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[1] Yesterday we forgot, it seems, to remark that the age of Alexander had the good fortune to produce both many artistic achievements and many men of great talent. Perhaps, however, this was not part of Alexander’s good fortune, but rather that of the artists, to have obtained as witness and spectator of their achievements the man who was both best able to judge of their success and to reward them most liberally. At any rate, it is said that, when Archestratus, a poet of a later age, who, though an accomplished writer, was passing his days in poverty and neglect, someone remarked to him, If you had been born in Alexander’s time, for every verse he would have given you a Cyprus or a Phoenicia. And I think that the foremost of the artists of that age became so, not because they lived in Alexander’s day, but through what Alexander did for them. For a good climate and a lightness of the surrounding air produces a bountiful harvest; and likewise the favour, esteem, and benignity shown by a king evokes a rich increase in the arts and in men of talent. And, conversely, through jealousy and parsimony or emulous rivalry on the part of monarchs all artistic production is quenched and perishes.

Thus the despot Dionysius,¹ as the story goes, while listening to a celebrated harper, engaged to give him a talent.² Next day, when the man asked for the fulfilment of the promise, Dionysius said, Yesterday I was delighted with your performance, and during the time that you were singing I also delighted you with hopes! The result is that at that very time you were receiving full pay for the pleasure you gave by having your pleasure too! Alexander,³ the tyrant of Pherae (this last should be his only appellation; he should not be permitted to disgrace the name of Alexander), as he watched a tragic actor, felt himself much moved to pity through enjoyment of the acting. He jumped up, therefore, and left the theatre at a rapid pace, exclaiming that it would be a dreadful thing, if, when he was slaughtering so many citizens, he should be seen to weep over the sufferings of Hecuba and Polyxena. And he came near visiting punishment upon the actor because the man had softened his heart, as iron in the fire.

Archelaüs⁴ was thought to be somewhat niggardly in his favours, and Timotheus liked to hint at this by often chanting this refrain:

Over the earth-born silver you rave.

But Archelaüs, with some wit, chanted in reply:

That, however, is what you crave.

Ateas, the Scythian king, took the flute-player Ismenias captive, and ordered him to play at a banquet. The rest were delighted, and applauded, but Ateas swore his horse’s neighing was sweeter to his ear.⁵ So far from the Muses’ habitation did he allow his ears to dwell, and his soul he kept in the mangers,better attuned to hear, not horses’ neigh,but asses’ bray! At the court of monarchs such as these what advancement or esteem could there be for Art, or for Poetry and Music of excellence? Nor, again, could artistic endeavour flourish at the court of those who wish to be rival performers in these arts, and thus through malice and ill-will suppress the true artists. Such a prince was Dionysius (to use him again as an example), who threw the poet Philoxenus⁶ into the stone-quarries; for when Dionysius ordered him to correct a tragedy of his, Philoxenus cancelled the whole piece from the very beginning to the final flourish.⁷

Philip also was in these matters somewhat more petty and childish than became him, since he had acquired his knowledge late in life. Thus they tell the tale that Philip⁸ once argued with a certain harp-player about the technique of his instrument, and even thought he was confuting the man; but the harp-player smiled gently and said, God forbid, your Majesty, that you should ever fall so low as to know more of these matters than I.

[2] But Alexander, knowing well in what matters he should be merely a spectator and listener, and in what he should play the chief role, trained himself always to be formidable in arms, and. in the words of Aeschylus,⁹

Sturdy contender in arms, baleful to all that oppose.

This art he inherited from his ancestors, the Aeacidae, and from Heracles¹⁰; but upon the other arts he freely bestowed honour without jealousy according to their worth and artistic excellence; but he was not so easily carried away by the pleasure they give him as to try to imitate them. The tragic actors of his time were the group that centred about Thettalus and Athenodorus.¹¹ At the contest of these two, the kings of Cyprus defrayed the expenses of the performance and Alexander’s most celebrated generals served as judges. When Athenodorus won, I would rather, said Alexander, have lost half my kingdom than see Thettalus defeated. However, he did not intercede with the judges nor find fault with the judgement, since he felt that, while he must be superior to all men, yet he must submit to Justice.

The comic actors of his time were the group that centred about Lycon of Scarpheia.¹² When Lycon inserted in one of his comedies a begging verse, Alexander laughed and gave him ten talents.

Various harp-players also were his friends, among them Aristonicus,¹³ who came to Alexander’s aid in a certain battle, and was slain fighting gloriously. Therefore Alexander ordered to be made and set up at Delphi a bronze statue of him, with lyre in hand and spear advanced; thereby he not only honoured this particular man, but also paid tribute to Music herself, in the belief that she is a creator of true men and, in particular, that she filis with inspiration and impetuousness those who are truly her fosterchildren. For once Upon a time, when Antigenides was playing on his flute the Chariot Song,¹⁴ Alexander became so transported, and his spirit so inflamed by the strains, that he leapt up and laid hands upon the weapons that lay near, and thus confirmed the testimony of the Spartans who used to sing,¹⁵

The noble playing of the lyre is meet to match the sword.

Apelles the painter and Lysippus the sculptor also lived in the time of Alexander. The former painted Alexander wielding the Thunderbolt¹⁶ so vividly and with so natural an expression, that men said that, of the two Alexanders, Alexander, son of Philip, was invincible, but the Alexander of Apelles was inimitable. And when Lysippus¹⁷ modelled his first statue of Alexander which represented him looking up with his face turned towards the heavens (as indeed Alexander often did look, with a slight inclination of his head to one side¹⁸),someone engraved these verses¹⁹ on the statue, not without some plausibility,

Eager to speak seems the statue of bronze, up to Zeus as it gazes:

Earth I have set under foot: Zeus, keep Olympus yourself!

Wherefore Alexander gave orders that Lysippus²⁰ only should make statues of him. For Lysippus was, it seemed, the only one that revealed in the bronze Alexander’s character and in moulding his form portrayed also his virtues. The others wished to imitate the flexing of his neck and the melting and liquid softness of his eyes, but were unable to preserve his virile and leonine expression.

Among the other artists at his court was Stasicrates²¹ the master-sculptor, not seeking to make something flowery or pleasant or lifelike to look upon, but employing a magnificence in workmanship and design worthy of a king’s munificence. He followed Alexander into Asia and found fault with the paintings, sculptures, and moulded likenesses that had been made of him, on the ground that they were the works of timid and ignoble artists. But I, your Majesty, said he, have conceived the project of placing your likeness in living and imperishable material, with roots that are everlasting and weight immovable and unshakable. For Mount Athos in Thrace, in that part where is its highest and most conspicuous summit, has well-proportioned surfaces and heights, limbs and joints and proportions that suggest the human form. When it has been properly carved and worked into shape, it can be called Alexander’s statue, and Alexander’s statue it will be; with its base set in the sea, in its left hand it will encompass and hold a city peopled with ten thousand inhabitants, and with its right pour from a bowl of libation an ever-flowing river down into the sea. But as for gold and bronze, ivory, wooden timbers, and dyes,²² which make those paltry images that can be bought and sold, stolen, or melted down, let us reject them all! Alexander listened to his words and admired but declined with thanks the lofty designs and the boldness of the artist. But, said he, let Athos remain as it is. It is enough that it be the memorial of the arrogance of one king²³; but my imprint the Caucasus shall show and the Emodian²⁴ range and the Tanaïs and the Caspian Sea; these will be the image of my deeds.

[3] But imagine, pray, that such a work had been completed and made evident to men’s eyes. Is there anyone who could look upon it and suppose that the form, the arrangement, and the appearance were created by Fortune and Accident? No one, I think. What of Apelles’ Wielder of the Thunderbolt?²⁵ What of the statue which takes its name from the Spear?²⁶ Shall we admit, then, that greatness in a statue cannot, without the help of Art,²⁷ be created by Fortune’s profuse provision of gold and bronze and ivory and much rich material, but is it possible that a great man, or rather the greatest man of all that have ever lived, without the help of Virtue, was perfected through Fortunes supplying him with arms and money, foot and horse? But for him who has not learned how to use these things they are a danger, not a strength and enrichment, but a means of proving his weakness and pettiness. For Antisthenes was right when he said,²⁸ We should pray that our enemies be provided with all good things, except courage; for thus these good things will belong, not to their owners, but to those that conquer them. Therefore they say that Nature also for defence has caused horns, wonderful for their size and jagged points, to grow upon the deer, the most cowardly of all animals; and therein does Nature teach us that strength and arms are of no benefit to such as have not the courage to stand their ground. Thus also Fortune, by frequently bestowing on cowards and fools military forces and dominions, in which they disgrace themselves, emblazons and commends Virtue as the one quality that constitutes the greatness and beauty of man. For if indeed, as Epicharmus²⁹ says,

Mind has sight and Mind has hearing;

but

All things else are deaf and blind;

then it happens that these are really lacking in reason. For our perceptive faculties seem to respond to their own special stimuli; but the fact that it is mind which aids us and mind which emblazons our deeds, and it is mind that conquers and overpowers and plays the monarch, and that all things else, since they are blind and deaf and soulless, mislead and burden and disgrace their possessors, if Virtue be not present,³⁰ is a truth which may be gleaned from history.

Now of the two monarchs Semiramis and Sardanapalus, in whose hands were placed the same power and dominion, Semiramis,³¹ though a woman, equipped great expeditions, armed her ranks, established the Babylonian Empire, and sailed about the Persian Gulf subduing the Ethiopians and Arabs. But Sardanapalus,³² though born a man, spent his days at home carding purple wool, sitting with his knees drawn up in front of him among his concubines; and when he died, they made a stone statue of him dancing in a barbaric fashion and apparently snapping its fingers above its head. They engraved upon it: Eat, drink, and sport with love; all else is naught.³³

When Crates³⁴ saw a golden statue of Phrynê the courtesan standing at Delphi, he cried out that it stood there as a monument to Greek licentiousness; and thus if one examine either the life or the tomb of Sardanapalus (for I think there is no difference between them), one would say that they are a monument to the bounty of Fortune. But if this be so, shall we allow Fortune to lay hold upon Alexander after Sardanapalus, and to lay claim to Alexander’s greatness and power? For what greater gift did she bestow on him than those which other monarchs received at her hands: arms, horses, missiles, money, guardsmen? Let Fortune endeavour to make an Aridaeus³⁵ great by these, if she can, or an Ochus or Oarses³⁶ or Tigranes the Armenian, or the Bithynian Nicomedes. Of these Tigranes³⁷ cast down his crown before the feet of Pompey and ignominiously received back his kingdom, which had become the spoil of war. But Nicomedes³⁸ shaved his head and put on the freedman’s cap and proclaimed himself an emancipated slave of the Roman people.

[4] Shall we say, then, that Fortune makes men petty, timid, and abject in spirit? Yet it is not right for anyone to charge baseness to misfortune, or courage and intelligence to good fortune; but Fortune was magnified by Alexander’s reign, for in him she was illustrious, invincible, magnanimous, inoffensive, and humane. Then, immediately after Alexander’s decease, Leosthenes³⁹ said that his forces, as they wandered here and there and fell foul of their own efforts, were like the Cyclops after his blinding, groping about everywhere with his hands, which were directed at no certain goal; even thus did that vast throng roam about with no safe footing, blundering through want of a leader. Or rather, in the manner of dead bodies, after the soul departs, when they are no longer held together by natural forces, but undergo dispersion and dissolution, and finally are dissipated and disappear altogether; even so Alexander’s forces, having lost him, maintained a gasping, agitated, and fevered existence through men like Perdiccas, Meleager, Seleucus, and Antigonus, who, as it were, provided still a warm breath of life and blood that still pulsed and circulated. But at length the host wasted away and perished, generating about itself maggots, as it were, of ignoble kings and rulers in their last death-struggle. This, then, it is likely that Alexander himself meant when he rebuked Hephaestion⁴⁰ for quarrelling with Craterus: What said he, will be your power and your achievements if someone deprive you of Alexander? Rut I, for my part, shall not hesitate to say this very thing to the Fortune that presided over Alexander’s career: What is your greatness or your repute? Where is your power or your invincibility, if someone deprive you of Alexander? That is to say, If someone deprive you of your skill in arms, your munificent use of riches, your self-restraint in expending them, your boldness against your foes in battle, your mildness toward the vanquished? Make another great, if you can; but one that shall not be generous with his substance, nor court danger in the front ranks, nor give honour to his friends, nor feel pity for his captives, nor be temperate in his pleasures, nor sleepless in crises, nor placable in his victories, nor humane amid his successes. What man is great in the exercise of power, if folly and wickedness attend him? Take away virtue from the fortunate man and in everything he is petty; in acts of generosity, through parsimony; in hard tasks, through softness; in religion, through superstition; towards the good, through envy; among men, through cowardice; among women, through wantonness. Just as inexpert artisans, who construct large pedestals for petty offerings, make the smallness of the offerings noticeable, so Fortune, whenever she elevates a petty character by acts that have a certain pomp and circumstance, makes the more conspicuous and disgraceful the blundering and instability that result from a shallow character.

[5] Wherefore greatness lies, not in the possession of good things, but in our use of them, since even infant children inherit their fathers’ kingdoms and dominions, even as Charillus,⁴¹ whom Lycurgus carried in his swaddling-clothes into the common dining-hall and proclaimed king of Sparta in place of himself. Assuredly it was not the child who was great, but he who surrendered to the child its paternal rights, and did not keep them for himself nor take them away.

But who could have made Aridaeus⁴² great, whom, differing no whit from a child, only that his swaddlingclothes were royal purple, Meleager set on the throne of Alexander? And indeed it was well that he did so, that for a few days it might be observed how it is that men rule by right of virtue and how by gift of Fortune. For in succession to a real competitor for sovereignty Meleager introduced a mere actor, or rather, did a mute figure wearing a crown parade across the stage, as it were, of the inhabited world.

Even a woman can carry a burden if a man impose it upon her.⁴³

Conversely, however, one might affirm that it lies within the strength of even a woman or a child to take up and impose the gifts of power and wealth and sovereignty. The eunuch Bagoas⁴⁴ took up the kingship of Persia and bestowed it upon Oarses and Darius.⁴⁵ But the ability to sustain and administer great authority when one has once received it, and not to be crushed or turned from ones purpose by the weight and the magnitude of one’s activities, is the mark of a man who possesses virtue, sense, and intelligence. This virtue Alexander possessed, whom some accuse of drunkenness and a passion for wine I Rut he was truly a great man, for in his conduct of affairs he was sober, nor was he made drunk nor led to revelling by authority and power; but others, when they get but a small portion, or even a taste, of power are unable to control themselves:

Bad men, when gorged with wealth, or chancing on

Some honours in the State, caper and prance

When luck, unhoped for, to their house has come.⁴⁶

Cleitus,⁴⁷ when he had scuttled three or four Greek triremes at Amorgos, caused himself to be proclaimed Poseidon and carried a trident. Demetrius, to whom Fortune added the little that she was able to subtract from Alexander’s power, allowed himself to be called The Heaven-descended,⁴⁸ and the subject states did not send ambassadors to him, but Sacred Deputies, and his replies they spoke of as Oracles. Lysimacho, who obtained possession of the regions adjoining Thrace, the mere outskirts of the kingdom of Alexander, as it were, reached such a pitch of arrogance and boldness as to say, The Byzantines now come to me when I am touching Heaven with my spear. But Pasiades of Byzantium, who was present, said, Let us be off, lest he make a hole in the sky with his spear-point!

And yet why should anyone mention these men who might have some legitimate ground for pride because of Alexander, when even Clearchus, after he became despot of Heracleia,⁴⁹ used to carry a thunderbolt,⁵⁰ and named one of his sons Thunderer? And Dionysius the younger styled himself the son of Apollo in the inscription:

Sprung from a Dorian mother by union with Phoebus Apollo.⁵¹

And Dionysius’s father killed ten thousand or more citizens, and, led on by envy, betrayed his brother to the enemy, nor could he wait for his already aged mother to die a few days later, but strangled her⁵²; yet in one of his tragedies he wrote these words⁵³:

The mother of foul wrong is tyranny!

Notwithstanding, of his daughters he named one Virtue, another Temperance, a third Justice.⁵⁴ And yet other persons publicly styled themselves Benefactors,⁵⁵ Conquerors, Saviours, or The Great; but no one would be able to tell the tale of their marriages one after another, like the matings of horses, as they spent their days with no restraint amid herds of women, their corruption of boys, their beating of drums in the company of emasculated men, their daily dicing, their flute-playing in the public theatres, the night that was too short for them at their dinners, and the day at their breakfasts.

[6] But Alexander took his breakfast at daybreak seated⁵⁶; he dined late in the evening; he drank only after sacrificing to the gods; he played dice with Medius when he had a fever⁵⁷; he played games while travelling, at the same time also learning to wield a bow and mount a chariot. For himself he married Roxanê,⁵⁸ the only woman he ever loved; but Stateira,⁵⁹ the daughter of Darius, he married for imperial and political reasons, since the union of the two races was highly advantageous. But as for the other Persian women, he was as much their superior in self-control as in valour he was superior to Persian men. For he looked at no woman against her will⁶⁰ and those that he looked at he passed by more readily than those that he did not look at; and although he bore himself humanely toward all other persons, it was toward fair youth alone that he conducted himself haughtily. He would not listen to a single word in praise of the beauty of the wife⁶¹ of Darius, who was a very handsome woman; but when she died, he graced her funeral with such a royal pomp and bewailed her death so feelingly that his self-control was questioned amid his display of humanity, and his goodness incurred the charge of wrongdoing. For Darius⁶² was disturbed by suspicion of Alexander’s power and youth; for he also was still one of those who believed Alexander’s victory to be through Fortune. But when he had tested the matter from every angle, and recognized the truth, Then, said he, the lot of the Persians is not so utterly wretched, nor will anyone say that we are altogether cowardly or unmanly in that we have been overcome by such a man. But for my part I pray the gods for fair fortune and for might in war, that I may surpass Alexander in bestowing favours; and I am possessed by an ambitious and emulous desire to prove myself more humane than Alexander. But if my power be spent, do thou, O Zeus, ancestral god of the Persians, and ye other gods that guard our kingship, grant that none other than Alexander take his seat upon the throne of Cyrus. This was Darius’s way of adopting Alexander, invoking the gods as witnesses.

[7] Thus do men prevail through Virtue. Ascribe to Fortune, if you will, Arbela and the Cilician victory and his other deeds of violence and war: Fortune battered down the walls of Tyre⁶³ for him; Fortune opened the way to Egypt⁶⁴; through Fortune Halicarnassus fell, and Miletus was captured, and Mazaeus⁶⁵ left the Euphrates unguarded, and the Babylonian plain was strewn with corpses. But at least it was not in any way Fortune’s gift that he was temperate, nor was it because of Fortune that he was self-controlled, nor did Fortune lock his soul and keep it impregnable to pleasure and invulnerable to desire; in fact, these were the qualities by which he defeated Darius himself. The rest were but defeats of arms and horses, battles, slaughters, and routs of men. But the truly great and indisputable defeat Darius suffered: he yielded in virtue and greatness of soul, in prowess and Justice, and marvelled at Alexander’s invincibility in pleasure, in toil, in the bestowal of favours. It is true that Tarrias,⁶⁶ son of Deinomenes, and Antigenes of Pallenê, and Philo t as, the son of Parinenion, were also invincible at least amid shields, pikes, battle-cries, and the clash of arms; but towards pleasures and women and gold and silver they were no better than their captives. In fact, when Alexander was freeing the Macedonians from debt⁶⁷ and paying creditors for everybody, Tarrias said falsely that he was a debtor, and produced at the bank a person who asserted that he was Tarrias s creditor; later, when he was detected, he was ready to commit suicide had not Alexander, coming to know of this, exculpated him, and allowed him to keep the money; for the king remembered that when Philip was assaulting Perinthus, Tarrias, although his eye was pierced by a missile, would not submit nor suffer the shaft to be extracted until they had routed the enemy.

Antigenes⁶⁸ joined himself with those who were being sent back to Macedonia because of sickness or wounds,⁶⁹ and had himself enrolled among them; but when, however, it was discovered that he had nothing wrong with him, but was feigning some infirmity, and it was seen that he was a stout fighting man whose body was covered with wounds, the matter vexed Alexander. When he asked the reason for such conduct, Antigenes confessed that he was in love with Telesippa, and was accompanying her to the sea, since he could not be left behind if she went away. Whose is she? asked Alexander, and to whom must we speak? Antigenes replied that she was free-born. Then, said Alexander, let us persuade her with promises and presents to remain behind. So ready was he with an excuse for every lover rather than for himself.

And further, Philotas,⁷⁰ the son of Parmenion, had in his licentiousness the nurse, as it were, of all his ills. For among the captives taken at Damascus was a courtesan from Pella, by name Antigona. Ere this she had crossed over to Samothrace, and there had been taken captive by Autophradates. She was comely enough to look upon and, after Philotas had attached himself to her, she had complete possession of him. Indeed that man of iron⁷¹ was so softened that he was not in control of his reasoning powers amid his pleasures, but unlocked and brought forth many of his secrets for the woman: What was that famed Philip, were it not for Parmenion? What was this Alexander, were it not for Philotas? Where his Ammon, and where his serpents,⁷² if we do not wish it so? These words Antigona reported to an intimate friend of hers among the women, and she reported them to Craterus; Craterus brought Antigona herself secretly to Alexander, who did not touch her person, but restrained himself and, working secretly through her, he discovered the whole of Philotas’s plans. And for a period of more than seven years Alexander never revealed his suspicion; not in his cups, the reputed drunkard I not in anger, this man of fiery temper! not to a friend, this man who trusted Hephaestion in everything and shared everything with him! In fact it is recorded⁷³ that once, when he had broken the seal of a confidential letter from his mother and was reading it silently⁷⁴ to himself, Hephaestion quietly put his head beside Alexander’s and read the letter with him; Alexander could not bear to stop him, but took off his ring and placed the seal on Hephaestion’s lips.

[8] But one might grow weary in the enumeration of these matters by which Alexander is shown to have made the most honourable and the most regal use of his authority. And even though he became great through Fortune, he is even greater in that he made good use of his Fortune. And the more we praise his Fortune the more shall we exalt his Virtue by reason of which he became worthy of his Fortune.

Now, however, I shall proceed at once to the first steps in his advancement and the beginnings of his power, and I shall examine in those matters the role played by Fortune, by reason of which men assert that Alexander became great through the instrumentality of Fortune. In Heaven’s name! Why do they not assert this of one that never felt a wound nor lost a drop of blood nor ever served in Avar, whom the neighing of a horse⁷⁵ placed upon the throne of Cyrus, even as the first Darius, the son of Hystaspes? Or of Xerxes, whom a king, flattered by his wife, as Darius was flattered by Atossa,⁷⁶ set upon the throne? Did the royal diadem come to Alexander’s doors, as to Oarses⁷⁷ through the machinations of Bagoas, who stripped from him the garb of a courier and put upon him the royal raiment and the tiara that ever stands erect⁷⁸? Was he suddenly and unexpectedly chosen by lot and thus carne to rule the inhabited world, as at Athens the Thesmothetae and Archons attain their office?

Would you learn how it is that men come to the throne by choice of Fortune? Once upon a time among the Argives the family of Heracleidae became extinct, from which family it was their ancestral custom to select the Argive kings. When in their search they made inquiry of the god at Delphi, he replied that an eagle would show them, and a few days later an eagle appeared on high and, swooping down, alighted on the house of Aegon, and Aegon was chosen king.

Again in Paphos when the reigning king was seen to be unjust and wicked. Alexander expelled him and searched for another, since the family of Cinyradae appeared to be already passing away or extinct. However, they told him that there still survived one poor and obscure person, who eked out a forsaken existence in a certain garden. Men were sent to fetch him and, when they arrived, he was found watering his garden-plots; and he was much perturbed when the soldiers laid hands on him and ordered him to come with them. He was brought before Alexander and, dressed as he was in a single cheap garment, he was proclaimed king, and received the royal purple, and became one of those who are styled the king’s Companions. His name was Abdalonymus.⁷⁹ Thus does shifting Fortune create kings, change their raiment, and quickly and easily alter the status of men who cxpect nothing of the sort, and do not even hope for it.

[9] But what greatness did Alexander acquire beyond his just merits, what without sweat, what without blood, what without a price, what without labour? He drank rivers fouled with blood, crossed streams bridged by dead bodies, through hunger ate the first grass that he saw, dug through nations buried in deep snow⁸⁰ and cities built beneath the earth, sailed over a battling sea⁸¹; and as he traversed the parching strands of Gedrosia and Arachosia,⁸² it was in the sea, not on the land, that first he saw a living plant.

If to Fortune, as to a human being, one might present Frankness in Alexander’s behalf, would she not say, When and where did you ever vouchsafe a way for the exploits of Alexander? What fortress did he ever capture by your help without the shedding of blood? What city unguarded or what regiment unarmed did you deliver into his hands? What king was found to be indolent, or what general negligent, or what watchman asleep at the gate? But no river was easy to cross, no storm was moderate, no summer’s heat was without torment. Betake yourself to Antiochus, the son of Seleucus, or to Artaxerxes, the brother of Cyrus; depart to Ptolemy Philadelphus! Their fathers, while yet alive, proclaimed them kings; they won battles that did not cost a tear; they made merry all their lives in processions and theatres; and every one of them, because of good fortune, grew old upon the throne.

But in the case of Alexander, though I were to mention nothing else, behold his body gashed with wounds⁸³ from tip to toe, bruised all over, smitten at the hands of his enemies

Now with the spear, now the sword, now with mighty masses of boulders.⁸⁴

On the banks of the Granicus⁸⁵ his helmet was cleft through to his scalp by a sword; at Gaza his shoulder was wounded by a missile; at Maracanda his shin was so torn by an arrow that by the force of the blow the larger bone was broken and extruded. Somewhere in Hyrcania his neck was smitten by a stone, whereby his sight was dimmed, and for many days he was haunted by the fear of blindness. Among the Assacenians his ankle was wounded by an Indian arrow; that was the time when he smilingly said to his flatterers, this that you see is blood, not

Ichor, that which flows from the wounds of the blessed immortals.⁸⁶

At Issus he was wounded in the thigh with a sword, as Chares⁸⁷ states, by Darius the king, who had come into hand-to-hand conflict with him. Alexander himself wrote of this simply, and with complete truth, in a letter to Antipater: I myself happened, he writes, to be wounded in the thigh by a dagger. But nothing untoward resulted from the blow either immediately or later. Among the Mallians he was wounded in the breast by an arrow three feet long, which penetrated his breastplate, and someone rode up under him, arid struck him in the neck, as Aristobulus relates. When he had crossed the Taiiais against the Scythians and had routed them, he pursued them on horseback an hundred and fifty stades, though he was grievously distressed with diarrhoea.⁸⁸

[10] Well done. Fortune! You exalt Alexander and make him great by running him through from every side, by making him lose his footing, by laying open every portion of his body. Not like Athena before Menelaüs⁸⁹ did you guide the missile to the stoutest parts of his armour, and by breastplate, belt, and kilt take away the intensity of the blow, which only grazed his body with force enough to cause blood to flow; but you exposed to the missiles the vital portions of Alexander’s body unprotected, you drove home the blows through his very bones, you circled about his body, you laid siege to his eyes and his feet, you hindered him in pursuing his foes, you endeavoured to strip him of his victories, you upset his expectations.

No other king seems to me to have felt the hand of Fortune more heavily upon him, even though on many it has fallen harshly and malignantly. But like a thunderbolt it cut down the other rulers, and destroyed them; toward Alexander, however, Fortune’s ill-will became but contentious and quarrelsome and hard to overpower, even as it was toward Heracles. For what manner of Typhons or monstrous giants did she not raise up to oppose him? Whom of his foes did she not fortify with a vast supply of weapons or deep rivers or jagged cliffs or the might of beasts from foreign lands⁹⁰? But if Alexander’s thought had not been set on high emprise, if it had not derived its impelling force from great Virtue, and had not refused to submit to defeat in its wrestling with Fortune, would he not have grown tired and weary of marshalling and arming his forces, weary of his sieges and pursuits amid unnumbered revolts, desertions, and riots of subject peoples, defections of kings, against Bactria, Maracanda, Sogdiana, as if he were cutting off the heads of a hydra which ever grew again in renewed wars among these faithless and conspiring peoples?

[11] I shall be thought to be making a strange statement, yet what I shall say is true: it was because of Fortune that Alexander all but lost the repute of being the son of Ammon! For what offspring of the gods could have toiled through such hazardous, toilsome, and painful Labours save only Heracles, the son of Zeus? But it was one arrogant man who imposed upon Heracles the task of capturing lions, of pursuing wild boars, of frightening off birds so that he might not have time to go about performing greater deeds, such as punishing men like Antaeus and stopping creatures like Busiris⁹¹ from their abominable murders. But upon Alexander it was Virtue who laid the kingly and god-like Labour, the end and aim of which was not gold, carried about by countless camels, nor Persian luxury, banquets, and women, nor the wine of Chalybon,⁹² nor the fish of Hyrcania, but to order all men by one law and to render them submissive to one rule and accustomed to one manner of life. The desire which he cherished to accomplish this task was implanted in him from childhood, and was fostered and increased with the years that passed. Once, when ambassadors carne from the Persian king to Philip, who was not at home, Alexander, while he entertained them hospitably,⁹³ asked ho childish questions, as the others did, about the vine of gold,⁹⁴ or the Hanging Gardens, or how the Great King was arrayed; but he was completely engrossed with the most vital concerns of the dominion, asking how large was the Persian army; where the king stationed himself in battle (even as the famed Odysseus⁹⁵ asked

Where are his arms that he wields in the battle, and where are his horses?);

and which roads were the shortest for travellers going inland from the sea - so that the strangers were astounded and said, This boy is a great king; our king is only wealthy. But after Philip’s end, when Alexander was eager to cross over and, already absorbed in his hopes and preparations, was hastening to gain a hold upon Asia, Fortune, seizing upon him, blocked his way, turned him about, dragged him back, and surrounded him with countless distractions and delays. First she threw into the utmost commotion the barbarian elements among his neighbours, and contrived wars with the Illyrians⁹⁶ and Triballians. By these wars he was drawn from his Asiatic projects as far away as the portion of Scythia that lies along the Danube; when, by sundry manoeuvres, he had subjugated all this territory with much danger and great struggles, he was again eager and in haste for the crossing. Again, however, Fortune stirred up Thebes against him, and thrust in his pathway a war with Greeks, and the dread necessity of punishing, by means of slaughter and fire and sword, men that were his kith and kin,⁹⁷ a necessity which had a most unpleasant ending.⁹⁸

After this he crossed with provision for thirty days, as Phylarchus⁹⁹ relates; but Aristobulus says,¹⁰⁰ with seventy talents. He divided the greater part of his possessions at home and his royal revenues among his friends; Perdiccas¹⁰¹ alone would take nothing when Alexander offered, but asked, What, are you leaving for yourself, Alexander? And when Alexander replied, High hopes!, Then, said Perdiccas, we also shall share in these; for it is not right to take your possessions, but right to wait in expectation of those of Darius.

[12] What, then, were the hopes on which Alexander relied when he crossed into Asia? Not a force counted by means of a wall that would hold a city of 10,000 men,¹⁰² nor fleets that sailed through mountains,¹⁰³ nor scourges or fetters, insane and barbaric implements for chastising the sea¹⁰⁴; but externally they were the great ambition in his little army, mutual rivalry of hot youth, competition for repute and excellence among his Companions. And within himself he had his own high hopes, reverence for the gods, fidelity toward his friends, frugality, self-control, experience, fearlessness toward death, high courage, humanity, affability, integrity of character, constancy in counsel, quickness in execution, the height of good repute, and a disposition to gain his end in everything honourable. For not appropriately nor convincingly did Homer¹⁰⁵ employ a combination of three similes in his comparison describing the fair appearance of Agamemnon:

Like in his eyes and his head unto Zeus who delighteth in thunder,

Like unto Ares in waist, and in breadth of his chest to Poseidon.

But if the god who begat Alexander made his natural endowment an harmoniously joined combination of many virtues, may we not say that he possessed the high spirit of Cyrus, the discretion of Agesilaüs, the intelligence of Themistocles,the experience of Philip, the daring of Brasidas, the eloquence and statesmanship of Pericles? And, to compare him with the men of still more ancient days, he was more self-restrained than Agamemnon; for Agamemnon set a captive woman¹⁰⁶ above his wedded wife,but Alexander, even before his marriage, kept aloof from his captives. He was more magnanimous than Achilles; for Achilles¹⁰⁷ gave back the body of Hector for a small ransom, but Alexander buried Darius at great expense; Achilles,¹⁰⁸ when he had become reconciled, accepted gifts and recompense from his friends to requite him for ceasing from his Wrath, but Alexander enriched his enemies by conquering them. He was more reverent than Diomedes¹⁰⁹; for Diomedes was ready to fight with gods, but Alexander believed the gods to be the authors of all success. He was more deeply mourned by his relatives than was Odysseus; for Odysseus’¹¹⁰ mother died of grief, but the mother¹¹¹ of Alexander’s foe, for the goodwill she bore him, shared his death.

[13] In short, if Solon’s statesmanship also was due to Fortune, and if Miltiades’ generalship, and Aristeides’¹¹² justice were but the result of Fortune, then surely there is no work of Virtue in these men, but it is a name only, talk based on appearance, pervading their lives to no purpose, a figment of the sophists and legislators. But if every one of these men and of others like them became poor or rich, weak or strong, ugly or handsome, lived to a ripe old age or met an untimely death through Fortune, or if each one of them proved himself a great general, a great lawgiver, or great in government and statesmanship through Virtue and Reason, then consider Alexander and compare him with them all. Solon¹¹³ brought about a cancellation of debts in Athens which he called the Relief from Burdens (Seisachtheia); but Alexander himself paid the debts which his men owed to their creditors.¹¹⁴ Pericles collected tribute from the Greeks and with the money adorned the Acropolis with temples; but Alexander captured the riches of barbarians and sent them to Greece with orders that ten thousand talents¹¹⁵ be used to construct temples for the gods.¹¹⁶ Brasidas’s¹¹⁷ dash along the shore to Methonê through the armed host of the enemy amid showers of missiles made him renowned in Greece; but that daring leap of Alexander in the country of the Oxydrachae,¹¹⁸ incredible to them that hear of it and fearful to them that saw it, when he hurled himself down from the walls into the midst of the enemy, who received him with spears and arrows and naked swords-with what may one compare it, save with the levin bolt that breaks and flashes in the midst of a hurricane, like the apparition of Phoebus that darted down to earth,¹¹⁹ gleaming round about with flaming armour. The enemy at first were amazed and affrighted and retired with trembling fear; but a moment later, when they saw that he was but one man attacking many, they made a stand against him.

There indeed Fortune made manifest great and splendid results of her kindliness toward Alexander, when she cast him into an insignificant foreign town and shut him in and fenced him round about! And when his men wTere earnestly trying to bring help from without and were attempting to scale the wails, Fortune, by breaking and shattering their ladders, took away their foothold and hurled them from the walls. And of the three¹²⁰ men who alone were quick enough to grasp the wall and, throwing themselves down inside, to take their stand beside the king, Fortune straightway snatched up one and made away with him before he could strike a blow; and a second, pierced through by many arrows, was only so far from death that he could see and perceive his king’s danger. But the charges and shouting of the Macedonians were unavailing for they had no machines nor siege engines with them; but in their zeal they tried to hack the walls with their swords, and were forced to break them off with their bare hands, and all but bite their way through.

But the king, who was Fortune’s favourite, and was always guarded and personally protected by her, was caught within like a wild beast in the toils, alone and without succour; nor was he struggling for Susa or Babylon, nor to capture Bactriaj nor to vanquish the great Porus; for in great and glorious conflicts, even though men fail, disgrace, at least, can find no place. But so contentious and malicious was Fortune, so greatly did she favour barbarians and hate Alexander, that she tried to destroy not only his body and his life, but also, in so far as she could, to destroy his repute and to wipe out his fair fame. For it were not a terrible thing for Alexander to fall and lie buried beside the Euphrates or the Hydaspes, nor ignoble to meet death by coming into close combat with Darius or in confronting the horses and swords and battle-axes of the Persians as they fought to defend their king, nor to be overthrown while he bestrode the walls of Babylon and to fall from his high hope. Thus fell Pelopidas and Epameinondas; their death was a death belonging to Virtue, not to misfortune, engaged as they were in such a high emprise. But of what sort was the deed of Fortune, who is now under scrutiny? Was it not that on the farthest outposts of a land beside a foreign river within the walls of an obscure hamlet, which surrounded and hid away. from sight the lord and master of the inhabited world, he should perish, smitten and stricken by ignominious weapons and whatever else lay at hand? For his head was wounded through his helmet by an axe, and someone shot an arrow through his breastplate so that it penetrated the bones of his breast and was lodged there firmly, while the shaft protruded and hampered him and the iron point was four fingers broad and five fingers long.¹²¹ But - the extreme of all the dangers he confronted - while he was defending himself against those who attacked him in front, the archer who shot him had plucked up courage to approach him with a sword, but Alexander with his dagger was too quick for the man and knocked him down and killed him; but while he was thus occupied, someone ran out from a mill, and gave him a blow on the neck with a cudgel from behind; this confused his senses, and his head swam. But Virtue was by his side and in him she engendered daring, and in his companions strength and zeal. For men like Limnaeus and Ptolemy and Leonnatus and all those who had surmounted the wall or had broken through it took their stand before him and were a bulwark of Virtue, exposing their bodies in the face of the foe and even their lives for the goodwill and love they bore their king. Surely it is not due to Fortune that the companions of good kings risk their lives and willingly die for them; but this they do through a passion for Virtue, even as bees, as if under the spell of love-charms, approach and closely surround their sovereign.

What spectator, then, who might without danger to himself have been present at that scene, would not exclaim that he was witnessing the mighty contest of Fortune and Virtue; that through Fortune the foreign host was prevailing beyond its deserts, but through Virtue the Greeks were holding out beyond their ability? And if the enemy gains the upper hand, this will be the work of Fortune or of some jealous deity or of divine retribution; but if the Greeks prevail, it will be Virtue and daring, friendship and fidelity, that will win the guerdon of victory? These were, in fact, the only support that Alexander had with him at this time, since Fortune had put a barrier between him and the rest of his forces and equipment, fleets, horse, and camp.

Finally, the Macedonians routed the barbarians, and, when they had fallen, pulled down their city on their heads. But this was no help to Alexander; for he had been hurried from the field, arrow and all, and he had the shaft in his vitals; the arrow was as a bond or bolt holding his breastplate to his body. And when they tried forcibly to pull it out of the wound by the roots, as it were, the iron would not budge, since it was lodged in the bony part of the breast in front of the heart. They did not dare to saw off the protruding portion of the shaft, since they were afraid that the bone might be split by the jarring and cause excruciating pain, and that an internal haemorrhage might result. But when Alexander perceived their great perplexity and hesitation, he himself tried with his dagger to cut off the arrow close to his breastplate; but his hand was unsteady and affected by a torpid languor from the inflammation of the wound. Accordingly with encouraging words he urged those that were unwounded to take hold and not to be afraid; and he railed at some who were weeping and could not control themselves, others he branded as deserters, since they had not the courage to Come to his assistance. And he cried aloud to his Companions, Let no one be fainthearted even for my sake! For it will not be believed that I do not fear death, if you fear death for me!¹²²

De Alexandri magni fortuna aut virtute. Plutarch. Frank Cole Babbitt (Translator). Cambridge, MA. 1936.

Sponsored by Perseus Project, Tufts University.

Funding provided by The National Endowment for the Humanities.

Current edition Perseus

On the Fortune or the Virtue of Alexander I and II (English) (Plutarch. Moralia, Vol. 4. Babbitt, Frank Cole, translator. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press; London: William Heinemann Ltd., 1936 (printing).)

Editions (2)

Περὶ τῆς Ἀλεξάνδρου τύχης ἢ ἀρετῆς λόγος Α, λόγος Β Perseus (Plutarch. Moralia, Vol. 4. Babbitt, Frank Cole, editor. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press; London: William Heinemann Ltd., 1936 (printing).) — 2 focus

Περὶ τῆς Ἀλεξάνδρου τύχης ἢ ἀρετῆς λόγος Β

[1] διέφυγεν ἡμᾶς, ὡς ἔοικε, χθὲς εἰπεῖν ὅτι καὶ τέχνας πολλὰς καὶ φύσεις μεγάλας ὁ κατʼ Ἀλέξανδρον χρόνος ἐνεγκεῖν εὐτύχησεν· ἢ τοῦτο μὲν οὐ 333e τῆς Ἀλεξάνδρου τύχης γέγονεν ἀλλὰ τῆς ἐκείνων, μάρτυρα λαβεῖν καὶ θεατὴν τὸν ἄριστα κρῖναι τὸ κατορθούμενον καὶ μάλιστʼ ἀμείψασθαι δυνάμενον. λέγεται γοῦν ὅτι χρόνοις ὕστερον Ἀρχεστράτου γενομένου ποιητοῦ χαρίεντος, ἐν δὲ πενίᾳ καὶ ἀδοξίᾳ διάγοντος εἶπέ τις πρὸς αὐτόν, ἀλλʼ εἰ κατʼ Ἀλέξανδρον ἐγένου, κατὰ στίχον ἄν σοι Κύπρον ἢ Φοινίκην ἔδωκεν. οἶμαι δὲ καὶ τῶν τότε τεχνιτῶν οὐ κατʼ Ἀλέξανδρον ἀλλὰ διʼ Ἀλέξανδρον τοὺς πρώτους γενέσθαι. καρπῶν μὲν γὰρ εὐφορίαν εὐκρασία ποιεῖ καὶ λεπτότης τοῦ περιέχοντος ἀέρος, τεχνῶν δὲ καὶ φύσεων ἀγαθῶν αὔξησιν εὐμένεια καὶ τιμὴ καὶ φιλανθρωπία βασιλέως 333f ἐκκαλεῖται· καὶ τοὐναντίον ὑπὸ φθόνου καὶ σμικρολογίας ἢ φιλονεικίας τῶν κρατούντων σβέννυται καὶ φθίνει πᾶν τὸ τοιοῦτο.

Διονύσιος γοῦν ὁ τύραννος, ὥς φασι, κιθαρῳδοῦ τινος εὐδοκιμοῦντος ἀκούων ἐπηγγείλατο δωρεὰν αὐτῷ τάλαντον· τῇ δʼ ὑστεραίᾳ τοῦ ἀνθρώπου τὴν ὑπόσχεσιν ἀπαιτοῦντος, χθές, εἶπεν, εὐφραινόμενος 334a ὑπὸ σοῦ παρʼ ὃν ᾖδες χρόνον εὔφρανα κἀγώ σε ταῖς ἐλπίσιν· ὥστε τὸν μισθὸν ὧν ἔτερπες ἀπελάμβανες εὐθὺς ἀντιτερπόμενος.

Ἀλέξανδρος δʼ ὁ Φεραίων τύραννος ἔδει δὲ τοῦτο μόνον αὐτὸν καλεῖσθαι καὶ μὴ καταισχύνειν τὴν ἐπωνυμίαν. ν̓, θεώμενος τραγῳδὸν ἐμπαθέστερον ὑφʼ ἡδονῆς διετέθη πρὸς τὸν οἶκτον. ἀναπηδήσας οὖν ἐκ τοῦ θεάτρου θᾶττον ἢ βάδην ἀπῄει, δεινὸν εἶναι λέγων, εἰ τοσούτους ἀποσφάττων πολίτας ὀφθήσεται τοῖς Ἑκάβης καὶ Πολυξένης πάθεσιν ἐπιδακρύων. οὗτος μὲν οὖν μικροῦ καὶ δίκην ἐπράξατο 334b τὸν τραγῳδόν, ὅτι τὴν ψυχὴν αὐτοῦ καθάπερ σίδηρον ἐμάλαξεν.

Ἀρχελάῳ δὲ δοκοῦντι γλισχροτέρῳ περὶ τὰς δωρεὰς εἶναι Τιμόθεος ᾄδων ἐνεσήμαινε πολλάκις τουτὶ τὸ κομμάτιον

σὺ δὲ τὸν γηγενέταν ἄργυρον αἰνεῖς.

ὁ δʼ Ἀρχέλαος οὐκ ἀμούσως ἀντεφώνησε,

σὺ δέ γʼ αἰτεῖς.

ὁ δὲ τῶν Σκυθῶν βασιλεὺς Ἀτέας Ἰσμηνίαν τὸν αὐλητὴν λαβὼν αἰχμάλωτον, ἐκέλευσε παρὰ πότον αὐλῆσαι. θαυμαζόντων δὲ τῶν ἄλλων καὶ κροτούντων, αὐτὸς ὤμοσεν ἀκροᾶσθαι τοῦ ἵππου χρεμετίζοντος ἥδιον. οὕτω μακρὰν ἀπεσκηνώκει τὰ ὦτα τῶν Μουσῶν, καὶ τὴν ψυχὴν ἐν ταῖς φάτναις εἶχεν, οὐχ ἵππων ἀλλʼ ὄνων ἐπιτηδειοτέραν 334c ἀκούειν. τίς ἂν οὖν παρὰ τοιούτοις βασιλεῦσιν αὔξησις ἢ τιμὴ τέχνης γένοιτο καὶ Μούσης τοιαύτης; ἀλλʼ οὐδὲ παρὰ τοῖς ἀντιτέχνοις ἐθέλουσιν εἶναι, καὶ διὰ τοῦτο βασκανίᾳ καὶ δυσμενείᾳ τοὺς ἀληθῶς τεχνίτας καθαιροῦσιν. οἷος ἦν πάλιν αὖ Διονύσιος ὁ τὸν ποιητὴν Φιλόξενον εἰς τὰς λατομίας ἐμβαλών, ὅτι τραγῳδίαν αὐτοῦ διορθῶσαι κελευσθεὶς εὐθὺς ἀπὸ τῆς ἀρχῆς ὅλην μέχρι τῆς κορωνίδος περιέγραψεν.

ἦν δὲ καὶ Φίλιππος ἐν τούτοις ὑπʼ ὀψιμαθίας ἑαυτοῦ μικρότερος καὶ νεοπρεπέστερος· ὅθεν καί φασι πρός τινα ψάλτην περὶ κρουμάτων αὐτοῦ 334d διαφερομένου καὶ δοκοῦντος ἐξελέγχειν, ἠρέμα μειδιάσαντα τὸν ἄνθρωπον εἰπεῖν, μὴ γένοιτό σοι, βασιλεῦ, ἀθλίως οὕτως, ἵνα ταῦτα ἐμοῦ βέλτιον εἰδῇς.

[2] ἀλλʼ Ἀλέξανδρος εἰδὼς τίνων δεῖ θεατὴν εἶναι καὶ ἀκροατὴν καὶ τίνων ἀγωνιστὴν καὶ αὐτουργόν, ἤσκει μὲν ἀεὶ διὰ τῶν ὅπλων δεινὸς εἶναι καὶ κατὰ τὸν Αἰσχύλον

βριθὺς ὁπλιτοπάλας, δάιος ἀντιπάλοις.

ταύτην ἔχων τέχνην προγονικὴν ἀπʼ Αἰακιδῶν, ἀφʼ Ἡρακλέους, ταῖς δʼ ἄλλαις τέχναις τὸ τιμᾶν ἄνευ τοῦ ζηλοῦν ἀπεδίδου κατὰ τὸ ἔνδοξον αὐτῶν καὶ χαρίεν, τῷ τέρπειν δʼ οὐκ ἦν εὐάλωτος εἰς τὸ μιμεῖσθαι. γεγόνασι δὲ κατʼ αὐτὸν τραγῳδοὶ μὲν 334e οἱ περὶ Θετταλὸν καὶ Ἀθηνόδωρον, ὧν ἀνταγωνιζομένων ἀλλήλοις, ἐχορήγουν μὲν οἱ Κύπριοι βασιλεῖς, ἔκρινον δʼ οἱ δοκιμώτατοι τῶν στρατηγῶν. ἐπεὶ δʼ ἐνίκησεν Ἀθηνόδωρος, ἐβουλόμην ἄν, ἔφη, μᾶλλον ἀπολωλεκέναι μέρος τῆς βασιλείας ἢ Θετταλὸν ἐπιδεῖν ἡττημένον. ἀλλʼ οὔτʼ ἐνέτυχε τοῖς κριταῖς οὔτε τὴν κρίσιν ἐμέμψατο, πάντων οἰόμενος δεῖν περιεῖναι, τοῦ δικαίου δʼ ἡττᾶσθαι.

κωμῳδοὶ δʼ ἦσαν οἱ περὶ Λύκωνα τὸν Σκαρφέα· τούτῳ δʼ εἴς τινα κωμῳδίαν ἐμβαλόντι στίχον αἰτητικὸν γελάσας ἔδωκε δέκα τάλαντα.

κιθαρῳδοὶ δʼ ἄλλοι τε καὶ Ἀριστόνικος, ὃς ἐν 334f μάχῃ τινὶ προσβοηθήσας ἔπεσε λαμπρῶς ἀγωνισάμενος. ἐκέλευσεν οὖν αὐτοῦ γενέσθαι καὶ σταθῆναι χαλκοῦν ἀνδριάντα Πυθοῖ, κιθάραν ἔχοντα καὶ δόρυ προβεβλημένον, οὐ τὸν ἄνδρα τιμῶν μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ μουσικὴν κοσμῶν ὡς ἀνδροποιὸν καὶ μάλιστα δὴ πληροῦσαν ἐνθουσιασμοῦ καὶ 335a ὁρμῆς τοὺς γνησίως ἐντρεφομένους. καὶ γὰρ αὐτός, Ἀντιγενίδου ποτὲ τὸν ἁρμάτειον αὐλοῦντος νόμον, οὕτω παρέστη καὶ διεφλέχθη τὸν θυμὸν ὑπὸ τῶν μελῶν, ὥστε τοῖς ὅπλοις ᾄξας ἐπιβαλεῖν τὰς χεῖρας ἐγγὺς παρακειμένοις καὶ μαρτυρῆσαι τοῖς Σπαρτιάταις ᾄδουσιν

ῥέπει γὰρ ἄντα τῶ σιδάρω τὸ καλῶς κιθαρίδδειν.

ἦν δὲ καὶ Ἀπελλῆς ὁ ζωγράφος καὶ Λύσιππος ὁ πλάστης κατʼ Ἀλέξανδρον· ὧν ὁ μὲν ἔγραψε τὸν κεραυνοφόρον οὕτως ἐναργῶς καὶ κεκραμένως, ὥστε λέγειν ὅτι δυοῖν Ἀλεξάνδρων ὁ μὲν Φιλίππου γέγονεν ἀνίκητος, ὁ δʼ Ἀπελλοῦ ἀμίμητος. Λυσίππου 335b δὲ τὸν πρῶτον Ἀλέξανδρον πλάσαντος, ἄνω βλέποντα τῷ προσώπῳ πρὸς τὸν οὐρανὸν ὥσπερ αὐτὸς εἰώθει βλέπειν Ἀλέξανδρος ἡσυχῆ παρεγκλίνων τὸν τράχηλον ἐπέγραψέ τις οὐκ ἀπιθάνως

αὐδασοῦντι δʼ ἔοικεν ὁ χάλκεος εἰς Δία λεύσσων,

γᾶν ὑπʼ ἐμοὶ τίθεμαι· Ζεῦ, σὺ δʼ Ὄλυμπον ἔχε.

διὸ καὶ μόνον Ἀλέξανδρος ἐκέλευε Λύσιππον εἰκόνας αὐτοῦ δημιουργεῖν. μόνος γὰρ οὗτος, ὡς ἔοικε, κατεμήνυε τῷ χαλκῷ τὸ ἦθος αὐτοῦ καὶ συνεξέφερε τῇ μορφῇ τὴν ἀρετήν· οἱ δʼ ἄλλοι τὴν ἀποστροφὴν τοῦ τραχήλου καὶ τῶν ὀμμάτων τὴν διάχυσιν καὶ ὑγρότητα μιμεῖσθαι θέλοντες οὐ διεφύλαττον αὐτοῦ τὸ ἀρρενωπὸν καὶ λεοντῶδες.

335c ἐν δʼ οὖν τοῖς ἄλλοις τεχνίταις καὶ Στασικράτης ἦν ἀρχιτέκτων, οὐδὲν ἀνθηρὸν οὐδʼ ἡδὺ καὶ πιθανὸν τῇ ὄψει διώκων, ἀλλὰ καὶ χειρὶ μεγαλουργῷ καὶ διαθέσει χορηγίας βασιλικῆς οὐκ ἀποδεούσῃ χρώμενος. οὗτος ἀναβὰς πρὸς Ἀλέξανδρον ἐμέμφετο τὰς γραφομένας εἰκόνας αὐτοῦ καὶ γλυφομένας καὶ πλαττομένας, ὡς ἔργα δειλῶν καὶ ἀγεννῶν τεχνι, τῶν· ἐγὼ δʼ, εἶπεν, εἰς ἄφθαρτον, ὦ βασιλεῦ, καὶ ζῶσαν ὕλην καὶ ῥίζας ἔχουσαν ἀιδίους καὶ βάρος ἀκίνητον καὶ ἀσάλευτον ἔγνωκά σου 335d τὴν ὁμοιότητα καταθέσθαι τοῦ σώματος. ὁ γάρ Θρᾴκιος Ἄθως, ᾗ μέγιστος αὑτοῦ καὶ περιφανέστατος ἐξανέστηκεν ἔχων ἑαυτῷ σύμμετρα πλάτη καὶ ὕψη καὶ μέλη καὶ ἄρθρα καὶ διαστήματα μορφοειδῆ, δύναται κατεργασθεὶς καὶ σχηματισθεὶς εἰκὼν Ἀλεξάνδρου καλεῖσθαι καὶ εἶναι, ταῖς μὲν βάσεσιν ἁπτομένου τῆς θαλάττης, τῶν δὲ χειρῶν τῇ μὲν ἐναγκαλιζομένου καὶ φέροντος πόλιν ἐνοικουμένην μυρίανδρον, τῇ δὲ δεξιᾷ ποταμὸν ἀέναον ἐκ φιάλης σπένδοντος εἰς τὴν θάλατταν ἐκχεόμενον. χρυσὸν δὲ καὶ χαλκὸν καὶ ἐλέφαντα καὶ ξύλα καὶ 335e βαφάς, ἐκμαγεῖα μικρὰ καὶ ὠνητὰ καὶ κλεπτόμενα καὶ συγχεόμενα, καταβάλωμεν. ταῦτʼ ἀκούσας Ἀλέξανδρος τὸ μὲν φρόνημα τοῦ τεχνίτου καὶ τὸ θάρσος ἀγασθεὶς ἐπῄνεσεν, ἔα δὲ κατὰ χώραν, ἔφη, τὸν Ἄθω μένειν ἀρκεῖ γὰρ ἑνὸς βασιλέως ἐνυβρίσαντος εἶναι μνημεῖον ἐμὲ δʼ ὁ Καύκασος δείξει καὶ τὰ Ἠμωδὰ καὶ Τάναϊς καὶ τὸ Κάσπιον πέλαγος. αὗται τῶν ἐμῶν ἔργων εἰκόνες.

[3] ἀλλὰ φέρε πρὸς θεῶν ἐκτελεσθῆναι καὶ φανῆναι τοιοῦτον ἔργον ἔσθʼ ὅστις ἂν ἰδὼν ὑπέλαβε κατὰ τύχην γεγονέναι καὶ αὐτομάτως τὸ σχῆμα 335f καὶ τὴν διάθεσιν καὶ τὸ εἶδος; οὐδεὶς ἂν οἶμαι. τί δὲ τὸν κεραυνοφόρον; τί δὲ τὸν ἐπὶ τῆς αἰχμῆς προσαγορευόμενον; εἶτʼ ἀνδριάντος μὲν μέγεθος οὐκ ἂν ἄνευ τέχνης ὑπὸ τύχης γένοιτο χρυσὸν καὶ χαλκὸν καὶ ἐλέφαντα καὶ πολλὴν καὶ πλουσίαν ὕλην καταχεαμένης καὶ παραβαλούσης, ἄνδρα δὲ μέγαν, μᾶλλον δὲ τῶν γεγονότων ἁπάντων μέγιστον, ἐνδέχεται χωρὶς ἀρετῆς ἀποτελεσθῆναι διὰ τύχην, ὅπλα καὶ χρήματα καὶ πεζοὺς 336a καὶ ἵππους παρασκευάσασαν; ἃ τῷ μὴ μαθόντι χρῆσθαι κίνδυνός ἐστιν, οὐ δύναμις οὐδὲ κόσμος, ἀλλʼ ἔλεγχος τῆς ἀσθενείας καὶ μικρότητος. ὀρθῶς γὰρ Ἀντισθένης ἔλεγεν ὅτι πάντα δεῖ τοῖς πολεμίοις εὔχεσθαι τἀγαθὰ πλὴν ἀνδρείας· γίγνεται γὰρ οὕτως οὐ τῶν ἐχόντων, ἀλλὰ τῶν κρατούντων. διὰ τοῦτό φασι καὶ τὴν φύσιν ἀγεννεστάτῳ ζῴῳ τῷ ἐλάφῳ κέρατα θαυμαστὰ τῷ μεγέθει καὶ τραχύτητι πρὸς ἄμυναν ἐμφῦσαι, διδάσκουσαν ἡμᾶς ὡς οὐδὲν ὠφελεῖ τὸ ἰσχύειν καὶ ὡπλίσθαι τοὺς μένειν καὶ θαρρεῖν μὴ δυναμένους. 336b οὕτω καὶ ἡ τύχη πολλάκις ἀτόλμοις καὶ ἀνοήτοις προσάπτουσα δυνάμεις καὶ ἀρχάς, αἷς ἐνασχη - μονοῦσι, κοσμεῖ καὶ συνίστησι τὴν ἀρετὴν ὡς μόνην μέγεθος ἀνδρὸς καὶ κάλλος οὖσαν. εἰ μὲν γάρ, ὥς φησιν Ἐπίχαρμος,

νοῦς ὁρῇ καὶ νοῦς ἀκούει, τἄλλα

δὲ

κωφὰ καὶ τυφλά,

τυγχάνει λόγου δεόμενα. αἱ γὰρ αἰσθήσεις ἰδίας ἔχειν ἀφορμὰς δοκοῦσιν ὅτι δὲ νοῦς ὠφελεῖ καὶ νοῦς κοσμεῖ καὶ νοῦς τὸ νικῶν καὶ κρατοῦν καὶ βασιλεῦον, τὰ δʼ ἄλλα τυφλὰ καὶ κωφὰ καὶ ἄψυχα παρέλκει καὶ βαρύνει καὶ καταισχύνει χωρὶς ἀρετῆς τοὺς ἔχοντας, ἀπὸ τῶν πραγμάτων λαβεῖν ἔστι.

336c τῆς γὰρ αὐτῆς δυνάμεως ὑποκειμένης καὶ ἡγεμονίας, Σεμίραμις μὲν οὖσα γυνὴ στόλους ἐπλήρου καὶ φάλαγγας ὥπλιζε καὶ Βαβυλῶνας ἔκτιζε, καὶ περιέπλει τὴν Ἐρυθρὰν θάλατταν Αἰθίοπας καταστρεφομένη καὶ Ἄραβας· Σαρδανάπαλλος δʼ ἀνὴρ πεφυκὼς ἔξαινεν οἴκοι πορφύραν, ἀναβάδην ἐν ταῖς παλλακαῖς καθήμενος· ἀποθανόντος δʼ αὐτοῦ, λιθίνην εἰκόνα κατασκευάσαντες ἐπορχουμένην ἑαυτῇ βαρβαριστὶ καὶ τοῖς δακτύλοις ὑπὲρ κεφαλῆς οἷον ὑποψοφοῦσαν, ἐπέγραψαν, ἔσθιε, πῖνε, ἀφροδισίαζε· τἄλλα δʼ οὐδέν.

ὁ μὲν οὖν Κράτης ἰδὼν χρυσῆν εἰκόνα Φρύνης 336d τῆς ἑταίρας ἑστῶσαν ἐν Δελφοῖς ἀνέκραγεν ὅτι τοῦτο τῆς τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἀκρασίας τρόπαιον ἕστηκε· τὸν δὲ Σαρδαναπάλλου βίον ἄν τις ἢ τάφον οὐδὲν γάρ, οἶμαι, διαφέρει θεασάμενος εἴποι τοῦτο τῶν τῆς Τύχης ἀγαθῶν τρόπαιον εἶναι. τί οὖν; ἐάσωμεν τὴν Τύχην Ἀλεξάνδρου μετὰ Σαρδανάπαλλον ἅψασθαι καὶ τοῦ μεγέθους ἐκείνου καὶ τῆς δυνάμεως ἀντιποιεῖσθαι; τί γὰρ αὐτῷ πλέον ἔδωκεν ὧν οἱ λοιποὶ βασιλεῖς ἔλαβον παρʼ αὐτῆς; ὅπλων, ἵππων, βελῶν, χρημάτων, δορυφόρων; ποιησάτω τούτοις ἡ Τύχη μέγαν Ἀριδαῖον, εἰ δύναται ποιησάτω τούτοις μέγαν Ὦχον ἢ Ὀάρσην 336e ἢ Τιγράνην τὸν Ἀρμένιον ἢ τὸν Βιθυνὸν Νικομήδην ὧν ὁ μὲν τὸ διάδημα τοῖς Πομπηίου ποσὶν ὑπορρίψας αἰσχρῶς τὴν βασιλείαν ἀπέλαβε, λάφυρον γενομένην Νικομήδης δὲ τὴν κεφαλὴν ξυράμενος καὶ πιλίον ἐπιθέμενος ἀπελεύθερον ἑαυτὸν Ῥωμαίων ἀνηγόρευσεν.

[4] εἴπωμεν οὖν ὅτι μικροὺς ἡ Τύχη καὶ περιδεεῖς ποιεῖ καὶ ταπεινόφρονας; ἀλλʼ οὐ δίκαιον οὔτε κακίαν εἰς ἀτυχίαν οὔτʼ ἀνδρείαν καὶ φρόνησιν εἰς εὐτυχίαν τινὰ τίθεσθαι. μέγα δὲ τῷ ἄρχειν Ἀλέξανδρον ἡ Τύχη· καὶ γὰρ ἔνδοξος ἐν ἐκείνῳ καὶ ἀήττητος καὶ μεγαλόφρων καὶ ἀνύβριστος καὶ 336f φιλάνθρωπος εἶτʼ ἐκλιπόντος εὐθὺς ὁ Λεωσθένης ἔλεγε τὴν δύναμιν ἐμπλανωμένην ἑαυτῇ καὶ περιπίπτουσαν ἐοικέναι τῷ Κύκλωπι μετὰ τὴν τύφλωσιν ἐκτείνοντι πανταχοῖ τὰς χεῖρας ἐπʼ οὐδένα σκοπὸν φερομένας· οὕτως ἐρρέμβετο κενεμβατοῦν καὶ σφαλλόμενον ὑπʼ ἀναρχίας τὸ μέγεθος αὐτῆς. μᾶλλον δʼ ὥσπερ τὰ νεκρὰ σώματα, τῆς ψυχῆς ἐκλιπούσης, οὐκέτι συνέστηκεν οὐδὲ συμπέφυκεν, ἀλλʼ ἐξίσταται καὶ διαλύεται ἀπʼ ἀλλήλων καὶ ἄπεισι καὶ φεύγει· οὕτως ἀφεῖσα τὸν Ἀλέξανδρον ἡ δύναμις 337a ἤσπαιρεν, ἐπάλλετο, ἐφλέγμαινε Περδίκκαις καὶ Μελεάγροις καὶ Σελεύκοις καὶ Ἀντιγόνοις, ὥσπερ πνεύμασι θερμοῖς ἔτι καὶ σφυγμοῖς διᾴττουσι καὶ διαφερομένοις· τέλος δʼ ἀπομαραινομένη καὶ φθίνουσα περὶ αὑτὴν οἷον εὐλάς τινας ἀνέζεσεν ἀγεννῶν βασιλέων καὶ ἡγεμόνων ψυχορραγούντων. αὐτὸς μὲν οὖν ταῦθʼ, ὡς ἔοικεν, Ἡφαιστίωνι διενεχθέντι πρὸς Κρατερὸν ἐπιτιμῶν, τίς δʼ, εἶπεν, ἡ σὴ δύναμις ἢ πρᾶξις, ἂν σού τις ἀφέλῃ τὸν Ἀλέξανδρον; ἐγὼ δὲ τοῦτʼ εἰπεῖν πρὸς τὴν τότε Τύχην οὐκ ὀκνήσω, τί σου τὸ μέγεθος, τίς δʼ ἡ δόξα, ποῦ δʼ ἡ δύναμις, ποῦ δὲ τὸ ἀνίκητον, ἂν 337b σού τις ἀφέλῃ τὸν Ἀλέξανδρον; τουτέστιν ἂν σοὺ τις ἀφέλῃ τῶν ὅπλων τὴν ἐμπειρίαν, τοῦ πλούτου τὴν φιλοτιμίαν, τῆς πολυτελείας τὴν ἐγκράτειαν, ὧν ἀγωνίζῃ τὸ θάρσος, ἐν οἷς κρατεῖς τὴν πραότητα; ποίησον ἄλλον εἰ δύνασαι μέγαν, τοῖς χρήμασι μὴ χαριζόμενον, τοῖς στρατεύμασι μὴ προκινδυνεύοντα, τοὺς φίλους μὴ τιμῶντα, τοὺς αἰχμαλώτους μὴ ἐλεοῦντα, ταῖς ἡδοναῖς μὴ σωφρονοῦντα, τοῖς καιροῖς μὴ ἀγρυπνοῦντα, ταῖς νίκαις μὴ εὐδιάλλακτον, τοῖς κατορθώμασι μὴ φιλάνθρωπον. τίς μέγας ἐν ἐξουσίαις μετʼ ἀβελτερίας καὶ 337c μοχθηρίας; ἄφελε τὴν ἀρετὴν τοῦ εὐτυχοῦντος, καὶ πανταχοῦ μικρός ἐστιν, ἐν χάρισι διὰ σμικρολογίαν, ἐν πόνοις διὰ μαλακίαν, παρὰ θεοῖς διὰ δεισιδαιμονίαν, πρὸς ἀγαθοὺς διὰ φθόνον, ἐν ἀνδράσι διὰ φόβον, ἐν γυναιξὶ διὰ φιληδονίαν. ὥσπερ γὰρ οἱ φαῦλοι τεχνῖται βάσεις μεγάλας μικροῖς ὑφιστάντες ἀναθήμασιν ἐλέγχουσιν αὐτῶν καὶ τὰς μικρότητας, οὕτως ἡ Τύχη, ὅταν μικρὸν ἦθος ἐξάρῃ πράγμασιν ἔχουσιν ὄγκον τινὰ καὶ περιφάνειαν, ἐπιδείκνυσι μᾶλλον καὶ καταισχύνει σφαλλόμενον καὶ σαλευόμενον ὑπὸ κουφότητος.

[5] ὅθεν οὐκ ἐν τῇ κτήσει τῶν ἀγαθῶν ἀλλʼ ἐν 337d τῇ χρήσει τὸ μέγʼ ἐστίν, ἐπεὶ καὶ νήπια βρέφη κληρονομεῖ βασιλείας πατρῴας καὶ ἀρχάς, ὡς Χάριλλος, ὃν Λυκοῦργος ἅμα τῷ σπαργάνῳ κομίσας εἰς τὸ φιδίτιον ἀνθʼ ἑαυτοῦ βασιλέα τῆς Σπάρτης ἀνηγόρευσε· καὶ οὐκ ἦν μέγας ὁ νήπιος, ἀλλʼ ὁ τῷ νηπίῳ τὸ πατρῷον ἀποδοὺς γέρας καὶ μὴ σφετερισάμενος μηδʼ ἀποστερήσας.

Ἀριδαῖον δὲ τίς ἂν ἐποίησε μέγαν; ὃν οὐδὲν νηπίου διαφέροντα μόνον δὲ σπαργανωθέντα πορφύρᾳ Μελέαγρος εἰς τὸν Ἀλεξάνδρου θρόνον ἔθηκεν, εὖ γε ποιῶν, ἵνʼ ὀφθῇ παρʼ ἡμέρας ὀλίγας πῶς ἀρετῇ βασιλεύουσιν ἄνθρωποι καὶ πῶς τύχῃ. ἀγωνιστῇ γὰρ ἡγεμονίας ὑποκριτὴν ἐπεισήγαγε, 337e μᾶλλον δʼ ὡς ἐπὶ σκηνῆς τὸ διάδημα κωφὸν διεξῆλθε τῆς οἰκουμένης.

καί κε γυνὴ φέροι ἄχθος, ἐπεί κεν ἀνὴρ ἀναθείη.

τοὐναντίον μὲν οὖν εἴποι τις ἂν ὅτι ἀναλαβεῖν καὶ ἀναθέσθαι δύναμιν καὶ πλοῦτον καὶ ἀρχὴν καὶ γυναικός ἐστι καὶ παιδός· Ὀάρσῃ καὶ Δαρείῳ Βαγώας ὁ εὐνοῦχος ἀράμενος ἐπέθηκε τὴν Περσῶν βασιλείαν τὸ δὲ λαβόντα μεγάλην ἐξουσίαν ἐνεγκεῖν καὶ μεταχειρίσασθαι καὶ μὴ συντριβῆναι μηδὲ διαστραφῆναι τῷ βάρει καὶ μεγέθει τῶν πραγμάτων, ἀνδρός ἐστιν ἀρετὴν καὶ νοῦν καὶ φρόνημʼ 337f ἔχοντος· ἣν Ἀλέξανδρος ἔσχεν, ᾧ μέθην τινὲς ἐγκαλοῦσι καὶ οἴνωσιν. ὁ δʼ ἦν μέγας, ἐν τοῖς πράγμασι νήφων καὶ μὴ μεθυσθεὶς μηδὲ βακχευθεὶς ὑπʼ ἐξουσίας καὶ δυνάμεως, ἧς μικρὸν ἕτεροι μεταλαβόντες καὶ ἀπογευσάμενοι κρατεῖν ἑαυτῶν οὐ δύνανται·

κακοὶ γὰρ ἐμπλησθέντες ἢ νομίσματος,

ἢ πόλεος ἐμπεσόντες εἰς τιμάς τινας,

σκιρτῶσιν, ἀδόκητʼ εὐτυχησάντων δόμων.

338a Κλεῖτος ἐν Ἀμοργῷ τρεῖς ἢ τέτταρας Ἑλληνικὰς ἀνατρέψας τριήρεις Ποσειδῶν ἀνηγορεύθη καὶ τρίαιναν ἐφόρει. Δημήτριος δέ, ᾧ τῆς Ἀλεξάνδρου δυνάμεως ἡ Τύχη σμικρὸν ἀποσπάσασα προσέθηκε, Καταιβάτης καλούμενος ὑπήκουε, καὶ πρέσβεις πρὸς αὐτὸν οὐκ ἔπεμπον ἀλλὰ θεωροὺς αἱ πόλεις, καὶ τὰς ἀποκρίσεις χρησμοὺς προσηγόρευον. Λυσίμαχος τὰ περὶ Θρᾴκην ὥσπερ ἐσχατιάς τινας τῆς βασιλείας κατασχὼν εἰς τοσοῦτον ὑπεροψίας ἔφθασε καὶ θρασύτητος, ὥστʼ εἰπεῖν, νῦν Βυζάντιοι πρὸς ἐμὲ ἥκουσιν, ὅτε τῇ λόγχῃ τοῦ οὐρανοῦ 338b ἅπτομαι. παρὼν δὲ Πασιάδης ὁ Βυζάντιος, ὑπάγωμεν, ἔφη μὴ τῇ ἐπιδορατίδι τὸν οὐρανὸν τρυπήσῃ.

καίτοι τί ἂν περὶ τούτων λέγοι τις, οἷς ἐξῆν διʼ Ἀλέξανδρον μέγα φρονεῖν, ὅπου καὶ Κλέαρχος Ἡρακλείας τύραννος γενόμενος σκηπτὸν ἐφόρει, καὶ τῶν υἱῶν ἕνα Κεραυνὸν ὠνόμασε; Διονύσιος δὲ ὁ νεώτερος Ἀπόλλωνος υἱὸν ἑαυτὸν ὠνόμασεν, ἐπιγράψας

Δωρίδος ἐκ μητρὸς Φοίβου κοινώμασι βλαστών.

ὁ δὲ πατὴρ αὐτοῦ τῶν μὲν πολιτῶν μυρίους ἢ καὶ πλείους ἀνελών, προδοὺς δὲ τὸν ἀδελφὸν ὑπὸ φθόνου τοῖς πολεμίοις, οὐκ ἀναμείνας δὲ τὴν μητέρα 338c γραῦν οὖσαν ὀλίγαις ἡμέραις ἀποθανεῖν ὕστερον ἀλλʼ ἀποπνίξας, ἐν δὲ τραγῳδίᾳ γράψας αὐτὸς

ἡ γάρ τυραννὶς ἀδικίας μήτηρ ἔφυ·

ὅμως τῶν θυγατέρων τὴν μὲν Ἀρετὴν τὴν δὲ Σωφροσύνην ὠνόμασε τὴν δὲ Δικαιοσύνην. οἱ δʼ Εὐεργέτας οἱ δὲ Καλλινίκους οἱ δὲ Σωτῆρας οἱ δὲ Μεγάλους ἀνηγόρευσαν ἑαυτούς. γάμους δʼ αὐτῶν ἐπαλλήλους ὥσπερ ἵππων ἐν ἀγέλαις γυναικῶν ἀνέδην διημερευόντων, καὶ φθορὰς παίδων καὶ τυμπανισμοὺς ἐν ἀνδρογύνοις καὶ κυβείας μεθημερινὰς καὶ αὐλήσεις ἐν θεάτροις, καὶ νύκτα μὲν ἐν δείπνοις ἡμέραν δʼ ἐν ἀρίστοις ἐπιλείπουσαν, οὐδεὶς ἂν ἐφίκοιτο τῷ λόγῳ διελθεῖν.

338d

ἀλλʼ Ἀλέξανδρος ἠρίστα μὲν ὄρθρου καθεζόμενος, ἐδείπνει δὲ πρὸς ἑσπέραν βαθεῖαν, ἔπινε δὲ θύσας τοῖς θεοῖς, ἐκύβευε δὲ πρὸς Μήδιον πυρέττων, ἔπαιζε δʼ ὁδοιπορῶν ἅμα καὶ μανθάνων τοξεύειν καὶ ἐπιβαίνειν ἅρματος. ἔγημε δὲ Ῥωξάνην ἑαυτῷ, μόνης ἐρασθείς· τὴν δὲ Δαρείου Στάτειραν τῇ βασιλείᾳ καὶ τοῖς πράγμασι συνέφερε γὰρ ἡ τῶν γενῶν ἀνάμιξις· τῶν δʼ ἄλλων Περσίδων ἐκράτησε τοσοῦτον σωφροσύνῃ, ὅσον ἀνδρείᾳ Περσῶν ἄκουσαν μὲν γὰρ οὐδεμίαν εἶδεν, ἃς δʼ εἶδε μᾶλλον ἢ ἃς οὐκ εἶδε παρῆλθε. καὶ πᾶσιν ὢν τοῖς ἄλλοις φιλάνθρωπος, μόνοις ὑπερηφάνως τοῖς 338e καλοῖς ἐχρῆτο. περὶ δὲ τῆς Δαρείου γυναικός, εὐπρεπεστάτης γενομένης, οὐδὲ φωνὴν ἐπαινοῦσαν τὸ κάλλος ἤκουσεν· ἀποθανοῦσαν δʼ οὕτω βασιλικῶς ἐκόσμησε καὶ συμπαθῶς ἐδάκρυσεν, ὥστʼ ἄπιστον αὐτοῦ τὸ σῶφρον ἐν τῷ φιλανθρώπῳ γενέσθαι καὶ λαβεῖν ἀδικίας ἔγκλημα τὴν χρηστότητα. Δαρεῖος γὰρ ὑπόπτως ἐκινήθη πρὸς τὴν ἐξουσίαν αὐτοῦ καὶ τὴν ἡλικίαν εἷς γὰρ ἦν καὶ αὐτὸς ἔτι τῶν νομιζόντων διὰ Τύχην κρατεῖν Ἀλέξανδρον· ἐπεὶ δὲ τἀληθὲς ἔγνω βασανίσας πανταχόθεν, οὐ πάντως, εἶπεν, ἄρα φαύλως ἔχει τὰ Περσῶν, οὐδέ τις ἐρεῖ παντάπασι κακοὺς ἡμᾶς 338f οὐδʼ ἀνάνδρους ὑπὸ τοιούτου κρατηθέντας. ἐγὼ ʼ εὐτυχίαν μὲν εὔχομαι καὶ κράτος πολέμου παρὰ θεῶν, ἵνʼ εὖ ποιῶν Ἀλέξανδρον ὑπερβάλωμαι· καὶ μέ τις ἔχει φιλοτιμία καὶ ζῆλος ἡμερώτερον αὐτοῦ φανῆναι· εἰ δʼ οἴχεται τὰ ἐμά, Ζεῦ πατρῷε Περσῶν καὶ βασίλειοι θεοί, μηδεὶς εἰς τὸν Κύρου θρόνον ἄλλος ἢ Ἀλέξανδρος καθίσειε. τοῦτʼ εἰσποίησις ἦν Ἀλεξάνδρου διὰ θεῶν μαρτύρων.

339a

οὕτω νικῶσιν ἀρετῇ. πρόσγραψον, εἰ βούλει, τῇ Τύχῃ τὰ Ἄρβηλα καὶ τὴν Κιλικίαν, καὶ τἄλλα, ἃ γέγονε βίας ἔργα καὶ πολέμου Τύχη τὴν Τύρον ἔσεισεν αὐτῷ, καὶ Τύχη τὴν Αἴγυπτον ἀνέῳξε· διὰ Τύχην Ἁλικαρνασσὸς ἔπεσε καὶ Μίλητος ἑάλω καὶ Μαζαῖος Εὐφράτην ἔρημον ἀπέλιπε καὶ νεκρῶν τὸ Βαβυλώνιον ἐπλήσθη πεδίον· ἀλλʼ οὔτι γε σώφρων ἀπὸ Τύχης οὔτʼ ἐγκρατὴς διὰ Τύχην, οὔτʼ ἀνάλωτον ὑφʼ ἡδονῆς ἡ Τύχη καὶ ἄτρωτον ἐπιθυμίαις κατακλείσασα τὴν ψυχὴν ἐφρούρει. καὶ μὴν ταῦτα ἦν, οἷς αὐτὸν ἐτρέψατο Δαρεῖον· τἄλλα δʼ ὅπλων ἦσαν 339b ἧτται καὶ ἵππων καὶ μάχαι καὶ φόνοι καὶ φυγαὶ ἀνδρῶν. τὴν δὲ μεγάλην καὶ ἀναντίρρητον ἧτταν ἡττήθη Δαρεῖος καὶ ἐνέκλινεν ἀρετῇ καὶ μεγαλοφροσύνῃ καὶ ἀνδρείᾳ καὶ δικαιοσύνῃ, θαυμάσας τὸ ἐν ἡδονῇ καὶ πόνοις καὶ χάρισιν ἀνίκητον. ἐπεὶ ἔν γε πέλταις καὶ σαρίσσαις καὶ ἀλαλαγμοῖς καὶ συρράξεσιν ὅπλων ἀνίκητος ἦν καὶ Ἀντιγένης ὁ Δεινομένους καὶ Ἀντιγένης ὁ Πελληναῖος καὶ Φιλώτας ὁ Παρμενίωνος, ἀλλὰ πρὸς ἡδονὰς καὶ γύναια καὶ χρυσίον καὶ ἀργύριον οὐθέν τι βελτίους τῶν αἰχμαλώτων ἀλλὰ Ταρρίας μὲν ὅτε τῶν χρεῶν ἠλευθέρου Μακεδόνας Ἀλέξανδρος καὶ διελύετο 339c τοῖς δανείσασιν ὑπὲρ πάντων, ψευσάμενος ὀφείλειν καὶ δανειστήν τινα φάσκοντα εἶναι τῇ τραπέζῃ προς αγαγών· εἶτα φωραθεὶς ὀλίγου διέφθειρεν αὐτὸς ἑαυτόν, εἰ μὴ γνοὺς Ἀλέξανδρος ἀφῆκε τῆς αἰτίας αὐτὸν καὶ συνεχώρησεν ἔχειν τἀργύριον, ἀναμνησθεὶς ὅτι Φιλίππου προσμαχομένου Περίνθῳ βέλει πληγεὶς εἰς τὸν ὀφθαλμὸν, οὐ παρέσχεν οὐδʼ ὑπέμεινεν ἐξαιρεθῆναι τὸ βέλος αὑτοῦ πρὶν ἢ τρέψασθαι τοὺς πολεμίους.

Ἀντιγένης δὲ τοῖς ἀποπεμφθεῖσιν εἰς Μακεδονίαν διὰ νόσον καὶ πήρωσιν ἀναμείξας ἑαυτὸν καὶ ἀπογραψάμενος, ὡς ἐλήφθη μηδὲν κακὸν ἔχων, ἀλλὰ προσποιούμενος ἀρρωστίαν τινά, ἀνὴρ πολεμικὸς 339d καὶ τραυμάτων τὸ σῶμα μεστὸς ὀφθεὶς ἠνίασε τὸν Ἀλέξανδρον πυνθανομένου δὲ τὴν· αἰτίαν, ὡμολόγησε Τελεσίππας ἐρᾶν καὶ συνακολουθεῖν ἐπὶ θάλατταν ἀπιούσης μὴ δυνάμενος ἀπολειφθῆναι. καὶ τίνος, ἔφη, τὸ γύναιόν ἐστιν, ὁ Ἀλέξανδρος, καὶ πρὸς τίνα δεῖ διαλέγεσθαι; τοῦ δʼ Ἀντιγένους εἰπόντος ὡς ἐλευθέρα ἐστίν, οὐκοῦν, εἶπε, πείθωμεν αὐτὴν καταμένειν, ἐπαγγελλόμενοι καὶ διδόντες. οὕτω παντὶ μᾶλλον ἐρῶντι συγγνώμην εἶχεν ἢ αὑτῷ.

καὶ μὴν καὶ Φιλώτας ὁ Παρμενίωνος τροφόν 339e τινα τῶν κακῶν εἶχε τὴν ἀκρασίαν. Ἀντιγόνα γὰρ ἦν Πελλαῖον γύναιον ἐν τοῖς περὶ Δαμασκὸν αἰχμαλώτοις, ἡλώκει δʼ ὑπʼ Αὐτοφραδάτου πρότερον εἰς Σαμοθρᾴκην διαπλεύσασα, τὴν δʼ ὄψιν ἦν ἱκανή, καὶ τὸν Φιλώταν ἁψάμενον αὐτῆς εἶχε μάλα. καὶ δὴ ὁ σιδάρεος ἐκεῖνος πεπαινόμενος οὐκ ἐκράτει τῶν λογισμῶν ἐν ταῖς ἡδοναῖς, ἀλλʼ ἀνοιγόμενος ἐξέφερε πολλὰ τῶν ἀπορρήτων πρὸς αὐτήν· τί ʼγὰρ ἦν ἐκεῖνος ὁ Φίλιππος, εἰ μὴ Παρμενίων; τί δʼ Ἀλέξανδρος οὗτος, εἰ μὴ Φιλώτας; ποῦ δʼ ὁ Ἄμμων, ποῦ δʼ οἱ δράκοντες, ἂν ἡμεῖς μὴ θέλωμεν; τούτους τοὺς λόγους ἡ Ἀντιγόνα ἐξήνεγκε 339f πρός τινα τῶν συνήθων γυναικῶν, ἐκείνη δὲ πρὸς Κρατερόν· κρατερὸς δὲ πρὸς Ἀλέξανδρον αὐτὴν εἰσήγαγε τὴν Ἀντιγόναν κρύφα, καὶ τοῦ μὲν σώματος οὐκ ἔθιγεν ἀλλʼ ἀπέσχετο· τὸν δὲ Φιλώταν ὑποικουρῶν διʼ αὐτῆς ὅλον ἐφώρασε, καὶ πλέον ἢ ἑπτὰ ἐτῶν διαγενομένων, οὐκ ἐν οἴνῳ ποτὲ τὴν ὑπόνοιαν ταύτην ἐξέφηνεν ὁ μεθύων, οὐ δι’ ὀργὴν ὁ θυμοειδής, οὐ πρὸς φίλον ὁ πάντα πιστεύων 340a Ἡφαιστίωνι καὶ πάντων μεταδιδούς. λέγεται γὰρ ὅτι καὶ τῆς μητρὸς ἀπόρρητον ἐπιστολὴν λύσαντος αὐτοῦ καὶ σιωπῇ πρὸς ἑαυτὸν ἀναγιγνώσκοντος, Ἡφαιστίων ἀτρέμα παραβάλλων τὴν κεφαλὴν συνανεγίγνωσκεν· ὁ δὲ κωλῦσαι μὲν οὐχ ὑπέμεινεν, ἐξελὼν δὲ τὸν δακτύλιον προσέθηκε τὴν σφραγῖδα τῷ στόματι τοῦ Ἡφαιστίωνος.

[8] ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν ἄν τις ἀπείποι λέγων, οἷς ἀποδείκνυται κάλλιστα καὶ βασιλικώτατα τὴν ἐξουσίαν διατιθέμενος. καὶ γάρ εἰ διὰ Τύχην μέγας γέγονε, μείζων ἐστίν, ὅτι τῇ Τύχῃ καλῶς κέχρηται· καὶ ὅσῳ τις ἂν μᾶλλον αὐτοῦ τὴν Τύχην ἐπαινῇ, 340b τοσούτῳ μᾶλλον αὔξει τὴν ἀρετήν, διʼ ἣν ἄξιος τῆς Τύχης ἐγένετο.

οὐ μὴν ἀλλʼ ἤδη πρὸς τὰ πρῶτα τῆς αὐξήσεως αὐτοῦ καὶ τὰς ἀρχὰς τῆς δυνάμεως βαδίζω, καὶ σκοπῶ τί τὸ τῆς Τύχης ἔργον ἐν ἐκείνοις γέγονε, διʼ ὅ φασιν Ἀλέξανδρον ὑπὸ τῆς Τύχης μέγαν γεγονέναι. πῶς γὰρ οὐχὶ τὸν ἄτρωτον, ὦ Ζεῦ, τὸν ἀναίμακτον, τὸν ἀστράτευτον, ὃν χρεμετίσας ἵππος εἰς τὸν Κύρου θρόνον ἐκάθισεν, ὡς Δαρεῖον τὸν Ὑστάσπου πρότερον; ἢ κολακευθεὶς ἀνὴρ ὑπὸ τῆς γυναικός, ὡς Ξέρξην Δαρεῖος ὑπʼ Ἀτόσσης; ἐπὶ θύρας αὐτῷ τὸ διάδημα τῆς βασιλείας ἦλθεν, ὥσπερ Ὀάρσῃ διὰ Βαγώαν, καὶ 340c στολὴν ἐκδυσάμενος ἀστάνδου περιέθετο τὴν βασιλικὴν καὶ ὀρθοπαγῆ κίταριν; ἐξαίφνης καὶ ἀπροσδοκήτως κλήρῳ λαχὼν τῆς οἰκουμένης ἐβασίλευσεν, ὡς Ἀθήνησι κλήρῳ θεσμοθετοῦσι καὶ ἄρχουσι;

βούλει μαθεῖν πῶς βασιλεύουσιν ἄνθρωποι διὰ Τύχην; ἐξέλιπὲ ποτʼ Ἀργείοις τὸ Ἡρακλειδῶν γένος, ἐξ οὗ βασιλεύεσθαι πάτριον ἦν αὐτοῖς· ζητοῦσι δὲ καὶ διαπυνθανομένοις ὁ θεὸς ἔχρησεν ἀετὸν δείξειν· καὶ μεθʼ ἡμέρας ὀλίγας ἀετὸς ὑπερφανεὶς καὶ κατάρας ἐπὶ τὴν Αἴγωνος οἰκίαν ἐκάθισε, καὶ βασιλεὺς ᾑρέθη Αἴγων.

Πἀλιν ἐν Πἀφῳ, τοῦ βασιλεύοντος ἀδίκου καὶ πονηροῦ φανέντος ι ἐκβαλὼν τοῦτον Ἀλέξανδρος 340d ἕτερον ἐζήτει, τοῦ Κινυραδῶν γένους ἤδη φθίνειν καὶ ἀπολείπειν δοκοῦντος. ἕνα δʼ οὖν ἔφασαν περιεῖναι πένητα καὶ ἄδοξον ἄνθρωπον ἐν κήπῳ τινὶ παρημελημένως διατρεφόμενον. ἐπὶ τοῦτον οἱ πεμφθέντες ἧκον, εὑρέθη δὲ πρασιαῖς ὕδωρ ἐπαντλῶν· καὶ διεταράχθη τῶν στρατιωτῶν ἐπιλαμβανομένων αὐτοῦ καὶ βαδίζειν κελευόντων. ἀχθεὶς δὲ; πρὸς Ἀλέξανδρον ἐν εὐτελεῖ σινδονίσκῃ βασιλεὺς ἀνηγορεύθη καὶ πορφύραν ἔλαβε, καὶ εἷς ἦν τῶν ἑταίρων προσαγορευομένων· ἐκαλεῖτο δʼ Ἀβδαλώνυμος. οὕτως αἱ τύχαι ποιοῦσι βασιλεῖς, μετ 340e αμφιέζουσι, μεταγράφουσι ταχύ καὶ ῥᾳδίως, μὴ προσδεχομένους μηδʼ ἐλπίζοντας.

[9] Ἀλεξάνδρῳ δὲ τ ι παρʼ ἀξίαν, τί ἀνιδρωτί, τί ἀναιμωτί, τί προῖκα, τί μὴ πονήσαντι τῶν μεγάλων; αἵματι κεκραμένους ποταμοὺς ἔπιε καὶ νεκροῖς γεγεφυρωμένους διέβη, καὶ πόαν ἔφαγε διὰ λιμὸν ἣν πρώτην εἶδε, καὶ βάθεσι χιόνων κατακεχωσμένα ἔθνη καὶ πόλεις ὑπὸ γῆν ἐνδεδυκυίας διώρυξε, καὶ θάλατταν μαχομένην ἔπλευσε, καὶ θῖνας ἀνύδρους τὰς Γεδρωσίων καὶ Ἀραχωσίων ὁδεύων ἐν θαλάττῃ πρότερον ἢ ἐν γῇ φυτὸν εἶδεν.

εἰ γὰρ ἦν ὡς πρὸς ἄνθρωπον ἀγαγεῖν Παρρησίαν ὑπὲρ Ἀλεξάνδρου πρὸς τὴν Τύχην, οὐκ ἂν εἶπε, 340f

ποῦ σὺ καὶ πότε ταῖς Ἀλεξάνδρου πράξεσιν ὁδὸν ἔδωκας; ποίαν πέτραν ἀναιμωτὶ διὰ σὲ εἷλε; ποίαν πόλιν ἀφρούρητον αὐτῷ παρέδωκας ἢ ποίαν ἄνοπλον φάλαγγα; τίς εὑρέθη βασιλεὺς ῥᾴθυμος ἢ στρατηγὸς ἀμελὴς ἢ κοιμώμενος πυλωρός; ἀλλʼ οὐδʼ εὔβατος ποταμὸς οὐδὲ χειμὼν μέτριος οὐδὲ 341a θέρος ἄλυπον. ἄπιθι πρὸς Ἀντίοχον τὸν Σελεύκου, πρὸς Ἀρταξέρξην τὸν Κύρου ἀδελφόν· ἄπελθε πρὸς Πτολεμαῖον τὸν Φιλάδελφον. ἐκείνους ζῶντες οἱ πατέρες βασιλεῖς ἀνηγόρευσαν, ἐκεῖνοι μάχας ἀδακρύτους ἐνίκων ἐκεῖνοι πανηγυρίζοντες ἐν πομπαῖς καὶ θεάτροις διετέλεσαν, ἐκείνων ἕκαστος διʼ εὐτυχίαν βασιλεύων ἐγήρασεν.

Ἀλεξάνδρου δʼ εἰ μηδὲν ἄλλο, τὸ σῶμʼ ἰδοῦ κατατετρωμένον ἐξ ἄκρας κεφαλῆς ἄχρι ποδῶν διακέκοπται καὶ περιτέθλασται τυπτόμενον ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων

ἔγχεΐ τʼ ἄορί τε μεγάλοισί τε χερμαδίοισιν

341b ἐπὶ Γρανίκου ξίφει διακοπεὶς τὸ κράνος ἄχρι τῶν τριχῶν, ἐν Γάζῃ βέλει πληγεὶς τὸν ὦμον, ἐν Μαρακάνδοις τοξεύματι τὴν κνήμην ὥστε τῆς κερκίδος τὸ ὀστέον ἀποκλασθὲν ὑπὸ τῆς πληγῆς ἐξαλέγθαι· περὶ τὴν Ὑρκανίαν λίθῳ τὸν τράχηλον, ἐξ οὗ καὶ τὰς ὄψεις ἀμαυρωθεὶς ἐφʼ ἡμέρας πολλὰς ἐν φόβῳ πηρώσεως ἐγένετο· πρὸς Ἀσσακηνοῖς Ἰνδικῷ βέλει τὸ σφυρόν, ὅτε καὶ πρὸς τοὺς κόλακας εἶπεν ἐπιμειδιάσας, τουτὶ μὲν αἷμα, οὐκ

ἰχώρ, οἷός πέρ τε ῥέει μακάρεσσι θεοῖσιν

ἐν Ἰσσῷ ξίφει τὸν μηρόν, ὡς Χάρης φησίν, ὑπὸ Δαρείου τοῦ βασιλέως εἰς χεῖρας αὐτῷ συνδραμόντος· 341c αὐτὸς δʼ Ἀλέξανδρος ἁπλῶς γράφων καὶ μετὰ πάσης ἀληθείας πρὸς Ἀντίπατρον, συνέβη δέ μοι, φησί, καὶ αὐτῷ ἐγχειριδίῳ πληγῆναι εἰς τὸν μηρόν· ἀλλʼ οὐδὲν ἄτοπον οὔτε παραχρῆμα οὔθʼ ὕστερον ἐκ τῆς πληγῆς ἀπήντησεν. ἐν Μαλλοῖς τοξεύματι διπήχει διὰ τοῦ θώρακος εἰς τὸ στῆθος ὑπελάσας δέ τις ἔβαλε κατὰ τοῦ αὐχένος, ὡς Ἀριστόβουλος ἱστόρηκε. διαβὰς δὲ τὸν Τάναϊν ἐπὶ τοὺς Σκύθας καὶ τρεψάμενος, ἐδίωξεν ἵππῳ πεντήκοντα καὶ ἑκατὸν σταδίους, ὑπὸ διαρροίας ἐνοχλούμενος.

[10] εὖγʼ, ὦ Τύχη, τὸν Ἀλέξανδρον αὔξεις καὶ μέγαν ποιεῖς, διορύττουσα πανταχόθεν, ὑπερείπουσα 341d , πᾶν μέρος ἀνοίγουσα τοῦ σώματος· οὐχ ὥσπερ ἡ Ἀθηνᾶ πρὸ τοῦ Μενελάου τὸ βέλος εἰς τὰ καρτερώτατα τῶν ὅπλων ὑπάγουσα, θώρακι καὶ μίτρᾳ καὶ ζωστῆρι τῆς πληγῆς τὸν τόνον ἀφεῖλε θιγούσης τοῦ σώματος, ὅσον αἵματι πρόφασιν ῥυῆναι, ἀλλὰ γυμνὰ παρέχουσα τοῖς βέλεσι τὰ καίρια, καὶ διʼ ὀστέων έλαύνουσα τὰς πληγάς, καὶ περιτρέχουσα κύκλῳ τὸ σῶμα, καὶ πολιορκοῦσα τὰς ὄψεις, τὰς βάσεις, ἐμποδίζουσα τὰς διώξεις, περισπῶσα τὰς νίκας, ἀνατρέπουσα τὰς ἐλπίδας.

ἐμοὶ μὲν οὐδεὶς βαρυτέρᾳ δοκεῖ κεχρῆσθαι Τύχῃ τῶν βασιλέων, καίτοι πολλοῖς ἐνέπεσε σκληρὰ καὶ 341e βάσκανος· ἀλλʼ ὡς σκηπτὸς ἀπέκοψε τοὺς ἄλλους καὶ διέφθειρε, πρὸς δʼ Ἀλέξανδρον αὐτῆς τὸ δυσμενὲς γέγονε φιλόνεικον καὶ δύσερι καὶ δυσεκβίαστον, ὥσπερ πρὸς τὸν Ἡρακλέα. ποίους γὰρ Τυφῶνας ἢ πελωρίους γίγαντας οὐκ ἀνέστησεν ἀνταγωνιστὰς ἐπʼ αὐτόν; ἢ τίνας οὐκ ὠχύρωσε τῶν πολεμίων πλήθεσιν ὅπλων ἢ βάθεσι ποταμῶν ἢ τραχύτησι κρημνῶν ἢ θηρίων ἀλκαῖς ἀλλοφύλων; εἰ δὲ μὴ μέγʼ ἦν τὸ Ἀλεξάνδρου φρόνημα μηδʼ ἀπʼ ἀρετῆς ὁρμώμενον μεγάλης ἐξανέφερε καὶ διηρείδετο πρὸς τὴν Τύχην, οὐκ ἂν ἔκαμε καὶ ἀπηγόρευσε παραταττόμενος, ἐξοπλιζόμενος, πολιορκῶν 341f , διώκων ἐν ἀποστάσεσι μυρίαις, ἀποτροπαῖς, σκιρτήσεσιν ἐθνῶν, βασιλέων ἀφηνιασμοῖς, πρὸς Βάκτρα Μαράκανδα Σογδιανούς, ἐν ἔθνεσιν ἀπίστοις καὶ ἐπιβούλοις ὕδραν τέμνων ἀεί τισι πολέμοις ἐπιβλαστάνουσαν;

[11] ἄτοπόν τι δόξω λέγειν, ἐρῶ δʼ ἀληθές· παρὰ μικρὸν διὰ τὴν Τύχην Ἀλέξανδρος ἀπώλεσε τὸ δοκεῖν Ἄμμωνος εἶναι. τίς γὰρ ἂν ἐκ θεῶν γεγονὼς ἐπισφαλεῖς οὕτω καὶ πολυπόνους καὶ τλήμονας ἐξεμόχθησεν ἄθλους πλὴν ὁ Διὸς Ἡρακλῆς; 342a ἀλλʼ ἐκείνῳ μὲν εἷς ἀνὴρ ὑβριστὴς ἐπέταττε λέοντας αἱρεῖν καὶ κάπρους διώκειν καὶ σοβεῖν ὄρνιθας ἵνα μὴ σχολάζῃ τοῖς μείζοσι περιιών, Ἀνταίους κολάζειν καὶ Βουσίριδας παύειν μιαιφονοῦντας· Ἀλεξάνδρῳ δʼ ἐπέταττε ἡ Ἀρετὴ τὸν βασιλικὸν καὶ θεῖον ἆθλον, οὗ τέλος ἦν οὐ χρυσὸς ὑπὸ μυρίων καμήλων περικομιζόμενος οὐδὲ τρυφαὶ Μηδικαὶ καὶ τράπεζαι καὶ γυναῖκες οὐδὲ Χαλυβώνιος οἶνος οὐδʼ Ὑρκανικοὶ ἰχθύες, ἀλλʼ ἑνὶ κόσμῳ κοσμήσαντα πάντας ἀνθρώπους μιᾶς ὑπηκόους ἡγεμονίας καὶ 342b μιᾶς ἐθάδας διαίτης καταστῆσαι. τοῦτον ἐκ παιδὸς ἔμφυτον ἔχων ἔρωτα, συντρεφόμενον καὶ συναυξανόμενον, ὡς ἀφίκοντο πρέσβεις παρὰ τοῦ Περσῶν βασιλέως πρὸς Φίλιππον, ὁ δʼ οὐκ ἔνδημος ἦν, φιλοφρονούμενος καὶ ξενίζων αὐτοὺς Ἀλέξανδρος οὐδὲν ἠρώτα παιδικόν, οἷον οἱ ἄλλοι, περὶ τῆς χρυσῆς ἀναδενδράδος ἢ τῶν κρεμαστῶν κήπων ἢ πῶς ὁ βασιλεὺς κεκόσμηται, ἀλλʼ ὅλος ἐν τοῖς κυριωτάτοις ἦν τῆς ἡγεμονίας, διαπυνθανόμενος πόση δύναμις ἡ Περσῶν, ποῦ τεταγμένος βασιλεὺς ἐν ταῖς μάχαις διαγωνίζεται (καθάπερ Ὀδυσσεὺς ἐκεῖνος,

ποῦ δέ οἱ ἔντεα κεῖται ἀρήια, ποῦ δέ οἱ ἵπποι;),

342c τίνες ὁδοὶ βραχύταται τοῖς ἄνω πορευομένοις ἀπὸ θαλάττης· ὥστε τοὺς ξένους ἐκπεπλῆχθαι καὶ λέγειν ὡς ὁ παῖς οὗτος βασιλεὺς μέγας, ὁ δʼ ἡμέτερος πλούσιος. ἐπεὶ δὲ Φιλίππου τελευτήσαντος ὥρμητο διαβαλεῖν καὶ ταῖς ἐλπίσιν ἤδη καὶ ταῖς παρασκευαῖς ἐμπεφυκὼς ἔσπευδεν ἅψασθαι τῆς Ἀσίας, ἐνίστατο δὴ ἡ Τύχη καὶ ἀπέστρεφε καὶ ἀνθεῖλκεν ὀπίσω καὶ μυρίας περιέβαλλεν ἀσχολίας καὶ διατριβὰς ἐπιλαμβανομένη· πρῶτον αὐτῷ τὰ βαρβαρικὰ τῶν προσοίκων διετάραξεν, Ἰλλυρικοὺς καὶ Τριβαλλικοὺς μηχανωμένη πολέμους. οἷς μέχρι Σκυθίας τῆς παρʼ Ἴστρον ἀποσπασθεὶς ἀπὸ 342d τῶν ἄνω πράξεων καὶ περιδραμὼν καὶ κατεργασάμενος πάντα κινδύνοις καὶ ἀγῶσι μεγάλοις, αὖθις ὥρμητο καὶ ἔσπευδε πρὸς τὴν διάβασιν· ἡ δὲ πάλιν αὐτῷ τὰς Θήβας ἐνέσεισε καὶ πόλεμον Ἑλληνικὸν ἐμποδὼν κατέβαλε, καὶ δεινὴν πρὸς ἄνδρας ὁμοφύλους καὶ συγγενεῖς διὰ φόνου καὶ σιδήρου καὶ πυρὸς ἀνάγκην ἀμύνης, ἀτερπέστατον τέλος ἔχουσαν.

ἐκ τούτου διέβαινεν, ὡς μὲν Φύλαρχός φησιν, ἡμερῶν τριάκοντʼ ἔχων ἐφόδιον, ὡς δʼ Ἀριστόβουλος, ἑβδομήκοντα τάλαντα· τῶν δʼ οἴκοι κτημάτων καὶ προσόδων βασιλικῶν διένειμε τὰς πλείστας τοῖς ἑταίροις, μόνος δὲ Περδίκκας οὐδὲν 342e ἔλαβε διδόντος, ἀλλʼ ἠρώτησε, σαυτῷ δὲ τί καταλείπεις, Ἀλέξανδρε; τοῦ δʼ εἰπόντος ὅτι τὰς ἐλπίδας, οὐκοῦν, ἔφη, καὶ ἡμεῖς τούτων μεθέξομεν· οὐ γάρ δίκαιον τὰ σὰ λαμβάνειν, ἀλλὰ τὰ Δαρείου περιμένειν.

[12] τίνες οὖν ἦσαν αἱ ἐλπίδες ἐφʼ αἷς διέβαινεν εἰς Ἀσίαν Ἀλέξανδρος; οὐ τείχεσι πόλεων μυριάνδρων ἐκμετρουμένη δύναμις οὐδὲ στόλοι διʼ ὀρῶν πλέοντες, οὐδὲ μάστιγες οὐδὲ πέδαι, μανικὰ καὶ βάρβαρα κολαστήρια θαλάττης, ἀλλὰ τὰ μὲν ἐκτὸς ἐν ὀλίγοις ὅπλοις φιλοτιμία πολλὴ καὶ ζῆλος ἡλικίας παραλλήλου καὶ ἅμιλλα περὶ δόξης καὶ ἀρετῆς ἑταίρων· αὐτὸς δʼ εἶχεν ἐν ἑαυτῷ τὰς 342f μεγάλας ἐλπίδας· εὐσέβειαν περὶ θεούς, πίστιν πρὸς φίλους, εὐτέλειαν, ἐγκράτειαν, ἐμπειρίαν, ἀφοβίαν πρὸς θάνατον, εὐψυχίαν, φιλανθρωπίαν, ὁμιλίαν εὐάρμοστον, ἀψευδὲς ἦθος, εὐστάθειαν ἐν βουλαῖς, τάχος ἐν πράξεσιν, πρῶτα δόξης, προαίρεσιν ἐν τῷ καλῷ καλῷ τελεσιουργόν. Ὅμηρος μὲν ʼγὰρ οὐ πρεπόντως οὐδὲ πιθανῶς τὸ Ἀγαμέμνονος κάλλος ἐκ τριῶν συνήρμοσεν εἰκόνων ὁμοιώσας, 343a

ὄμματα καὶ κεφαλὴν ἴκελος Διὶ τερπικεραύνῳ,

Ἄρεϊ δὲ ζώνην, στέρνον δὲ Ποσειδάωνι.

τὴν δʼ Ἀλεξάνδρου φύσιν, εἴπερ ἐκ πολλῶν συνήρμοσε καὶ συνέθηκεν ἀρετῶν ὁ γεννήσας θεός, ἆρʼ οὐκ ἂν εἴποιμεν ἔχειν φρόνημα μὲν τὸ Κύρου, σωφροσύνην δὲ τὴν Ἀγησιλάου, σύνεσιν δὲ τὴν Θεμιστοκλέους, ἐμπειρίαν δὲ τὴν Φιλίππου, τόλμαν δὲ τὴν Βρασίδου, δεινότητα δὲ καὶ πολιτείαν τὴν Περικλέους; τῶν δʼ ἔτι παλαιοτέρων σωφρονέστερος μὲν Ἀγαμέμνονος· ὁ μὲν γὰρ προέκρινε τῆς γαμετῆς τὴν αἰχμάλωτον, ὁ δὲ καὶ πρὶν ἢ γῆμαι 343b τῶν ἁλισκομένων ἀπείχετο. μεγαλοψυχότερος δʼ Ἀχιλλέως· ὁ μὲν γὰρ χρημάτων ὀλίγων τὸν Ἕκτορος νεκρὸν ἀπελύτρωσεν, ὁ δὲ πολλοῖς χρήμασι Δαρεῖον ἔθαψε· καὶ ὁ μὲν παρὰ τῶν φίλων δῶρα καὶ μισθὸν ἀντὶ τῆς ὀργῆς διαλλαγεὶς ἔλαβεν, ὁ δὲ τοὺς πολεμίους κρατῶν ἐπλούτιζεν. εὐσεβέστερος δὲ Διομήδους· ὁ μὲν γὰρ θεοῖς μάχεσθαι ἦν ἕτοιμος, ὁ δὲ πάντα τοὺς θεοὺς ἐνόμιζε κατορθοῦν. ποθεινότερος δὲ τοῖς προσήκουσιν Ὀδυσσέως· ἐκείνου μὲν γὰρ ἡ τεκοῦσα διὰ λύπην ἀπέθανε, τούτῳ δʼ ἡ τοῦ πολεμίου μήτηρ ὑπʼ εὐνοίας συναπέθανε.

[13] Τὸ δʼ ὅλον, εἰ μὲν καὶ Σόλων διὰ Τύχην 343c ἐπολιτεύσατο καὶ Μιλτιάδης διὰ Τύχην ἐστρατήγησε καὶ Ἀριστείδης ἀπὸ Τύχης ἦν δίκαιος, οὐδὲν ἄρα τῆς Ἀρετῆς ἔργον ἐστίν, ἀλλʼ ὄνομα τοῦτο καὶ λόγος ἔχων δόξαν ἄλλως διέξεισι τοῦ βίου, πλαττόμενος ὑπὸ τῶν σοφιστῶν καὶ τῶν νομοθετῶν. εἰ δὲ τούτων καὶ τῶν ὁμοίων ἀνδρῶν ἕκαστος πένης μὲν ἢ πλούσιος ἢ ἀσθενὴς ἢ ἰσχυρὸς ἢ ἄμορφος ἢ καλὸς ἢ εὔγηρως ἢ ὠκύμορος διὰ τύχην γέγονε μέγαν δὲ στρατηγὸν καὶ μέγαν νομοθέτην καὶ μέγαν ἐν ἀρχαῖς καὶ πολιτείαις ἕκαστος ἑαυτὸν ἀρετῇ καὶ λόγῳ παρέσχηκε, φέρε θεῶ τὸν Ἀλέξανδρον ἅπασι παραβάλλων. Σόλων χρεῶν ἀποκοπὴν 343d ἐν Ἀθήναις ἐποίησε, σεισάχθειαν προσαγορεύσας· Ἀλέξανδρος δὲ τὰ χρέα τοῖς δανείσασιν ὑπὲρ τῶν ὀφειλόντων αὐτὸς ἐξέτισε. Περικλῆς φορολογήσας τοὺς Ἕλληνας ἐκ τῶν χρημάτων ἐκόσμησεν ἱεροῖς τὴν ἀκρόπολιν· Ἀλέξανδρος δὲ τὰ τῶν Βαρβάρων χρήματα λαβὼν ἔπεμψεν εἰς τὴν Ἑλλάδα, ναοὺς τοῖς θεοῖς ἀπὸ μυρίων ταλάντων οἰκοδομῆσαι κελεύσας. Βρασίδαν ἐν τῇ Ἑλλάδι περιβόητον ἐποίησε τὸ πρὸς Μεθώνην διαδραμεῖν τὸ στρατόπεδον τῶν πολεμίων βαλλόμενον παρὰ τὴν θάλατταν· Ἀλεξάνδρου δʼ ἐν Ὀξυδράκαις τὸ δεινὸν ἐκεῖνο πήδημα καὶ ἄπιστον ἀκούουσι καὶ θεωμένοις φοβερόν, ἐκ τειχῶν ἀφέντος ἑαυτὸν εἰς 343e τοὺς πολεμίους δόρασι, καὶ βέλεσι. καὶ ξίφεσι γυμνοῖς ἐκδεχομένους, τίνι ἄν τις εἰκάσειεν ἢ πυρὶ κεραυνίῳ ῥαγέντι καὶ φερομένῳ; μετὰ πνεύματος, οἷον ἐπὶ γῆν κατέσκηψε φάσμα Φοίβου φλογοειδέσιν ὅπλοις περιλαμπόμενον; οἱ δὲ τὸ πρῶτον ἐκπλαγέντες ἅμα φρίκῃ διέτρεσαν καὶ ἀνεχώρησαν· εἶθʼ ὡς ἑώρων ἄνθρωπον ἕνα πολλοῖς ἐπιφερόμενον, ἀντέστησαν.

ἐνταῦθʼ ἄρʼ ἡ Τύχη μεγάλα καὶ λαμπρὰ διέφηνεν ἔργα τῆς πρὸς Ἀλέξανδρον εὐμενείας, ὅτʼ αὐτὸν μὲν εἰς χωρίον ἄσημον καὶ βάρβαρον ἐμβαλοῦσα κατέκλεισε καὶ περιετείχισε, τοὺς δʼ ὑπὸ σπουδῆς 343f ἐπιβοηθοῦντας ἔξωθεν καὶ τῶν τειχῶν ἐφιεμένους, κλάσασα καὶ συντρίψασα τὰς κλίμακας, ὑπεσκέλισε καὶ κατεκρήμνισε. τριῶν δʼ οἵπερ ἔφθησαν μόνοι τοῦ τείχους λαβέσθαι καὶ καθέντες ἑαυτοὺς παραστῆναι τῷ βασιλεῖ, τὸν μὲν εὐθὺς ἀνήρπασε καὶ προανεῖλεν, ὁ δὲ τοξεύμασι πολλοῖς διαπεπαρμένος ὅσον ὁρᾶν καὶ συναισθάνεσθαι μόνον ἀπεῖχε τοῦ 344a τεθνάναι· κεναὶ δʼ ἔξωθεν προσδρομαὶ καὶ ἀλαλαγμοὶ Μακεδόνων, οὐ μηχανῆς τινος οὐκ ὀργάνων παρόντων, ἀλλʼ ὑπὸ σπουδῆς ξίφεσι τυπτόντων τὰ τείχη καὶ χερσὶ γυμναῖς παραρρῆξαι καὶ μονονοὺ διαφαγεῖν βιαζομένων.

ὁ δʼ εὐτυχὴς βασιλεὺς καὶ ὑπὸ τῆς Τύχης φυλαττόμενος ἀεὶ καὶ δορυφορούμενος, ὥσπερ θηρίον ἄρκυσιν ἐνσχεθείς, ἔρημος καὶ ἀβοήθητος, οὐχ ὑπὲρ Σούσων οὐδὲ Βαβυλῶνος οὐδὲ τοῦ Βάκτρα λαβεῖν οὐδὲ τοῦ μεγάλου Πώρου κρατῆσαι· τοῖς γὰρ ἐνδόξοις καὶ μεγάλοις ἀγῶσι, κἂν δυστυχῶνται, τὸ γοῦν αἰσχρὸν οὐ πρόσεστιν. ἀλλʼ οὕτω δύσερις ἦν καὶ βάσκανος ἡ Τύχη καὶ φιλοβάρβαρος 344b καὶ μισαλέξανδρος, ὥστε μὴ τὸ σῶμα μόνον αὐτοῦ μηδὲ τὸν βίον, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὴν δόξαν ἀνελεῖν ὅσον ἐφʼ ἑαυτῇ καὶ διαφθεῖραι τὴν εὔκλειαν. οὐ γὰρ παρʼ Εὐφράτην Ἀλέξανδρον ἢ Ὑδάσπην πεσόντα κεῖσθαι δεινὸν ἦν, οὐδʼ ἀγεννὲς ἐν χερσὶ Δαρείου γενόμενον καὶ ἵπποις καὶ ξίφεσι καὶ κοπίσι Περσῶν ἀμυνομένων ὑπὲρ τοῦ βασιλέως ἀποθανεῖν οὐδὲ τῶν Βαβυλῶνος ἐπιβαίνοντα τειχῶν σφαλῆναι καὶ πεσεῖν ἀπʼ ἐλπίδος μεγάλης. οὕτω Πελοπίδας καὶ Ἐπαμεινώνδας· ἀρετῆς ὁ τούτων θάνατος ἦν, οὐ δυστυχίας ἐπὶ τηλικούτοις. τῆς δὲ νῦν ἐξεταζομένης 344c τύχης οἷον τὸ ἔργον; ἐν ἐσχατιᾷ βαρβάρου παραποταμίας καὶ τείχεσιν ἀδόξου πολίχνης περιβαλούσης καὶ ἀποκρυψάσης τὸν τῆς οἰκουμένης βασιλέα καὶ κύριον, ὅπλοις ἀτίμοις καὶ σκεύεσι τοῖς παρατυχοῦσι τυπτόμενον καὶ βαλλόμενον ἀπολέσθαι. καὶ γὰρ κοπίδι τὴν κεφαλὴν διὰ τοῦ κράνους ἐπλήγη, καὶ βέλει τις ἀπὸ τόξου τὸν θώρακα διέκοψεν, οὗ τοῖς περὶ τὸν μαστὸν ἐνερεισθέντος ὀστέοις καὶ καταπαγέντος ὁ μὲν καυλὸς ἐξεῖχε βαρύνων, τῆς δʼ ἀκίδος ὁ σίδηρος τεττάρων δακτύλων εὖρος ἔσχε καὶ πέντε μῆκος. ἔσχατον δὲ τῶν δεινῶν, ὁ μὲν ἠμύνετο τοὺς κατὰ στόμα καὶ τὸν βαλόντα καὶ πελάσαι τολμήσαντα μετὰ ξίφους 344d αὐτὸς τῷ ἐγχειριδίῳ φθάσας κατέβαλε καὶ ἀπέκτεινεν· ἐν τούτῳ δέ τις δραμὼν ἐκ μυλῶνος ὑπέρῳ κατὰ τοῦ αὐχένος ὄπισθεν πληγὴν κατήνεγκεν, ἣ συνέχεε τὴν αἴσθησιν αὐτοῦ σκοτωθέντος· ἡ δʼ Ἀρετὴ παρῆν θάρσος μὲν αὐτῷ, ῥώμην δὲ καὶ σπουδὴν τοῖς περὶ αὐτὸν ἐμποιοῦσα. Λιμναῖοι γὰρ καὶ Πτολεμαῖοι καὶ Λεοννάτοι καὶ ὅσοι τὸ τεῖχος ὑπερκαταβάντες ἢ ῥήξαντες ἔστησαν πρὸ αὐτοῦ τεῖχος ἀρετῆς ἦσαν, εὐνοίᾳ καὶ φιλίᾳ τοῦ βασιλέως τὰ σώματα κατὰ πρόσωπον καὶ τὰς ψυχὰς προβαλλόμενοι. οὐ γὰρ διὰ Τύχην ἀγαθῶν βασιλέων ἑταῖροι προαποθνήσκουσιν ἑκουσίως καὶ προκινδυνεύουσιν, 344e ἀλλʼ ἔρωτι τῆς Ἀρετῆς ὥσπερ ὑπὸ φίλτρων μέλιτται τῷ ἄρχοντι προσέχονται καὶ προσπεφύκασι.

τίς οὖν οὐκ ἂν εἶπε τότε παρὼν ἀκίνδυνος θεατὴς ὅτι Τύχης μέγαν ἀγῶνα καὶ Ἀρετῆς θεᾶται, καὶ τὸ μὲν βάρβαρον παρʼ ἀξίαν ἐπικρατεῖ διὰ Τύχην, τὸ δʼ Ἑλληνικὸν ἀντέχει παρὰ δύναμιν διʼ Ἀρετήν; κἂν μὲν ἐκεῖνοι περιγένωνται, Τύχης καὶ δαίμονος φθονεροῦ καὶ νεμέσεως ἔσται τὸ ἔργον ἂν δʼ οὗτοι κρατήσωσιν, Ἀρετὴ καὶ τόλμα καὶ φιλία καὶ πίστις ἐξοίσεται τὸ νικητήριον; ταῦτα γάρ μόνα παρῆν Ἀλεξάνδρῳ, τῆς δʼ ἄλλης δυνάμεως καὶ παρασκευῆς καὶ στόλων καὶ ἵππων 344f καὶ στρατοπέδων μέσον ἔθηκεν ἡ Τύχη τὸ τεῖχος.

ἐτρέψαντο μὲν οὖν τοὺς βαρβάρους οἱ Μακεδόνες, καὶ πεσοῦσιν αὐτοῖς ἐπικατέσκαψαν τὴν πόλιν. Ἀλεξάνδρῳ δʼ οὐδὲν ἦν ὄφελος· ἥρπαστο γὰρ μετὰ τοῦ βέλους, καὶ τὸν κάλαμον ἐν τοῖς σπλάγχνοις εἶχε, καὶ δεσμὸς ἦν αὐτῷ καὶ ἧλος τὸ τόξευμα τοῦ θώρακος πρὸς τὸ σῶμα. καὶ σπάσαι μὲν ὥσπερ 345a ἐκ ῥίζης τοῦ τραύματος βιαζομένοις οὐχ ὑπήκουεν ὁ σίδηρος, ἕδραν ἔχων τὰ πρὸ τῆς καρδίας στερεὰ τοῦ στήθους· ἐκπρῖσαι δὲ τοῦ δόνακος οὐκ ἐθάρρουν τὸ προέχον, ἀλλʼ ἐφοβοῦντο, μή πως σπαραγμῷ σχιζόμενον τὸ ὀστέον ὑπερβολὰς ἀλγηδόνων παράσχῃ καὶ ῥῆξις αἵματος ἐκ βάθους γένηται. πολλὴν δʼ ἀπορίαν καὶ διατριβὴν ὁρῶν αὐτὸς ἐπεχείρησεν ἐν χρῷ τοῦ θώρακος ἀποτέμνειν τῷ ξιφιδίῳ τὸν οἰστόν· ἠτόνει δʼ ἡ χεὶρ καὶ βάρος εἶχε ναρκῶδες ὑπὸ φλεγμονῆς τοῦ τραύματος. ἐκέλευεν οὖν ἅπτεσθαι καὶ μὴ δεδιέναι τοὺς ἀτρώτους 345b θαρρύνων καὶ τοῖς μὲν ἐλοιδορεῖτο κλαίουσι καὶ περιπαθοῦσι, τοὺς δὲ λιποτάκτας ἀπεκάλει, μὴ τολμῶντας αὐτῷ βοηθεῖν· ἐβόα δὲ πρὸς τοὺς ἑταίρους, μηδεὶς ἔστω μηδʼ ὑπὲρ ἐμοῦ δειλός· ἀπιστοῦμαι μὴ φοβεῖσθαι θάνατον, εἰ τὸν ἐμὸν φοβεῖσθʼ ὑμεῖς.

Περὶ τῆς Ἀλεξάνδρου τύχης ἢ ἀρετῆς λόγος Α, λόγος Β Perseus (Plutarch. Plutarchi Chaeronensis Moralia, Vol 2. Vernardakēs, Grēgorios N., editor. Leipzig: Teubner, 1889.) — 2 focus

[1] διέφυγεν ἡμᾶς, ὡς ἔοικε, χθὲς εἰπεῖν, ὅτι καὶ 333e τέχνας πολλὰς καὶ φύσεις μεγάλας ὁ κατʼ Ἀλέξανδρον χρόνος ἐνεγκεῖν εὐτύχησεν ἢ τοῦτο μὲν οὐ τῆς Ἀλεξάνδρου τύχης γέγονεν ἀλλὰ τῆς ἐκείνων, 5 μάρτυρα λαβεῖν καὶ θεατὴν τὸν ἄριστα κρῖναι τὸ κατορθούμενον καὶ μάλιστʼ ἀμείψασθαι δυνάμενον. λέγεται γοῦν, ὅτι χρόνοις ὕστερον, Ἀρχεστράτου γενομένου ποιητοῦ χαρίεντος ἐν δὲ πενίᾳ καὶ ἀδοξίᾳ διάγοντος, εἶπέ τις πρὸς αὐτόν ἀλλʼ εἰ κατʼ Ἀλέξανδρον 10 ἐγένου, κατὰ στίχον ἄν σοι Κύπρον ἢ Φοινίκην ἔδωκεν. οἶμαι δὲ καὶ τῶν τότε τεχνιτῶν οὐ 333f κατʼ Ἀλέξανδρον ἀλλὰ διʼ Ἀλέξανδρον τοὺς πρώτους γενέσθαι. καρπῶν μὲν γὰρ εὐφορίαν εὐκρασία ποιεῖ καὶ λεπτότης τοῦ περιέχοντος ἀέρος, ¹ τεχνῶν δὲ καὶ 15 φύσεων ἀγαθῶν αὔξησιν εὐμένεια καὶ τιμὴ καὶ φιλανθρωπία βασιλέως ἐκκαλεῖται· καὶ τοὐναντίον ὑπὸ φθόνου καὶ σμικρολογίας ἢ φιλονεικίας τῶν κρατούντων σβέννυται καὶ φθίνει πᾶν τὸ τοιοῦτο. Διονύσιος γοῦν ὁ τύραννος, ὥς φασι, κιθαρῳδοῦ τινος εὐδοκιμοῦντος ἀκούων ἐπηγγείλατο δωρεὰν 5 αὐτῷ τάλαντον· τῇ δʼ ὑστεραίᾳ τοῦ ἀνθρώπου τὴν ὑπόσχεσιν ἀπαιτοῦντος, χθές εἶπεν εὐφραινόμενος 334a ὑπὸ σοῦ παρʼ ὃν ᾖδες χρόνον εὔφρανα κἀγώ σε ταῖς ἐλπίσιν· ὥστε τὸν μισθὸν ὧν ἔτερπες ἀπελάμβανες εὐθὺς ἀντιτερπόμενος. Ἀλέξανδρος δʼ ὁ Φεραίων 10 τύραννος ἔδει δὲ τοῦτο μόνον αὐτὸν καλεῖσθαι καὶ μὴ καταισχύνειν τὴν ἐπωνυμίαν, θεώμενος τραγῳδὸν ἐμπαθέστερον ὑφʼ ἡδονῆς διετέθη πρὸς τὸν οἶκτον. ἀναπηδήσας οὖν ἐκ τοῦ θεάτρου θᾶττον ἢ βάδην ἀπῄει, δεινὸν εἶναι λέγων, εἰ τοσούτους ἀποσφάττων 15 πολίτας ὀφθήσεται τοῖς Ἑκάβης καὶ Πολυξένης πάθεσιν ἐπιδακρύων. οὗτος μὲν οὖν μικροῦ καὶ 334b δίκην ἐπράξατο τὸν τραγῳδόν, ὅτι τὴν ψυχὴν αὐτοῦ καθάπερ σίδηρον ἐμάλαξεν. Ἀρχελάῳ δὲ δοκοῦντι γλισχροτέρῳ περὶ τὰς δωρεὰς εἶναι Τιμόθεος ᾄδων 20 ἐνεσήμαινε πολλάκις τουτὶ τὸ κομμάτιον ²

σὺ δὲ τὸν γηγενέταν ἄργυρον αἰνεῖς.

³ ὁ δʼ Ἀρχέλαος οὐκ ἀμούσως ἀντεφώνησε σὺ δὲ ⁴ γʼ αἰτεῖς ὁ δὲ τῶν Σκυθῶν βασιλεὺς Ἀτέας ⁵ Ἰσμηνίαν τὸν αὐλητὴν λαβὼν αἰχμάλωτον, ἐκέλευσε παρὰ πότον 25 αὐλῆσαι. θαυμαζόντων δὲ τῶν ἄλλων καὶ κροτούντων, αὐτὸς ὤμοσεν ἀκροᾶσθαι τοῦ ἵππου χρεμετίζοντος ἥδιον. οὕτω μακρὰν ἀπεσκηνώκει τὰ ὦτα τῶν 334c Μουσῶν, καὶ τὴν ψυχὴν ἐν ταῖς φάτναις εἶχεν, οὐχ ἵππων ἀλλʼ ὄνων ἐπιτηδειοτέραν ἀκούειν. τίς ἂν οὖν παρὰ τοιούτοις βασιλεῦσιν αὔξησις ἢ τιμὴ τέχνης γένοιτο καὶ Μούσης τοιαύτης; ἀλλʼ οὐδὲ παρὰ τοῖς 5 ἀντιτέχνοις ⁶ ἐθέλουσιν εἶναι, καὶ διὰ τοῦτο βασκανίᾳ καὶ δυσμενείᾳ τοὺς ἀληθῶς τεχνίτας καθαιροῦσιν. οἷος ἦν πάλιν οὖ Διονύσιος ὁ τὸν ποιητὴν Φιλόξενον εἰς τὰς λατομίας ἐμβαλών, ὅτι τραγῳδίαν αὐτοῦ διορθῶσαι κελευσθείς, εὐθὺς ἀπὸ τῆς ἀρχῆς 10 ὅλην μέχρι τῆς κορωνίδος περιέγραψεν. ἦν δὲ καὶ Φίλιππος ἐν τούτοις ὑπʼ ὀψιμαθίας ἑαυτοῦ μικρότερος καὶ νεοπρεπέστερος ὅθεν καί φασι πρός τινα ψάλτην περὶ κρουμάτων αὐτοῦ διαφερομένου καὶ 15 334d δοκοῦντος ἐξελέγχειν, ἀτρέμα μειδιάσαντα τὸν ἄνθρωπον εἰπεῖν μὴ γένοιτό σοι, βασιλεῦ, ἀθλίως οὕτως, ἵνα ταῦτʼ ἐμοῦ βέλτιον εἰδῇς.

[2] ἀλλʼ Ἀλέξανδρος εἰδὼς τίνων δεῖ θεατὴν εἶναι καὶ ἀκροατὴν καὶ τίνων ἀγωνιστὴν καὶ αὐτουργόν, ἤσκει μὲν ἀεὶ διὰ τῶν ὅπλων δεινὸς εἶναι καὶ 20 κατὰ τὸν Αἰσχύλον

βριθὺς ὁπλιτοπάλας, δάιος ἀντιπάλοις.

⁷ ταύτην ἔχων τέχνην προγονικὴν ἀπʼ Αἰακιδῶν, ἀφʼ Ἡρακλέους, ταῖς δʼ ἄλλαις τέχναις τὸ τιμᾶν ἄνευ τοῦ ζηλοῦν ἀπεδίδου κατὰ τὸ ἔνδοξον αὐτῶν καὶ 25 χαρίεν, τῷ τέρπειν δʼ οὐκ ἦν εὐάλωτος εἰς τὸ μιμεῖσθαι. γεγόνασι δὲ κατʼ αὐτὸν τραγῳδοὶ μὲν οἱ περὶ 334e Θετταλὸν καὶ ὁ Ἀθηνόδωρος, ὧν ἀνταγωνιζομένων ἀλλήλοις, ἐχορήγουν μὲν οἱ Κύπριοι βασιλεῖς ἔκρινον. δʼ οἱ δοκιμώτατοι τῶν στρατηγῶν, ἐπεὶ δʼ ἐνίκησεν Ἀθηνόδωρος, ἐβουλόμην ἄν ἔφη μᾶλλον ἀπολωλέναι μέρος τῆς βασιλείας ἢ Θετταλὸν ἐπιδεῖν ἡττημένον 5 . ἀλλʼ οὔτʼ ἐνέτυχε τοῖς κριταῖς οὔτε τὴν κρίσιν ἐμέμψατο, πάντων οἰόμενος δεῖν περιεῖναι, 334f τοῦ δικαίου δʼ ἡττᾶσθαι. κωμῳδοὶ δʼ ἦσαν οἱ περὶ Λύκωνα τὸν Σκαρφέα· τούτῳ δʼ εἴς τινα κωμῳδίαν ἐμβαλόντι στίχον αἰτητικὸν γελάσας ἔδωκε δέκα 10 τάλαντα. κιθαρῳδοὶ δʼ ἄλλοι τε καὶ Ἀριστόνικος, ὃς ἐν μάχῃ τινὶ προσβοηθήσας ἔπεσε λαμπρῶς ἀγωνισάμενος. ἐκέλευσεν οὖν αὐτοῦ γενέσθαι καὶ σταθῆναι χαλκοῦν ἀνδριάντα Πυθοῖ, κιθάραν ἔχοντα καὶ δόρυ προβεβλημένον, οὐ τὸν ἄνδρα τιμῶν μόνον, ἀλλὰ 15 καὶ μουσικὴν κοσμῶν ὡς ἀνδροποιὸν καὶ μάλιστα δὴ 335a πληροῦσαν ἐνθουσιασμοῦ καὶ ὁρμῆς τοὺς γνησίως ἐντρεφομένους. καὶ γὰρ αὐτός, Ἀντιγενίδου ποτὲ τὸν ἁρμάτειον αὐλοῦντος νόμον, οὕτω παρέστη καὶ διεφλέχθη τὸν θυμὸν ὑπὸ τῶν μελῶν, ὥστε τοῖς 20 ὅπλοις ᾄξας ⁸ ἐπιβαλεῖν τὰς χεῖρας ἐγγὺς παρακειμένοις καὶ μαρτυρῆσαι τοῖς Σπαρτιάταις ᾄδουσιν

ἕρπει γὰρ ἄντα τῶ σιδάρω ⁹ τὸ καλῶς κιθαρίσδειν.

¹⁰ ἦν δὲ καὶ Ἀπελλῆς ὁ ζωγράφος καὶ Λύσιππος ὁ πλάστης κατʼ Ἀλέξανδρον· ὧν ὁ μὲν ἔγραψε τὸν 25 κεραυνοφόρον οὕτως ἐναργῶς καὶ κεκραμένως, ὥστε λέγειν, ὅτι δυεῖν Ἀλεξάνδρων ὁ μὲν Φιλίππου γέγονεν 335b ἀνίκητος, ὁ δʼ Ἀπελλοῦ ἀμίμητος. Λυσίππου δὲ τὸν πρῶτον ¹¹ Ἀλέξανδρον πλάσαντος, ἄνω βλέποντα τῷ προσώπῳ πρὸς τὸν οὐρανὸν (ὥσπερ αὐτὸς εἰώθει βλέπειν Ἀλέξανδρος ¹² ἡσυχῆ παρεγκλίνων τὸν τράχηλον) ἐπέγραψέ τις οὐκ ἀπιθάνως 5

αὐδασοῦντι δʼ ἔοικεν ὁ χάλκεος εἰς Δία λεύσσων,

¹³

γᾶν ὑπʼ ἐμοὶ τίθεμαι· Ζεῦ, σὺ δʼ Ὄλυμπον ἔχε.

διὸ καὶ μόνον Ἀλέξανδρος ἐκέλευε Λύσιππον εἰκόνας αὐτοῦ δημιουργεῖν. μόνος γὰρ οὗτος, ὡς ἔοικε, κατεμήνυε ¹⁴ τῷ χαλκῷ τὸ ἦθος αὐτοῦ καὶ συνεξέφαινε ¹⁵ τῇ 10 μορφῇ τὴν ἀρετήν· οἱ δʼ ἄλλοι τὴν ἀποστροφὴν τοῦ 335c τραχήλου καὶ τῶν ὀμμάτων τὴν διάχυσιν καὶ ὑγρότητα μιμεῖσθαι θέλοντες οὐ διεφύλαττον αὐτοῦ τὸ ἀρρενωπὸν καὶ λεοντῶδες. ἐν δʼ οὖν τοῖς ἄλλοις τεχνίταις καὶ Στασικράτης ἦν ἀρχιτέκτων, οὐδὲν 15 ἀνθηρὸν οὐδʼ ἡδὺ καὶ πιθανὸν τῇ ὄψει διώκων, ἀλλὰ καὶ χειρὶ μεγαλουργῷ καὶ διαθέσει χορηγίας βασιλικῆς οὐκ ἀποδεούσῃ χρώμενος. οὗτος ἀναβὰς πρὸς Ἀλέξανδρον ἐμέμφετο τὰς γραφομένας εἰκόνας αὐτοῦ καὶ γλυφομένας καὶ πλαττομένας, ὡς ἔργα 20 δειλῶν τεχνιτῶν καὶ ἀγεννῶν· ἐγὼ δʼ εἶπεν εἰς ἄφθαρτον, ὦ βασιλεῦ, καὶ ζῶσαν ὕλην καὶ ῥίζας 335d ἔχουσαν ἀιδίους καὶ βάρος ἀκίνητον καὶ ἀσάλευτον ἔγνωκά σου τὴν ὁμοιότητα καταθέσθαι τοῦ σώματος. ὁ γὰρ Θρᾴκιος Ἄθως, ᾗ μέγιστος αὐτὸς αὑτοῦ ¹⁶ καὶ περιφανέστατος 25 ἐξανέστηκεν, ἔχων ἑαυτῷ σύμμετρα πλάτη καὶ ὕψη καὶ μέλη καὶ ἄρθρα καὶ διαστήματα μορφοειδῆ , δύναται κατεργασθεὶς καὶ σχηματισθεὶς εἰκὼν Ἀλεξάνδρου καλεῖσθαι καὶ εἶναι, ταῖς μὲν βάσεσιν ἁπτομένου τῆς θαλάσσης, τῶν δὲ χειρῶν τῇ μὲν ἐναγκαλιζομένου καὶ φέροντος πόλιν ἐνοικουμένην 5 μυρίανδρον, τῇ δὲ δεξιᾷ ποταμὸν ἀέναον ¹⁷ ἐκ φιάλης σπένδοντος εἰς τὴν θάλασσαν ἐκχεόμενον. χρυσὸν 335e δὲ καὶ χαλκὸν καὶ ἐλέφαντα καὶ ξύλα καὶ βαφάς, ἐκμαγεῖα ¹⁸ μικρὰ καὶ ὠνητὰ καὶ κλεπτόμενα καὶ συγχεόμενα, καταβάλωμεν ταῦτʼ ἀκούσας Ἀλέξανδρος τὸ 10 μὲν φρόνημα τοῦ τεχνίτου καὶ τὸ θάρσος ἀγασθεὶς ἐπῄνεσεν, ἔα δὲ κατὰ χώραν ἔφη τὸν Ἄθω μένειν· ¹⁹ ἀρκεῖ γὰρ ἑνὸς βασιλέως ἐνυβρίσαντος εἶναι μνημεῖον· ἐμὲ δʼ ὁ Καύκασος δείξει καὶ τὰ Ἠμωδὰ καὶ Τάναϊς καὶ τὸ Κάσπιον πέλαγος, αὗται τῶν ἐμῶν 15 ἔργων εἰκόνες.

[3] ἀλλὰ φέρε πρὸς θεῶν ἐκτελεσθῆναι καὶ φανῆναι τοιοῦτον ἔργον· ἔσθʼ ὅστις ἂν ἰδὼν ὑπέλαβε κατὰ τύχην γεγονέναι καὶ αὐτομάτως τὸ σχῆμα καὶ τὴν 335f διάθεσιν καὶ τὸ εἶδος; οὐδεὶς ἂν οἶμαι. τί δὲ τὸν 20 κεραυνοφόρον; τί δὲ τὸν ἐπὶ τῆς αἰχμῆς προσαγορευόμενον; εἶτʼ ἀνδριάντος μὲν μέγεθος οὐκ ἂν ἄνευ τέχνης ὑπὸ τύχης γένοιτο χρυσὸν καὶ χαλκὸν καὶ ἐλέφαντα καὶ πολλὴν καὶ πλουσίαν ὕλην καταχεαμένης καὶ παραβαλούσης· ἄνδρα δὲ μέγαν, μᾶλλον 25 δὲ τῶν γεγονότων ἁπάντων μέγιστον, ἐνδέχεται 336a χωρὶς ἀρετῆς ἀποτελεσθῆναι διὰ τύχην, ὅπλα καὶ χρήματα καὶ πόλεις καὶ ἵππους παρασκευάσασαν; ἃ τῷ μὴ μαθόντι χρῆσθαι κίνδυνός ἐστιν, οὐ δύναμις οὐδὲ κόσμος, ἀλλʼ ἔλεγχος τῆς ἀσθενείας καὶ μικρότητος. ὀρθῶς γὰρ Ἀντισθένης ἔλεγεν ὅτι πάντα δεῖ τοῖς πολεμίοις εὔχεσθαι τἀγαθὰ ²⁰ πλὴν ἀνδρείας· 5 γίγνεται γὰρ οὕτως οὐ τῶν ἐχόντων, ἀλλὰ τῶν κρατούντων διὰ τοῦτό φασι καὶ τὴν φύσιν ἀγεννεστάτῳ ζῴῳ τῷ ἐλάφῳ κέρατα θαυμαστὰ τῷ μεγέθει καὶ τραχύτητι πρὸς ἄμυναν ἐμφῦσαι, διδάσκουσαν ἡμᾶς ὡς οὐδὲν ὠφελεῖ τὸ ἰσχύειν καὶ ὡπλίσθαι τοὺς 10 336b μένειν καὶ θαρρεῖν μὴ δυναμένους. οὕτω καὶ ἡ τύχη πολλάκις ἀτόλμοις καὶ ἀνοήτοις προσάπτουσα δυνάμεις καὶ ἀρχάς, αἷς ἐνασχημονοῦσι, κοσμεῖ καὶ συνίστησι τὴν ἀρετὴν ὡς μόνην μέγεθος ἀνδρὸς καὶ κάλλος οὖσαν. εἰ μὲν ²¹ γάρ ὥς ²² φησιν Ἐπίχαρμος ²³ 15 νοῦς ὁρῇ καὶ νοῦς ἀκούει, τἄλλα δὲ τυφλὰ καὶ κωφὰ τυγχάνει λόγου δεόμενα αἱ γὰρ αἰσθήσεις ἰδίας ἔχειν ἀφορμὰς δοκοῦσιν· ὅτι δὲ νοῦς ὠφελεῖ καὶ νοῦς κοσμεῖ καὶ νοῦς τὸ νικῶν καὶ κρατοῦν καὶ βασιλεῦον, τὰ δʼ ἄλλα τυφλὰ καὶ κωφὰ καὶ ἄψυχα παρέλκει 20 καὶ βαρύνει καὶ καταισχύνει χωρὶς ἀρετῆς τοὺς 336c ἔχοντας, ἀπὸ τῶν πραγμάτων λαβεῖν ἔστι. τῆς γὰρ αὐτῆς δυνάμεως ὑποκειμένης καὶ ἡγεμονίας, Σεμίραμις μὲν οὖσα γυνὴ στόλους ἐπλήρου καὶ φάλαγγας ὥπλιζε καὶ Βαβυλῶνας ἔκτιζε, καὶ περιέπλει τὴν 25 Ἐρυθρὰν θάλασσαν Αἰθίοπας καταστρεφομένη καὶ Ἄραβας· Σαρδανάπαλος δʼ ἀνὴρ πεφυκὼς ἔξαινεν οἴκοι πορφύραν, ἀναβάδην ἐν ταῖς παλλακαῖς καθήμενος· ἀποθανόντος δʼ αὐτοῦ, λιθίνην εἰκόνα κατασκευάσαντες ἐποχουμένην ²⁴ ἑαυτῇ βαρβαριστὶ καὶ τοῖς δακτύλοις ὑπὲρ κεφαλῆς οἷον ὑποψοφοῦσαν, ²⁵ ἐπέγραψαν ἔσθιε, πῖνε, ἀφροδισίαζε· τἄλλα δʼ οὐδέν ὁ 5 336d μὲν οὖν Κράτης ἰδὼν χρυσῆν εἰκόνα Φρύνης τῆς ἑταίρας ἑστῶσαν ἐν Δελφοῖς ἀνέκραγεν, ὅτι τοῦτο τῆς τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἀκρασίας τρόπαιον ἕστηκε· τὸν δὲ Σαρδαναπάλου βίον ἄν τις ἢ τάφον οὐδὲν γάρ, οἶμαι, διαφέρει θεασάμενος εἴποι τοῦτο τῶν τῆς 10 τύχης ἀγαθῶν τρόπαιον εἶναι. τί οὖν; ἐάσωμεν τὴν Τύχην Ἀλεξάνδρου μετὰ Σαρδανάπαλον ἅψασθαι καὶ τοῦ μεγέθους ἐκείνου καὶ τῆς δυνάμεως ἀντιποιεῖσθαι; τί γὰρ αὐτῷ πλέον ἔδωκεν ὧν οἱ λοιποὶ βασιλεῖς ἔλαβον παρʼ αὐτῆς; ὅπλων, ἵππων, βελῶν, χρημάτων, 15 336e δορυφόρων; ποιησάτω τούτοις ἡ Τύχη μέγαν Ἀριδαῖον, εἰ δύναται· ποιησάτω τούτοις μέγαν Ἄμασιν ἢ Ὦχον ἢ Ὀάρσην ἢ Τιγράνην τὸν Ἀρμένιον ἢ τὸν Βιθυνὸν Νικομήδην· ὧν ὁ μὲν τὸ διάδημα τοῖς Πομπηίου ποσὶν ὑπορρίψας αἰσχρῶς τὴν βασιλείαν ἀπέβαλε, 20 λάφυρον γενομένην· Νικομήδης δὲ τὴν κεφαλὴν ξυράμενος καὶ πιλίον ἐπιθέμενος ἀπελεύθερον ἑαυτὸν Ῥωμαίων ἀνηγόρευσεν.

[4] εἴπωμεν οὖν, ὅτι μικροὺς ἡ Τύχη καὶ περιδεεῖς ποιεῖ καὶ ταπεινόφρονας· ἀλλʼ οὐ δίκαιον οὔτε 25 κακίαν εἰς ἀτυχίαν οὔτʼ ἀνδρείαν καὶ φρόνησιν εἰς εὐτυχίαν τινὰ τίθεσθαι. μέγα δὲ τῷ ἄρχειν Ἀλέξανδρον ἡ Τύχη· καὶ γὰρ ἔνδοξος ἐν ἐκείνῳ καὶ 336f ἀήττητος καὶ μεγαλόφρων καὶ ἀνύβριστος καὶ φιλάνθρωπος. εἶτʼ ἐκλιπόντος ²⁶ εὐθύς, ὁ Λεωσθένης ἔλεγε τὴν δύναμιν ἐμπλανωμένην ἑαυτῇ καὶ περιπίπτουσαν ἐοικέναι τῷ Κύκλωπι, μετὰ τὴν τύφλωσιν ἐκτείνοντι πανταχοῖ ²⁷ τὰς χεῖρας ἐπʼ οὐδένα σκοπὸν φερομένας· 5 οὕτως ἐρρέμβετο κενεμβατοῦν καὶ σφαλλόμενον ὑπʼ ἀναρχίας τὸ μέγεθος αὐτῆς. μᾶλλον δʼ ὥσπερ τὰ νεκρὰ σώματα, τῆς ψυχῆς ἐκλιπούσης, οὐκέτι συνέστηκεν οὐδὲ συμπέφυκεν, ἀλλʼ ἐξίσταται ²⁸ καὶ διαλύεται ἀπʼ ἀλλήλων καὶ ἄπεισι καὶ φεύγει· ²⁹ οὕτως ἀφεῖσα 10 τὸν Ἀλέξανδρον ἡ δύναμις ἤσπαιρεν, ἐπάλλετο, 337a ἐφλέγμαινε, Περδίκκαις καὶ Μελεάγροις καὶ Σελεύκοις καὶ Ἀντιγόνοις, ὥσπερ πνεύμασι θερμοῖς ἔτι καὶ σφυγμοῖς διᾴττουσι καὶ διαφερομένοις· τέλος δʼ ἀπομαραινομένη καὶ φθίνουσα περὶ αὑτὴν ³⁰ οἷον εὐλὰς 15 τινας ἀνέζεσεν ἀγεννῶν βασιλέων καὶ ἡγεμόνων ψυχορραγούντων. αὐτὸς μὲν οὖν ταῦθʼ ὡς ἔοικεν Ἡφαιστίωνι διενεχθέντι πρὸς Κρατερὸν ἐπιτιμῶν τίς δʼ εἶπεν ἡ σὴ δύναμις ἢ πρᾶξις, ἄν σού τις ἀφέλῃ τὸν Ἀλέξανδρον; ἐγὼ δὲ τοῦτʼ εἰπεῖν πρὸς 20 τὴν τότε Τύχην οὐκ ὀκνήσω τί σου τὸ μέγεθος, τίς δʼ ἡ δόξα, ποῦ δʼ ἡ δύναμις, ποῦ δὲ τὸ ἀνίκητον, 337b ἄν σού τις ἀφέλῃ τὸν Ἀλέξανδρον; τουτέστιν ἂν σού τις ἀφέλῃ τῶν ὅπλων τὴν ἐμπειρίαν, τοῦ πλούτου τὴν φιλοτιμίαν, τῆς πολυτελείας τὴν ἐγκράτειαν, 25 ὧν ἀγωνίζῃ τὸ θάρσος, ἐν οἷς κρατεῖς τὴν πραότητα; ποίησον ἄλλον εἰ δύνασαι μέγαν, τοῖς χρήμασι μὴ χαριζόμενον, τοῖς στρατεύμασι μὴ προκινδυνεύοντα, τοὺς φίλους μὴ τιμῶντα, τοὺς αἰχμαλώτους μὴ ἐλεοῦντα, ταῖς ἡδοναῖς μὴ σωφρονοῦντα, τοῖς καιροῖς μὴ ἀγρυπνοῦντα, ταῖς νίκαις μὴ εὐδιάλλακτον, τοῖς 5 κατορθώμασι μὴ φιλάνθρωπον. τίς μέγας ἐν ἐξουσίαις μετʼ ἀβελτερίας ³¹ καὶ μοχθηρίας; ἄφελε τὴν 337c ἀρετὴν τοῦ εὐτυχοῦντος, καὶ πανταχοῦ μικρός ἐστιν, ἐν χάρισι διὰ σμικρολογίαν, ἐν πόνοις διὰ μαλακίαν, παρὰ θεοῖς διὰ δεισιδαιμονίαν, πρὸς ἀγαθοὺς 10 διὰ φθόνον, ἐν ἀνδράσι διὰ φόβον, ἐν γυναιξὶ διὰ φιληδονίαν ὥσπερ γὰρ οἱ φαῦλοι τεχνῖται βάσεις ³² μεγάλας μικροῖς ὑφιστάντες ἀναθήμασιν ἐλέγχουσιν αὐτῶν ³³ καὶ τὰς μικρότητας· οὕτως ἡ Τύχη ὅταν μικρὸν ἦθος ἐξάρῃ πράγμασιν ἔχουσιν ὄγκον τινὰ καὶ περιφάνειαν, 15 ἐπιδείκνυσι μᾶλλον καὶ καταισχύνει σφαλλόμενον καὶ σαλευόμενον ὑπὸ κουφότητος.

[5] 337d ὅθεν οὐκ ἐν τῇ κτήσει τῶν ἀγαθῶν ἀλλʼ ἐν τῇ χρήσει τὸ μέγʼ ἐστίν, ἐπεὶ καὶ νήπια βρέφη κληρονομεῖ βασιλείας πατρῴας καὶ ἀρχάς, ὡς Χάριλλος, 20 ὃν Λυκοῦργος ἅμα τῷ σπαργάνῳ κομίσας εἰς τὸ φιδίτιον ἀνθʼ ἑαυτοῦ βασιλέα τῆς Σπάρτης ἀνηγόρευσε· καὶ οὐκ ἦν μέγας ὁ νήπιος, ἀλλʼ ὁ τῷ νηπίῳ τὸ πατρῷον ἀποδοὺς γέρας καὶ μὴ σφετερισάμενος μηδʼ ἀποστερήσας. Ἀριδαῖον δὲ τίς ἂν ἐποίησε μέγαν, 25 ὃν οὐδὲν νηπίου διαφέροντα μονονοὺ ³⁴ σπαργανώσας τῇ πορφύρᾳ Μελέαγρος εἰς τὸν Ἀλεξάνδρου θρόνον 337e ἔθηκεν, εὖ γε ποιῶν, ἵνʼ ὀφθῇ παρʼ ἡμέρας ὀλίγας, πῶς ἀρετῇ βασιλεύουσιν ἄνθρωποι καὶ πῶς τύχῃ., ἀγωνιστῇ γὰρ ἡγεμονίας ὑποκριτὴν ἐπεισήγαγε, μᾶλλον δʼ ὡς ἐπὶ σκηνῆς τὸ διάδημα κωφὸν διεξῆλθε τῆς οἰκουμένης. 5

καί κε γυνὴ φέροι ἄχθος, ἐπεί κεν ἀνὴρ ἀναθείη.

³⁵ τοὐναντίον μὲν οὖν εἴποι τις ἄν, ὅτι λαβεῖν καὶ ἀναθέσθαι δύναμιν καὶ πλοῦτον καὶ ἀρχὴν καὶ γυναικός ἐστι καὶ παιδός· Ὀάρσῃ καὶ Δαρείῳ Βαγώας ὁ εὐνοῦχος ἀράμενος ἐπέθηκε τὴν Περσῶν βασιλείαν· 10 τὸ δὲ λαβόντα μεγάλην ἐξουσίαν ἐνεγκεῖν καὶ μεταχειρίσασθαι καὶ μὴ συντριβῆναι μηδὲ διαστραφῆναι 337f τῷ βάρει καὶ μεγέθει τῶν πραγμάτων, ἀνδρός ἐστιν ἀρετὴν καὶ νοῦν καὶ φρόνημʼ ἔχοντος· ἣν Ἀλέξανδρος ἔσχεν, ᾧ μέθην τινὲς ἐγκαλοῦσι καὶ οἴνωσιν. 15 ὁ δʼ ἦν μέγας, ἐν τοῖς πράγμασι νήφων καὶ μὴ μεθυσθεὶς μηδὲ βακχευθεὶς ὑπʼ ἐξουσίας καὶ δυνάμεως, ἧς μικρὸν ἕτεροι μεταλαβόντες καὶ ἀπογευσάμενοι κρατεῖν ἑαυτῶν οὐ δύνανται·

κακοὶ γὰρ ἐμπλησθέντες ἢ νομίσματος, ³⁶ 20

ἢ πόλεος ἐμπεσόντες εἰς τιμάς τινας,

σκιρτῶσιν, ἀδόκητʼ εὐτυχησάντων δόμων. 338a

Κλεῖτος ἐν Ἀμοργῷ τρεῖς ἢ τέτταρας Ἑλληνικὰς ἀνατρέψας τριήρεις Ποσειδῶν ἀνηγορεύθη καὶ τρίαιναν ἐφόρει. Δημήτριος δέ, ᾧ τῆς Ἀλεξάνδρου δυνάμεως 25 ἡ Τύχη σμικρὸν ³⁷ ἀποσπάσασα προσέθηκε, Καταιβάτης καλούμενος ὑπήκουε, καὶ πρέσβεις πρὸς αὐτὸν οὐκ ἔπεμπον ἀλλὰ θεωροὺς αἱ πόλεις, καὶ τὰς ἀποκρίσεις χρησμοὺς προσηγόρευον. Λυσίμαχος τὰ περὶ Θρᾴκην ὥσπερ ἐσχατιάς τινας τῆς βασιλείας κατασχὼν εἰς τοσοῦτον ὑπεροψίας ἔφθασε καὶ θρασύτητος, 338b ὥστʼ εἰπεῖν νῦν Βυζάντιοι πρὸς ἐμὲ ἥκουσιν, ὅτε 5 τῇ λόγχῃ τοῦ οὐρανοῦ ἅπτομαι παρὼν δὲ Πασιάδης ὁ Βυζάντιος ὑπάγωμεν ἔφη μὴ τῇ ἐπιδορατίδι τὸν οὐρανὸν τρυπήσῃ καίτοι ³⁸ τί ἂν περὶ τούτων λέγοι τις, οἷς ἐξῆν διʼ Ἀλέξανδρον μέγα φρονεῖν, ὅπου καὶ Κλέαρχος Ἡρακλείας τύραννος γενόμενος σκηπτὸν 10 ἐφόρει, καὶ τῶν υἱῶν ἕνα Κεραυνὸν ὠνόμασε; Διονύσιος δʼ Ἀπόλλωνος υἱὸν ἑαυτὸν ὠνόμασεν, ἐπιγράψας

Δωρίδος ἐκ μητρὸς Φοίβου κοινώμασι βλαστών.

³⁹ ὁ δὲ πατὴρ αὐτοῦ τῶν μὲν πολιτῶν μυρίους ἢ καὶ πλείους ἀνελών, προδοὺς δὲ τὸν ἀδελφὸν ὑπὸ φθόνου 15 τοῖς πολεμίοις, οὐκ ἀναμείνας δὲ τὴν μητέρα γραῦν 338c οὖσαν ὀλίγαις ἡμέραις ἀποθανεῖν ὕστερον ἀλλʼ ἀποπνίξας, ἐν δὲ τραγῳδίᾳ γράψας αὐτὸς

ἡ γὰρ τυραννὶς ἀδικίας μήτηρ ἔφυ ⁴⁰

ὅμως τῶν θυγατέρων τὴν μὲν Ἀρετὴν τὴν δὲ Σωφροσύνην 20 ὠνόμασε τὴν δὲ Δικαιοσύνην. οἱ δʼ Εὐεργέτας οἱ δὲ Καλλινίκους οἱ δὲ Σωτῆρας οἱ δὲ Μεγάλους ἀνηγόρευσαν ἑαυτούς. γάμους δʼ αὐτῶν ἐπαλλήλους ὥσπερ ἵππων ἐν ἀγέλαις γυναικῶν ἀνέδην διημερευόντων, καὶ φθορὰς παίδων καὶ τυμπανισμοὺς 25 ἐν ἀνδρογύνοις καὶ κυβείας μεθημερινὰς καὶ αὐλήσεις ἐν θεάτροις, καὶ νύκτα μὲν ἐν δείπνοις ἡμέραν δʼ ἐν ἀρίστοις ἐπιλείπουσαν, οὐδεὶς ἂν ἐφίκοιτο τῷ λόγῳ διελθεῖν.

[6] ἀλλʼ Ἀλέξανδρος ἠρίστα μὲν ὄρθρου καθεζόμενος, 338d ἐδείπνει δὲ πρὸς ἑσπέραν βαθεῖαν, ἔπινε δὲ θύσας τοῖς θεοῖς, ἐκύβευε δὲ πρὸς Μήδιον πυρέττων, ἔπαιζε δʼ ὁδοιπορῶν ἅμα καὶ μανθάνων τοξεύειν 5 καὶ ἀποβαίνειν ἅρματος. ἔγημε δὲ Ῥωξάνην ἑαυτῷ μόνην ἐρασθείς· τὴν δὲ Δαρείου Στάτειραν τῇ βασιλείᾳ καὶ τοῖς πράγμασι (συνέφερε γὰρ ἡ τῶν γενῶν ἀνάμιξις)· τῶν δʼ ἄλλων Περσίδων ἐκράτησε τοσοῦτο σωφροσύνῃ, ὅσον ἀνδρείᾳ Περσῶν· ἄκουσαν μὲν 10 γὰρ οὐκ εἶδεν, ἃς δʼ εἶδε μᾶλλον ἢ ἃς οὐκ εἶδε παρῆλθε. καὶ πᾶσιν ὢν τοῖς ἄλλοις φιλάνθρωπος, μόνοις ὑπερηφάνως τοῖς καλοῖς ἐχρῆτο. περὶ δὲ τῆς 338e Δαρείου γυναικός, εὐπρεπεστάτης γενομένης, οὐδὲ ⁴¹ φωνὴν ἐπαινοῦσαν τὸ κάλλος ἤκουσεν ἀποθανοῦσαν 15 δʼ οὕτω βασιλικῶς ἐκόσμησε καὶ συμπαθῶς ἐδάκρυσεν, ὥστʼ ἄπιστον αὐτοῦ τὸ σῶφρον ἐν τῷ φιλανθρώπῳ γενέσθαι καὶ λαβεῖν ἀδικίας ἔγκλημα τὴν χρηστότητα. Δαρεῖος γὰρ οὕτως ⁴² ἐκινήθη πρὸς τὴν ἐξουσίαν αὐτοῦ καὶ τὴν ἡλικίαν· εἷς γὰρ ἦν καὶ αὐτὸς ἔτι 20 τῶν νομιζόντων διὰ Τύχην κρατεῖν Ἀλέξανδρον ἐπεὶ δὲ τἀληθὲς ⁴³ ἔγνω βασανίσας πανταχόθεν, οὐ 338f πάντως εἶπεν ἄρα φαύλως ἔχει τὰ Περσῶν, οὐδέ τις ἐρεῖ παντάπασι κακοὺς ἡμᾶς οὐδʼ ἀνάνδρους ὑπὸ τοιούτου κρατηθέντας. ἐγὼ δʼ εὐτυχίαν μὲν 25 εὔχομαι καὶ κράτος πολέμου παρὰ θεῶν, ἵνʼ εὖ ποιῶν Ἀλέξανδρον ὑπερβάλωμαι· καί μέ τις ἔχει φιλοτιμία καὶ ζῆλος ἡμερώτερον αὐτοῦ φανῆναι· εἰ δʼ οἴχεται τὰ ἐμά, Ζεῦ πατρῷε Περσῶν καὶ βασίλειοι θεοί, μηδεὶς εἰς τὸν Κύρου θρόνον ἄλλος ἢ Ἀλέξανδρος καθίσειε τοῦτʼ εἰσποίησις ἦν Ἀλεξάνδρου διὰ θεῶν μαρτύρων.

[7] 5 οὕτω νικῶσιν ἀρετῇ. πρόσγραψον, εἰ βούλει, 339a τῇ Τύχῃ τὰ Ἄρβηλα καὶ τὴν Κιλικίαν, καὶ τἄλλα, ἃ γέγονε βίας ἔργα καὶ πολέμου· Τύχη τὴν Τύρον ἔσεισεν αὐτῷ, καὶ Τύχη τὴν Αἴγυπτον ἀνέῳξε· διὰ Τύχην Ἁλικαρνασσὸς ἔπεσε καὶ Μίλητος ἑάλω καὶ 10 Μαζαῖος Εὐφράτην ἔρημον ἀπέλιπε καὶ νεκρῶν τὸ Βαβυλώνιον ἐπλήσθη πεδίον· ἀλλʼ οὔτι ⁴⁴ γε σώφρων ἀπὸ Τύχης οὔτʼ ἐγκρατὴς διὰ Τύχην, οὔτʼ ἀνάλωτον ὑφʼ ἡδονῆς ἡ Τύχη καὶ ἄτρωτον ἐπιθυμίαις κατακλείσασα τὴν ψυχὴν ἐφρούρει. καὶ μὴν 15 ταῦτʼ ἦν, οἷς αὐτὸν ἐτρέψατο Δαρεῖον τἄλλα δʼ 339b ὅπλων ἦσαν ἧτται καὶ ἵππων καὶ μάχαι καὶ φόνοι καὶ φυγαὶ ἀνδρῶν. τὴν δὲ μεγάλην καὶ ἀναντίρρητον ἧτταν ἡττήθη Δαρεῖος καὶ ἐνέκλινεν ἀρετῇ καὶ μεγαλοφροσύνῃ καὶ ἀνδρείᾳ ⁴⁵ καὶ δικαιοσύνῃ, θαυμάσας 20 τὸ ἐν ἡδονῇ καὶ πόνοις καὶ χάρισιν ἀνίκητον. ἐπεὶ ἔν γε ⁴⁶ πέλταις καὶ σαρίσσαις καὶ ἀλαλαγμοῖς καὶ συρράξεσιν ὅπλων ἀνίκητος ἦν καὶ Ταρρίας ὁ Δεινομένους καὶ Ἀντιγένης ὁ Πελληναῖος καὶ Φιλώτας ὁ Παρμενίωνος, ἀλλὰ πρὸς ἡδονὰς καὶ γύναια 25 καὶ χρυσίον καὶ ἀργύριον οὐθέν τι βελτίους τῶν 339c αἰχμαλώτων· ἀλλὰ Ταρρίας μὲν ὅτε τῶν χρεῶν ἠλευθέρου Μακεδόνας Ἀλέξανδρος καὶ διελύετο τοῖς δανείσασιν ὑπὲρ πάντων, ψευσάμενος ὀφείλειν καὶ δανειστήν τινα φάσκοντα εἶναι τῇ τραπέζῃ προσαγαγών, εἶτα φωραθείς, ὀλίγου διέφθειρεν αὐτὸς ἑαυτόν· εἰ μὴ γνοὺς Ἀλέξανδρος ἀφῆκε τῆς αἰτίας 5 αὐτὸν καὶ συνεχώρησεν ἔχειν τἀργύριον, ⁴⁷ ἀναμνησθεὶς ὅτι Φιλίππου προσμαχομένου Περίνθῳ βέλει πληγεὶς τὸν ⁴⁸ ὀφθαλμόν, οὐ παρέσχεν οὐδʼ ὑπέμεινεν ἐξαιρεθῆναι τὸ βέλος αὑτοῦ ⁴⁹ πρὶν ἢ τρέψασθαι τοὺς πολεμίους. Ἀντιγένης δὲ τοῖς ἀποπεμφθεῖσιν εἰς Μακεδονίαν 10 διὰ νόσον καὶ πήρωσιν ἀναμίξας ἑαυτὸν καὶ ἀπογραψάμενος, ὡς ἐλήφθη μηδὲν κακὸν ἔχων, ἀλλὰ προσποιούμενος ἀρρωστίαν τινά, ἀνὴρ πολεμικὸς καὶ 339d τραυμάτων τὸ σῶμα μεστὸς ὀφθεὶς ἠνίασε τὸν Ἀλέξανδρον· πυνθανομένου δὲ τὴν αἰτίαν, ὡμολόγησε 15 Τελεσίππης ⁵⁰ ἐρᾶν καὶ συνακολουθεῖν ἐπὶ θάλασσαν ἀπιούσῃ μὴ δυνάμενος ἀπολειφθῆναι. καὶ τίνος ἔφη τὸ γύναιόν ἐστιν ὁ Ἀλέξανδρος καὶ πρὸς τίνα δεῖ διαλέγεσθαι; τοῦ δʼ Ἀντιγένους εἰπόντος ὡς ἐλευθέρα ἐστὶν, οὐκοῦν εἶπε πείθωμεν αὐτὴν 20 καταμένειν, ἐπαγγελλόμενοι καὶ διδόντες. οὕτω παντὶ μᾶλλον ἐρῶντι συγγνώμην εἶχεν ἢ αὑτῷ. καὶ μὴν καὶ Φιλώτας ὁ Παρμενίωνος τροφόν τινα ⁵¹ τῶν 339e κακῶν ἔσχε τὴν ἀκρασίαν. Ἀντιγόνα γὰρ ἦν Πελλαῖον γύναιον ἐν τοῖς περὶ Δαμασκὸν αἰχμαλώτοις, 25 ἡλώκει δʼ ὑπʼ Αὐτοφραδάτου πρότερον εἰς Σαμοθρᾴκην διαπλεύσασα, τὴν δʼ ὄψιν ἦν ἱκανή, καὶ τὸν Φιλώταν ἁψάμενον αὐτῆς εἶχε μάλα. καὶ δὴ ὁ σιδάρεος ἐκεῖνος ⁵² πεπαινόμενος οὐκ ἐκράτει τῶν λογισμῶν ἐν ταῖς ἡδοναῖς, ἀλλʼ ἀνοιγόμενος ἐξέφερε πολλὰ τῶν ἀπορρήτων πρὸς αὐτήν. τί γὰρ ἦν ἐκεῖνος ὁ 5 339f Φίλιππος, εἰ μὴ Παρμενίων; τί δʼ Ἀλέξανδρος οὗτος, εἰ μὴ Φιλώτας; ποῦ δʼ ὁ Ἄμμων, ποῦ δʼ οἱ δράκοντες, ἂν ἡμεῖς μὴ θέλωμεν; τούτους τοὺς λόγους ἡ Ἀντιγόνα ἐξήνεγκε πρός τινα τῶν συνήθων γυναικῶν, ἐκείνη δὲ πρὸς Κρατερὸν Κρατερὸς δὲ πρὸς 10 Ἀλέξανδρον αὐτὴν εἰσήγαγε τὴν Ἀντιγόναν κρύφα, καὶ τοῦ μὲν σώματος οὐκ ἔθιγεν ἀλλʼ ἀπέσχετο· τὸν δὲ Φιλώταν ὑποικουρῶν διʼ αὐτῆς ὅλον ἐφώρασε, καὶ πλέον ἢ ἑπτὰ ἐτῶν διαγενομένων, οὐκ ἐν οἴνῳ ποτὲ τὴν ὑπόνοιαν ταύτην ἐξέφηνεν ὁ μεθύων, 15 οὐ διʼ ὀργὴν ὁ θυμοειδής, οὐ πρὸς φίλον ὁ πάντα 340a πιστεύων Ἡφαιστίωνι καὶ πάντων μεταδιδούς. λέγεται γὰρ ὅτι καὶ τῆς μητρὸς ἀπόρρητον ἐπιστολὴν λύσαντος αὐτοῦ καὶ σιωπῇ πρὸς ἑαυτὸν ἀναγιγνώσκοντος, Ἡφαιστίων ἀτρέμα παραβάλλων ⁵³ τὴν κεφαλὴν συνανεγίγνωσκεν· 20 ὁ δὲ κωλῦσαι μὲν οὐχ ὑπέμεινεν, ἐξελὼν δὲ τὸν δακτύλιον προσέθηκε τὴν σφραγῖδα τῷ στόματι τοῦ Ἡφαιστίωνος.

[8] ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν ἄν τις ἀπείποι λέγων, οἷς ἀποδείκνυται κάλλιστα καὶ βασιλικώτατα τὴν ἐξουσίαν 25 διατιθέμενος. καὶ γὰρ εἰ διὰ Τύχην μέγας γέγονε, μείζων ἐστίν, ὅτι τῇ Τύχῃ καλῶς κέχρηται· καὶ ὅσῳ τις ἂν μᾶλλον αὐτοῦ τὴν Τύχην ἐπαινῇ, 340b τοσούτῳ μᾶλλον αὔξει τὴν ἀρετήν, διʼ ἣν ἄξιος τῆς Τύχης ἐγένετο· οὐ μὴν ἀλλʼ ἤδη πρὸς τὰ πρῶτα τῆς αὐξήσεως αὐτοῦ καὶ τὰς ἀρχὰς τῆς δυνάμεως βαδίζω, καὶ σκοπῶ τί τὸ τῆς Τύχης ἔργον ἐν ἐκείνοις 5 γέγονε, διʼ ὅ φασιν Ἀλέξανδρον ὑπὸ τῆς Τύχης μέγαν γεγονέναι. πῶς γὰρ οὐχί τὸν ἄτρωτον, ὦ Ζεῦ, τὸν ἀναίμακτον, τὸν ἀστράτευτον, ὃν ⁵⁴ χρεμετίσας ἵππος εἰς τὸν Κύρου θρόνον ἐκάθισεν, ὡς Δαρεῖον τὸν Ὑστάσπου πρότερον; ἢ κολακευθεὶς ἀνὴρ ὑπὸ 10 τῆς γυναικός, ὡς Ξέρξην Δαρεῖος ὑπʼ Ἀτόσσης; ἐπὶ θύρας αὐτῷ τὸ διάδημα τῆς βασιλείας ἦλθεν, ὥσπερ 340c Ὀάρσῃ ⁵⁵ διὰ Βαγώαν, καὶ στολὴν ἐκδυσάμενος ἀστάνδου περιέθετο τὴν βασιλικὴν καὶ ὀρθοπαγῆ κίταριν; ἐξαίφνης καὶ ἀπροσδοκήτως κλήρῳ λαχὼν 15 τῆς οἰκουμένης ἐβασίλευσεν, ὡς Ἀθήνησι κλήρῳ θεσμοθετοῦσι καὶ ἄρχουσι; βούλει μαθεῖν, πῶς βασιλεύουσιν ἄνθρωποι διὰ Τύχην; ἐξέλιπέ ποτʼ Ἀργείοις τὸ Ἡρακλειδῶν γένος, ἐξ οὗ βασιλεύεσθαι πάτριον ἦν αὐτοῖς· ζητοῦσι δὲ καὶ διαπυνθανομένοις ὁ θεὸς 20 ἔχρησεν ἀετὸν δείξειν· καὶ μεθʼ ἡμέρας ὀλίγας ἀετὸς ὑπερφανεὶς καὶ κατάρας ἐπὶ τὴν Αἴγωνος οἰκίαν 340d ἐκάθισε, καὶ βασιλεὺς ᾑρέθη Αἴγων. πάλιν ἐν Πάφῳ, τοῦ βασιλεύοντος ἀδίκου καὶ πονηροῦ φανέντος, ἐκβαλὼν τοῦτον Ἀλέξανδρος ἕτερον ἐζήτει, τοῦ Κινυραδῶν 25 γένους ἤδη φθίνειν καὶ ἀπολείπειν δοκοῦντος. ἕνα δʼ οὖν ἔφασαν περιεῖναι πένητα καὶ ἄδοξον ἄνθρωπον ἐν κήπῳ τινὶ παρημελημένως διατρεφόμενον. ἐπὶ τοῦτον οἱ πεμφθέντες ἧκον, εὑρέθη δὲ πρασιαῖς ἐπαντλῶν· καὶ διεταράχθη τῶν στρατιωτῶν ἐπιλαμβανομένων αὐτοῦ καὶ βαδίζειν κελευόντων. ἀχθεὶς δὲ πρὸς Ἀλέξανδρον ἐν εὐτελεῖ σινδόνι 5 βασιλεὺς ἀνηγορεύθη καὶ πορφύραν ἔλαβε, καὶ 340e εἷς ἦν τῶν ἑταίρων προσαγορευομένων· ἐκαλεῖτο δʼ, Ἀβδαλώνυμος. ⁵⁶ οὕτως αἱ τύχαι ποιοῦσι βασιλεῖς, μεταμφιέζουσι, μεταγράφουσι ταχύ, ῥᾳδίως, ⁵⁷ προσδεχομένους ἐλπίζοντας.

[9] 10 Ἀλεξάνδρῳ δὲ τί παρʼ ἀξίαν, τί ἀνιδρωτί, τί ἀναιμωτί, τί προῖκα, τί πονήσαντι τῶν μεγάλων; αἵματι κεκραμένους ποταμοὺς ἔπιε καὶ νεκροῖς γεγεφυρωμένους διέβη, καὶ πόαν ἔφαγε διὰ λιμὸν ἣν πρώτην ⁵⁸ εἶδε, καὶ βάθεσι χιόνων κατακεχωσμένα ἔθνη 15 καὶ πόλεις ὑπὸ γῆν ἐνδεδυκυίας διώρυξε, ⁵⁹ καὶ θάλατταν 340f μαχομένην ἔπλευσε, καὶ θῖνας ἀνύδρους τὰς Γεδρωσίων ⁶⁰ καὶ Ἀραχωσίων ὁδεύων ἐν θαλάσσῃ πρότερον ἢ ἐν γῇ φυτὸν εἶδεν. εἰ γὰρ ἦν ὡς πρὸς ἄνθρωπον ἀγαγεῖν παρρησίαν ὑπὲρ Ἀλεξάνδρου πρὸς τὴν 20 τύχην, οὐκ ἂν εἶπε ποῦ σὺ καὶ πότε ταῖς Ἀλεξάνδρου πράξεσιν ὁδὸν ἔδωκας; ποίαν πέτραν ἀναιμωτὶ διὰ σὲ εἷλε; ποίαν πόλιν ἀφρούρητον αὐτῷ παρέδωκας ἢ ποίαν ἄοπλον ⁶¹ φάλαγγα; τίς εὑρέθη βασιλεὺς ῥᾴθυμος ἢ στρατηγὸς ἀμελὴς ἢ κοιμώμενος 25 πυλωρός; ἀλλʼ οὐδʼ εὔβατος ποταμὸς οὐδὲ χειμὼν 341a μέτριος οὐδὲ θέρος ἄλυπον. ἄπιθι πρὸς Ἀντίοχον τὸν Σελεύκου, πρὸς Ἀρτοξέρξην ⁶² τὸν Κύρου ἀδελφόν· ἄπελθε πρὸς Πτολεμαῖον τὸν Φιλάδελφον. ἐκείνους ζῶντες οἱ πατέρες βασιλεῖς ἀνηγόρευσαν, ἐκεῖνοι μάχας ἀδακρύτους ἐνίκων, ἐκεῖνοι πανηγυρίζοντες 5 ἐν πομπαῖς καὶ θεάτροις διετέλεσαν, ἐκείνων ἕκαστος διʼ εὐτυχίαν βασιλεύων ἐγήρασεν. Ἀλεξάνδρου δʼ εἰ μηδὲν ἄλλο, τὸ σῶμʼ ἰδοῦ κατατετρωμένον ἄκρας κεφαλῆς ἄχρι ποδῶν διακέκοπται καὶ περιτέθλασται τυπτόμενον ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων 10

ἔγχεΐ τʼ ἄορί τε μεγάλοισί τε χερμαδίοισιν·

⁶³ 341b ἐπὶ Γρανίκου ξίφει διακοπεὶς τὸ κράνος ἄχρι τῶν τριχῶν, ἐν Γάζῃ βέλει πληγεὶς τὸν ὦμον, ἐν Μαρακάνδοις ⁶⁴ τοξεύματι τὴν κνήμην ὥστε τῆς κερκίδος τὸ ὀστέον ἀποκλασθὲν ὑπὸ τῆς πληγῆς ἐξαλέσθαι· 15 περὶ τὴν Ὑρκανίαν λίθῳ τὸν τράχηλον, ἐξ οὗ καὶ τὰς ὄψεις ἀμαυρωθεὶς ἐφʼ ἡμέρας πολλὰς ἐν φόβῳ πηρώσεως ἐγένετο· πρὸς Ἀσσακάνοις Ἰνδικῷ βέλει τὸ σφυρόν, ὅτε καὶ πρὸς τοὺς κόλακας εἶπεν ἐπιμειδιάσας τουτὶ μὲν αἷμα, οὐκ 20

ἰχώρ, οἷός πέρ τε ῥέει μακάρεσσι θεοῖσιν· 341c

⁶⁵ ἐν Ἰσσῷ ξίφει τὸν μηρόν, ὡς Χάρης φησίν, ὑπὸ Δαρείου τοῦ βασιλέως εἰς χεῖρας αὐτῷ συνδραμόντος· αὐτὸς δʼ Ἀλέξανδρος ἁπλῶς γράφων καὶ μετὰ πάσης ἀληθείας πρὸς Ἀντίπατρον συνέβη δέ μοι 25 φησὶ καὶ αὐτῷ ἐγχειριδίῳ πληγῆναι τὸν ⁶⁶ μηρόν· ἀλλʼ οὐδὲν ἄτοπον οὔτε παραχρῆμα οὔθʼ ὕστερον ἐκ τῆς πληγῆς ἀπήντησεν ἐν Μαλλοῖς τοξεύματι διπήχει διὰ τοῦ θώρακος εἰς τὸ στῆθος· ὑπελάσας ἔλαβε ⁶⁷ κατὰ τοῦ αὐχένος, ὡς Ἀριστόβουλος ἱστόρηκε. διαβὰς δὲ τὸν Τάναϊν ἐπὶ τοὺς Σκύθας 5 καὶ τρεψάμενος, ἐδίωξεν ἵππῳ πεντήκοντα καὶ ἑκατὸν σταδίους, ὑπὸ διαρροίας ἐνοχλούμενος.

341d

εὖγʼ, ὦ Τύχη, τὸν Ἀλέξανδρον αὔξεις καὶ μέγαν ποιεῖς, διορύττουσα πανταχόθεν, ὑπερείπουσα, ⁶⁸ πᾶν μέρος ἀνοίγουσα τοῦ σώματος· οὐχ ὥσπερ ἡ 10 Ἀθηνᾶ ⁶⁹ πρὸ τοῦ Μενελάου τὸ βέλος εἰς τὰ καρτερώτατα τῶν ὅπλων ὑπάγουσα, θώρακι καὶ μίτρᾳ καὶ ζωστῆρι τῆς πληγῆς τὸν τόνον ἀφεῖλε θιγούσης τοῦ σώματος, ὅσον αἵματι πρόφασιν ῥυῆναι, ἀλλὰ γυμνὰ παρέχουσα τοῖς βέλεσι τὰ καίρια, καὶ διʼ ὀστέων 15 ἐλαύνουσα τὰς πληγάς, καὶ περιτρέχουσα κύκλῳ τὸ 341e σῶμα, καὶ πολιορκοῦσα τὰς ὄψεις, τὰς βάσεις, ⁷⁰ ἐμποδίζουσα τὰς διώξεις, περισπῶσα τὰς νίκας, ἀνατρέπουσα τὰς ἐλπίδας. ἐμοὶ μὲν ⁷¹ οὐδεὶς βαρυτέρᾳ δοκεῖ κεχρῆσθαι Τύχῃ τῶν βασιλέων, καίτοι πολλοῖς ἐνέπεσε - 20 σκληρὰ καὶ βάσκανος· ἀλλʼ ὡς σκηπτὸς ἀπέκοψε τοὺς ἄλλους καὶ διέφθειρε, πρὸς δʼ Ἀλέξανδρον αὐτῆς τὸ δυσμενὲς γέγονε φιλόνεικον καὶ δύσερι καὶ δυσεκβίαστον, ὥσπερ πρὸς τὸν Ἡρακλέα. ποίους γὰρ Τυφῶνας ἢ πελωρίους γίγαντας οὐκ ἀνέστησεν 25 ἀνταγωνιστὰς ἐπʼ αὐτόν; ἢ τίνας οὐκ ὠχύρωσε τῶν πολεμίων πλήθεσιν ὅπλων ἢ βάθεσι ποταμῶν ἢ 341f τραχύτησι κρημνῶν ἢ θηρίων ἀλκαῖς ἀλλοφύλων; εἰ δὲ μὴ μέγʼ ἦν τὸ Ἀλεξάνδρου φρόνημα μηδʼ ἀπʼ ἀρετῆς ὁρμώμενον μεγάλης ἐξανέφερε ⁷² καὶ διηρείδετο πρὸς τὴν Τύχην, οὐκ ἂν ἔκαμε καὶ ἀπηγόρευσε 5 παραταττόμενος ἐξοπλιζόμενος πολιορκῶν διώκων, ἐν ⁷³ ἀποστάσεσι μυρίαις, ἀποτροπαῖς σκιρτήσεσιν ἐθνῶν, βασιλέων ἀφηνιασμοῖς, Βάκτρα Μαράκανδα Σογδιανούς, ἐν ἔθνεσιν ἀπίστοις καὶ ἐπιβούλοις ὕδραν τέμνων ἀεί τισι πολέμοις ἐπιβλαστάνουσαν;

[11] 10 ἄτοπόν τι δόξω λέγειν, ἐρῶ δʼ ἀληθές· παρὰ μικρὸν ⁷⁴ διὰ τὴν Τύχην Ἀλέξανδρος ἀπώλεσε τὸ δοκεῖν Ἄμμωνος εἶναι. τίς γὰρ ἃν ⁷⁵ ἐκ θεῶν γεγονὼς ἐπισφαλεῖς οὕτω καὶ πολυπόνους καὶ τλήμονας ἐξεμόχθησεν 342a ἄθλους πλὴν ὁ Διὸς Ἡρακλῆς; ἀλλʼ ἐκείνῳ 15 μὲν εἷς ἀνὴρ ὑβριστὴς ἐπέταττε λέοντας αἱρεῖν καὶ κάπρους διώκειν καὶ σοβεῖν ὄρνιθας· ἵνα μὴ σχολάζῃ τοῖς μείζοσι περιιών, Ἀνταίους κολάζειν καὶ Βουσίριδας παύειν μιαιφονοῦντας· Ἀλεξάνδρῳ δʼ ἐπέταττε μὲν ἡ ἀρετὴ τὸν βασιλικὸν καὶ θεῖον ἆθλον, οὗ 20 τέλος ἦν οὐ χρυσὸς ὑπὸ μυρίων καμήλων περικομιζόμενος οὐδὲ τρυφαὶ Μηδικαὶ καὶ τράπεζαι καὶ γυναῖκες οὐδὲ Χαλυβώνιος ⁷⁶ οἶνος οὐδʼ Ὑρκανικοὶ ἰχθύες, ἀλλʼ ἑνὶ κόσμῳ κοσμήσαντα πάντας ἀνθρώπους 342b μιᾶς ὑπηκόους ἡγεμονίας καὶ μιᾶς ἐθάδας 25 διαίτης καταστῆσαι. τοῦτον ἐκ παιδὸς ἔμφυτον ἔχων ἔρωτα συντρεφόμενον καὶ συναυξανόμενον, ὡς ἀφίκοντο πρέσβεις παρὰ τοῦ Περσῶν βασιλέως πρὸς Φίλιππον, ὁ δʼ οὐκ ἔνδημος ἦν, φιλοφρονούμενος καὶ ξενίζων αὐτοὺς Ἀλέξανδρος οὐδὲν ἠρώτα παιδικόν, οἷον ἄλλοι, περὶ τῆς χρυσῆς ἀναδενδράδος ἢ 5 τῶν κρεμαστῶν κήπων ἢ πῶς ὁ ⁷⁷ βασιλεὺς κεκόσμηται, ἀλλʼ ὅλος ἐν τοῖς κυριωτάτοις ἦν τῆς ἡγεμονίας, διαπυνθανόμενος πόση δύναμις ἡ Περσῶν, ποῦ τεταγμένος βασιλεὺς ἐν ταῖς μάχαις διαγωνίζεται, καθάπερ Ὀδυσσεὺς ἐκεῖνος 10 342c

ποῦ δὲ οἱ ἔντεα κεῖται ἀρήια, ποῦ δὲ οἱ ἵπποι·

⁷⁸ τίνες ὁδοὶ βραχύταται, τοῖς ἄνω πορευομένοις ἀπὸ θαλάττης· ὥστε τοὺς ξένους ἐκπεπλῆχθαι καὶ λέγειν ὡς ὁ παῖς οὗτος βασιλεὺς μέγας, ὁ δʼ ἡμέτερος πλούσιος. ἐπεὶ δὲ Φιλίππου τελευτήσαντας ὥρμητο 15 διαβαλεῖν καὶ ταῖς ἐλπίσιν ἤδη καὶ ταῖς παρασκευαῖς ἐμπεφυκὼς ἔσπευδεν ἅψασθαι τῆς Ἀσίας, ἐνίστατο δʼ ἡ Τύχη καὶ ἀπέστρεφε καὶ ἀνθεῖλκεν ὀπίσω καὶ μυρίας περιέβαλλεν ἀσχολίας καὶ διατριβὰς ἐπιλαμβανομένη· πρῶτον αὐτῷ τὰ βαρβαρικὰ τῶν προσοίκων 20 διετάραξεν, Ἰλλυρικοὺς καὶ Τριβαλλικοὺς μηχανωμένη πολέμους. οἷς μέχρι Σκυθίας τῆς παρʼ Ἴστρον ἀποσπασθεὶς ἀπὸ τῶν ἄνω πράξεων καὶ περιδραμὼν 342d καὶ κατεργασάμενος πάντα κινδύνοις καὶ ἀγῶσι μεγάλοις, αὖθις ὥρμητο καὶ ἔσπευδε πρὸς τὴν διάβασιν 25 πάλιν· ⁷⁹ ἡ δὲ πάλιν αὐτῷ τὰς Θήβας ἐνέσεισε καὶ πόλεμον Ἑλληνικὸν ἐμποδὼν κατέβαλε, καὶ δεινὴν πρὸς ἄνδρας ὁμοφύλους καὶ συγγενεῖς διὰ φόνου καὶ σιδήρου καὶ πυρὸς ἀνάγκην ἀμύνης, ἀτερπέστατον τέλος ἔχουσαν. ἐκ τούτου διέβαινεν, ὡς μὲν Φύλαρχός φησιν, ἡμερῶν τριάκοντʼ ἔχων ἐφόδιον, ὡς δʼ Ἀριστόβουλος, ἑβδομήκοντα τάλαντα· τῶν δʼ οἴκοι κτημάτων καὶ 5 προσόδων βασιλικῶν διένειμε τὰς πλείστας τοῖς 342e ἑταίροις, μόνος δὲ Περδίκκας οὐδὲν ἔλαβε διδόντος, ἀλλʼ ἠρώτησε σαυτῷ δὲ τί καταλείπεις Ἀλέξανδρε; τοῦ δʼ εἰπόντος ὅτι τὰς ἐλπίδας, οὐκοῦν ἔφη καὶ ἡμεῖς τούτων μεθέξομεν· οὐ γὰρ δίκαιον τὰ σὰ 10 λαμβάνειν ἀλλὰ τὰ Δαρείου περιμένειν.

[12] τίνες οὖν ἦσαν αἱ ⁸⁰ ἐλπίδες, ἐφʼ αἷς διέβαινεν εἰς Ἀσίαν Ἀλέξανδρος; οὐ τείχεσι πόλεων μυριάνδρων ἐκμετρουμένη δύναμις οὐδὲ στόλοι διʼ ὀρῶν πλέοντες, οὐδὲ μάστιγες οὐδὲ πέδαι, μανικὰ καὶ 15 342f βάρβαρα κολαστήρια θαλάσσης, ἀλλὰ τὰ μὲν ἐκτὸς ἐν ὀλίγοις ὅπλοις φιλοτιμία πολλὴ καὶ ζῆλος ἡλικίας παραλλήλου καὶ ἅμιλλα περὶ δόξης καὶ ἀρετῆς ἑταίρων· αὐτὸς δʼ εἶχεν ἐν ἑαυτῷ τὰς μεγάλας ἐλπίδας, εὐσέβειαν περὶ θεοὺς πίστιν πρὸς φίλους, εὐτέλειαν 20 ἐγκράτειαν εὐποιίαν, ἀφοβίαν πρὸς θάνατον εὐψυχίαν, φιλανθρωπίαν ὁμιλίαν εὐάρμοστον, ἀψευδὲς ἦθος εὐστάθειαν ἐν βουλαῖς τάχος ἐν πράξεσιν, ἔρωτα ⁸¹ δόξης προαίρεσιν ἐν τῷ καλῷ τελεσιουργόν. Ὅμηρος μὲν γὰρ οὐ πρεπόντως οὐδὲ πιθανῶς τὸ 25 Ἀγαμέμνονος κάλλος ἐκ τριῶν συνήρμοσεν εἰκόνων ὁμοιώσας, 343a

ὄμματα καὶ κεφαλὴν ἴκελος Διὶ τερπικεραύνῳ,

⁸²

Ἄρεϊ δὲ ζώνην, στέρνον δὲ Ποσειδάωνι.

τὴν δʼ Ἀλεξάνδρου φύσιν, εἴπερ ἐκ πολλῶν συνήρμοσε καὶ συνέθηκεν ἀρετῶν ὁ γεννήσας θεός, ἆρʼ οὐκ ἂν εἴποιμεν ἔχειν φρόνημα μὲν τὸ Κύρου, σωφροσύνην δὲ τὴν Ἀγησιλάου, σύνεσιν δὲ τὴν 5 Θεμιστοκλέους, ἐμπειρίαν δὲ τὴν Φιλίππου, τόλμαν δὲ τὴν Βρασίδου, δεινότητα δὲ καὶ πολιτείαν τὴν Περικλέους; τῶν δʼ ἔτι παλαιοτέρων σωφρονέστερος μὲν Ἀγαμέμνονος· ὁ μὲν γὰρ προέκρινε ⁸³ τῆς γαμετῆς 343b τὴν αἰχμάλωτον, ὁ δὲ καὶ πρὶν ἢ γῆμαι τῶν ἁλισκομένων 10 ἀπείχετο. μεγαλοψυχότερος δʼ Ἀχιλλέως· ὁ μὲν γὰρ χρημάτων ὀλίγων τὸν Ἕκτορος νεκρὸν ἀπελύτρωσεν, ὁ δὲ πολλοῖς χρήμασι Δαρεῖον ἔθαψε· καὶ ὁ μὲν παρὰ τῶν φίλων δῶρα καὶ μισθὸν ἀντὶ τῆς ὀργῆς διαλλαγεὶς ἔλαβεν, ὁ δὲ τοὺς πολεμίους 15 κρατῶν ἐπλούτιζεν. εὐσεβέστερος δὲ Διομήδους· ὁ μὲν γὰρ θεοῖς μάχεσθαι ἦν ἕτοιμος, ὁ δὲ πάντα διὰ ⁸⁴ τοὺς θεοὺς ἐνόμιζε κατορθοῦν. ποθεινότερος δὲ τοῖς προσήκουσιν Ὀδυσσέως· ἐκείνου μὲν γὰρ ἡ τεκοῦσα διὰ λύπην ἀπέθανε, τούτῳ δʼ ἡ τοῦ πολεμίου μήτηρ 20 εὐνοίας συναπέθανε.

[13] 343c τὸ δʼ ὅλον, εἰ μὲν καὶ Σόλων διὰ Τύχην ἐπολιτεύσατο καὶ Μιλτιάδης διὰ Τύχην ἐστρατήγησε καὶ Ἀριστείδης ἀπὸ Τύχης ἦν δίκαιος, οὐδὲν ἄρα τῆς Ἀρετῆς ἔργον ἐστίν, ἀλλʼ ὄνομα τοῦτο καὶ λόγος 25 ἔχων δόξαν ἄλλως διέξεισι τοῦ βίου, πλαττόμενος ὑπὸ τῶν σοφιστῶν καὶ τῶν νομοθετῶν. εἰ δὲ τούτων καὶ τῶν ὁμοίων ἀνδρῶν ἕκαστος πένης μὲν ἢ πλούσιος ἢ ἀσθενὴς ἢ ἰσχυρὸς ἢ ἄμορφος ἢ καλὸς ἢ εὔγηρως ἢ ὠκύμορος διὰ τύχην γέγονε, μέγαν δὲ στρατηγὸν καὶ μέγαν νομοθέτην καὶ μέγαν ἐν ἀρχαῖς καὶ πολιτείαις ἕκαστος ἑαυτὸν ἀρετῇ καὶ λόγῳ 343d παρέσχηκε, φέρε θεῶ τὸν Ἀλέξανδρον ἅπασι παραβάλλων. 5 Σόλων χρεῶν ἀποκοπὴν ἐν Ἀθήναις ἐποίησε, σεισάχθειαν προσαγορεύσας· Ἀλέξανδρος δὲ τὰ χρέα τοῖς δανείσασιν ὑπὲρ τῶν ὀφειλόντων αὐτὸς ἐξέτισε. Περικλῆς φορολογήσας τοὺς Ἕλληνας ἐκ τῶν χρημάτων ἐκόσμησεν ἱεροῖς τὴν ἀκρόπολιν· Ἀλέξανδρος 10 δὲ τὰ τῶν βαρβάρων χρήματα λαβὼν ἔπεμψεν εἰς τὴν Ἑλλάδα, ναοὺς τοῖς θεοῖς ἀπὸ μυρίων ταλάντων οἰκοδομῆσαι κελεύσας. Βρασίδαν ἐν τῇ Ἑλλάδι περιβόητον ἐποίησε τὸ πρὸς Μεθώνην ⁸⁵ διαδραμεῖν τὸ στρατόπεδον τῶν πολεμίων βαλλόμενον παρὰ 15 343e τὴν θάλατταν· Ἀλεξάνδρου δʼ ἐν Ὀξυδράκαις τὸ δεινὸν ἐκεῖνο πήδημα καὶ ἄπιστον ἀκούουσι καὶ θεωμένοις φοβερόν, ἐκ τειχῶν ἀφέντος ἑαυτὸν εἰς τοὺς πολεμίους δόρασι καὶ βέλεσι καὶ ξίφεσι γυμνοῖς ἐκδεχομένους, τίνι ἄν τις εἰκάσειεν ἢ πυρὶ κεραυνίῳ 20 ῥαγέντι καὶ φερομένῳ μετὰ πνεύματος, οἷον ἐπὶ γῆν κατέσκηψε φάσμα Φοίβου φλογοειδέσιν ὅπλοις περιλαμπόμενον; οἱ δὲ τὸ πρῶτον ἐκπλαγέντες ἅμα φρίκῃ διέτρεσαν καὶ ἀνεχώρησαν· εἶθʼ ὡς ἑώρων ἄνθρωπον ἕνα πολλοῖς ἐπιφερόμενον, ἀντέστησαν. ἐνταῦθʼ 25 ἄρʼ ἡ Τύχη μεγάλα καὶ λαμπρὰ διέφηνεν ἔργα τῆς 343f πρὸς Ἀλέξανδρον εὐμενείας, ὅτʼ αὐτὸν μὲν εἰς χωρίον ἄσημον καὶ βάρβαρον ἐμβαλοῦσα κατέκλεισε καὶ περιετείχισε, τοὺς δʼ ὑπὸ σπουδῆς ἐπιβοηθοῦντας ἔξωθεν καὶ τῶν τειχῶν ἐφιεμένους, κλάσασα καὶ συντρίψασα τὰς κλίμακας, ὑπεσκέλισε καὶ κατεκρήμνισε. τριῶν ⁸⁶ δʼ οἵπερ ἔφθησαν μόνοι τοῦ τείχους 5 λαβέσθαι καὶ καθέντες ἑαυτοὺς περιστῆναι τῷ βασιλεῖ, τὸν μὲν εὐθὺς ἀνήρπασε καὶ προανεῖλεν, ὁ δὲ τοξεύμασι πολλοῖς διαπεπαρμένος, ὅσον ὁρᾶν καὶ συναισθάνεσθαι μόνον ἀπεῖχε τοῦ τεθνάναι· 344a κεναὶ δʼ ἔξωθεν προσδρομαὶ ⁸⁷ καὶ ἀλαλαγμοὶ Μακεδόνων, 10 οὐ μηχανῆς τινος οὐκ ὀργάνων παρόντων, ἀλλʼ ὑπὸ σπουδῆς ξίφεσι τυπτόντων τὰ τείχη καὶ χερσὶ γυμναῖς περιρρῆξαι ⁸⁸ καὶ μονονοὺ διαφαγεῖν βιαζομένων. ὁ δʼ εὐτυχὴς βασιλεὺς καὶ ὑπὸ τῆς Τύχης φυλαττόμενος ἀεὶ καὶ δορυφορούμενος, ὥσπερ 15 θηρίον ἄρκυσιν ἐνσχεθείς, ἔρημος καὶ ⁸⁹ ἀβοήθητος, οὐχ ὑπὲρ Σούσων οὐδὲ Βαβυλῶνος οὐδὲ τοῦ ⁹⁰ Βάκτρα λαβεῖν οὐδὲ τοῦ μεγάλου ⁹¹ Πώρου κρατῆσαι· τοῖς γὰρ ἐνδόξοις καὶ μεγάλοις ἀγῶσι, κἂν δυστυχῶνται, τὸ 344b γοῦν αἰσχρὸν οὐ πρόσεστιν. ἀλλʼ οὕτω δύσερις ἦν 20 καὶ βάσκανος ἡ Τύχη καὶ φιλοβάρβαρος καὶ μισαλέξανδρος, ὥστε μὴ τὸ σῶμα μόνον αὐτοῦ μηδὲ τὸν βίον, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὴν δόξαν ἀνελεῖν ὅσον ἐφʼ ἑαυτῇ καὶ διαφθεῖραι τὴν εὔκλειαν. οὐ γὰρ παρʼ Εὐφράτην Ἀλέξανδρον ἢ Ὑδάσπην πεσόντα κεῖσθαι 25 δεινὸν ἦν, οὐδʼ ἀγεννὲς ἐν χερσὶ Δαρείῳ ⁹² γενόμενον καὶ ἵπποις καὶ ξίφεσι καὶ κοπίσι Περσῶν ἀμυνομένων ὑπὲρ τοῦ βασιλέως ἀποθανεῖν· οὐδὲ τῶν Βαβυλῶνος ἐπιβαίνοντα τειχῶν σφαλῆναι καὶ 344c πεσεῖν ἀπʼ ἐλπίδος μεγάλης. οὕτω Πελοπίδας καὶ Ἐπαμεινώνδας ἀρετῆς ὁ τούτων θάνατος ἦν, οὐ 5 δυστυχίας ἐπὶ τηλικούτοις. τῆς δὲ νῦν ἐξεταζομένης Τύχης οἷον τὸ ἔργον; ἐν ἐσχατιᾷ ⁹³ βαρβάρου παραποταμίας καὶ τείχεσιν ἀδόξου πολίχνης περιβαλούσης καὶ ἀποκρυψάσης τὸν τῆς οἰκουμένης βασιλέα καὶ κύριον, ὅπλοις ἀτίμοις καὶ σκεύεσι τοῖς παρατυχοῦσι 10 τυπτόμενον καὶ βαλλόμενον ἀπολέσθαι. καὶ γὰρ κοπίδι τὴν κεφαλὴν διὰ τοῦ κράνους ἐπλήγη, καὶ βέλει τις ἀπὸ τόξου τὸν θώρακα διέκοψεν, οὗ τοῖς περὶ τὸν μαστὸν ⁹⁴ ἐνερεισθέντος ὀστέοις καὶ καταπαγέντος ὁ μὲν καυλὸς ἐξεῖχε βαρύνων, τῆς δʼ 15 ἀκίδος ὁ σίδηρος τεσσάρων δακτύλων εὖρος ἔσχε καὶ πέντε μῆκος. ἔσχατον δὲ τῶν δεινῶν, ὁ μὲν ἠμύνετο τοὺς κατὰ στόμα καὶ τὸν βαλόντα καὶ 344d πελάσαι τολμήσαντα μετὰ ξίφους αὐτὸς τῷ ἐγχειριδίῳ φθάσας κατέβαλε καὶ ἀπέκτεινεν. ἐν τούτῳ δὲ 20 τις δραμὼν ἐκ μυλῶνος ὑπέρῳ κατὰ τοῦ αὐχένος ὄπισθεν πληγὴν κατήνεγκεν, ἣ συνέχεε τὴν αἴσθησιν αὐτοῦ σκοτωθέντος· ἡ δʼ Ἀρετὴ παρῆν, θάρσος μὲν αὐτῷ ῥώμην δὲ καὶ σπουδὴν τοῖς περὶ αὐτὸν ἐμποιοῦσα. Λιμναῖοι γὰρ καὶ Πτολεμαῖοι καὶ Λεοννᾶτοι, 25 καὶ ὅσοι τὸ τεῖχος ὑπερβάντες ἢ ῥήξαντες ἔστησαν πρὸ αὐτοῦ, τεῖχος ἀρετῆς ἦσαν, εὐνοίᾳ καὶ φιλίᾳ τοῦ βασιλέως τὰ σώματα καὶ τὰ πρόσωπα ⁹⁵ καὶ τὰς ψυχὰς προβαλλόμενοι. οὐ γὰρ διὰ Τύχην 344e ἀγαθῶν βασιλέων ἑταῖροι ⁹⁶ προαποθνήσκουσιν ἑκουσίως καὶ προκινδυνεύουσιν, ἀλλʼ ἔρωτι τῆς Ἀρετῆς ὥσπερ ὑπὸ φίλτρων μέλιτται τῷ ἄρχοντι προσέρχονται 5 καὶ προσπεφύκασι. τίς οὖν οὐκ ἂν εἴποι τότε παρὼν ἀκίνδυνος θεατής, ὅτι Τύχης μέγαν ἀγῶνα καὶ Ἀρετῆς θεᾶται, καὶ τὸ μὲν βάρβαρον παρʼ ἀξίαν ἐπικρατεῖ διὰ Τύχην, τὸ δʼ Ἑλληνικὸν ἀντέχει παρὰ δύναμιν διʼ Ἀρετήν; κἂν μὲν ἐκεῖνοι περιγένωνται, 10 τύχης καὶ δαίμονος φθονεροῦ καὶ νεμέσεως ἔσται τὸ ἔργον ἂν δʼ οὗτοι κρατήσωσιν, Ἀρετὴ καὶ τόλμα 344f καὶ φιλία καὶ πίστις ἐξοίσεται τὸ νικητήριον; ταῦτα γὰρ μόνα παρῆν Ἀλεξάνδρῳ, τῆς δʼ ἄλλης δυνάμεως καὶ παρασκευῆς καὶ στόλων καὶ ἵππων καὶ στρατοπέδων 15 μέσον ἔθηκεν ἡ Τύχη τὸ τεῖχος. ἐτρέψαντο μὲν οὖν τοὺς βαρβάρους οἱ Μακεδόνες, καὶ πεσοῦσιν αὐτοῖς ἐπικατέσκαψαν τὴν πόλιν. Ἀλεξάνδρῳ δʼ οὐδὲν ἦν ὄφελος· ἥρπαστο γὰρ μετὰ τοῦ βέλους, καὶ τὸν κάλαμον ⁹⁷ ἐν τοῖς σπλάγχνοις εἶχε, καὶ δεσμὸς ἦν αὐτῷ 20 καὶ ἧλος τὸ τόξευμα τοῦ θώρακος πρὸς τὸ σῶμα. 345a καὶ σπάσαι μὲν ὥσπερ ἐκ ῥίζης τοῦ τραύματος βιαζομένοις οὐχ ὑπήκουεν ὁ σίδηρος, ἕδραν ἔχων τὰ πρὸ τῆς καρδίας στερεὰ τοῦ στήθους· ἐκπρῖσαι δὲ τοῦ δόνακος οὐκ ἐθάρρουν τὸ προῦχον, ἀλλʼ ἐφοβοῦντο, 25 μήπως σπαραγμῷ σχιζόμενον τὸ ὀστέον ὑπερβολὰς ἀλγηδόνων παράσχῃ καὶ ῥῆξις αἵματος ἐκ βάθους γένηται. πολλὴν δʼ ἀπορίαν καὶ διατριβὴν ὁρῶν αὐτὸς ἐπεχείρησεν ἐν χρῷ τοῦ θώρακος ἀποτέμνειν τῷ ξιφιδίῳ τὸν οἰστόν· ἠτόνει δʼ ἡ χεὶρ καὶ 345b βάρος εἶχε ναρκῶδες ὑπὸ φλεγμονῆς τοῦ τραύματος. ἐκέλευεν οὖν ἅπτεσθαι καὶ μὴ δεδιέναι τοὺς ἀτρώτους 5 θαρρύνων· καὶ τοῖς μὲν ἐλοιδορεῖτο κλαίουσι καὶ περιπαθοῦσι, τοὺς δὲ λιποτάκτας ⁹⁸ ἀπεκάλει, μὴ τολμῶντας αὐτῷ βοηθεῖν· ἐβόα δὲ πρὸς τοὺς ἑταίρους μηδεὶς ἔστω μηδʼ ὑπὲρ ἐμοῦ δειλός· ἀπιστοῦμαι μὴ φοβεῖσθαι θάνατον, εἰ τὸν ἐμὸν φοβεῖσθʼ 10 ὑμεῖς.

Translations (1)

Concerning the fortune or virtue of Alexander the Great. Perseus (Plutarch. Plutarch's Morals, Vol. 1. Goodwin, William W., editor; Phillips, John, translator. Boston: Little, Brown, and Company; Cambridge: Press of John Wilson and Son, 1874.) — 2 focus

The Second Oration of Plutarch concerning the fortune or virtue of Alexander the Great.

[1] WE forgot in our yesterday’s discourse to tell you, that the age wherein Alexander flourished had the happiness to abound in sciences and in persons of transcending natural endowments. Yet this is not to be ascribed to Alexander’s but their own good fortune, which favored them with such a judge and such a spectator of their particular excellencies as was both able rightly to discern and liberally to reward their understood deserts. Therefore it is recorded of Archestratus, born some ages after, an elegant poet but buried in his own extreme poverty, that a certain person meeting him said, Hadst thou but lived when Alexander lived, for every verse he would have gratified thee with an island of Cyprus or a territory fair as that of Phoenicia Which makes me of opinion that those former famous artists and soaring geniuses may not so properly be said to have lived in the time of Alexander as by Alexander. For as the temperature of the season and limpid thinness of the surrounding air produce plenty of grain and fruit: so the favor, the encouragement, and benignity of a prince increase the number of aspiring geniuses, and advance perfection in sciences. And on the other side, by the envy, covetousness, and contentiousness of those in power, whatever soars to the height of true bravery or invention is utterly quelled and extinguished. Therefore it is reported of Dionysius the Tyrant that, being pleased with the music of a certain player on a harp, he promised him a talent for his reward; but when the musician claimed his promise the next day, Yesterday, said he, by thee delighted, while thou sangest before me, I gave thee likewise the pleasure of thy hopes; and thence immediately didst thou receive the reward of thy delightful pastime, enjoying at the same time the charming expectation of my promise. In like manner Alexander tyrant of the Pheraeans (for it behooves us to distinguish him by that addition, lest we should dishonor his namesake), sitting to see a tragedy, was so affected with delight at the acting, that he found himself moved to a more than ordinary compassion. Upon which, leaping suddenly from his seat, as he hastily flung out of the theatre, How poor and mean it would look, said he, if I, that have massacred so many of my own citizens and subjects, should be seen here weeping at the misfortunes of Hecuba and Polyxena! And it was an even lay but that he had mischiefed the tragedian for having mollified his cruel and merciless disposition, like iron softened by fire. Timotheus also, singing to Archelaus who seemed too parsimonious in remuneration, frequently upbraided him with the following sarcasm:—

Base earth-bred silver thou admirest.

To whom Archelaus not unwittily reparteed,—

But thou dost beg it.

Ateas, king of the Scythians, having taken Ismenias the musician prisoner, commanded him to play during one of his royal banquets. And when all the rest admired and applauded his harmony, Ateas swore that the neighing of a horse was more delightful to his ears. So great a stranger was he to the habitations of the Muses; as one whose soul lodged always in his stables, fitter however to hear asses bray than horses neigh. Therefore, among such kings, what progress or advancement of noble sciences or esteem for learning can be expected? And surely no more can be expected from such as would themselves be rivals, who therefore persecute real artists with all the hatred and envy imaginable. In the number of these was Dionysius before mentioned, who condemned Philoxenus the poet to labor in the quarries, because, being by the tyrant commanded only to correct a tragedy by him written, he struck out every line from the beginning to the end. Nay, I must needs say that Philip, who became a student not till his latter years, in these things descended beneath himself. For it being once his chance to enter into a dispute about sounds with a musician whom he thought he had foiled in his art, the person modestly and with a smile replied, May never so great a misfortune befall thee, O King, as to understand these things better than I do.

[2] But Alexander, well considering of what persons and things it became him to be the hearer and spectator, and with whom to contend and exercise his strength, made it his business to excel all others in the art of war, and according to Aeschylus, to be

A mighty warrior, terrible to his foes.

For having learned this art from his ancestors, the Aeacidae and Hercules, he gave to other arts their due honor and esteem without the least emulation; embracing and favoring what was in them noble and elegant, but never suffering himself to be carried away with the pleasure of being a practitioner in any. In his time flourished the two tragedians, Thessalus and Athenodorus, who contending for the prize, the Cyprian kings supplied the charges of the theatre, and the judges were to be the most renowned captains of the age. But at length Athenodorus being adjudged the victor; I could have wished, said Alexander, rather to have lost a part of my kingdom than to have seen Thessalus vanquished. Yet he neither interceded with the judges nor anywhere disapproved or blamed the judgment; believing it became him to be superior to all others, only to submit to justice. To the comedian Lyco of Scarphe, who had inserted into one of his scenes certain verses in the nature of a begging petition, he gave ten talents, laughing heartily at the conceit. Aristonicus was in the number of the most famous musicians of those times. This man being slain in battle, strenuously fighting to assist and save his friend, Alexander commanded his statue to be made in brass and set up in the temple of Pythian Apollo, holding his harp in one hand and his spear upright in the other, not only in memory of the person, but in honor of music itself, as exciting to fortitude and inspiring those who are rightly and generously bred to it with a kind of supernatural courage and bravery.

Even Alexander himself, when Antigenides played before him in the Harmatian mood, was so transported and warmed for battle by the charms of lofty airs, that leaping from his seat all in his clattering armor he began to lay about him and attack those who stood next him, thereby verifying to the Spartans what was commonly sung among themselves,—

The masculine touches of the well-tuned lyre

Unsheathe the sword and warlike rage inspire.

Furthermore, there were also Apelles the painter and Lysippus the statuary both living under the reign of Alexander. The first of which painted him grasping Jupiter’s thunderbolt in his hand, so artfully and in such lively colors, that it was said of the two Alexanders that Philip’s was invincible, but Apelles’s inimitable. Lysippus, when he had finished the first statue of Alexander looking up with his face to the sky (as Alexander was wont to look, with his neck slightly bent), not improperly added to the pedestal the following lines:—

The statue seems to look to Jove and say,

Take thou Olympus; me let Earth obey!

For which Alexander gave to Lysippus the sole patent for making all his statues; because he alone expressed in brass the vigor of his mind, and in his lineaments represented the lustre of his virtue; while others, who strove to imitate the turning of his neck and softness and brightness of his eyes, failed to observe the manliness and lion-like fierceness of his countenance.

Among the great artists of that time was Stasicrates, who never studied elegance nor what was sweet and alluring to the eye, but only bold and lofty workmanship and design, becoming the munificence of royal bounty. He attended upon Alexander, and found fault with all the paintings, sculptures, and cast figures that were made of his person, as the works of mean and slothful artificers. But I, said he, will undertake to fix the likeness of thy body on matter incorruptible, such as has eternal foundations and a ponderosity steadfast and immovable. For the mountain Athos in Thrace, where it rises largest and most conspicuous, having a just symmetry of breadth and height, with members, limbs, and distances answerable to the shape of human body, may be so wrought and formed as to be, not only in imagination and fancy but really, the effigy and statue of Alexander; with his feet reaching to the seas, grasping in his left hand a fair and populous city, and with his right pouring forth an ever-flowing river into the ocean from a bowl, as a perpetual drink-offering. But as for gold, brass, ivory, wood, stained figures, and little wax images, toys which may be bought or stolen, I despise them all. When Alexander heard this discourse, he admired and praised the spirit and confidence of the artist; But, said he, let Athos alone; for it is sufficient that it is the monument of the vanquished folly and presuming pride of one king already. Our portraiture the snowy Caucasus, and towering Emodon, Tanais, and the Caspian Sea shall draw. They shall remain eternal monuments of our renown.

[3] But grant that so vast an undertaking should have been brought to perfection; is there any person living, do ye think, that would have believed such a figure, such a form, and so great a design, to be the spontaneous and accidental production of fantastic Nature? Certainly, not one. What may we think of the statue representing him grasping thunder, and that other with his spear in his hand? Is it possible that a Colossus of a statue should ever be made by Fortune without the help of art; nay, though she should profusely afford all the materials imaginable of gold, brass, ivory, or any other substance whatever? Much more, is it probable that so great a personage, and indeed the greatest of all who have ever lived, should be the workmanship of Fortune without the assistance of virtue? And all this, perhaps, because she has made him the potent master of arms, horses, money, and wealthy cities?—which he who knows not how to use shall rather find to be destructive and dangerous than aids to advance his power and magnificence, as affording proofs of his weakness and pusillanimity. Noble therefore was the saying of Antisthenes, that we ought to wish an enemy all things beneficial to mankind except fortitude; for so these blessings will belong not to their possessors but to the conqueror. Therefore it was, they say, that Nature provided for the hart, one of the most timorous of creatures, such large and branchy horns, to teach us that strength and weapons nothing avail where conduct and courage are wanting. In like manner, Fortune frequently bestowing wealth and empire upon princes simple and faint-hearted, who blemish their dignity by misgovernment, honors and more firmly establishes virtue, as being that which alone makes a man most truly beautiful and majestic. For indeed, according to Epicharmus,

’Tis the mind only sees, the mind

That hears; the rest are deaf and blind.

For as for the senses, they seem only to have their proper opportunities to act.

But that the mind alone is that which gives both assistance and ornament, the mind that overcomes, that excels, and acts the kingly part, while those other blind, deaf, and inanimate things do but hinder, depress, and disgrace the possessors void of virtue, is easily made manifest by experience. For Semiramis, but a woman, set forth great navies, raised mighty armies, built Babylon, coverd the Red Sea with her fleets and subdued the Ethiopians and Arabians. On the other side, Sardanapalus possessing the same power and dominion, though born a man, spent his time at home combing purple wool, lying among his harlots in a lascivious posture upon his back, with his heels higher than his head. After his decease, they made for him a statue of stone, resembling a woman dancing, who seemed to snap with her fingers as she held them over her head, with this inscription,—

Eat, drink, indulge thy lust; all other things are nothing.

Whence it came to pass that Crates, seeing the golden statue of Phryne the courtesan standing in the temple of Delphi, cried out, There stands a trophy of the Grecian luxury. But had he viewed the life or rather burial (for I find but little difference) of Sardanapalus, would he have imagined that statue to have been a trophy of Fortune’s indulgences? Shall we suffer the fortune of Alexander to be sullied by the touch of Sardanapalus, or endure that the latter should challenge the majesty and prowess of the former? For what did Sardanapalus enjoy through her favor, more than other princes receive at her hands—arms, horses, weapons, money, and guards of the body? Let Fortune, with all these assistances, make Aridaeus famous, if she can; let her, if she can, advance the renown of Ochus, Amasis, Oarses, Tigranes the Armenian, or Nicomedes the Bithynian. Of which last two, the one, casting his diadem at Pompey’s feet, ignominiously surrendered up his kingdom a prey to the victor; and as for Nicomedes, he, after he had shaved his head and put on the cap of liberty, acknowledged himself no more than a freed vassal of the Roman people.

[4] Rather let us therefore affirm that Fortune makes her favorites little, poor-spirited, and pusillanimous cowards. But it is not just to ascribe vice to misfortune, fortitude and wisdom to prosperity. Fortune indeed was herself made great by Alexander’s reign; for in him she appeared illustrious, invincible, magnanimous, merciful, and just. Insomuch that after his decease Leosthenes likened this vast bulk of power—wandering as in a mist, and sometimes violently rushing one part against the other—to the giant Cyclops, who after he had lost his eye went feeling and groping about with his hands before him, not knowing where to lay them. So strangely did that vast pile of dominion roll and tumble about in the dark of confusion, when shattered into anarchy by the loss of its supreme head. Or rather, as dead bodies, when the soul takes her flight, no longer grow together, no longer act together, but are broken up and dissolved, and are finally dissipated; thus Alexander’s empire, wanting his enlivening conduct, panted, gasped, and boiled with fever, struggling with Perdiccas, Meleager, Seleucus, and Antigonus,—as with vital spirits still remaining hot, and with irregular and intermittent pulses,—till at length, totally corrupted and putrefied, it produced a sort of degenerate kings and faint-hearted princes, like so many worms. This he himself seemed to prophesy, reproving Hephaestion for quarrelling with Craterus: What power, said he, or signal achievement couldst thou pretend to, should any one deprive thee of thy Alexander? The same will I be bold to say to the Fortune of that time: Where would have been thy grandeur, where thy glory, where thy vast empire, thy invincibility, should any one have bereaved thee of thy Alexander?— that is, should any one have deprived thee of thy skill and dexterity in war, thy magnificence in expense, thy moderation in the midst of so much affluence, thy prowess in the field, thy meekness to the vanquished? Frame, if thou canst, another piece like him, that missing all his noble qualities shall neither be magnificently liberal nor foremost in battle, that shall not regard nor esteem his friends, that shall not be compassionate to his captives, that shall not moderate his pleasures, that shall not be watchful to take all opportunities, whom victory shall make inexorable and prosperity insolent; and try if thou canst make him another Alexander. What ruler ever obtained renown by folly and improbity Separate virtue from the fortunate, and he everywhere appears little;—among those that deserve his bounty, for his close-handed illiberality; among the laborious, for his effeminacy; among the Gods, for his superstition; among the good, for his envious conditions; among men, for his cowardice; among women, for his inordinate lust. For as unskilful workmen, erecting small figures upon huge pedestals, betray the slightness of their own understandings; so Fortune, when she brings a person of a poor and narrow soul upon the stage of weighty and glorious actions, does but expose and disgrace him, as a person whom the vanity of his own ill conduct has rendered worthless.

[5] So that true grandeur does not consist in the possession but in the use of noble means. For new-born infants frequently inherit their father’s kingdoms and empires. Such an one was Charillus, whom Lycurgus carried in his swaddling-bands to the public table, and resigning his own authority proclaimed king of Lacedaemon. Yet was not the infant thereby the more famous, but he who surrendered to the infant his paternal right, scorning fraud and usurpation. But who could make Aridaeus great, whom Meleager seated in Alexander’s throne, differing from a child only in having his swaddling-clothes of purple? Prudently done, that so in a few days it might appear how men govern by virtue, and how by fortune. For after the true prince who swayed the empire, he brought in a mere player; or rather he exposed the diadem of the habitable world upon the brainless head of a mere mute on the stage.

Women may bear the burden of a crown,

When a renowned commander puts it on.

Yet some may say, it is possible for women and children to confer dignity, riches, and empire upon others. Thus the eunuch Bagoas took the diadem of Persia, and set it upon the head of Oarses and Darius. But for a man to take upon him the burden of a vast dominion, and so to manage his ponderous affairs as not to suffer himself to sink and be overwhelmed under the immense weight of wakeful cares and incessant labor, that is the character which signalizes a person endued with virtue, understanding, and wisdom. All these royal qualities Alexander had, whom some accuse of’being given to wine. But he was a really great man, who was always sober in action and never drunk with the pride of his conquests and vast power; while others intoxicated with the smallest part of his prosperity have ceased to be masters of themselves. For, as the poet sings,—

The vainer sort, that view their heaps of gold,

Or else advanced at court high places hold,

Grow wanton with those unexpected showers

That Fortune on their happy greatness pours.

Thus Clitus, having sunk some three or four of the Grecians galleys near the island Amorgus, called himself Neptune and carried a trident. So Demetrius, to whom Fortune vouchsafed a small portion of Alexander’s power, assumed the title of Kataibates (as if descended from heaven), to whom the several cities sent their ambassadors, by the name of God-consulters, and his determinations were called oracles. Lysimachus, having made himself master of some part of the skirts of Alexander’s empire, viz., the region about Thrace, swelled to such excess of pride and vain-glory as to break forth into this ranting expression: Now the Byzantines make their addresses to me, because I touch heaven with my spear. At which words, Pasiades of Byzantium being then present said, Let us be gone, lest he pierce heaven with the point of his lance.

What shall we, in the next place, think of those who presumed, as imitators of Alexander, to have high thoughts of themselves? Clearchus, having made himself tyrant of Heraclea, carried a sceptre like that of Jupiter’s in his hand, and named one of his sons Thunderbolt. Dionysius the Younger called himself the son of Apollo in this inscription:—

The son of Doris, but from Phoebus sprung.

His father put to death above ten thousand of his subjects, betrayed his brother out of envy to his enemies, and not enduring to expect the natural death of his mother, at that time very aged, caused her to be strangled, writing in one of his tragedies,—

For tyranny is the mother of injustice.

Yet after all this, he named one of his daughters Virtue, another Temperance, and a third Justice. Others there were that assumed the titles of benefactors, others of glorious conquerors, others of preservers, and others usurped the title of great and magnificent. But should we go about to recount their promiscuous marriages like horses, their continual herding among impudent and lawless women, their contaminations of boys, their drumming among effeminate eunuchs, their perpetual gaming, their piping in theatres, their nocturnal revels, and days consumed in riot, it would be a task too tedious to undertake.

[6] As for Alexander, he breakfasted by break of day, always sitting; and supped at the shutting in of the evening; he drank when he had sacrificed to the Gods. With his friend Medius he played for diversion when he was sick with a fever. He also played upon the road as he marched, learning between whiles to throw a dart and leap from his chariot. He married Roxana merely for love; but Statira, the daughter of Darius, upon the account of statepolicy, for such a conjunction of both nations strengthened his conquest. As to the other Persian women, he excelled them in chastity and continence as far as he surpassed the men in valor. He never desired the sight of any virgin that was unwilling; and those he saw, he regarded less than if he had not seen them; mild and affable to all others, proud and lofty only to fair youth. As for the wife of Darius, a woman most beautiful, he never would endure to hear a word spoken in commendation of her features. When she was dead, he graced her funeral with such a regal pomp, and bewailed her death so piteously, that his kindness cast discredit upon his chastity, and his very courtesy incurred the obloquy of injustice. Indeed, Darius himself had been moved with suspicion at first, when he thought of the power and the youth of the conqueror; for he was one of those who thought Alexander to be only the darling of Fortune. But when he understood the truth, Well, said he, I do not yet perceive the condition of the Persians so deplorable, since the world can never tax us now with imbecility or effeminacy, whose fate it was to be vanquished by such a person. Therefore my prayers shall be to the Gods for his prosperity, and that he may be still victorious in war; to the end that in well-doing I may surpass Alexander. For my emulation and ambition lead me in point of honor to show myself more cordial and friendly than he. If then the Fates have otherwise determined as to me and mine, O Jupiter preserver of the Persians, and you, O Deities, to whom the care of kings belongs, hear your suppliant, and suffer none but Alexander to sit upon the throne of Cyrus. This was the manner in which Darius adopted Alexander, after he had called the Gods to witness the act.

[7] So true it is that virtue is the victor still. But now, if you please, let us ascribe to Fortune Arbela and Cilicia, and those other acts of main force and violence; say that Fortune thundered down the walls of Tyre, and that Fortune opened the way into Egypt. Believe that by Fortune Halicarnassus fell, Miletus was taken, Mazaeus left Euphrates unguarded, and the Babylonian fields were strewed with the carcasses of the slain. Yet was not his prudence the gift of Fortune, nor his temperance. Neither did For tune, as it were empaling his inclinations, preserve him impregnable against his pleasures or invulnerable against the assaults of his fervent desires. These were the weapons with which he overthrew Darius. Fortune’s advantages, if so they may be called, were only the fury of armed men and horses, battles, slaughters, and flights of routed adversaries. But the great and most undoubted victory which Darius lost was this, that he was forced to yield to virtue, magnanimity, prowess, and justice, while he beheld with admiration his conqueror, who was not to be overcome by pleasure or by labor, nor to be matched in liberality.

True it is, that among the throngs of shields and spears, in the midst of war-like shouts and the clashing of weapons, Tarrias the son of Dinomenes, Antigenes the Pellenian, and Philotas the son of Parmenio were invincible; but in respect of their inordinate debauchery, their love of women, their insatiable covetousness, they were nothing superior to the meanest of their captives. For the last of these vices Tarrias was particularly noted; and when Alexander set the Macedonians out of debt and paid off all their creditors, Tarrias pretended among the rest to owe a great sum of money, and brought a suborned person to demand the sum as due to him; but being discovered, he would have laid violent hands upon himself, had not Alexander forgiven him and ordered him the money, remembering that at the battle of Perinthus fought by Philip, being shot into the eye with a dart, he would not suffer the head of it to be pulled out till the field was clear of the enemy. Antigenes, when the sick and maimed soldiers were to be sent back into Macedon, made suit to be registered down in the number, pretending himself utterly disabled in the wars; which very much troubled Alexander, who was well acquainted with his valor and knew that he wore the scars about him of many a bloody field. But the fraud being detected, that was concealed under some little present infirmity, Alexander asked him the reason of his design; and he answered, he did it for the love of Telesippe, that he might accompany her to the sea, not being able to endure a separation from her. Presently the King demanded to whom the wench belonged, and who was to be dealt with in regard to her. To which he replied, she was free from any tie. Well, then, said the King, let us persuade her to stay, if promises or gifts will prevail. So ready was he to pardon the dotages of love in others, so rigorous to himself. But Philotas the son of Parmenio exercised his incontinency after a more offensive manner. Antigona was a Pellaean virgin among the captives taken about Damascus, a prisoner before to Autophradates, who took her going by sea into Samothrace. The beauty of this damsel was such as kept Philotas constant to her embraces. Nay, she had so softened and mellowed this man of steel, I know not how, that he was not master of himself in his enjoyments, but told her the very secrets of his breast; among other things he said: What had Philip been, but for Parmenio? And what would Alexander now be, but for Philotas? What would become of Ammon and the dragons, should we be once provoked? These words Antigona prattled to one of her companions, and she told them to Craterus. Craterus brings Antigona privately to Alexander, who forbore to offer her the least incivility, but by her means piercing into Philotas’s breast, he detected the whole. Yet for seven years after he never discovered so much as the least sign of jealousy, either in his wine or in his anger; nor did he ever disclose it to any friend, even to Hephaestion, from whom he never concealed the most inward of his counsels and designs. For it is said that once, when Alexander had just opened a private letter from his mother and was quietly reading it, Hephaestion looked over his shoulder and began to read it likewise; but Alexander forbore to reprove him, and only took off his signet and clapped it to Hephaestion’s mouth.

[8] These recitals may suffice, without being tedious, to show that he exercised his authority according to all the most illustrious and royal methods of government. To which grandeur if he arrived by the assistance of Fortune, he is to be acknowledged the greater, because he made so glorious a use of her. So that the more any man extols his fortune, the more he advances his virtue, which made him worthy of such fortune.

But now I shall return to the beginnings of his advancement and the early dawnings of his power, and endeavor to discover what was there the great work of Fortune, which rendered Alexander so great by her assistance. First then, how came it to pass that some neighing barb did not seat him in the throne of Cyrus, free from wounds, without loss of blood, without a toilsome expedition, as formerly it happened to Darius Hystaspes? Or that some oneflattered by a woman, as Darius by Atossa, did not deliver up his diadem to him, as the other did to Xerxes, so that the empire of Persia came home to him, even to his own doors? Or why did not some eunuch aid him, as Bagoas did the son of Parysatis, who, only throwing off the habit of a messenger, immediately put on the royal turban? Or why was he not elected on a sudden and unexpectedly by lot to the empire of the world, as at Athens the lawgivers and rulers are wont to be chosen? Would you know how men come to be kings by Fortune’s help? At Argos the whole race of the Heraclidae happened to be extinct, to whom the sceptre of that kingdom belonged. Upon which consulting the oracle, answer was made to them that an eagle should direct them. Within a few days the eagle appeared towering aloft, but stooping he at length lighted upon Aegon’s house; thereupon Aegon was chosen king. Another time in Paphos, the king that there reigned being an unjust and wicked tyrant, Alexander resolved to dethrone him, and therefore sought out for another, the race of the Kinyradae seeming to be at an end. They told him there was one yet in being, a poor man and of no account, who lived miserable in a certain garden. Thereupon messengers were sent, who found the poor man watering some few small beds of pot-herbs. The miserable creature was strangely surprised to see so many soldiers about him, but go he must; and so being brought before Alexander in his rags and tatters, he caused him presently to be proclaimed king and clad in purple; which done, he was admitted into the number of those who were called the king’s companions. The name of this person was Alynomus. Thus Fortune creates kings suddenly, easily changing the habits and altering the names of those that never expected or hoped for any such thing.

[9] All this while, what favors did Fortune shower upon Alexander but what he merited, what he sweat for, what he bled for? What came gratis? What without the price of great achievements and illustrious actions? He quenched his thirst in rivers mixed with blood; he marched over bridges of slain carcasses; he grazed the fields to satisfy his present hunger; he dug his way to nations covered with snow and cities lying under ground; he made the hostile sea submit to his fleets; and, marching over the thirsty and barren sands of the Gedrosians and Arachosians, he discovered green at sea before he saw it at land. So that if I might use the same liberty of speech for Alexander to Fortune as to a man, I would thus expostulate with her:—

Insulting Fortune, when and where didst thou make an easy way for Alexander’s vast performances? What impregnable rock was ever surrendered to him without a bloody assault, by thy favor? What city didst thou ever deliver unguarded into his hands? Or what unarmed battalion of men? What faint-hearted prince, what negligent captain, or sleepy sentinels did he ever surprise? When didst thou ever befriend him with so much as a fordable river, a mild winter, or an easy summer? Get thee to Antiochus the son of Seleucus, to Artaxerxes the brother of Cyrus. Get thee to Ptolemy Philadelphus. Their fathers proclaimed them kings in their own lifetime; they won battles which no mothers wept for; they spent their days in festivals, admiring the pomp of shows and theatres; and still more happy, they prolonged their reigns till scarce their feeble hands could wield their sceptres. But if nothing else, behold the body of Alexander wounded by the enemy, mangled, battered, bruised, from the crown of his head to the soles of his feet,

With spears, and swords, and mighty stones.

⁴

At the battle of the Granicus his helmet was cleft to his very scull; at Gaza he was wounded in the shoulder with a dart. Among the Maragandi he was shot in the shin so desperately, that the bone of his shank was broken and started out of the skin. In Hyrcania he was struck in the neck with a stone, which caused such a dimness in his eyes that for many days he was in danger of losing his sight. Among the Assaracans he was wounded in the heel with an Indian dart; at which time he thus derided his flatterers with a smiling countenance, saying, This is blood, and no immortal ichor,—

Such stream as issues from a wounded God.

⁵

At Issus he was run through the thigh with a sword by Darius (as Chares relates), who encountered him hand to hand. Alexander also himself, writing the truth with all sincerity to Antipater, said, It was my fortune to be wounded with a poniard in the thigh, but no ill symptoms attended it either when it was newly done or afterwards during the cure. Another time, among the Malli he was wounded with an arrow two cubits in length, that went in at his breast and came out at his neck, as Aristobulus relates. Crossing the Tanais against the Scythians and winning the field, he pursued the flying enemy a hundred and fifty furlongs, though at the same time laboring with a dysentery.

[10] Well contrived, vain Fortune! to advance and aggrandize Alexander by lancing, broaching, boring every part of his body. Not like Minerva,—who, to save Menelaus, directed the dart against the most impenetrable parts of his armor, blunting the force of the weapon with his breastplate, belt, and scarf, so that it only glanced upon his skin, and drew forth two or three drops of blood,— but contrariwise, thou hast exposed his principal parts naked to mischief, driving the wounds through the very bones, rounding every corner of his body, besieging the eyes, undermining the pursuing feet, stopping the torrent of victory, and disappointing the prosecution of noble designs. For my part, I know no prince to whom Fortune ever was more unkind, though she has been envious and severe enough to several. However, other princes she destroyed with a swift and rapid destruction, as with a whirlwind; but in her hatred against Alexander she prolonged her malice, and persisted still implacable and inexorable, as she showed herself to Hercules. For what Typhons and monstrous giants did she not oppose against him? Which of his enemies did she not fortify with store of arms, deep rivers, steep mountains, and the foreign strength of massy elephants? Now had not Alexander been a personage of transcending wisdom, actuated by the impulse of a more than ordinary virtue, but had he been supported only by Fortune, he would have trusted to her as her favorite, and spared himself the labor and the turmoil of ranging so many armies and fighting so many battles, the toil of so many sieges and pursuits, the vexations of revolting nations and haughty princes not enduring the curb of foreign dominion, and all his tedious marches into Bactria, Maracanda, and Sogdiana, among faithless and rebellious nations, who were ever breaking out afresh with new wars, like the Hydra putting forth a new head so soon as one was cut off.

[11] And here I may seem to utter an absurdity, but I will venture to speak it, as being an undoubted truth; that it was by Fortune that he came very near losing the reputation of being the son of Jupiter Ammon. For who but one sprung from the Gods, Hercules excepted, would ever have undertaken and finished those hazardous and toilsome labors which he did? Yet what did Hercules do but terrify lions, pursue wild boars, and scare birds; enjoined thereto by one evil man, that he might not have leisure for those greater actions of punishing Antaeus and putting an end to the murders of Busiris. But it was virtue that enjoined Alexander to undertake that godlike labor, not covetousness of the golden burden of ten thousand camels, not the possession of the Median women or glorious ornaments of Persian luxury, not greediness of the Chalybonian wine or the fish of Hyrcania, but that he might reduce all mankind as it were into one family, under one form of government and the same custom of intercourse and conversation. This love of virtue was thoroughly inbred, and increased and ripened as he grew in years; so that once being to entertain the Persian ambassadors in his father’s absence, he never asked them any questions that savored of boyish imbecility,—never troubled them to answer any questions about the golden vine, the pendent gardens, or what habit the king wore,—but still desired to be satisfied in the chiefest concerns of the empire, what force the Persians brought into the field, and in what part of the army the king fought; as Ulysses asked,

Where are the magazines of arms? And where

The barbed steeds provided for the war?

⁶

He also enquired which were the nearest roads for them that travelled from the sea up into the country; at all of which the ambassadors were astonished, and said, This youth is a great prince, but ours a rich one. No sooner was Philip interred, but his resolution hurried him to crossthe sea; and having already grasped it in his hopes and preparations, he made all imaginable haste to set foot in Asia. But Fortune opposed him, diverted him, and kept him back, creating a thousand vexatious troubles to delay and stop him. First, she contrived the Illyrian and Triballic wars, exciting to hostility the neighboring barbarians. But they, after many dangers run and many terrible encounters, being at length chased even as far as Scythia beyond the river Ister, he returned back to prosecute his first design. But then again spiteful Fortune stirred up the Thebans against him, and entangled him in the Grecian war, and in the dire necessity of defending himself against his fellow-countrymen and relations with fire and sword and hideous slaughter. Which war being brought to a dreadful end, away he presently crossed into Asia,—as Phylarchus relates, with only thirty days’ provision; as Aristobulus reports, with seventy talents,—having before sold and divided among his friends his own revenues and those of his crown. Only Perdiccas refused what he offered him, asking him at the same time what he had left for himself. And when Alexander replied, Nothing but hopes, Then, said he, we will be content with the same; for it is not just to accept of thy goods, but we must wait for those of Darius.

[12] What were then the hopes with which Alexander passed into Asia Not a vast power mustered out of populous cities, nor fleets sailing through mountains; not whips and fetters, the instruments of barbarians’ fury, to curb and manacle the sea. But in his small army there was surpassing desire of glory, emulation among those of equal age, and a noble strife to excel in honor and virtue among friends. Then, as for himself, he carried with him all these great hopes,—piety towards the Gods, fidelity to his friends, generous frugality, temperance, beneficence, contempt of death, magnanimity, humanity, decent affability, candid integrity, constancy in counsel, quickness in execution, love of precedence in honor, and an effectual purpose to follow the steps of virtue. And though Homer, in describing the beauty of Agamemnon, seems not to have observed the rules of decorum or probability in any of his three similitudes,— Like thundering Jove’s, his awful head and eyes The gazing crowd with majesty surprise; In every part with form celestial graced, His breast like Neptune’s, and like Mars his waist;⁷ yet as for Alexander, if his celestial parents formed and composed him of several virtues, may we not conclude that he had the wisdom of Cyrus, the temperance of Agesilaus, the foresight of Themistocles, the skill of Philip, the daring courage of Brasidas, the shrewdness and political skill of Pericles? Certainly, if we compare him with the most ancient heroes, he was more temperate than Agamemnon, who preferred a captive before his lawful wife, though but newly wedded, while Alexander, before he was legally married, abstained from his prisoners. He was more magnanimous than Achilles, who accepted a small sum of money for the redemption of Hector’s dead body, while Alexander spared no expense to adorn the funeral of Darius. Achilles accepted gifts and bribes from his friends, as the atonement of his wrath; Alexander, when once a victor, enriched his enemies. He was much more pious than Diomede, who scrupled not to fight against the Gods, while Alexander ascribed to Heaven all his successes. Finally, he was more bewailed of his relations than Ulysses, whose mother died for grief, while the mother of Alexander’s enemy, out of affection, bare him company in his death.

[13] In short, if Solon proved so wise a ruler by Fortune, if Miltiades led his armies by Fortune, if Aristides was so renowned for his justice by Fortune, then there is nothing that can be called the work of virtue. Then is virtue only an airy fiction, and a word that passes with some show of glory through the life of man, but feigned and magnified by Sophists and lawgivers. But if every one of these whom we have mentioned was wealthy or poor, weak or strong, deformed or beautiful, long or short lived, by Fortune, but made himself a great captain, a great lawgiver, famous for governing kingdoms and commonwealths, by virtue and reason; then in God’s name let us compare Alexander with the best of them. Solon by a law made a great abatement upon the payment of the Athenians’ private debts, which he called his burden-easing law; Alexander discharged the debts of his Macedonians at his own expense. Pericles, laying a tax upon the Greeks, expended the money in building temples to beautify the citadel of Athens; Alexander sent home ten thousand talents out of the spoils of the barbarians, for the building of temples to the Gods all over Greece. Brasidas advanced his fame all over Greece, by breaking through the enemy’s army lying encamped by the seaside near Methone; but when you read of that daringjump of Alexander’s (so astonishing to the hearers, much more to them that beheld it) when he threw himself from the walls of the Oxydracian metropolis among the thickest of the enemy, assailing him on every side with spears, darts, and swords, tell me where you meet with such an example of matchless prowess, or to what you can compare it but to a gleam of lightning violently flashing from a cloud, and impetuously driven by the wind? Such was the appearance of Alexander, as he leaped like an apparition to the earth, glittering in his flaming armor. The enemy, at first amazed and struck with horror, retreated and fell back; till seeing him single they came on again with a redoubled force.

Now was not this a great and splendid testimony of Fortune’s kindness, to throw him into an inconsiderable and barbarous town, and there to enclose and immure him a prey to worthless enemies? And when his friends made haste to his assistance, to break the scaling-ladders, and to overthrow and cast them down? Of three that got upon the walls and flung themselves down in his defence, endearing Fortune presently despatched one; the other, pierced and struck with a shower of darts, could only be said to live. Without, the Macedonians foamed and filled the air with helpless cries, having no engines at hind. All they could do was to dig down the walls with their swords, tear out the stones with their nails, and almost to rend them out with their teeth. All this while, Alexander, Fortune’s favorite, whom she always covered with her protection, like a wild beast entangled in a snare, stood deserted and destitute of all assistance, not laboring for Susa, Babylon, Bactria, or to vanquish the mighty Porus. For to miscarry in great and glorious attempts is no reproach; but so malicious was Fortune, so kind to the barbarians, such a hater of Alexander, that she aimed not only at his life and body, but at bereaving him of his honor and sullying his renown. For Alexander’s fall had never been so much lamented had he perished near Euphrates or Hydaspes by the hand of Darius, or by the horses, swords, and axes of the Persians fighting with all their might and main in defence of their king, or had he tumbled from the walls of Babylon, and all his hopes together. Thus Pelopidas and Epaminondas fell; whose death was to be ascribed to their virtue, not to such a poor misfortune as this. But what was the singular act of Fortune’s favor which we are now enquiring into? What indeed, but in the farthest nook of a barbarous country, on the farther side of a river, within the walls of a miserable village, to pen up and hide the lord and king of the world, that he might there perish shamefully at the hands of barbarians, who should knock him down and pelt him with whatever came next to hand? There the first blow he received with a battle-axe cleft his helmet and entered his skull; at the same time another shot him with an Indian arrow in the breast near one of his paps, the head being four fingers broad and five in length, which, together with the weight of the shaft which projected from the wound, did not a little torment him. But, what was worst of all, while he was thus defending himself from his enemies before him, when he had laid a bold attempter that approached his person sprawling upon the earth with his sword, a fellow from a mill close by came behind him, and with a great iron pestle gave him such a bang upon the neck as deprived him for the present both of his senses and his sight. However, his virtue did not yet forsake him, but supplied him still with courage, infusing strength withal and speed into those about him. For Ptolemy, Limnaeus, and Leonnatus, and some others who had mounted or broken through the wall, made to his succor, and stood about him like so many bulwarks of his virtue; out of mere affection and kindness to their sovereign exposing their bodies, their faces, and their lives in his defence. For it is not Fortune that overrules men to run the hazard of death for brave princes; but the love of virtue allures them—as natural affection charms and entices bees—to surround and guard their chief commander.

What person then, at that time beholding in security this strange adventure, would not have confessed that he had seen a desperate combat of Fortune against virtue, and that the barbarians were undeservedly superior through Fortune’s help, but that the Greeks resisted beyond imagination through the force of virtue? So that if the barbarians had vanquished, it had been the act of Fortune or of some evil genius or divine retribution; but as the Greeks became the victors, they owed their conquest to their virtue, their prowess, their friendship and fidelity to each other. For these were all the life-guard Alexander had at that time; Fortune having interposed a wall between him and all his other forces, so that neither fleets nor armies, cavalry nor infantry, could stand him in any stead. Therefore the Macedonians routed the barbarians, and buried those that fell under the ruins of their own town. But this little availed Alexander; for he was carried off with the dart sticking in his breast, having now a war in his own bowels, while the arrow in his bosom was a kind of cord, or rather nail, that was driven through his breastplate and fastened it to his body. When they went about to dress him, the forked shape of the iron head would not permit the surgeons to draw it forth from the root of the wound, being fixed in the solid parts of the breast that fortify the heart. Nor durst they attempt to cut away the shaft that stuck out, fearing they should put him to an excess of torment by the motion of the iron in the cleft of the bone, and cause a new flux of blood not easy to be stopped. Alexander, observing their hesitation and delay, endeavored himself with a little knife to cut off the shaft close to the skin; but his hand failed him, being seized with a heavy numbness by reason of the inflammation of the wound. Thereupon he commanded the surgeons and those that stood about him to try the same thing themselves and not to be afraid, giving them all the encouragement he could. Those that wept he upbraided for their weakness; others he called deserters, that refused him their assistance in such a time of need. At length, calling to his friends, he said: Let no one of you fear for me; for how shall I believe you to be contemners of death, when you betray yourselves to be afraid of mine? ⁸

Notes on the current edition

On the Fortune or the Virtue of Alexander I and II

1. Cf. Moralia, 41 d-e.

2. £200, or $1000.

3. Cf . Life of Pelopidas, xxix. (293 f); Aelian, Varia Historia, xiv. 40.

4. Cf. Moralia, 177 b, and the note.

5. Cf. Moralia, 174 f, and the note.

6. Ibid. 471 e; Cicero, Tusculan Disputations, v. 22 (63); Aelian, Varia Historia, xii. 44; Diodorus, xv. 6.

7. The coronis at the end of the roll.

8. Cf. Moralia, 67 f, 179 b, 634 d.

9. Cf. 317 e, supra, and the note.

10. Cf. Life of Alexander, chap. ii. (665 b).

11. Ibid. chap. xxix. (681 d).

12. Ibid. chap. xxix. (681 d).

13. Cf. Arrian, Anabasis, iv. 16. 7.

14. Cf. Moralia, 1133 e (= Edmonds, Lyra Graeca, i. pp. 4-8). See also Dio Chrysostom, Oration i. 1-2, where Timotheus is the flute-player and the tune the Orthian.

15. Attributed to Alcman in Life of Lycurgus, chap. xxi. (53 d); Cf.Bergk, Poet. Lyr. Graec. iii. p. 51, or Edmonds, Lyra Graeca, i. p. 90.

16. Cf. Life of Alexander, chap. iv. (666 b); Pliny, Natural History, xxxv. 10 (92).

17. Cf. Life of Alexander, chap. iv. (666 b).

18. Cf. ibid. and Moralia, 53 d.

19. Cf. 331 a, supra, and the note.

20. Cf. Pliny, Natural History, vii. 37 (125); Horace, Epistles, ii. 1. 240; Valerius Maximus, viii. 11. 2; Arrian, Anabasis, i. 16. 4.

21. Cf. Life of Alexander, chap. lxxii. (705 a): the man is called Deinocrates by Vitruvius, ii. praef.; and Cheirocrates by the mss. of Strabo, xiv. 1. 23.

22. The reference is to the chryselephantine statues of Pheidias and his school with their inner frame-work of timbers, and painted without.

23. Xerxes’ canal; Cf. 342 e, infra.

24. A range of north-western India, the Prakrit Haimota; Cf. Arrian, Indica, 2. 3; 6. 4; Pliny, Natural History, vi. 17 (56).

25. Cf. 335 a, supra, Moralia 360 d.

26. Cf. 335 a, supra, Moralia, 360 d.

27. Cf. Moralia, 99 b-c.

28. Cf. Stobaeus, Florilegium, lix. 41 (Hense, vol. iv. p. 362).

29. An oft-quoted line. Cf. G. Kaibel, Comicorum Graec. Frag. i. 137, Epicharmus, no. 249; Moralia, 98 c, with the note; also Cicero, Tusculan Disp. i. 20 (46); Maximus Tyrius, xi. 10.

30. Cf. Plato, Menexenus, 246 e.

31. Cf. Diodorus, ii. 4-20; Justin, i. 2.

32. Cf. 326 f, supra; Diodorus, ii. 21. 8 ff; Athenaeus, 528 f; W. K. Prentice, in Trans. Amer. Phil. Assoc. liv. (1923) p. 79: but the theory rightly set forth, there, that this description comes from Ctesias’s Persica, is as old as Hemsterhuys; see Wyttenbach’s note on this passage.

33. See the note on 330 f, supra.

34. Cf. Moralia, 401 a; Athenaeus, 591 b; Stobaeus, Florilegium, vi. 39 (vol. iii. p. 296 Hense).

35. Cf. 337 d, supra.

36. Cf. 337 e, supra.

37. Cf . Life of Pompey, chap. xxxiii. (637 a); Comp. of Cimon and Lucullus, iii. (522 e); Velleius Paterculus, ii. 37; Valerius Maximus, v. 1. 10.

38. Plutarch has confused Nicomedes with his father Prusias; Cf. Polybius, xxx. 19; Livy, xlv. 44; Diodorus, xxxi. 15; Appian, Mithridatica, 2.

39. The saying is elsewhere attributed to Demades; Cf. Moralia, 181 f, and the note.

40. Cf. Life of Alexander, chap. xlvii. (691 f-692 a).

41. Cf . Life of Lycurgus, chap. iii. (41 a).

42. Cf. Moralia, 791 e.

43. Aristophanes, Knights, 1056; see Rogers’s note ad loc.

44. Cf. Arrian, Anabasis, ii. 14. 5; Aelian, Varia Historia, vi. 8; Diodorus, xvii. 5.

45. Cf. 326 f, supra.

46. From a much longer fragment of Euripides’ Erechtheus; Nauck, Trag. Graec. Frag. p. 471, Euripides, no. 362, 29-31.

47. Cf. Diodorus, xviii. 15. 9. 72.

48. Avatar, he that desceds from Heaven (in thunder and lightning), a common title of Zeus; cf . Life of Demetrius, chaps. x., xi. (893 d, e).

49. In Pontus: Cf. Müller, Frag. Hist. Graec. iii. p. 526.

50. i.e. a skepton, instead of skeptron, sceptre.

51. Cf. Bergk, Poet. Lyr. Graec. ii. p. 324.

52. Cf. Aelian, Varia Historia, xiii. 45.

53. Cf. Nauck, Trag. Graec. Frag. p. 797, Dionysius, no. 7.

54. Cf . Life of Dion, chap. vi. (960 c).

55. Probably Ptolemy Euergetes II. Physcon ( Cf. Athenaeus xii. 549 d), rather than Philopater ( Cf. Moralia, 56 e, Polybius v. 34), is alluded to.

56. Cf. Life of Alexander, chap. xxiii. (677 d).

57. Ibid. chap. lxxvi. (706 d).

58. Cf. 332 e, supra.

59. Cf. Life of Alexander, chap. lxx. (703 e); Diodorus, xvii. 107; Justin, xii. 10.

60. Cf. Moralia, 97 d, 522 a; Life of Alexander, chap. xxi. (676 f).

61. Ibid. chap. xxii. (677 a); Arrian, Anabasis, iv. 20; Athenaeus, xiii. 603 c; Quintus Curtius, Hist. Alexandri, iv. 10.

62. Cf. Life of Alexander, chap. xxx. (682 c-d).

63. Cf. Life of Alexander, chap. xxv. (679 a); Arrian, Anabasis, ii. 23.

64. Cf. 326 f, supra.

65. Cf. Arrian, Anabasis, iii. 7. 2.

66. Tarrias is elsewhere unknown; the stories here related of him are told of Antigenes in Life of Alexander, chap. lxx. (703 e-f).

67. Cf. 343 d, supra; Arrian, Anabasis, vii. 5. 1-3.

68. Repeated in Moralia, 181 a; but told of Eurylochus in Life of Alexander, chap. xli. (689 b).

69. Cf. Life of Alexander, chap. lxxi. (704 b).

70. Cf. Life of Alexander, chaps. xlviii., xlix. (692 a-693 a).

71. The Doric form suggests quotation from some poem or drama.

72. A reference, perhaps, to Ammon ( i.e. Zeus) in the form of a serpent, seen with Olympias, as told in Life of Alexander, chap. iii. (665 d); or perhaps to the expedition to the oracle of Ammon, cf. Arrian, Anabasis, iii. 3. 5.

73. Cf. 333 a, supra.

74. Silently, for reading was generally done aloud.

75. Cf. Herodotus, iii. 84 ff.

76. Ibid. vii. 3.

77. Artaxerxes: cf. 336 e, 337 e, supra, Life of Artaxerxes, chap. i. (1012 a): Reiske conjectured Ἄρσῃ from Diodorus, xvii. 5, which may be right. But Bagoas also put Darius III. on the throne of Persia. Cf. 326 f, supra.

78. For the upright tiara cf. e.g. Xenophon, Anabasis, ii. 5. 23; Life of Themistocles, chap. xxix. (126 e); Life of Artaxerxes, chaps. xxvi., xxviii. (1024 e, 1025 e).

79. Cobet’s conjecture (Abdalonymus for Aralynomus) is only very partially supported by Diodorus, xvii. 46. 47. But Cf. the references ad loc. in Fischer’s ed. (Leipzig 1906), especially Quintus Curtius, Hist. Alexandri, iv. 1. 19.

80. Cf. Diodorus, xvii. 82; Quintus Curtius, Hist. Alexandri, v. 3.

81. Cf. Arrian, Anabasis, vi. 19; Quintus Curtius, Hist. Alexandri, ix. 9.

82. Cf. Life of Alexander, chap. lxvi. (702 a); Arrian, Anabasis, vi. 22 ff; Quintus Curtius, Hist. Alexandri, ix. 10.

83. For the wounds of Alexander see the note on 327 a, supra, with the work of Nachstädt there referred to.

84. Homer, Il. xi. 265, 541.

85. Cf. 327 a, supra, and the notes.

86. Homer, Il. v. 340; Cf. Moralia, 180 e and the note.

87. Cf. Life of Alexander, chap. xx. (675 e-f).

88. Cf. Life of Alexander, chap. xlv. (691 a); Arrian, Anabasis, iv. 4. 9; Quintus Curtius, Hist. Alexandri, vii. 9, 13.

89. Cf. Homer, Il. iv. 129.

90. Presumably elephants.

91. Cf. 315 b, supra and Moralia 857 a.

92. A city in Syria; for the wine Cf. Strabo, xv. 3. 22 (p. 735); Athenaeus, 28 d; Suidas and Hesychius, s.v.

93. Cf. Life of Alexander, chap. v. (666 e-f).

94. Cf. Xenophon, Hellenica, vii. 1. 38; Diodorus, xix. 48.

95. Homer, Il. x. 407.

96. Cf. 327 d, supra.

97. Heracles, a reputed ancestor of the Macedonian kings, was born in Thebes.

98. The sack of Thebes and the enslaving of most of the surviving inhabitants; cf . Life of Alexander, chap. xi. (670 e), and Arrian, Anabasis, i. 8-9.

99. Cited on the authority of Duris in 327 e, supra.

100. Cf. 327 e, supra.

101. Cf. Life of Alexander, chap. xv. (672 b).

102. Xerxes counted his army, according to Herodotus vii. 60, by causing 10,000 men to fall in as compactly as possible; then a low wall was built around them; they then marched out, others marched in until the whole host (1,700,000 foot soldies) had been counted.

103. By Xerxes’ canal through Athos: Cf. 335 e, supra; Herodotus, vii. 22, 23.

104. Again referring to Xerxes; Cf. Herodotus, vii. 35.

105. Iliad, ii. 478-479.

106. Chryseis: Iliad, i. 113.

107. Iliad, xxiv. 552-600.

108. Iliad, xix. 140-147.

109. Iliad, v. 335-352, 855-861.

110. Odyssey, xi. 202-203.

111. Sisygambis, the mother of Darius: Cf. Diodorus, xvii. 118. 3; Justin, xiii. 1; Quintus Curtius, Hist. Alexandri, x. 5. 21.

112. Cf. Moralia, 97 c.

113. Cf. Moralia, 828 f; Life of Solon, chaps. xv., xvi. (86 d, 87 d); Aristotle, Constitution of Athens, 10. 1.

114. Cf. 339 c, supra, and the note.

115. £2,000,000 or $10,000,000.

116. Cf. Diodorus, xviii. 4. 4.

117. Cf. Thucydides, ii. 25. 2.

118. The Mallians: Cf. 327 b, supra.

119. Cf. perhaps Homer, Il. xv. 237; iv. 75-80.

120. 327 b, supra, and Life of Alexander, chap. lxiii. (700 c) mention only two; but Plutarch here seems to follow the authority used by Arrian, Anabasis, vi. 10, who gives the number as three; Cf. also 344 d, infra.

121. Plutarch the rhetorician increases by one finger’s-breadth the dimensions of the arrow-point which are given by Plutarch the biographer in his Life of Alexander, chap. lxiii. (700 e).

122. Some think the narrative closes abruptly, and that it should have been continued to include at least Alexander’s recovery, but the Greeks did not always insist on a happy ending narrated in full.

Plutarch De Alexandri magni fortuna aut virtute 2

Frank Cole Babbitt (Translator)

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Περὶ τῆς Ἀλεξάνδρου τύχης ἢ ἀρετῆς λόγος Β

The Second Oration of Plutarch concerning the fortune or virtue of Alexander the Great.

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