War, as told and retold countless times in the distant past, must now be retold yet again, and Rhapsody 2 will set the terms for the retelling still to come. For setting the terms, Rhapsody 2 will need a new Catalogue of Ships, now happening in the tenth year of the war, as a replacement for any old Catalogue that would have logically happened already in the first year. This new Catalogue is of course not really new: rather, it is the oldest possible Catalogue that is now being renewed for the newest possible retelling of the Trojan War, reconsidered in the glaring light of the grim consequences facing the Achaeans now that Achilles has withdrawn from the war. With these consequences in view, the Catalogue will reassess all the Achaean heroes involved in the Trojan War. Of special interest will be the role of Protesilaos, who had been the first Achaean to die in the war, as a model for Achilles. As the Master Narrator notes most ruefully, Protesilaos is now terribly missed by his fellow warriors. So too will Achilles be missed.

draft js image errorOn the reverse side of the coin: Inscription: ΘΗΒΑΙΩΝ. Pictured: the Greek hero Protesilaos, the first Achaean to step on Trojan soil and, according to the myth, the first to die in the Trojan War. The myth is retold in Iliad 2.695–709.

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Here is the first Iliadic occurrence of the epithet ozos Arēos, which can be translated generally as ‘attendant of Ares’. The application of this epithet to a hero indicates that such a hero, as a warrior, is destined to become a ritual substitute for the war-god Ares. See the anchor comment at I.12.188.

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The name of the goddess Athena and the name of the citadel of Athens were originally the same, as we see from O.07.078–081.

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|546 Οἳ δ' ἄρ’ Ἀθήνας εἶχον ἐϋκτίμενον πτολίεθρον |547 δῆμον Ἐρεχθῆος μεγαλήτορος, ὅν ποτ’ Ἀθήνη |548 θρέψε Διὸς θυγάτηρ, τέκε δὲ ζείδωρος ἄρουρα, |549 κὰδ δ’ ἐν Ἀθήνῃς εἷσεν ἑῷ ἐν πίονι νηῷ· |550 ἔνθα δέ μιν ταύροισι καὶ ἀρνειοῖς ἱλάονται |551 κοῦροι Ἀθηναίων περιτελλομένων ἐνιαυτῶν· |552 τῶν αὖθ’ ἡγεμόνευ’ υἱὸς Πετεῶο Μενεσθεύς.

|546 And there were those who held Athens [Athênai], well-founded city |547 which was the district [dēmos of Erekhtheus], the one with the mighty heart, whom once upon a time Athena [Athḗnē] |548 nourished, daughter of Zeus, but the grain-giving earth gave birth to him. |549 And she [= Athena] established him in Athens [Athênai], in her own rich temple. |550 There he is supplicated, with sacrifices of bulls and rams, |551 by the young men of Athens, each time the seasonal moment comes round. |552 And their [= the Athenians’] leader was Menestheus, son of Peteoos.

Pictured here is the installation of the hero Erekhtheus within the sacred precinct of the goddess Athena in Athens.

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Although Erekhtheus here is born of the goddess Gaia as ‘Mother Earth’, he is nursed by the goddess Athena. This division of labor between Gaia and Athena is signaled by the verb trephein ‘nourish, nurse’, revealing a pattern of differentiation between older and newer concepts of a mother goddess. In terms of an older concept, an autochthonous hero would be both born of and nursed by a mother goddess, visualized primarily as the Earth. We may compare the wording in Plato Menexenus 237b on Mother Gaia, ‘the one who gave birth, nourished [trephein], and accepted [them] into her care’ (τῆς τεκούσης καὶ θρεψάσης καὶ ὑποδεξαμένης), with reference to the Athenians as her autochthonous children. See HTL 161, with bibliography.

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For the first time in the Iliad, we see here the epithet Dios thugatēr (/ thugatēr Dios) ‘daughter of Zeus’, applied in this case to the goddess Athena. This epithet is also applied to other goddesses, most notably to Aphrodite. See the anchor comment at I.03.374.

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The word homoios ‘similar to, same as, used in comparisons, is essential for understanding the semantics of relativism as well as absolutism in Homeric diction. See the anchor comment at I.05.441.

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Tradition has it that the Athenian statesman Solon once cited these verses in the context of a territorial dispute between the city-states of Athens and Megara. Such a tradition shows that myths were used as juridical evidence. Especially useful were myths mediated by prestigious forms of poetry like the Homeric Iliad. In earlier phases of Homeric poetry when this medium could still be described as a living oral tradition, any verses that would commonly be recognized as part of this poetry could thereby become acceptable as a form of proof in arguing a territorial claim. In later phases of Homeric poetry, however, when it was no longer a living oral tradition, antiquarians were prone to interpret verses once cited in territorial disputes as interpolations promoted by those whose political interests were served by tampering with the textual transmission of Homeric poetry.

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The narrative as presented here is significantly different from the corresponding narrative as presented in Hesiod F 204.44–51.

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Leonard Muellner

analysis of en-poiein not as ‘interpolate’ but as make poetry fit inside poetry that has already been made and as integral to the making of Homeric poetry

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comment on interpreting eō en pioni nēō as “in his own rich temple” (i.e. Erechtheus’ as opposed to Athena’s)

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comment on interpreting eō en pioni nēō as “in his own rich temple” (i.e. Erechtheus’ as opposed to Athena’s)

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analysis of the application of ilaos (and cognates) to gods (and heroes) with mēnis, here to Erechtheus and Achilles in the Iliad

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analysis of the application of ilaos (and cognates) to gods (and heroes) with mēnis, here to Erechtheus and Achilles in the Iliad

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comparison of this passage on sacrifices to Erechtheus with Hymn to Demeter 259-267 (cult of Demophoon)

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alleged interpolations in the Catalogue of the Ships in antiquity and the Megarians alternative version with no mention of Athens

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alleged interpolations in the Catalogue of Ships in antiquity

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alleged interpolations in the Catalogue of Ships in antiquity

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