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[1] This is Fortune’s discourse, who declares that Alexander is her own characteristic handiwork, and hers alone. But some rejoinder must be made on behalf of philosophy, or rather on Alexander’s behalf, who would be vexed and indignant if he should be thought to have received as a pure gift, even at the hands of Fortune, the supremacy which he won at the price of much blood and of wounds that followed one after another; and

Many a night did he spend without sleeping,

Many a blood-stained day did he pass amid combats unceasing,¹

against irresistible forces and innumerable tribes, against impassable rivers and mountain fastnesses whose summit no arrow could reach, furthered by wise counsels, steadfast purpose, manly courage, and a prudent heart.

[2] I think that if Fortune should try to inscribe her name on his successes, he would say to her, Slander not my virtues, nor take away my fair fame by detraction. Darius was your handiwork: he who was a slave and courier of the king,² him did you make the mighty lord of Persia; and Sardar Lapalus, upon whose head you placed the royal diadem, though he spent his days in carding purple wool.³ But I, through my victory at Arbela,⁴ went up to Susa, and Cilicia⁵ opened the way for me into the broad land of Egypt; but to Cilicia I came by way of the Granicus,⁶ which I crossed, using as a bridge the dead bodies of Mithridates and Spithridates. Adorn yourself, proud Fortune, and vaunt your dominion over kings that never felt a wound nor shed a drop of blood. For they have been Fortune’s favourites, men such as Ochus⁷ was and Artaxerses, whom at the very hour of their birth you placed upon the throne of Cyrus. But my body bears many a token of an opposing Fortune and no ally of mine. First, among the Illyrians,⁸ my head was wounded by a stone and my neck by a cudgel. Then at the Granicus⁹ my head was cut open by an enemy’s dagger, at Issus¹⁰ my thigh was pierced by the sword. Next at Gaza¹¹ my ankle was wounded by an arrow, my shoulder was dislocated, and I whirled heavily round and round. Then at Maracandaf¹² the bone of my leg was split open by an arrow. There awaited me towards the last also the buffetings I received among the Indians and the violence of famines.¹³ Among the Aspasians¹⁴ my shoulder was wounded by an arrow, and among the Gandridae¹⁵ my leg. Among the Mallians,¹⁶ the shaft of an arrow sank deep into my breast and buried its steel; and I was struck in the neck by a cudgel, when the scaling-ladders which we had moved up to the walls were battered down; and Fortune cooped me up alone, favouring ignoble barbarians and not illustrious adversaries with such an exploit. But if Ptolemy¹⁷ had not held his shield above me, and Limnaeus¹⁸ taking his stand before me had not fallen, a target for ten thousand shafts, and if my Macedonians had not overthrown the wall with spirit and main force, then that nameless village in a foreign land must needs have become the tomb of Alexander.

[3] Moreover, there were the trials of the campaign itself: storms, droughts, deep rivers, the heights of the Birdless Rock,¹⁹ the monstrous shapes of savage beasts, an uncivilized manner of life, the constant succession of petty kings and their repeated treachery. Then there were also the difficulties before his expedition:²⁰ Greece was still gasping over Philip’s wars; Thebes, staggering to her feet after her fall, was shaking the dust of Chaeroneia from her arms, and Athens was stretching forth a helping hand to join with Thebes. All Macedonia was festering with revolt and looking toward Amyntas and the children of Aëropus²¹; the Illyrians were again rebelling, and trouble with the Scythians was impending for their Macedonian neighbours, who were in the throes of political change; Persian gold flowed freely through the hands of the popular leaders everywhere, and helped to rouse the Peloponnesus; Philip’s treasuries were bare of money, and in addition there was owing a loan of two hundred talents²² (as Onesicritus records). In such poverty²³ and in circumstances fraught with such uncertainty, a stripling, scarcely older than a boy, had the daring to hope for Babylon and Susa; nay more, to conceive the project of dominion over all the world, relying only on the thirty thousand foot and four thousand cavalry which were his; for, according to Aristobulus, that was the full extent of their number. But King Ptolemy puts them at thirty thousand foot and five thousand horse, Anaximenes at forty-three thousand foot, fifty-five hundred horse. And the great and glorious war-chest which Fortune had ready for him was only seventy talents,²⁴ as Aristobulus²⁵ says, though Duris²⁶ says it was provision for only thirty days.

[4] Was, then, Alexander ill-advised and precipitate in setting forth with such humble resources to acquire so vast an empire? By no means. For who has ever put forth with greater or fairer equipment than he: greatness of soul, keen intelligence, selfrestraint, and manly courage, with which Philosophy herself provided him for his campaign? Yes, the equipment that he had from Aristotle his teacher when he crossed over into Asia was more than what he had from his father Philip. But although we believe those who record that Alexander once said that the Iliad²⁷ and the Odyssey accompanied him as equipment for his campaigns, since we hold Homer in reverence, yet are we to contemn anyone who asserts that the works of Homer accompanied him as a consolation after toil and as a pastime for sweet hours of leisure, but that his true equipment was philosophic teaching, and treatises on Fearlessness and Courage, and Self-restraint also, and Greatness of Soul? For of course it is obvious that Alexander wrote nothing on the subject of either syllogisms or axioms, nor did he have the opportunity of sharing the walks in the Lyceum,²⁸ or of discussing propositions in the Academy. For it is by these criteria that those define philosophy who regard it as a theoretical rather than a practical pursuit. And yet even Pythagoras wrote nothing at all, nor did Socrates, nor Arcesilaus, nor Carneades, who were all most notable among philosophers. Nor were these philosophers continuously occupied with such tremendous wars, nor with spreading civilization among foreign princes, nor in establishing Grecian cities among savage nations, nor did they go on and on, instructing lawless and ignorant tribes in the principles of law and peace; but, even though they had leisure, they relinquished the writing of philosophy to sophists. Whence, then, comes our belief that they were true philosophers? Surely from what they said, or from the manner of life which they led, or from the principles which they taught. By these criteria let Alexander also be judged! For from his words, from his deeds, and from the instruction which he imparted, it will be seen that he was indeed a philosopher.

[5] And first, if you will, consider a matter entirely contrary to the general belief, and compare Alexander’s pupils with those of Plato and Socrates. Plato and Socrates taught pupils of splendid natural endowment who spoke the same language; so that, even if the pupils understood nothing else, at least they understood the Greek tongue. And even so, Plato and Socrates did not win over many. But their pupils, such as Critias and Alcibiades and Cleitophon,²⁹ were prone to spew the good word forth, as a horse the curbing bit, and turned them to other ways.

But if you examine the results of Alexander’s instruction, you will see that he educated the Hyrcanians³⁰ to respect the marriage bond, and taught the Arachosians to till the soil, and persuaded the Sogdians to support their parents, not to kill them, and the Persians³¹ to revere their mothers and not to take them in wedlock. O wondrous power of Philosophic Instruction, that brought the Indians to worship Greek gods, and the Scythians to bury their dead, not to devour them! We admire Carneades’ power, which made Cleitomachus,³² formerly called Hasdrubal, and a Carthaginian by birth, adopt Greek ways. We admire the character of Zeno, which persuaded Diogenes³³ the Babylonian to be a philosopher. But when Alexander was civilizing Asia, Homer was commonly read, and the children of the Persians, of the Susianians, and of the Gedrosians learned to chant, the tragedies of Sophocles and Euripides.³⁴ And although Socrates, when tried on the charge of introducing foreign deities,³⁵ lost his cause to the informers who infested Athens, yet through Alexander Bactria and the Caucasus learned to revere the gods of the Greeks. Plato wrote a book on the One Ideal Constitution, but because of its forbidding character he could not persuade anyone to adopt it; but Alexander established more than seventy cities among savage tribes, and sowed all Asia with Grecian magistracies, and thus overcame its uncivilized and brutish manner of living. Although few of us read Plato’s Laws, yet hundreds of thousands have made use of Alexander’s laws, and continue to use them. Those who were vanquished by Alexander are happier than those who escaped his hand; for these had no one to put an end to the wretchedness of their existence, while the victor compelled those others to lead a happy life. Therefore it is even more just to apply Themistocles’ saying³⁶ to the nations conquered by Alexander. For, when Themistocles in exile had obtained great gifts from Artaxerxes, and had received three cities to pay him tribute, one to supply his bread, another his wine, and a third his meat, he exclaimed, My children, we should be ruined now, had we not been ruined before. Thus Alexander’s new subjects would not have been civilized, had they not been vanquished; Egypt would not have its Alexandria, nor Mesopotamia its Seleuceia, nor Sogdiana its Prophthasia, nor India its Bucephalia, nor the Caucasus a Greek city³⁷ hard by; for by the founding of cities in these places savagery was extinguished and the worse element, gaining familiarity with the better, changed under its influence. If, then, philosophers take the greatest pride in civilizing and rendering adaptable the intractable and untutored elements in human character, and if Alexander has been shown to have changed the savage natures of countless tribes, it is with good reason that he should be regarded as a very great philosopher.

[6] Moreover, the much-admired Republic³⁸ of Zeno, the founder of the Stoic sect, may be summed up in this one main principle: that all the inhabitants of this world of ours should not live differentiated by their respective rules of justice into separate cities and communities, but that we should consider all men to be of one community and one polity, and that we should have a common life and an order common to us all, even as a herd that feeds together and shares the pasturage of a common field. This Zeno wrote, giving shape to a dream or, as it were, shadowy picture of a well-ordered and philosophic commonwealth; but it was Alexander who gave effect to the idea. For Alexander did not follow Aristotle’s³⁹ advice to treat the Greeks as if he were their leader, and other peoples as if he were their master; to have regard for the Greeks as for friends and kindred, but to conduct himself toward other peoples as though they were plants or animals; for to do so would have been to cumber his leadership with numerous battles and banishments and festering seditions. But, as he believed that he carne as a heaven-sent governor to all, and as a mediator for the whole world, those whom he could not persuade to unite with him, he conquered by force of arms, and he brought together into one body all men everywhere, uniting and mixing in one great loving-cup, as it were, men’s lives, their characters, their marriages, their very habits of life.⁴⁰ He bade them all consider as their fatherland the whole inhabited earth, as their stronghold and protection his camp, as akin to them all good men, and as foreigners only the wicked; they should not distinguish between Grecian and foreigner by Grecian cloak and targe, or scimitar and jacket; but the distinguishing mark of the Grecian should be seen in virtue, and that of the foreigner in iniquity; clothing and food, marriage and manner of life they should regard as common to all, being blended into one by ties of blood and children.

[7] Now Demaratus the Corinthian, one of Philip’s intimate friends,⁴¹ when he had seen Alexander in Susa, exclaimed with tears of joy⁴² that all the Greeks who had died before that hour had been deprived of a great joy, since they had not seen Alexander seated on the throne of Darius. But I swear that for my part I feel no envy because of this spectacle toward them that saw it, for it was but the handiwork of Fortune, and the lot of other kings as well. But methinks I would gladly have been a witness of that fair and holy marriage-rite, when he brought together in one golden-canopied tent an hundred Persian brides and an hundred Macedonian and Greek bridegrooms, united at a common hearth and board.⁴³ He himself, crowned with garlands, was the first to raise the marriage hymn as though he were singing a song of truest friendship over the union of the two greatest and most mighty peoples; for he, of one maid the bridegroom, and at the same time of all the brides the escort, as a father and sponsor united them in the bonds of wedlock. Indeed at this sight I should have cried out for joy, O dullard Xerxes, stupid fool that spent so much fruitless toil to bridge the Hellespont! This is the way that wise kings join Asia with Europe; it is not by beams nor rafts, nor by lifeless and unfeeling bonds, but by the ties of lawful love and chaste nuptials and mutual joy in children that they join the nations together.

[8] Considering carefully this order of affairs, Alexander did not favour the Median raiment, but preferred the Persian, for it was much more simple than the Median. Since he deprecated the unusual and theatrical varieties of foreign adornment, such as the tiara and the full-sleeved jacket and trousers, he wore a composite dress adapted from both Persian and Macedonian fashion,⁴⁴ as Eratosthenes⁴⁵ has recorded. As a philosopher what he wore was a matter of indifference, but as sovereign of both nations and benevolent king he strove to acquire the goodwill of the conquered by showing respect for their apparel, so that they might continue constant in loving the Macedonians as rulers, and might not feel hate toward them as enemies. Conversely it were the mark of an unwise and vainglorious mind to admire greatly a cloak of uniform colour and to be displeased by a tunic with a purple border, or again to disdain those things and to be struck with admiration for these, holding stubbornly, in the manner of an unreasoning child, to the raiment in which the custom of his country, like a nurse, had attired him. When men hunt wild animals, they put on the skins of deer, and when they go to catch birds, they dress in tunics adorned with plumes and feathers; they are careful not to be seen by bulls when they have on red garments, nor by elephants when dressed in white;⁴⁶ for these animals are provoked and made savage by the sight of these particular colours. But if a great king, in taming and mollifying headstrong and warring nations, just as in dealing with animals, succeeded in soothing and stilling them by wearing a garb familiar to them and by following their wonted manner of life, thereby conciliating their rough natures and smoothing their sullen brows, can men impeach him? Must they not rather wonder at his wisdom, since by but a slight alteration of his apparel he made himself the popular leader of all Asia, conquering their bodies by his arms, but winning over their souls by his apparel? And yet men marvel at the disciple of Socrates, Aristippus,⁴⁷ that whether he wore a threadbare cloak or a fine Milesian robe he retained his gentility in either; but they impeach Alexander because, although paying due respect to his own national dress, he did not disdain that of his conquered subjects in establishing the beginnings of a vast empire. For he did not overrun Asia like a robber nor was he minded to tear and rend it, as if it were booty and plunder bestowed by unexpected good fortune, after the manner in which Hannibal later descended upon Italy, or as earlier the Treres⁴⁸ descended upon Ionia and the Scythians⁴⁹ upon Media. But Alexander desired to render all upon earth subject to one law of reason and one form of government and to reveal all men as one people, and to this purpose he made himself conform. But if the deity that sent down Alexander’s soul into this world of ours had not recalled him quickly, one law would govern all mankind, and they all would look toward one rule of justice as though toward a common source of light. But as it is, that part of the world which has not looked upon Alexander has remained without sunlight.

[9] Therefore, in the first place, the very plan and design of Alexander’s expedition commends the man as a philosopher in his purpose not to win for himself luxury and extravagant living, but to win for all men concord and peace and community of interests.

And, in the second place, let us examine his sayings too, since it is by their utterances⁵⁰ that the souls of other kings and potentates also best reveal their characters. The elder Antigonus remarked to a certain sophist who put in his hands a treatise on justice, You are a fool to say anything about justice when you see me smiting other peoples cities. The despot Dionysius remarked that one should trick children with dice, but men with oaths.⁵¹ Upon the tomb of Sardanapalus⁵² is written.

These are still mine - what I ate, and my wanton love - frolics.

Who would not own that by these several sayings are revealed Sardanapalus’s love of pleasure, Dionysius’s impiety, and Antigonus’s injustice and greed? But if you subtract from Alexander’s sayings his crown, his relationship with Ammon, and his noble birth, they will appear to you as the utterances of a Socrates or a Plato or a Pythagoras. Let us, then, pay no heed to the proud boasts which the poets inscribed upon his portraits and statues, studying, as they were, to portray, not Alexander’s moderation, but his power:

Eager to speak seems the statue of bronze, up to Zeus as

it gazes: Earth I have set under foot; Zeus, keep Olympus yourself.⁵³

And another man makes Alexander say, I am the son of Zeus.⁵⁴ These expressions, then, as I have said, the poets addressed to Alexander in flattery of his good fortune.

But of the genuine sayings of Alexander we might first review those of his youth. Since he was the swiftest of foot of all the young men of his age,⁵⁵ his comrades urged him to enter the Olympic games. He asked if the competitors were kings, and when his friends replied that they were not, he said that the contest was unfair, for it was one in which a victory would be over commoners, but a defeat would be the defeat of a king.

When the thigh of his father Philip had been pierced by a spear in battle with the Triballians, and Philip, although he escaped with his life, was vexed with his lameness, Alexander said, Be of good cheer, father, and go on your way rejoicing, that at each step you may recall your valour.⁵⁶ Are not these the words of a truly philosophic spirit which, because of its rapture for noble things, already revolts against mere physical encumbrances? How, then, think you, did he glory in his own wounds, remembering by each part of his body affected a nation overcome, a victory won, the capture of cities, the surrender of kings? He did not cover over nor hide his scars, but bore them with him openly as symbolic representations, graven on his body, of virtue and manly courage.

[10] And in the same spirit if ever there chanced to be in hours of ease or at a banquet a comparison of the verses of Homer, each man choosing his favourite line, Alexander always judged this verse to be the greatest of all:

Both things is he: both a goodly king and a warrior mighty.⁵⁷

This praise, which at the time it was written another had received, Alexander conceived to be a law for himself, so that he said of Homer that in this same verse he had honoured the manly courage of Agamemnon and prophesied that of Alexander. Accordingly when he had crossed the Hellespont, he went to see the site of Troy,⁵⁸ imagining to himself the heroic deeds enacted there; and when one of the natives of the country promised to give him the lyre of Paris, if he wished it, Alexander said, Of his lyre I have no need; for I already possess Achilles’ lyre to the accompaniment of which, as he rested from his labours,

he sang the famed deeds of heroes.⁵⁹

But the lyre of Paris gave forth an altogether weak and womanish strain to accompany his love songs. Thus it is the mark of a truly philosophic soul to be in love with wisdom and to admire wise men most of all, and this was more characteristic of Alexander than of any other king. His attitude toward Aristotle has already been stated⁶⁰; and it is recorded by several authors that he considered the musician Anaxarchus the most valuable of all his friends, that he gave ten thousand gold pieces to Pyrrhon⁶¹ of Elis the first time he met him, that he sent to Xenocrates,⁶² the friend of Plato, fifty talents as a gift, and that he made Onesicritus,⁶³ the pupil of Diogenes the Cynic, chief pilot of his fleet.

But when he came to talk with Diogenes g himself in Corinth, he was so awed and astounded with the life and the worth of the man that often, when remembrance of the philosopher came to him, he would say, If I were not Alexander,I should be Diogenes, that is to say: If I did not actively practise philosophy, I should apply myself to its theoretical pursuit. He did not say, If I were not a king, I should be Diogenes, nor If I were not rich and an Argead; for he did not rank Fortune above Wisdom, nor a crown and royal purple above the philosopher’s wallet and threadbare gown. But he said, If I were not Alexander, I should be Diogenes; that is to say: If it were not my purpose to combine foreign things with things Greek, to traverse and civilize every continent, to search out the uttermost parts of land and sea, to push the bounds of Macedonia to the farthest Ocean, and to disseminate and shower the blessings of Greek justice and peace over every nation, I should not be content to sit quietly in the luxury of idle power, but I should emulate the frugality of Diogenes. But as things are, forgive me, Diogenes, that I imitate Heracles, and emulate Perseus, and follow in the footsteps of Dionysus,⁶⁴the divine author and progenitor of my family,⁶⁵ and desire that victorious Greeks should dance again in India and revive the memory of the Bacchic revels among the savage mountain tribes beyond the Caucasus. Even there it is said that there are certain holy men, a law unto themselves, who follow a rigid gymnosophy⁶⁶ and give all their time to God; they are more frugal than Diogenes since they have no need of a wallet. For they do not store up food, since they have it ever fresh and green from the earth; the flowing rivers give them drink and they have fallen leaves and grassy earth to lie upon. Because of me even those faraway sages shall come to know of Diogenes, and he of them. And I also, like Diogenes, must alter the standard of coinage⁶⁷ and stamp foreign states with the impress of Greek government.

[11] Very well. Do Alexander’s actions, then, reveal the caprice of Fortune, the violence of war, the might of conquest, or do they rather reveal the great courage and justice, the great restraint and mildness together with the decorous behaviour and intelligence, of one who did all things with sober and sane judgement? For, by Heaven, it is impossible for me to distinguish his several actions and say that this betokens his courage, this his humanity, this his selfcontrol, but everything he did seems the combined product of all the virtues; for he confirms the truth of that principle of the Stoics which declares that every act which the wise man performs is an activity in accord with every virtue; and although, as it appears, one particular virtue performs the chief role in every act, yet it but heartens on the other virtues and directs them toward the goal. Certainly one may observe that in Alexander the warlike is also humane, the mild also manly, the liberal provident, the irascible placable, the amatory temperate, his relaxation not idle, and his labours not without recreation. Who but he combined festivals with wars, campaigns with revels, Bacchic rites and weddings and nuptial songs with sieges and battle-fields? Who was ever more hostile to wrongdoers or kinder to the unfortunate? Who more stern to his opponents or more indulgent to petitioners? It occurs to me to introduce here an incident touching Porus.⁶⁸ For when Porus was brought as a captive before Alexander, the conqueror asked how he should treat him. Like a king, Alexander, said Porus. When Alexander asked again if there were nothing else, No, said he, for everything is included in that word. And it naturally occurs to me also to exclaim over each of Alexander’s deeds, Like a philosopher! For in this is included everything. He became enamoured of Roxanê,⁶⁹ the daughter of Oxyartes, as she danced among the captive maidens; yet he did not offer any violence to her, but made her his wife. Like a philosopher! When he saw Darius⁷⁰ pierced through by javelins, he did not offer sacrifice nor raise the paean of victory to indicate that the long war had come to an end; but he took off his own cloak and threw it over the corpse as though to conceal the divine retribution that waits upon the lot of kings. Like a philosopher! Once when he was reading a confidential letter from his mother, and Hephaestion,⁷¹ who, as it happened, was sitting beside him, was quite openly reading it too, Alexander did not stop him, but merely placed his own signet-ring on Hephaestion’s lips, sealing them to silence with a friend’s confidence. Like a philosopher! For if these actions be not those of a philosopher, what others are?

[12] But let us compare the actions of men who are admitted to be philosophers. Socrates forbore when Alcibiades⁷² spent the night with him. But when Philoxenus,⁷³ the governor of the coast-lands of Asia Minor, wrote to Alexander that there was in Ionia a youth, the like of whom for bloom and beauty did not exist, and inquired in his letter whether he should send the boy on to him. Alexander wrote bitterly in reply, Vilest of men, what deed of this sort have you ever been privy to in my past that now you would flatter me with the offer of such pleasures? We admire Xenocrates⁷⁴ because he would not accept the gift of fifty talents which Alexander sent him. But shall we not admire the giving of it? Or do we think that he who does not welcome a gift and he who bestows it are not at one in their contempt for money? Because of philosophy Xenocrates had no need of wealth and because of philosophy Alexander had need of wealth that he might lavish it upon such men. How many times has Alexander said this when forcing an attack amid a shower of missiles?⁷⁵ And yet we believe that all men are endowed with the capacity to form right judgements. For Nature of herself is prone to lead men toward the Good. But philosophers differ from common persons in having their powers of judgement strong and firm to face danger, since the common man is not fortified by conceptions such as these: Best is one omen⁷⁶ and Death is the end for all men;⁷⁷ but crises destroy all his calculations in the face of danger, and the fantastic imaginings of perils close at hand dispel his powers of judgement. For not only does fear, as Thucydides⁷⁸ says, drive out memory, but it also drives out every purpose and ambition and impulse, unless philosophy has drawn her cords about them.

De Alexandri magni fortuna aut virtute. Plutarch. Frank Cole Babbitt (Translator). Cambridge, MA. 1936.

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Current edition Perseus

On the Fortune or the Virtue of Alexander I and II (English) (Plutarch. Moralia, Vol. 4. Babbitt, Frank Cole, translator. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press; London: William Heinemann Ltd., 1936 (printing).)

Editions (2)

Περὶ τῆς Ἀλεξάνδρου τύχης ἢ ἀρετῆς λόγος Α, λόγος Β Perseus (Plutarch. Moralia, Vol. 4. Babbitt, Frank Cole, editor. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press; London: William Heinemann Ltd., 1936 (printing).) — 1 focus

[1] 326d οὗτος ὁ τῆς Τύχης λόγος ἐστίν, ἴδιον καὶ μόνης αὑτῆς ἔργον ἀποφαινομένης Ἀλέξανδρον. δεῖ δʼ ἀντειπεῖν ὑπὲρ φιλοσοφίας, μᾶλλον δʼ ὑπὲρ Ἀλεξάνδρου δυσχεραίνοντος καὶ ἀγανακτοῦντος, εἰ προῖκα δόξει καὶ παρὰ τῆς Τύχης λαβεῖν τὴν ἡγεμονίαν, ἣν ὤνιον αἵματος πολλοῦ καὶ τραυμάτων ἐπαλλήλων κτώμενος 326e

πολλὰς μὲν ἀύπνους νύκτας ἴαυεν,

ἤματα δʼ αἱματόεντα διέπρησσεν πολεμίζων

πρὸς ἀμάχους δυνάμεις καὶ ἄπειρα φῦλα καὶ ποταμοὺς ἀπεράτους καὶ πέτρας ἀτοξεύτους, εὐβουλίᾳ καὶ καρτερίᾳ καὶ ἀνδρείᾳ καὶ σωφροσύνῃ παραπεμπόμενος.

[2] οἶμαι δʼ ἂν αὐτὸν εἰπεῖν πρὸς τὴν Τύχην τοῖς κατορθώμασιν αὑτὴν ἐπιγράφουσαν, μή μου διάβαλλε τὴν ἀρετὴν μηδʼ ἀφαιροῦ περισπῶσα τὴν δόξαν. Δαρεῖος ἦν σὸν ἔργον, ὃν ἐκ δούλου καὶ ἀστάνδου βασιλέως κύριον Περσῶν ἐποίησας· καὶ 326f Σαρδανάπαλλος, ᾧ τὸ διάδημα τῆς βασιλείας πορφύραν ξαίνοντι περιέθηκας. ἐγὼ δʼ εἰς Σοῦσα νικῶν διʼ Ἀρβήλων ἀναβέβηκα, καὶ Κιλικία μοι πλατεῖαν ἀνέῳξεν Αἴγυπτον, Κιλικίαν δὲ Γράνικος, ὃν Μιθριδάτῃ καὶ Σπιθριδάτῃ νεκροῖς ἐπιβὰς διεπέρασα. κόσμει σεαυτὴν καὶ σεμνύνου βασιλεῦσιν ἀτρώτοις καὶ ἀναιμάκτοις· ἐκεῖνοι γὰρ 327a εὐτυχεῖς ἦσαν, Ὦχοι καὶ Ἀρταξέρξαι, οὓς εὐθὺς ἐκ γενετῆς τῷ Κύρου θρόνῳ ἐνίδρυσας. τοὐμὸν δὲ σῶμα πολλὰ σύμβολα φέρει Τύχης ἀνταγωνιζομένης οὐ συμμαχούσης. πρῶτον ἐν Ἰλλυριοῖς λίθῳ τὴν κεφαλήν, ὑπέρῳ δὲ τὸν τράχηλον ἠλοήθην· ἔπειτα περὶ Γράνικον τὴν κεφαλὴν βαρβαρικῇ μαχαίρᾳ διεκόπην, ἐν δʼ Ἰσσῷ ξίφει τὸν μηρόν· πρὸς δὲ Γάζῃ τὸ μὲν σφυρὸν ἐτοξεύθην, τὸν δʼ ὦμον ἐκπεσὼν ἐξ ἕδρας βαρὺς περιεδίνησα· πρὸς δὲ Μαρακανδάνοις τοξεύματι τὸ τῆς κνήμης ὀστέον διεσχίσθην τὰ λοιπὰ δʼ Ἰνδῶν πληγαὶ καὶ βίαι 327b λιμῶν· ἐν Ἀσπασίοις ἐτοξεύθην τὸν ὦμον, ἐν δὲ Γανδρίδαις τὸ σκέλος· ἐν Μαλλοῖς βέλει μὲν ἀπὸ τόξου τὸ στέρνον ἐνερεισθέντι καὶ καταδύσαντι τὸν σίδηρον, ὑπέρον δὲ πληγῇ παρὰ τὸν τράχηλον, ὅτε προστεθεῖσαι τοῖς τείχεσιν αἱ κλίμακες ἐκλάσθησαν· ἐμὲ δʼ ἡ Τύχη μόνον συνεῖρξεν οὐδὲ λαμπροῖς ἀνταγωνισταῖς, ἀλλὰ βαρβάροις ἀσήμοις χαριζομένη τηλικοῦτον ἔργον· εἰ δὲ μὴ Πτολεμαῖος ὑπερέσχε τὴν πέλτην, Λιμναῖος δὲ πρὸ ἐμοῦ μυρίοις ἀπαντήσας βέλεσιν ἔπεσεν, ἤρειψαν δὲ θυμῷ καὶ βίᾳ Μακεδόνες τὸ τεῖχος, ἔδει τάφον Ἀλεξάνδρου τὴν βάρβαρον ἐκείνην καὶ ἀνώνυμον κώμην γενέσθαι.

327c

καὶ μὴν τὰ μὲν αὐτῆς τῆς στρατείας, χειμῶνες, αὐχμοί, βάθη ποταμῶν, ἄορνα ὕψη, θηρίων ὑπερφυεῖς ὄψεις, ἄγριοι δίαιται, μεταβολαὶ δυναστῶν, παλιμπροδοσίαι τὰ δὲ πρὸ τῆς στρατείας, ἔτι τοῖς Φιλιππικοῖς πολέμοις ἐπέσπαιρεν ἡ Ἑλλάς, ἀπεσείοντο δʼ αἱ Θῆβαι τῶν ὅπλων τὴν Χαιρωνικὴν κόνιν ἐκ τοῦ πτώματος ἀνιστάμεναι, καὶ συνῆπτον αἱ Ἀθῆναι τὰς χεῖρας ὀρέγουσαι· πᾶσα δʼ ὕπουλος ἦν Μακεδονία πρὸς Ἀμύνταν ἀποβλέπουσα καὶ τοὺς Ἀερόπου παῖδας· ἀνερρήγνυντο δʼ Ἰλλυριοί, καὶ τὰ Σκυθῶν ἐπῃωρεῖτο τοῖς προσοίκοις νεωτερίζουσι τὸ δὲ Περσικὸν χρυσίον διὰ τῶν ἑκασταχοῦ 327d δημαγωγῶν ῥέον ἐκίνει τὴν Πελοπόννησον κενοὶ δʼ οἱ Φιλίππου θησαυροὶ χρημάτων, καὶ προσῆν ἔτι δάνειον, ὡς Ὀνησίκριτος ἱστορεῖ, διακοσίων ταλάντων. ἐν τοσαύτῃ πενίᾳ καὶ πράγμασι ταραχὰς ἔχουσι μειράκιον ἄρτι τὴν παιδικὴν παραλλάττον ἡλικίαν ἐθάρρησεν ἐλπίσαι Βαβυλῶνα καὶ Σοῦσα, μᾶλλον δὲ τὴν πάντων ἀνθρώπων ἀρχὴν εἰς νοῦν ἐμβαλέσθαι, τοῖς τρισμυρίοις οἷς ἔσχε πεζοῖς καὶ τετρακισχιλίοις ἱππεῦσι πιστεύσας τοσοῦτοι γὰρ ἦσαν, ὡς Ἀριστόβουλός φησιν ὡς δὲ Πτολεμαῖος 327e ὁ βασιλεύς, τρισμύριοι πεζοὶ πεντακισχίλιοι δʼ ἱππεῖς· ὡς δʼ Ἀναξιμένης, τετρακισμύριοι πεζοὶ καὶ τρισχίλιοι, πεντακισχίλιοι δὲ καὶ πεντακόσιοι ἱππεῖς. τὸ δὲ λαμπρὸν αὐτῷ καὶ μέγα παρασκευασθὲν ὑπὸ τῆς Τύχης ἐφόδιον ἑβδομήκοντα τάλαντʼ ἦν, ὥς φησιν Ἀριστόβουλος· ὡς δὲ Δοῦρις, τριάκοντα μόνον ἡμερῶν ἐπισιτισμός.

[4] ἄβουλος οὖν καὶ προπετὴς Ἀλέξανδρος ἐξ εὐτελῶν οὕτως ἐπὶ τηλικαύτην δύναμιν ὁρμώμενος; οὐ μὲν οὖν. τίς γὰρ ἀπὸ μειζόνων ἢ καλλιόνων ἀφορμῶν ἀνήγετο, μεγαλοψυχίας, συνέσεως, σωφροσύνης, ἀνδραγαθίας, αἷς αὐτὸν ἐφωδίαζε φιλοσοφία πρὸς τὴν στρατείαν; ναί, πλείονας παρʼ Ἀριστοτέλους τοῦ καθηγητοῦ ἢ 327f παρὰ Φιλίππου τοῦ πατρὸς ἀφορμὰς ἔχων διέβαινεν ἐπὶ Πέρσας. ἀλλὰ τοῖς μὲν γράφουσιν, ὡς Ἀλέξανδρος ἔφη ποτὲ τὴν Ἰλιάδα καὶ τὴν Ὀδύσσειαν ἀκολουθεῖν αὐτῷ τῆς στρατείας ἐφόδιον, πιστεύομεν, Ὅμηρον σεμνύνοντες· ἂν δέ τις φῇ τὴν Ἰλιάδα καὶ τὴν Ὀδύσσειαν παραμύθιον πόνου καὶ 328a διατριβὴν ἕπεσθαι σχολῆς γλυκείας, ἐφόδιον δʼ ἀληθῶς γεγονέναι τὸν ἐκ φιλοσοφίας λόγον καὶ τοὺς περὶ ἀφοβίας καὶ ἀνδρείας ἔτι δὲ σωφροσύνης καὶ μεγαλοψυχίας ὑπομνηματισμούς, καταφρονοῦμεν; ὄτι δηλαδὴ περὶ συλλογισμῶν οὐδὲν οὐδὲ περὶ ἀξιωμάτων ἔγραψεν, οὐδʼ ἐν Λυκείῳ περίπατον συνέσχεν οὐδʼ ἐν Ἀκαδημείᾳ θέσεις εἶπεν· τούτοις γὰρ ὁρίζουσι φιλοσοφίαν οἱ λόγον αὐτὴν οὐκ ἔργον νομίζοντες. καίτοι γʼ οὐδὲ Πυθαγόρας ἔγραψεν οὐδὲν οὐδὲ Σωκράτης οὐδʼ Ἀρκεσίλαος οὐδὲ Καρνεάδης, οἱ δοκιμώτατοι τῶν φιλοσόφων καὶ οὐκ ἠσχολοῦντο περὶ πολέμους ἐκεῖνοι τηλικούτους, 328b οὐδὲ βασιλεῖς βαρβάρους ἡμεροῦντες οὐδὲ πόλεις Ἑλληνίδας ἐπικτίζοντες ἀγρίοις ἔθνεσιν οὐδʼ ἄθεσμα καὶ ἀνήκοα φύλα νόμους διδάσκοντες καὶ εἰρήνην ἐπῄεσαν, ἀλλὰ καὶ σχολάζοντες τὸ γράφειν παρίεσαν τοῖς σοφισταῖς. πόθεν οὖν ἐπιστεύθησαν ἐκεῖνοι φιλοσοφεῖν; ἀφʼ ὧν εἶπον ἢ ἀφʼ ὧν ἐβίωσαν ἢ ἀφʼ ὧν ἐδίδαξαν. ἀπὸ τούτων κρινέσθω καὶ Ἀλέξανδρος· ὀφθήσεται γὰρ οἷς εἶπεν οἷς ἔπραξεν οἷς ἐπαίδευσε φιλόσοφος.

[5] καὶ πρῶτον τὸ παραδοξότατον, εἰ βούλει, σκόπει, τοὺς Ἀλεξάνδρου μαθητὰς τοῖς Πλάτωνος, τοῖς Σωκράτους ἀντιπαραβάλλων. εὐφυεῖς οὗτοι καὶ ὁμογλώσσους ἐπαίδευον, εἰ μηδὲν ἄλλο, φωνῆς 328c Ἑλληνίδος συνιέντας· καὶ πολλοὺς οὐκ ἔπεισαν· ἀλλὰ Κριτίαι καὶ Ἀλκιβιάδαι καὶ Κλειτοφῶντες, ὥσπερ χαλινὸν τὸν λόγον ἐκπτύσαντες, ἄλλῃ πη παρετράπησαν.

τὴν δʼ Ἀλεξάνδρου παιδείαν ἂν ἐπιβλέπῃς, Ὑρκανοὺς γαμεῖν ἐπαίδευσε καὶ γεωργεῖν ἐδίδαξεν Ἀραχωσίους, καὶ Σογδιανοὺς ἔπεισε πατέρας τρέφειν καὶ μὴ φονεύειν, καὶ Πέρσας σέβεσθαι μητέρας ἀλλὰ μὴ γαμεῖν. ὢ θαυμαστῆς φιλοσοφίας, διʼ ἣν Ἰνδοὶ θεοὺς Ἑλληνικοὺς προσκυνοῦσι, Σκύθαι θάπτουσι τοὺς ἀποθανόντας οὐ κατεσθίουσι. θαυμάζομεν 328d τὴν Καρνεάδου δύναμιν, εἰ Κλειτόμαχον, Ἀσδρούβαν καλούμενον πρότερον καὶ Καρχηδόνιον τὸ γένος, ἑλληνίζειν ἐποίησε· θαυμάζομεν τὴν διάθεσιν Ζήνωνος, εἰ Διογένη τὸν Βαβυλώνιον ἔπεισε φιλοσοφεῖν. ἀλλʼ Ἀλεξάνδρου τὴν Ἀσίαν ἐξημεροῦντος Ὅμηρος ἦν ἀνάγνωσμα, καὶ Περσῶν καὶ Σουσιανῶν καὶ Γεδρωσίων παῖδες τὰς Εὐριπίδου καὶ Σοφοκλέους τραγῳδίας ᾖδον. καὶ Σωκράτης ὡς μὲν ξένα παρεισάγων δαιμόνια δίκην τοῖς Ἀθήνησιν ὠφλίσκανε συκοφάνταις· διὰ δʼ Ἀλέξανδρον τοὺς Ἑλλήνων θεοὺς Βάκτρα καὶ Καύκασος προσεκύνησε. Πλάτων μὲν γὰρ μίαν 328e γράψας πολιτείαν οὐδένα πέπεικεν αὐτῇ χρῆσθαι διὰ τὸ αὐστηρόν· Ἀλέξανδρος δʼ ὑπὲρ ἑβδομήκοντα πόλεις βαρβάροις ἔθνεσιν ἐγκτίσας καὶ κατασπείρας τὴν Ἀσίαν Ἑλληνικοῖς τέλεσι, τῆς ἀνημέρου καὶ θηριώδους ἐκράτησε διαίτης. καὶ τοὺς μὲν Πλάτωνος ὀλίγοι νόμους ἀναγιγνώσκομεν, τοῖς δʼ Ἀλεξάνδρου μυριάδες ἀνθρώπων ἐχρήσαντο καὶ χρῶνται· μακαριώτεροι τῶν διαφυγόντων Ἀλέξανδρον οἱ κρατηθέντες γενόμενοι· τοὺς μὲν γὰρ οὐδεὶς ἔπαυσεν ἀθλίως ζῶντας, τοὺς δʼ ἠνάγκασεν εὐδαιμονεῖν ὁ νικήσας. ὥσθʼ ὅπερ εἶπε Θεμιστοκλῆς, ὁπηνίκα φυγὼν ἔτυχε δωρεῶν μεγάλων παρὰ 328f βασιλέως καὶ τρεῖς πόλεις ὑποφόρους ἔλαβε, τὴν μὲν εἰς σῖτον τὴν δʼ εἰς οἶνον τὴν δʼ εἰς ὄψον, ὦ παῖδες ἀπωλόμεθʼ ἂν εἰ μὴ ἀπωλόμεθα τοῦτο περὶ τῶν ἁλόντων ὑπʼ Ἀλεξάνδρου δικαιότερόν ἐστιν εἰπεῖν. οὐκ ἂν ἡμερώθησαν, εἰ μὴ ἐκρατήθησαν· οὐκ ἂν εἶχεν Ἀλεξάνδρειαν Αἴγυπτος, οὐδὲ Μεσοποταμία Σελεύκειαν οὐδὲ Προφθασίαν Σογδιανὴ οὐδʼ Ἰνδία Βουκεφαλίαν, οὐδὲ πόλιν Ἑλλάδα 329a Καύκασος παροικοῦσαν, οἷς ἐμπολισθεῖσιν ἐσβέσθη τὸ ἄγριον καὶ μετέβαλε τὸ χεῖρον ὑπὸ τοῦ κρείττονος ἐθι,ζόμενον. εἰ τοίνυν μέγιστον μὲν οἱ φιλόσοφοι φρονοῦσιν ἐπὶ τῷ τὰ σκληρὰ καὶ ἀπαίδευτα τῶν ἠθῶν ἐξημεροῦν καὶ μεθαρμόζειν, μυρία δὲ φαίνεται γένη καὶ φύσεις θηριώδεις μεταβαλὼν Ἀλέξανδρος, εἰκότως ἂν φιλοσοφώτατος νομίζοιτο.

[6] καὶ μὴν ἡ πολὺ θαυμαζομένη πολιτεία τοῦ τὴν Στωικῶν αἵρεσιν καταβαλομένου Ζήνωνος εἰς ἓν τοῦτο συντείνει κεφάλαιον, ἵνα μὴ κατὰ πόλεις μηδὲ κατὰ δήμους οἰκῶμεν ἰδίοις ἕκαστοι διωρισμένοι 329b δικαίοις, ἀλλὰ πάντας ἀνθρώπους ἡγώμεθα δημότας καὶ πολίτας, εἷς δὲ βίος ᾖ καὶ κόσμος, ὥσπερ ἀγέλης συννόμου νόμῳ κοινῷ συντρεφομένης. τοῦτο Ζήνων μὲν ἔγραψεν ὥσπερ ὄναρ ἢ εἴδωλον εὐνομίας φιλοσόφου καὶ πολιτείας ἀνατυπωσάμενος, Ἀλέξανδρος δὲ τῷ λόγῳ τὸ ἔργον παρέσχεν. οὐ γάρ, ὡς Ἀριστοτέλης συνεβούλευεν αὐτῷ, τοῖς μὲν Ἕλλησιν ἡγεμονικῶς τοῖς δὲ βαρβάροις δεσποτικῶς χρώμενος, καὶ τῶν μὲν ὡς φίλων καὶ οἰκείων ἐπιμελούμενος τοῖς δʼ ὡς ζῴοις ἢ φυτοῖς προσφερόμενος, πολέμων πολλῶν καὶ φυγῶν ἐνέπλησε καὶ στάσεων ὑπούλων τὴν ἡγεμονίαν· 329c · ἀλλὰ κοινὸς ἥκειν θεόθεν ἁρμοστὴς καὶ διαλλακτὴς τῶν ὅλων νομίζων, οὓς τῷ λόγῳ μὴ συνῆγε τοῖς ὅπλοις βιαζόμενος, εἰς τὸ αὐτὸ συνενεγκὼν τὰ πανταχόθεν, ὥσπερ ἐν κρατῆρι φιλοτησίῳ μείξας τοὺς βίους καὶ τὰ ἤθη καὶ τοὺς γάμους καὶ τὰς διαίτας, πατρίδα μὲν τὴν οἰκουμένην προσέταξεν ἡγεῖσθαι πάντας, ἀκρόπολιν δὲ καὶ φρουρὰν στρατόπεδον, συγγενεῖς δὲ τοὺς ἀγαθούς, ἀλλοφύλους δὲ τοὺς πονηρούς· τὸ δʼ Ἑλληνικὸν καὶ βαρβαρικὸν μὴ χλαμύδι μηδὲ πέλτῃ; μηδʼ ἀκινάκῃ μηδὲ κάνδυι διορίζειν, ἀλλὰ τὸ μὲν 329d Ἑλληνικὸν ἀρετῇ τὸ δὲ βαρβαρικὸν κακίᾳ τεκμαίρεσθαι· κοινὰς δʼ ἐσθῆτας ἡγεῖσθαι καὶ τραπέζας καὶ γάμους καὶ διαίτας, διʼ αἵματος καὶ τέκνων ἀνακεραννυμένους.

[7] Δημάρατος μὲν οὖν ὁ Κορίνθιος εἷς ὢν τῶν Φιλίππου ξένων καὶ φίλων, ὅτʼ Ἀλέξανδρον εἶδεν ἐν Σούσοις, περιχαρὴς γενόμενος καὶ δακρύσας μεγάλης ἔφη χαρᾶς ἐστερῆσθαι τοὺς ἔμπροσθεν τεθνηκότας Ἕλληνας, ὅτι Ἀλέξανδρον οὐκ εἶδον ἐν τῷ Δαρείου θρόνῳ καθεζόμενον. ἐγὼ δʼ οὐδὲ τούτου μὰ Δία τοῦ θεάματος ζηλῶ τοὺς ἰδόντας, ὃ καὶ τύχης ἦν καὶ κοινὸν ἑτέρων βασιλέων ἀλλʼ ἐκείνης ἡδέως ἄν μοι δοκῶ γενέσθαι τῆς καλῆς καὶ ἱερᾶς νυμφαγωγίας θεατής, ὅτε μιᾷ σκηνῇ χρυσωρόφῳ 329e περιλαβών, ἐφʼ ἑστίας κοινῆς καὶ τραπέζης, ἑκατὸν Περσίδας νύμφας, ἑκατὸν νυμφίους Μακεδόνας καὶ Ἕλληνας, αὐτὸς ἐστεφανωμένος πρῶτος ἀναμέλπων τὸν ὑμέναιον, ὥσπερ φιλοτήσιον ἐπᾴδων μέλος, εἰς κοινωνίαν συνιοῦσι τοῖς μεγίστοις καὶ δυνατωτάτοις γένεσι, μιᾶς νυμφίος, πασῶν δὲ νυμφαγωγὸς ἅμα καὶ πατὴρ καὶ ἁρμοστὴς κατὰ ζυγὰ συνῆπτεν. ἡδέως γὰρ ἂν εἶπον, ὦ βάρβαρε Ξέρξη καὶ ἀνόητε καὶ μάτην πολλὰ περὶ τὴν Ἑλλησποντίαν πονηθεὶς γέφυραν, οὕτως ἔμφρονες βασιλεῖς Ἀσίαν Εὐρώπῃ συνάπτουσιν, οὐ ξύλοις οὐδὲ σχεδίαις οὐδʼ ἀψύχοις 329f καὶ ἀσυμπαθέσι δεσμοῖς, ἀλλʼ ἔρωτι νομίμῳ καὶ γάμοις σώφροσι καὶ κοινωνίαις παίδων τὰ γένη συνάπτοντες.

[8] πρὸς τοῦτον ἀποβλέπων τὸν κόσμον Ἀλέξανδρος οὐ τὴν ἐσθῆτα προσήκατο τὴν Μηδικήν, ἀλλὰ τὴν Περσικὴν πολλῷ τῆς Μηδικῆς εὐτελεστέραν οὖσαν. τὰ γὰρ ἔξαλλα καὶ τραγικὰ τοῦ βαρβαρικοῦ 330a κόσμου παραιτησάμενος, οἷον τιάραν καὶ κάνδυν καὶ ἀναξυρίδας, ἐκ τοῦ Περσικοῦ καὶ Μακεδονικοῦ τρόπου μεμειγμένην τινὰ στολὴν ἐφόρει, καθάπερ Ἐρατοσθένης ἱστόρηκεν, ὡς μὲν φιλόσοφος τοῖς ἀδιαφόροις χρώμενος, ὡς δʼ ἡγεμὼν κοινὸς καὶ βασιλεὺς φιλάνθρωπος τῇ περὶ τὴν ἐσθῆτα τιμῇ τὴν τῶν κεκρατημένων ἀνακτώμενος εὔνοιαν, ἵνα βεβαίως παραμένωσιν ἀγαπῶντες ὡς ἄρχοντας Μακεδόνας, μὴ μισοῦντες ὡς πολεμίους. τοὐναντίον γὰρ ἦν ἀσόφου καὶ τετυφωμένης ψυχῆς τὴν μὲν αὐτόχρουν χλαμύδα θαυμάζειν, τὸν δὲ περιπόρφυρον χιτῶνα δυσχεραίνειν, ἢ πάλιν ἐκεῖνα μὲν ἀτιμάζειν, 330b τούτοις δʼ ἐκπεπλῆχθαι, δίκην νηπίου παιδὸς φυλάττοντα τὴν περιβολήν, ἣν ἡ πάτριος αὐτῷ συνήθεια καθάπερ τίτθη περιέθηκε. ζῷα θηρεύοντες ἄνθρωποι δορὰς ἐλάφων περιτίθενται, καὶ πτερωτοῖς ἀμπέχονται χιτωνίσκοις ἄγραις ἐπιχειροῦντες ὀρνίθων, καὶ φυλάττονται ταύροις ὀφθῆναι φοινικίδας ἔχοντες, ἐλέφασι δὲ λευκοὺς χιτῶνας· ἐρεθίζεται γὰρ ὑπὸ τῶν χρωμάτων τὰ ζῷα τούτων καὶ διαθηριοῦται. εἰ δὲ βασιλεὺς μέγας ἔθνη δυσκάθεκτα καὶ μαχόμενα καθάπερ ζῷα τιθασεύων καὶ μειλισσόμενος ἐσθῆσιν οἰκείαις 330c καὶ συνήθεσιν ἐξεπράυνε διαίταις καὶ κατέστελλεν, οἰκειούμενος αὐτῶν τὸ δύσθυμον καὶ παρηγορῶν τὸ σκυθρωπόν, ἐγκαλοῦσιν; οὐχὶ θαυμάζουσι τὴν σοφίαν, ὅτι τῷ τυχόντι μετασχηματισμῷ τὴν Ἀσίαν ἐδημαγώγησε, τοῖς μὲν ὅπλοις τῶν σωμάτων ἐπικρατήσας, τῇ δʼ ἐσθῆτι τὰς ψυχὰς προσαγαγόμενος; καίτοι γʼ Ἀρίστιππον θαυμάζουσι τὸν Σωκρατικόν, ὅτι καὶ τρίβωνι λιτῷ καὶ Μιλησίᾳ χλαμύδι χρώμενος διʼ ἀμφοτέρων ἐτήρει τὸ εὔσχημον Ἀλεξάνδρῳ δʼ ἐγκαλοῦσιν, ὅτι τὴν πάτριον ἐσθῆτα κοσμῶν οὐδὲ τὴν δορίκτητον ὑπερεῖδε, μεγάλων πραγμάτων καταβαλλόμενος 330d ἀρχάς. οὐ γὰρ λῃστρικῶς τὴν Ἀσίαν καταδραμὼν οὐδʼ ὥσπερ ἅρπαγμα καὶ λάφυρον εὐτυχίας ἀνελπίστου σπαράξαι καὶ ἀνασύρασθαι διανοηθείς, καθάπερ ὕστερον μὲν Ἀννίβας Ἰταλίαν, πρότερον δὲ Τρῆρες Ἰωνίαν καὶ Σκύθαι Μηδίαν ἐπῆλθον· ἀλλʼ ἑνὸς ὑπήκοα λόγου τὰ ἐπὶ γῆς καὶ μιᾶς πολιτείας, ἕνα δῆμον ἀνθρώπους ἅπαντας ἀποφῆναι βουλόμενος, οὕτως ἑαυτὸν ἐσχημάτιζεν· εἰ δὲ μὴ ταχέως ὁ δεῦρο καταπέμψας τὴν Ἀλεξάνδρου ψυχὴν ἀνεκαλέσατο δαίμων, εἷς· ἂν νόμος ἅπαντας ἀνθρώπους διῳκεῖτο καὶ πρὸς ἓν δίκαιον ὡς πρὸς κοινὸν ἐπέβλεπον φῶς. νῦν δὲ τῆς γῆς ἀνήλιον 330e μέρος ἔμεινεν, ὅσον Ἀλέξανδρον οὐκ εἶδεν.

[9] οὐκοῦν πρώτη μὲν ἡ τῆς στρατείας ὑπόθεσις φιλόσοφον τὸν ἄνδρα συνίστησιν, οὐχ ἑαυτῷ τρυφὴν καὶ πολυτέλειαν ἀλλὰ πᾶσιν ἀνθρώποις ὁμόνοιαν καὶ εἰρήνην καὶ κοινωνίαν πρὸς ἀλλήλους παρασκευάσαι διανοηθέντα.

δεύτερον δʼ αὐτοῦ καὶ τὰς φωνὰς ἴδωμεν, ἐπεὶ καὶ τὰ τῶν ἄλλων ἤθη βασιλέων καὶ δυναστῶν μάλιστα ταῖς φωναῖς αἱ ψυχαὶ προβάλλουσιν. Ἀντίγονος ὁ γέρων, σοφιστοῦ τινος αὐτῷ σύγγραμμα προσδιδόντος περὶ δικαιοσύνης, ἀβέλτερος εἶ, εἶπεν, ὃς ὁρῶν με τὰς ἀλλοτρίας πόλεις τύπτοντα λέγεις περὶ δικαιοσύνης. Διονύσιος 330f δʼ ὁ τύραννος ἐκέλευε τοὺς μὲν παῖδας ἀστραγάλοις τοὺς δʼ ἄνδρας ὅρκοις ἐξαπατᾶν. τοῖς δὲ Σαρδαναπάλλου μνημείοις ἐπιγέγραπται

ταῦτʼ ἔχω ὅσσʼ ἔφαγον καὶ ἐφύβρισα.

τίς οὐκ ἂν εἴποι τῶν ἀποφθεγμάτων τούτων τῷ μὲν ἀποφαίνεσθαι φιληδονίαν, τῷ δʼ ἀθεότητα, τῷ δʼ ἀδικίαν καὶ πλεονεξίαν; τῶν δʼ Ἀλεξάνδρου φωνῶν ἂν ἀφέλῃς τὸ διάδημα καὶ τὸν Ἄμμωνα 331a καὶ τὴν εὐγένειαν, Σωκράτους ἢ Πλάτωνος ἢ Πυθαγόρου σοι φανοῦνται. μὴ γὰρ ἃς οἱ ποιηταὶ ταῖς εἰκόσιν αὐτοῦ καὶ τοῖς ἀνδριᾶσι μεγαληγορίας ἐπεχάραττον, οὐ τῆς μετριότητος ἀλλὰ τῆς δυνάμεως τῆς Ἀλεξάνδρου στοχαζόμενοι, σκοπῶμεν

αὐδασοῦντι δʼ ἔοικεν ὁ χάλκεος εἰς Δία λεύσσων,

γᾶν ὑπʼ ἐμοὶ τίθεμαι· Ζεῦ, σὺ δʼ Ὄλυμπον ἔχε.

καὶ ἄλλου ἀνδρός, ἐγὼ Διὸς μὲν υἱός. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν, ὡς ἔφην, οἱ ποιηταὶ κολακεύοντες αὐτοῦ τὴν τύχην προσεῖπον.

τῶν δʼ ἀληθινῶν ἀποφθεγμάτων Ἀλεξάνδρου 331b πρῶτον ἄν τις τὰ παιδικὰ διέλθοι. ποδωκέστατος γὰρ τῶν ἐφʼ ἡλικίας νέων γενόμενος καὶ τῶν ἑταίρων αὐτὸν ἐπʼ Ὀλύμπια παρορμώντων, ἠρώτησεν, εἰ βασιλεῖς ἀγωνίζονται· τῶν δʼ οὐ φαμένων, ἄδικον εἶπεν εἶναι τὴν ἅμιλλαν, ἐν ᾗ νικήσει μὲν ἰδιώτας, νικηθήσεται δὲ βασιλεύς.

τοῦ δὲ πατρὸς Φιλίππου λόγχῃ τὸν μηρὸν ἐν Τριβαλλοῖς διαπαρέντος, καὶ τὸν μὲν κίνδυνον διαφυγόντος, ἀχθομένου δὲ τῇ χωλότητι, θάρρει, πάτερ, ἔφη, καὶ πρόιθι φαιδρῶς, ἵνα τῆς ἀρετῆς κατὰ βῆμα μνημονεύῃς. ταῦτʼ οὐκ ἔστι διανοίας 331c φιλοσόφου καὶ διὰ τὸν ἐπὶ τοῖς καλοῖς ἐνθουσιασμὸν ἤδη τῶν τοῦ σώματος ἐλαττωμάτων κατεξανισταμένης; πῶς γὰρ αὐτὸν οἴει τοῖς ἰδίοις ἀγάλλεσθαι τραύμασι, καθʼ ἕκαστον μέρος ἔθνους μνημονεύοντα καὶ νίκης καὶ πόλεων ἁλισκομένων καὶ βασιλέων παραδιδόντων, οὐκ ἐγκαλυπτόμενον οὐδὲ κατακρύπτοντα τὰς οὐλάς, ἀλλʼ ὥσπερ εἰκόνας ἐγκεχαραγμένας ἀρετῆς καὶ ἀνδραγαθίας περιφέροντα;

[10] καὶ μὴν εἴ ποτε γένοιτο τῶν Ὁμήρου σύγκρισις ἐπῶν. ἐν ταῖς διατριβαῖς ἢ παρὰ τὰ συμπόσια, ἄλλον ἄλλου στίχον προκρίνοντος, αὐτὸς ὡς διαφέροντα πάντων ἐνέκρινε τοῦτον,

ἀμφότερον βασιλεύς τʼ ἀγαθὸς κρατερός τʼ αἰχμητής,

331d ὃν ἄλλος ἔπαινον τῷ χρόνῳ προέλαβε, τοῦτον αὑτῷ νόμον κεῖσθαι λογιζόμενος, ὥστʼ εἰπεῖν Ὅμηρον ὅτι τῷ αὐτῷ μέτρῳ τὴν μὲν Ἀγαμέμνονος ἀνδραγαθίαν κεκόσμηκε, τὴν δʼ Ἀλεξάνδρου μεμάντευται. διαβὰς τοίνυν τὸν Ἑλλήσποντον ἐθεᾶτο τὴν Τροίαν ἀνατυπούμενος τὰς ἡρωικὰς πράξεις· καί τινος αὐτῷ τῶν ἐγχωρίων ὑποσχομένου τὴν Πάριδος λύραν, εἰ βούλοιτο, δώσειν, οὐδέν, ἔφη, τῆς ἐκείνου δέομαι· τὴν γὰρ Ἀχιλλέως κέκτημαι, πρὸς ἣν ἐκεῖνος ἀνεπαύετο

ἄειδε δʼ ἄρα κλέα ἀνδρῶν·

ἡ δὲ Πάριδος πάντως μαλακήν τινα καὶ θήλειαν 331e ἁρμονίαν ἐρωτικοῖς ἔψαλλε μέλεσι. Φιλοσόφου τοίνυν ἐστὶ ψυχῆς σοφίας ἐρᾶν καὶ σοφοὺς ἄνδρας θαυμάζειν μάλιστα· τοῦτο δʼ Ἀλεξάνδρῳ προσῆν ὡς οὐδενὶ τῶν βασιλέων. καὶ πῶς μὲν εἶχε πρὸς Ἀριστοτέλην εἴρηται· καὶ ὅτι τὸν μὲν ἁρμονικὸν Ἀνάξαρχον ἐντιμότατον τῶν φίλων ἐνόμιζε, Πύρρωνι δὲ τῷ Ἠλείῳ πρῶτον ἐντυχόντι μυρίους χρυσοῦς ἔδωκε, Ξενοκράτει δὲ τῷ Πλάτωνος συνήθει πεντήκοντα τάλαντα δωρεὰν ἔπεμψεν, Ὀνησίκριτον δὲ τὸν Διογένους τοῦ Κυνὸς μαθητὴν ὅτι ἄρχοντα τῶν κυβερνητῶν κατέστησεν ὑπὸ πλειόνων ἱστόρηται.

Διογένει δʼ αὐτῷ περὶ Κόρινθον εἰς λόγους 331f ἐλθὼν οὕτως ἔφριξε καὶ κατεπλάγη τὸν βίον καὶ τὸ ἀξίωμα τοῦ ἀνδρός, ὥστε πολλάκις αὐτοῦ μνημονεύων λέγειν, εἰ μὴ Ἀλέξανδρος ἤμην, Διογένης ἂν ἤμην, τουτέστιν ἠσχολούμην ἂν περὶ λόγους, εἰ μὴ διʼ ἔργων ἐφιλοσόφουν. οὐκ εἶπεν, εἰ μὴ βασιλεὺς ἤμην, Διογένης ἂν ἤμην, οὐδʼ, εἰ μὴ πλούσιος καὶ Ἀργεάδης · οὐ γὰρ 332a προέκρινε τὴν τύχην τῆς σοφίας οὐδὲ τὴν πορφύραν καὶ τὸ διάδημα τῆς πήρας καὶ τοῦ τρίβωνος· ἀλλʼ εἶπεν, εἰ μὴ Ἀλέξανδρος ἤμην, Διογένης ἂν ἤμην, τουτέστιν εἰ μὴ ʼτὰ βαρβαρικὰ τοῖς Ἑλληνικοῖς κεράσαι διενοούμην καὶ πᾶσαν ἤπειρον ἐπιὼν ἐξημερῶσαι, καὶ πέρατα γῆς ἀνερευνῶν καὶ θαλάττης ὠκεανῷ προσερεῖσαι Μακεδονίαν, καὶ τὴν Ἑλλάδος σπεῖραι καὶ καταχέασθαι γένους παντὸς εὐδικίαν καὶ εἰρήνην, οὐκ ἂν ἐν ἀπράκτῳ τρυφῶν ἐξουσίᾳ καθήμην, ἀλλʼ ἐζήλουν ἂν τὴν Διογένους εὐτέλειαν. νῦν δὲ σύγγνωθι, Δι,όγενες, Ἡρακλέα μιμοῦμαι καὶ Περσέα ζηλῶ, καὶ τὰ 332b Διονύσου μετιὼν ἴχνη, θεοῦ γενάρχου καὶ προπάτορος, βούλομαι πάλιν ἐν Ἰνδίᾳ νικῶντας Ἕλληνας ἐγχορεῦσαι καὶ τοὺς ὑπὲρ Καύκασον ὀρείους καὶ ἀγρίους τῶν βακχικῶν κώμων ἀναμνῆσαι. κἀκεῖ τινες εἶναι λέγονται στερρᾶς καὶ γυμνήτιδος σοφίας ἐθάδες ἄνδρες ἱεροὶ καὶ αὐτόνομοι, θεῷ σχολάζοντες, εὐτελέστεροι Διογένους, οὐδὲν πήρας δεόμενοι· τροφὴν γὰρ οὐκ ἀποτίθενται, πρόσφατον ἀεὶ καὶ νέαν ἀπὸ γῆς ἔχοντες· ποτὸν δὲ ποταμοὶ ῥέουσι· φύλλα δʼ αὐτοῖς δένδρων ἀποχυθέντα καὶ πόα γῆς ἐγκατακλιθῆναι. διʼ ἐμὲ κἀκεῖνοι Διογένη γνώσονται καὶ Διογένης ἐκείνους. 332c δεῖ κἀμὲ νόμισμα παρακόψαι καὶ παραχαράξαι τὸ βαρβαρικὸν Ἑλληνικῇ πολιτείᾳ.

[11] εἶεν· αἱ δὴ πράξεις αὐτοῦ πότερον αὐτοματισμὸν ἐπιφαίνουσι τύχης καὶ βίαν πολεμικὴν καὶ χειροκρατίαν, ἢ πολλὴν μὲν ἀνδρείαν καὶ δικαιοσύνην, πολλὴν δὲ σωφροσύνην καὶ πραότητα μετὰ κόσμου καὶ συνέσεως, νήφοντι καὶ πεπνυμένῳ τῷ λογισμῷ πάντα πράττοντος; οὐ γὰρ ἔστιν εἰπεῖν διακρίναντά με μὰ τοὺς θεοὺς, ὅτι τοῦτο μὲν ἀνδρείας, τοῦτο δὲ φιλανθρωπίας, τοῦτο δʼ ἐγκρατείας· ἀλλὰ πᾶν ἔργον ἐκ πασῶν ἔοικε τῶν ἀρετῶν μεμεῖχθαι· βεβαιοῦντος αὐτοῦ τὸν Στωικὸν 332d ἐκεῖνον λόγον ὅτι πᾶν ὃ ἂν δρᾷ ὁ σοφὸς κατὰ πᾶσαν ἀρετὴν ἐνεργεῖ, καὶ μία μέν, ὡς ἔοικεν, ἀρετὴ πρωταγωνιστεῖ πράξεως ἑκάστης, παρακαλεῖ δὲ τὰς ἄλλας καὶ συντείνει πρὸς τὸ τέλος. ἰδεῖν γοῦν ἔστιν ἐν Ἀλεξάνδρῳ τὸ μὲν πολεμικὸν φιλάνθρωπον, τὸ δὲ πρᾶον ἀνδρῶδες, τὸ δὲ χαριστικὸν οἰκονομικόν, τὸ δὲ θυμικὸν εὐδιάλλακτον, τὸ δʼ ἐρωτικὸν σῶφρον, τὸ δʼ ἀνειμένον οὐκ ἀργόν, τὸ δʼ ἐπίπονον οὐκ ἀπαραμύθητον, τίς ἔμειξε πολέμοις ἑορτάς; τίς δὲ κώμοις στρατείας; τίς δὲ πολιορκίαις καὶ παρατάξεσι βακχείας καὶ γάμους καὶ ὑμεναίους; τίς ἀδικοῦσιν ἐχθρότερος ἢ δυστυχοῦσιν ἡμερώ 332e τερος; τίς μαχομένοις βαρύτερος ἢ δεομένοις εὐγνωμονέστερος;

ἔπεισί μοι τὸ τοῦ Πώρου δεῦρο μετενεγκεῖν. ἐκεῖνος γὰρ ὡς ἤχθη πρὸς Ἀλέξανδρον αἰχμάλωτος, πυθομένου πῶς αὐτῷ χρήσεται, βασιλικῶς, εἶπεν, ὦ Ἀλέξανδρε. πάλιν δʼ ἐπερομένου, μή τι ἄλλο; οὐδέν, εἶπε, πάντα γάρ ἐστιν ἐν τῷ βασιλικῶς. κἀμοὶ δὴ ταῖς Ἀλεξάνδρου πράξεσιν ἔπεισιν ἐπιφωνεῖν ἀεί φιλοσόφως ἐν τούτῳ γὰρ πάντʼ ἔνεστι. Ῥωξάνης ἐρασθεὶς τῆς Ὀξυάρτου θυγατρὸς ἐν ταῖς αἰχμαλωτίσι χορευούσης οὐχ ὕβρισεν ἀλλʼ ἔγημε· φιλοσόφως 332f . Δαρεῖον ἰδὼν κατηκοντισμένον οὐκ ἔθυσεν οὐδʼ ἐπαιάνισεν ὡς τοῦ μακροῦ πολέμου τέλος ἔχοντος, ἀλλὰ τὴν χλαμύδα τὴν ἑαυτοῦ περιελὼν ἐπέρριψε τῷ νεκρῷ καθάπερ τὴν νέμεσιν τύχης βασιλικῆς συγκαλύπτων· φιλοσόφως. ἐπιστολὴν δέ ποτε τῆς μητρὸς ἀπόρρητον διερχόμενος Ἡφαιστίωνος, ὡς ἔτυχε, παρακαθημένου καὶ ἁπλῶς 333a συναναγιγνώσκοντος, οὐκ ἐκώλυσεν, ἀλλὰ τὸν δακτύλιον αὑτοῦ τῷ στόματι προσέθηκεν αὐτοῦ, κατασφραγισάμενος φιλικῇ πίστει τὴν σιωπήν· φιλοσόφως. εἰ γάρ ταῦτα οὐκ ἔστι φιλοσόφως, τίνʼ ἐστὶν ἄλλα;

[12] Παραθῶμεν τὰ τῶν ὁμολογουμένων φιλοσόφων. Σωκράτης ἠνέσχετο συγκοιμηθέντος Ἀλκιβιάδου· Ἀλέξανδρος δέ, Φιλοξένου τοῦ τῆς παραλίας ὑπάρχου γράψαντος, ὅτι παῖς ἐν Ἰωνίᾳ γέγονεν οἷος οὐκ ἄλλος ὥραν καὶ εἶδος, καὶ πυνθανομένου διὰ τῶν γραμμάτων εἰ ἀναπέμψοι, πικρῶς ἀντέγραψεν, ὦ κάκιστʼ ἀνθρώπων, τί μοι πώποτε τοιοῦτο συνέγνως, ἵνα τοιαύταις με κολακεύσῃς 333b ἡδοναῖς; Ξενοκράτην, πεντήκοντα τάλαντα δωρεὰν Ἀλεξάνδρου πέμψαντος, ὅτι οὐκ ἔλαβε θαυμάζομεν τὸ δὲ δοῦναι, οὔ; ἢ οὐχ ὁμοίως καταφρονεῖν χρημάτων δοκοῦμεν τὸν μὴ προσιέμενον καὶ τὸν χαριζόμενον; οὐκ ἐδεῖτο πλούτου Ξενοκράτης διὰ φιλοσοφίαν, Ἀλέξανδρος δʼ ἐδεῖτο διὰ φιλοσοφίαν, ἵνα τοιούτοις χαρίζηται. τοῦτο ποσάκις Ἀλέξανδρος εἶπε βαλλόμενος, εἰσβιαζόμενος; καίτοι κρίσεις μὲν ὀρθὰς πᾶσιν ἐνυπάρχειν ἀνθρώποις νομίζομεν· ἡ γὰρ φύσις ἀγωγός ἐστιν ἀφʼ ἑαυτῆς πρὸς τὸ καλόν· οἱ δὲ φιλόσοφοι τῶν πολλῶν διαφέρουσι τῷ τὰς κρίσεις 333c ἔχειν ἐρρωμένας παρὰ τὰ δεινὰ καὶ πεπηγυίας, ἐπεὶ οὐ μετὰ τοιούτων προλήψεων εἷς οἰωνὸς ἄριστος καὶ πέρας μέν ἐστιν ἅπασιν ἀνθρώποις ὁ θάνατος. ἀλλὰ θραύουσιν οἱ καιροὶ παρὰ τὰ δεινὰ τοὺς λογισμούς, καὶ τὰς κρίσεις ἐκκρούουσιν αἱ φαντασίαι τῶν κινδύνων ἐγγὺς γενομένων. φόβος γὰρ οὐ μόνον μνήμην ἐκπλήττει, κατὰ τὸν Θουκυδίδην, ἀλλὰ καὶ προαίρεσιν πᾶσαν καὶ φιλοτιμίαν καὶ ὁρμήν, εἰ μὴ μηρίνθους φιλοσοφία περιτέθεικεν.

Περὶ τῆς Ἀλεξάνδρου τύχης ἢ ἀρετῆς λόγος Α, λόγος Β Perseus (Plutarch. Plutarchi Chaeronensis Moralia, Vol 2. Vernardakēs, Grēgorios N., editor. Leipzig: Teubner, 1889.) — 1 focus

[1] 326d οὗτος ὁ τῆς Τύχης λόγος ἐστίν, ἴδιον καὶ μόνης αὑτῆς ¹ ἔργον ἀποφαινομένης Ἀλέξανδρον. δεῖ δʼ ἀντειπεῖν ὑπὲρ φιλοσοφίας, μᾶλλον δʼ ὑπὲρ Ἀλεξάνδρου 326e δυσχεραίνοντος καὶ ἀγανακτοῦντος, εἰ προῖκα 5 δόξει καὶ παρὰ τῆς Τύχης λαβεῖν τὴν ἡγεμονίαν, ἣν ὤνιον αἵματος πολλοῦ καὶ τραυμάτων ἐπαλλήλων κτώμενος

πολλὰς μὲν ἀύπνους νύκτας ἴαυεν,

ἤματα δʼ αἱματόεντα διέπρησσεν πολεμίζων 10

πρὸς ἀμάχους δυνάμεις καὶ ἄπειρα φῦλα καὶ ποταμοὺς ἀπεράτους καὶ πέτρας ἀτοξεύτους, εὐβουλίᾳ καὶ καρτερίᾳ καὶ ἀνδρείᾳ καὶ σωφροσύνῃ παραταττόμενος.

[2] 326f οἶμαι δʼ ἂν αὐτὸν εἰπεῖν πρὸς τὴν Τύχην 15 τοῖς κατορθώμασιν αὑτὴν ἐπιγράφουσαν μή μου διάβαλλε τὴν ἀρετὴν μηδʼ ἀφαιροῦ περισπῶσα τὴν δόξαν. Δαρεῖος ἦν σὸν ἔργον, ὃν ἐκ δούλου καὶ ἀστάνδου βασιλέως κύριον Περσῶν ἐποίησας· καὶ Σαρδανάπαλος, ᾧ τὸ διάδημα τῆς βασιλείας πορφύραν ξαίνοντι περιέθηκας. ἐγὼ δʼ εἰς Σοῦσα 5 νικῶν διʼ Ἀρβήλων ἀναβέβηκα, καὶ Κιλικία μοι πλατεῖαν ἀνέῳξεν Αἴγυπτον, Κιλικίαν δὲ Γράνικος, ὃν Μιθριδάτῃ καὶ Σπιθριδάτῃ νεκροῖς ἐπιβὰς διεπέρασα. κόσμει σεαυτὴν καὶ σεμνύνου βασιλεῦσιν ἀτρώτοις καὶ ἀναιμάκτοις· ἐκεῖνοι γὰρ εὐτυχεῖς ἦσαν, 10 327a Ὦχοι καὶ Ἀρτοξέρξαι, ⁴ οὓς εὐθὺς ἐκ γενετῆς τῷ Κύρου θρόνῳ ⁵ ἐνίδρυσας. τοὐμὸν δὲ σῶμα πολλὰ σύμβολα φέρει Τύχης ἀνταγωνιζομένης οὐ συμμαχούσης. πρῶτον ἐν Ἰλλυριοῖς λίθῳ τὴν κεφαλὴν ὑπέρῳ δὲ τὸν τράχηλον ἠλοήθην· ἔπειτα περὶ Γράνικον 15 τὴν κεφαλὴν βαρβαρικῇ μαχαίρᾳ διεκόπην, ἐν δʼ Ἰσσῷ ξίφει τὸν μηρόν· πρὸς δὲ Γάζῃ τὸ μὲν σφυρὸν ἐτοξεύθην, τὸν δʼ ὦμον ἐκπεσὼν βαρὺς ἐξ ἕδρας περιεδίνησα· ⁶ πρὸς δὲ Μαρακανδάνοις ⁷ 327b τοξεύμασι τὸ τῆς κνήμης ὀστέον διεσχίσθην· τὰ 20 λοιπὰ δʼ Ἰνδῶν πληγαὶ καὶ βίαι θυμῶν· ⁸ ἐν Ἀσπασίοις ⁹ ἐτοξεύθην τὸν ὦμον, ἐν δὲ Γανδρίδαις τὸ σκέλος· ἐν δὲ Μαλλοῖς βέλει μὲν ἀπὸ τόξου τὸ στέρνον ἐνερεισθέντι καὶ καταδύσαντι τὸν σίδηρον, ὑπέρου δὲ πληγῇ παρὰ τὸν τράχηλον, ὅτε προστεθεῖσαι 25 τοῖς τείχεσιν αἱ κλίμακες ἐκλάσθησαν· ἐμὲ δʼ ἡ Τύχη μόνον συνεῖρξεν οὐδὲ λαμπροῖς ἀνταγωνισταῖς , ἀλλὰ βαρβάροις ἀσήμοις χαριζομένη τηλικοῦτον ἔργον· εἰ δὲ μὴ Πτολεμαῖος ὑπερέσχε τὴν πέλτην, Λιμναῖος δὲ πρὸ ἐμοῦ μυρίοις ἀπαντήσας βέλεσιν ἔπεσεν, ἤρειψαν δὲ θυμῷ καὶ βίᾳ Μακεδόνες 5 327c τὸ τεῖχος, ἔδει τάφον Ἀλεξάνδρου τὴν βάρβαρον ἐκείνην καὶ ἀνώνυμον κώμην γενέσθαι.

[3] καὶ μὴν τὰ μὲν αὐτῆς τῆς στρατείας χειμῶνες, αὐχμοί, βάθη ποταμῶν, ἄορνα ὕψη, θηρίων ὑπερφυεῖς ὄψεις, ἄγριοι δίαιται, μεταβολαὶ δυναστῶν, παλιμπροδοσίαι· ¹⁰ 10 τὰ δὲ πρὸ τῆς στρατείας, ἔτι ¹¹ τοῖς Φιλιππικοῖς πολέμοις ἐπέσπαιρεν ἡ Ἑλλάς, ἀπεσείοντο δʼ αἱ Θῆβαι τῶν ὅπλων τὴν Χαιρωνικὴν κόνιν ἐκ τοῦ πτώματος ἀνιστάμεναι, καὶ συνῆπτον αἱ Ἀθῆναι τὰς χεῖρας ὀρέγουσαι· πᾶσα δʼ ὕπουλος ἡ Μακεδονία 15 πρὸς Ἀμύνταν ἀποβλέπουσα καὶ τοὺς Ἀερόπου παῖδας· 327d ἀνερρήγνυντο ¹² δʼ Ἰλλυριοί, καὶ τὰ Σκυθῶν ἐπῃωρεῖτο τοῖς προσοίκοις νεωτερίζουσι· ¹³ τὸ δὲ Περσικὸν χρυσίον διὰ τῶν ἑκασταχοῦ δημαγωγῶν ῥέον ἐκίνει τὴν Πελοπόννησον κενοὶ δʼ οἱ Φιλίππου θησαυροὶ χρημάτων, 20 καὶ προσῆν ἔτι δάνειον, ὡς Ὀνησίκριτος ἱστορεῖ, διακοσίων ταλάντων. ἐν τοσαύτῃ πενίᾳ καὶ πράγμασι ταραχὰς ¹⁴ ἔχουσι μειράκιον ἄρτι τὴν παιδικὴν παραλλάττον ἡλικίαν ἐθάρρησεν ἐλπίσαι Βαβυλῶνα καὶ Σοῦσα, μᾶλλον δὲ τὴν πάντων ἀνθρώπων ἀρχὴν εἰς 25 νοῦν ἐμβαλέσθαι, τοῖς τρισμυρίοις, οἴεσθαι, ¹⁵ πεζοῖς καὶ τετρακισχιλίοις ἱππεῦσι πιστεύσας· τοσοῦτοι γὰρ ἦσαν, ὡς Ἀριστόβουλός φησιν· ὡς δὲ Πτολεμαῖος 327e ὁ βασιλεύς, τρισμύριοι πεζοὶ πεντακισχίλιοι δʼ ἱππεῖς· ὡς δʼ Ἀναξιμένης, τετρακισμύριοι πεζοὶ καὶ τρισχίλιοι, πεντακισχίλιοι δὲ καὶ πεντακόσιοι ἱππεῖς. τὸ δὲ λαμπρὸν 5 αὐτῷ καὶ μέγα παρασκευασθὲν ὑπὸ τῆς Τύχης ἐφόδιον ἑβδομήκοντα τάλαντʼ ἦν, ὥς φησιν Ἀριστόβουλος· ὡς δὲ Δοῦρις, ¹⁶ τριάκοντα μόνον ἡμερῶν ἐπισιτισμός.

[4] ἄβουλος οὖν καὶ προπετὴς Ἀλέξανδρος ἐξ εὐτελῶν οὕτως ἐπὶ τὴν τηλικαύτην δύναμιν ὁρμώμενος; 10 οὐ μὲν οὖν. τίς γὰρ ἀπὸ μειζόνων ἢ καλλιόνων ἀφορμῶν ἀνήγετο, μεγαλοψυχίας, συνέσεως, σωφροσύνης, ἀνδραγαθίας, αἷς αὐτὸν ἐφωδίαζε φιλοσοφία 327f πρὸς τὴν στρατείαν, καὶ πλείονας παρʼ Ἀριστοτέλους τοῦ καθηγητοῦ ἢ παρὰ Φιλίππου τοῦ πατρὸς 15 ἀφορμὰς ἔχων διέβαινεν ἐπὶ Πέρσας; ἀλλὰ τοῖς μὲν γράφουσιν, ὡς Ἀλέξανδρος ἔφη ποτὲ τὴν Ἰλιάδα καὶ τὴν Ὀδύσσειαν ἀκολουθεῖν αὐτῷ τῆς στρατείας ἐφόδιον, πιστεύομεν, Ὅμηρον σεμνύνοντες· ἂν δέ τις φῇ τὴν Ἰλιάδα καὶ τὴν Ὀδύσσειαν παραμύθια 20 πόνου καὶ διατριβὰς ¹⁷ ἕπεσθαι σχολῆς γλυκείας, ἐφόδιον 328a δʼ ἀληθῶς γεγονέναι τὸν ἐκ φιλοσοφίας λόγον καὶ τοὺς περὶ ἀφοβίας καὶ ἀνδρείας ἔτι δὲ σωφροσύνης καὶ μεγαλοψυχίας ὑπομνηματισμούς, καταφρονοῦμεν· ὅτι δηλαδὴ περὶ συλλογισμῶν οὐδὲν οὐδὲ 25 περὶ ἀξιωμάτων ἔγραψεν, ¹⁸ οὐδʼ ἐν Λυκείῳ περίπατον συνέσχεν οὐδʼ ἐν Ἀκαδημείᾳ ¹⁹ θέσεις εἶπεν· τούτοις γὰρ ὁρίζουσι φιλοσοφίαν οἱ λόγον αὐτὴν οὐκ ἔργον νομίζοντες. καίτοι γʼ οὐδὲ Πυθαγόρας ἔγραψεν οὐδὲν οὐδὲ Σωκράτης οὐδʼ Ἀρκεσίλαος οὐδὲ Καρνεάδης, οἱ δοκιμώτατοι τῶν φιλοσόφων· καὶ οὐκ 5 ἠσχολοῦντο περὶ πολέμους ἐκεῖνοι τηλικούτους, οὐδὲ 328b βασιλεῖς βαρβάρους ἡμεροῦντες οὐδὲ πόλεις Ἑλληνίδας ἐγκτίζοντες ²⁰ ἀγρίοις ἔθνεσιν οὐδʼ ἄθεσμα καὶ ἀνήκοα φῦλα νόμους διδάσκοντες καὶ εἰρήνην ἐπῄεσαν, ἀλλὰ καὶ σχολάζοντες τὸ γράφειν παρίεσαν 10 τοῖς σοφισταῖς. πόθεν οὖν ἐπιστεύθησαν ἐκεῖνοι φιλοσοφεῖν; ἀφʼ ὧν εἶπον ἢ ²¹ ἀφʼ ὧν ἐβίωσαν ἢ ἀφʼ ὧν ἐδίδαξαν. ἀπὸ τούτων κρινέσθω καὶ Ἀλέξανδρος· ὀφθήσεται γὰρ οἷς εἶπεν οἷς ἔπραξεν οἷς ἐπαίδευσε φιλόσοφος.

[5] 15 καὶ πρῶτον τὸ παραδοξότατον, εἰ βούλει, σκόπει, τοὺς Ἀλεξάνδρου μαθητὰς τοῖς Πλάτωνος, τοῖς Σωκράτους ἀντιπαραβάλλων. εὐφυεῖς οὗτοι καὶ ὁμογλώσσους ἐπαίδευον, εἰ μηδὲν ἄλλο φωνῆς 328c Ἑλληνίδος συνιέντας· καὶ πολλοὺς οὐκ ἔπεισαν ἀλλὰ 20 Κριτίαι καὶ Ἀλκιβιάδαι καὶ Κλειτοφῶντες, ὥσπερ χαλινὸν τὸν λόγον ἐκπτύσαντες, ἄλλῃ πη ²² παρετράπησαν. τὴν δʼ Ἀλεξάνδρου παιδείαν ἂν ἐπιβλέπῃς, Ὑρκανοὺς γαμεῖν ἐπαίδευσε καὶ γεωργεῖν ἐδίδαξεν Ἀραχωσίους, καὶ Σογδιανοὺς ἔπεισε πατέρας τρέφειν 25 καὶ μὴ φονεύειν, καὶ Πέρσας σέβεσθαι μητέρας ἀλλὰ μὴ γαμεῖν. ὢ θαυμαστῆς φιλοσοφίας, διʼ ἣν Ἰνδοὶ θεοὺς Ἑλληνικοὺς προσκυνοῦσι, Σκύθαι θάπτουσι τοὺς ἀποθανόντας οὐ κατεσθίουσι. θαυμάζομεν τὴν Καρνεάδου 328d δύναμιν, εἰ Κλειτόμαχον, Ἀσδρούβαν καλούμενον πρότερον καὶ Καρχηδόνιον τὸ γένος, ἑλληνίζειν ἐποίησε· θαυμάζομεν τὴν διάθεσιν Ζήνωνος, 5 εἰ Διογένη τὸν Βαβυλώνιον ἔπεισε φιλοσοφεῖν. ἀλλʼ Ἀλεξάνδρου τὴν Ἀσίαν ἐξημεροῦντος Ὅμηρος ἦν ἀνάγνωσμα, καὶ Περσῶν καὶ Σουσιανῶν καὶ Γεδρωσίων παῖδες τὰς Εὐριπίδου καὶ Σοφοκλέους τραγῳδίας ᾖδον. καὶ Σωκράτης μὲν ξένα παρεισάγων δαιμόνια 10 δίκην τοῖς Ἀθήνησιν ὠφλίσκανε συκοφάνταις· διὰ 328e δʼ Ἀλέξανδρον τοὺς Ἑλλήνων θεοὺς Βάκτρα καὶ Καύκασος προσεκύνησε. Πλάτων μὲν γὰρ μίαν γράψας πολιτείαν οὐδένα πέπεικεν αὐτῇ χρῆσθαι διὰ τὸ αὐστηρὸν Ἀλέξανδρος δʼ ὑπὲρ ἑβδομήκοντα 15 πόλεις βαρβάροις ἔθνεσιν ἐγκτίσας καὶ κατασπείρας τὴν Ἀσίαν Ἑλληνικοῖς τέλεσι, ²³ τῆς ἀνημέρου καὶ θηριώδους ἐκράτησε διαίτης. καὶ τοὺς μὲν Πλάτωνος ὀλίγοι νόμους ἀναγιγνώσκομεν, τοῖς δʼ Ἀλεξάνδρου μυριάδες ἀνθρώπων ἐχρήσαντο καὶ χρῶνται· μακαριώτεροι 20 τῶν διαφυγόντων Ἀλέξανδρον οἱ κρατηθέντες γενόμενοι· τοὺς μὲν γὰρ οὐδεὶς ἔπαυσεν ἀθλίως ζῶντας, τοὺς δʼ ἠνάγκασεν εὐδαιμονεῖν ὁ 328f νικήσας. ὥσθʼ ὅπερ εἶπε Θεμιστοκλῆς, ὁπηνίκα φυγὼν ἔτυχε δωρεῶν μεγάλων παρὰ βασιλέως καὶ 25 τρεῖς πόλεις ὑποφόρους ἔλαβε, τὴν μὲν εἰς σῖτον τὴν δʼ εἰς οἶνον τὴν δʼ εἰς ὄψον, ὦ παῖδες ἀπωλόμεθʼ ἂν εἰ μὴ ἀπωλόμεθα· τοῦτο περὶ τῶν ἁλόντων ὑπʼ Ἀλεξάνδρου δικαιότερόν ἐστιν εἰπεῖν. οὐκ ἂν ἡμερώθησαν, εἰ μὴ ἐκρατήθησαν· οὐκ ἂν εἶχεν Ἀλεξάνδρειαν Αἴγυπτος, οὐδὲ Μεσοποταμία Σελεύκειαν οὐδὲ Προφθασίαν Σογδιανὴ οὐδʼ Ἰνδία Βουκεφαλίαν, οὐδὲ πόλιν Ἑλλάδα Καύκασος παροικοῦσαν ²⁴ 5 329a αἷς ἐμπολισθεὶς ²⁵ ἀπεσβέσθη ²⁶ τὸ ἄγριον καὶ μετέβαλε τὸ χεῖρον ὑπὸ τοῦ κρείττονος ἐθιζόμενον. εἰ τοίνυν μέγιστον μὲν οἱ φιλόσοφοι φρονοῦσιν ἐπὶ τῷ τὰ σκληρὰ καὶ ἀπαίδευτα τῶν ἠθῶν ἐξημεροῦν καὶ μεθαρμόζειν, μυρία δὲ φαίνεται γένη καὶ φύσεις 10 θηριώδεις μεταβαλὼν Ἀλέξανδρος, εἰκότως ἂν φιλοσοφώτατος νομίζοιτο.

[6] καὶ μὴν ἡ πολὺ θαυμαζομένη πολιτεία τοῦ τὴν Στωικῶν αἵρεσιν καταβαλομένου Ζήνωνος εἰς ἓν τοῦτο συντείνει κεφάλαιον, ἵνα μὴ κατὰ πόλεις 15 μηδὲ κατὰ δήμους οἰκῶμεν ἰδίοις ἕκαστοι διωρισμένοι 329b δικαίοις, ἀλλὰ πάντας ἀνθρώπους ἡγώμεθα δημότας καὶ πολίτας, εἷς δὲ βίος ᾖ καὶ κόσμος, ὥσπερ ἀγέλης συννόμου νόμῳ κοινῷ συντρεφομένης. τοῦτο Ζήνων μὲν ἔγραψεν ὥσπερ ὄναρ ἢ εἴδωλον εὐνομίας φιλοσόφου 20 καὶ πολιτείας ἀνατυπωσάμενος, Ἀλέξανδρος δὲ τῷ λόγῳ τὸ ἔργον παρέσχεν. οὐ γάρ, ὡς Ἀριστοτέλης συνεβούλευεν αὐτῷ, τοῖς μὲν Ἕλλησιν ἡγεμονικῶς τοῖς δὲ βαρβάροις δεσποτικῶς χρώμενος, καὶ τῶν μὲν ὡς φίλων καὶ οἰκείων ἐπιμελόμενος 25 329c τοῖς δʼ ὡς ζῴοις ἢ φυτοῖς προσφερόμενος, ²⁷ πολέμων πολλῶν καὶ ²⁸ φυγῶν ἐνέπλησε καὶ στάσεων ὑπούλων τὴν ἡγεμονίαν· ἀλλὰ κοινὸς ἥκειν θεόθεν ἁρμοστὴς καὶ διαλλακτὴς τῶν ὅλων νομίζων, οὓς τῷ λόγῳ μὴ συνῆγε τοῖς ὅπλοις βιαζόμενος, εἰς ταὐτὸ ²⁹ συνενεγκὼν 5 τὰ ³⁰ πανταχόθεν, ὥσπερ ἐν κρατῆρι φιλοτησίῳ μίξας τοὺς βίους καὶ τὰ ἤθη καὶ τοὺς γάμους καὶ τὰς ³¹ διαίτας, πατρίδα μὲν τὴν οἰκουμένην προσέταξεν ἡγεῖσθαι πάντας, ἀκρόπολιν δὲ καὶ φρουρὰν τὸ στρατόπεδον, συγγενεῖς δὲ τοὺς ἀγαθούς, ἀλλοφύλους 10 δὲ τοὺς πονηρούς· τὸ δʼ Ἑλληνικὸν καὶ βαρβαρικὸν 329d μὴ χλαμύδι μηδὲ πέλτῃ μηδʼ ἀκινάκῃ μηδὲ κάνδυι διορίζειν, ἀλλὰ τὸ μὲν Ἑλληνικὸν ἀρετῇ τὸ δὲ βαρβαρικὸν κακίᾳ τεκμαίρεσθαι· κοινὰς δʼ ἐσθῆτας ἡγεῖσθαι καὶ τραπέζας καὶ γάμους καὶ διαίτας, διʼ 15 αἵματος καὶ τέκνων ἀνακεραννυμένους.

[7] Δημάρατος μὲν οὖν ὁ Κορίνθιος εἷς ὢν τῶν Φιλίππου ξένων καὶ φίλων, ὅτʼ Ἀλέξανδρον εἶδεν ἐν Σούσοις, περιχαρὴς γενόμενος καὶ δακρύσας μεγάλης ἔφη χαρᾶς ἐστερῆσθαι τοὺς ἔμπροσθεν 20 τεθνηκότας Ἕλληνας, ὅτι Ἀλέξανδρον οὐκ εἶδον ἐν τῷ Δαρείου θρόνῳ καθεζόμενον. ἐγὼ δʼ οὐδὲ τούτου 329e μὰ Δία τοῦ θεάματος ζηλῶ τοὺς ἰδόντας, ὃ καὶ τύχης ἦν καὶ κοινὸν ἑτέρων ³² βασιλέων· ἀλλʼ ἐκείνης ἡδέως ἄν μοι δοκῶ γενέσθαι τῆς καλῆς καὶ ἱερᾶς 25 νυμφαγωγίας θεατής, ὅτε μιᾷ σκηνῇ χρυσωρόφῳ περιλαβών, ἐφʼ ἑστίας κοινῆς καὶ ³³ τραπέζης, ἑκατὸν Περσίδας νύμφας καὶ ἑκατὸν νυμφίους Μακεδόνας καὶ Ἕλληνας, αὐτὸς ἐστεφανωμένος πρῶτος ἀναμέλπων τὸν ὑμέναιον, ὥσπερ φιλοτήσιον ἐπᾴδων μέλος, 329f εἰς κοινωνίαν συνιοῦσι τοῖς μεγίστοις καὶ δυνατωτάτοις γένεσι, μιᾶς νυμφίος, πασῶν δὲ νυμφαγωγὸς 5 ἅμα καὶ πατὴρ καὶ ἁρμοστὴς κατὰ ζυγὰ συνῆπτεν. ἡδέως γὰρ ἂν εἶπον ³⁴ ὦ βάρβαρε Ξέρξη καὶ ἀνόητε καὶ μάτην πολλὰ περὶ τὴν Ἑλλησποντίαν πονηθεὶς γέφυραν, οὕτως ἔμφρονες βασιλεῖς Ἀσίαν Εὐρώπῃ συνάπτουσιν, οὐ ξύλοις οὐδὲ σχεδίαις οὐδʼ ἀψύχοις καὶ 10 ἀσυμπαθέσι δεσμοῖς, ἀλλʼ ἔρωτι νομίμῳ καὶ γάμοις σώφροσι καὶ κοινωνίαις παίδων τὰ γένη συνάπτοντες.

[8] πρὸς τοῦτον ἀποβλέπων τὸν κόσμον Ἀλέξανδρος οὐ τὴν ἐσθῆτα προσήκατο τὴν Μηδικήν, ἀλλὰ τὴν Περσικὴν πολλῷ τῆς Μηδικῆς εὐτελεστέραν 15 330a οὖσαν. τὰ γὰρ ἔξαλλα καὶ τραγικὰ τοῦ βαρβαρικοῦ κόσμου παραιτησάμενος, οἷον τιάραν καὶ κάνδυν καὶ ἀναξυρίδας, ἐκ τοῦ Περσικοῦ καὶ Μακεδονικοῦ τρόπου μεμιγμένην τινὰ στολὴν ἐφόρει, καθάπερ Ἐρατοσθένης ἱστόρηκεν, ὡς μὲν φιλόσοφος 20 τοῖς ἀδιαφόροις χρώμενος, ὡς δʼ ἡγεμὼν κοινὸς καὶ βασιλεὺς φιλάνθρωπος τῇ περὶ τὴν ἐσθῆτα τιμῇ τὴν τῶν κεκρατημένων ἀνακτώμενος εὔνοιαν, ἵνα βεβαίως παραμένωσιν ἀγαπῶντες ὡς ἄρχοντας Μακεδόνας, μὴ μισοῦντες ὡς πολεμίους. τοὐναντίον γὰρ ἦν 25 ἀσόφου καὶ τετυφωμένης ψυχῆς τὴν μὲν αὐτόχρουν χλαμύδα θαυμάζειν, τὸν δὲ περιπόρφυρον χιτῶνα δυσχεραίνειν· ἢ πάλιν ἐκεῖνα μὲν ἀτιμάζειν, τούτοις 330b δʼ ἐκπεπλῆχθαι, δίκην νηπίου παιδὸς φυλάττοντα τὴν περιβολήν, ἣν ἡ πάτριος αὐτῷ συνήθεια καθάπερ τίτθη περιέθηκε. ζῷα θηρεύοντες ἄνθρωποι δορὰς ἐλάφων περιτίθενται, καὶ πτερωτοῖς ἀμπέχονται χιτωνίσκοις ἄγραις ἐπιχειροῦντες ὀρνίθων, καὶ φυλάττονται 5 ταύροις ὀφθῆναι φοινικίδας ἔχοντες, ἐλέφασι δὲ λευκοὺς χιτῶνας· ἐρεθίζεται γὰρ ὑπὸ τῶν χρωμάτων τὰ ζῷα τούτων καὶ διαθηριοῦται. εἰ δὲ βασιλεὺς μέγας ἔθνη δυσκάθεκτα καὶ μαχόμενα καθάπερ ζῷα τιθασεύων καὶ μειλισσόμενος ἐσθῆσιν οἰκείαις 10 330c καὶ συνήθεσιν ἐξεπράυνε διαίταις καὶ κατέστελλεν, οἰκειούμενος αὐτῶν τὸ δύσθυμον καὶ παρηγορῶν τὸ σκυθρωπόν, ἐγκαλοῦσιν, οὐχὶ θαυμάζουσι τὴν σοφίαν, ὅτι τῷ τυχόντι μετασχηματισμῷ τὴν Ἀσίαν ἐδημαγώγησε, τοῖς μὲν ὅπλοις τῶν σωμάτων ἐπικρατήσας, 15 τῇ δʼ ἐσθῆτι τὰς ψυχὰς προσαγαγόμενος; καίτοι γʼ Ἀρίστιππον θαυμάζουσι τὸν Σωκρατικόν, ὅτι καὶ τρίβωνι λιτῷ καὶ Μιλησίᾳ χλανίδι ³⁵ χρώμενος διʼ ἀμφοτέρων ἐτήρει τὸ εὔσχημον· Ἀλεξάνδρῳ δʼ ἐγκαλοῦσιν, ὅτι τὴν πάτριον ἐσθῆτα κοσμῶν οὐδὲ τὴν 20 330d δορίκτητον ὑπερεῖδε, μεγάλων πραγμάτων καταβαλλόμενος ἀρχάς. οὐ γὰρ λῃστρικῶς τὴν Ἀσίαν καταδραμὼν οὐδʼ ὥσπερ ἅρπαγμα καὶ λάφυρον εὐτυχίας ἀνελπίστου σπαράξαι καὶ ἀνασύρασθαι διανοηθείς, καθάπερ ὕστερον μὲν Ἀννίβας Ἰταλίαν, πρότερον δὲ 25 Τρῆρες Ἰωνίαν καὶ Σκύθαι Μηδίαν ἐπῆλθον· ἀλλʼ ἑνὸς ὑπήκοα λόγου τὰ ἐπὶ γῆς καὶ μιᾶς πολιτείας, ἕνα δῆμον ἀνθρώπους ἅπαντας ἀποφῆναι βουλόμενος, οὕτως ἑαυτὸν ἐσχημάτιζεν· εἰ δὲ μὴ ταχέως ὁ δεῦρο καταπέμψας 330e τὴν Ἀλεξάνδρου ψυχὴν ἀνεκαλέσατο δαίμων, εἷς ἂν νόμος ἅπαντας ἀνθρώπους ἐπέβλεπε καὶ πρὸς ἓν δίκαιον ὡς πρὸς κοινὸν διῳκοῦντο ³⁶ φῶς. νῦν δὲ τῆς γῆς ἀνήλιον μέρος ἔμεινεν, ὅσον Ἀλέξανδρον οὐκ εἶδεν.

[9] 5 οὐκοῦν πρώτη μὲν ἡ τῆς στρατείας ὑπόθεσις φιλόσοφον τὸν ἄνδρα συνίστησιν, οὐχ ἑαυτῷ τρυφὴν καὶ πολυτέλειαν ἀλλὰ πᾶσιν ἀνθρώποις ὁμόνοιαν καὶ εἰρήνην καὶ κοινωνίαν πρὸς ἀλλήλους παρασκευάσαι διανοηθέντα. δεύτερον δʼ αὐτοῦ καὶ τὰς 10 φωνὰς ἴδωμεν, ἐπεὶ καὶ τὰ τῶν ἄλλων ἤθη βασιλέων καὶ δυναστῶν μάλιστα ταῖς φωναῖς αἱ ψυχαὶ προβάλλουσιν. Ἀντίγονος ὁ γέρων, σοφιστοῦ τινος αὐτῷ σύγγραμμα προσδόντος περὶ δικαιοσύνης, ἀβέλτερος 330f εἶ εἶπεν ὃς ὁρῶν με τὰς ἀλλοτρίας πόλεις τύπτοντα 15 λέγεις περὶ δικαιοσύνης. Διονύσιος δʼ ὁ τύραννος ἐκέλευε τοὺς μὲν παῖδας ἀστραγάλοις τοὺς δʼ ἄνδρας ὅρκοις ἐξαπατᾶν. τοῖς δὲ Σαρδαναπάλου μνημείοις ἐπιγέγραπται

ταῦτʼ ἔχω ὅσσʼ ἔφαγον καὶ ἐφύβρισα. ³⁷ 20

τίς οὐκ ἂν εἴποι τῶν ἀποφθεγμάτων τούτων τῷ μὲν ἀποφαίνεσθαι φιληδονίαν, τῷ δʼ ἀθεότητα, τῷ δʼ ἀδικίαν καὶ πλεονεξίαν; τῶν δʼ Ἀλεξάνδρου φωνῶν 331a ἂν ἀφέλῃς τὸ διάδημα καὶ τὸν Ἄμμωνα καὶ τὴν εὐγένειαν, Σωκράτους ἢ Πλάτωνος ἢ Πυθαγόρου σοι 25 φανοῦνται. μὴ γὰρ ἃς οἱ ποιηταὶ ταῖς εἰκόσιν αὐτοῦ καὶ τοῖς ἀνδριᾶσι μεγαληγορίας ἐπεχάραττον, οὐ τῆς μετριότητος ἀλλὰ τῆς δυνάμεως τῆς Ἀλεξάνδρου στοχαζόμενοι, σκοπῶμεν·

αὐδασοῦντι δʼ ἔοικεν ὁ χάλκεος εἰς Δία λεύσσων,

³⁸

γᾶν ὑπʼ ἐμοὶ τίθεμαι· Ζεῦ, σὺ δʼ Ὄλυμπον ἔχε.

καὶ Ἀλέξανδρος ἐγὼ Διὸς μὲν υἱός ³⁹ ταῦτα μὲν οὖν, ὡς ἔφην, οἱ ποιηταὶ κολακεύοντες αὐτοῦ τὴν 5 τύχην προσεῖπον· τῶν δʼ ἀληθινῶν ἀποφθεγμάτων Ἀλεξάνδρου πρῶτον ἄν τις τὰ παιδικὰ διέλθοι· 331b ποδωκέστατος γὰρ τῶν ἐφʼ ἡλικίας νέων γενόμενος καὶ τῶν ἑταίρων αὐτὸν ἐπʼ Ὀλύμπια παρορμώντων, ἠρώτησεν, εἰ βασιλεῖς ἀγωνίζονται· τῶν δʼ οὐ φαμένων, 10 ἄδικον εἶπεν εἶναι τὴν ἅμιλλαν, ἐν ᾗ νικήσει μὲν ἰδιώτας νικηθήσεται δὲ βασιλεύς. τοῦ δὲ πατρὸς Φιλίππου λόγχῃ τὸν μηρὸν ἐν Τριβαλλοῖς διαπαρέντος, καὶ τὸν μὲν κίνδυνον διαφυγόντος ἀχθομένου δὲ τῇ χωλότητι, θάρρει πάτερ ἔφη καὶ πρόιθι 15 φαιδρῶς, ⁴⁰ ἵνα τῆς ἀρετῆς κατὰ βῆμα μνημονεύῃς. ταῦτʼ οὐκ ἔστι διανοίας φιλοσόφου καὶ διὰ τὸν ἐπὶ 331c τοῖς καλοῖς ἐνθουσιασμὸν ἤδη τῶν τοῦ σώματος ἐλαττωμάτων κατεξανισταμένης; πῶς γὰρ αὐτὸν οἴει ⁴¹ τοῖς ἰδίοις ἀγάλλεσθαι τραύμασι, καθʼ ἕκαστον μέρος 20 ἔθνους μνημονεύοντα καὶ νίκης καὶ πόλεων ἁλισκομένων καὶ βασιλέων ⁴² παραδιδόντων, οὐκ ἐγκαλυπτόμενον οὐδὲ κατακρύπτοντα τὰς οὐλάς, ἀλλʼ ὥσπερ εἰκόνας ἐγκεχαραγμένας ἀρετῆς καὶ ἀνδραγαθίας περιφέροντα;

[10] καὶ μὴν εἴ ποτε γένοιτο τῶν Ὁμήρου σύγκρισις 25 ἐπῶν ἐν ταῖς διατριβαῖς ἢ παρὰ τὰ συμπόσια, ἄλλον ἄλλου στίχον προκρίνοντος, αὐτὸς ὡς διαφέροντα πάντων ἐνέκρινε τοῦτον,

ἀμφότερον βασιλεὺς τʼ ἀγαθὸς κρατερὸς τʼ αἰχμητής·

⁴³ ὃν ἄλλος ἔπαινον τῷ χρόνῳ προέλαβε, ⁴⁴ τοῦτον αὑτῷ 331d νόμον κεῖσθαι λογιζόμενος, ὥστʼ εἰπεῖν Ὅμηρον, ὅτι τῷ αὐτῷ μέτρῳ τὴν μὲν Ἀγαμέμνονος ἀνδραγαθίαν 5 κεκόσμηκε, τὴν δʼ Ἀλεξάνδρου μεμάντευται. διαβὰς τοίνυν τὸν Ἑλλήσποντον ἐθεᾶτο τὴν Τροίαν, ἀνατυπούμενος τὰς ἡρωικὰς πράξεις καί τινος αὐτῷ τῶν ἐγχωρίων ὑποσχομένου τὴν Πάριδος λύραν εἰ βούλοιτο δώσειν, οὐδέν ἔφη τῆς ἐκείνου δέομαι· 10 τὴν γὰρ Ἀχιλλέως κέκτημαι, πρὸς ἣν ἐκεῖνος ἀνεπαύετο ἄειδε δʼ ἄρα κλέα ἀνδρῶν· ἡ δὲ Πάριδος πάντως μαλακήν τινα καὶ θήλειαν ἁρμονίαν ἐρωτικοῖς ἔψαλλε μέλεσι φιλοσόφου τοίνυν ἐστὶ ψυχῆς 331e σοφίας ἐρᾶν καὶ σοφοὺς ἄνδρας θαυμάζειν μάλιστα· 15 τοῦτο δʼ Ἀλεξάνδρῳ προσῆν ὡς οὐδενὶ τῶν βασιλέων. καὶ πῶς μὲν εἶχε πρὸς Ἀριστοτέλην εἴρηται καὶ ὅτι τὸν μὲν ἁρμονικὸν Ἀνάξαρχον ἐντιμότατον τῶν φίλων ἐνόμιζε, Πύρρωνι δὲ τῷ Ἠλείῳ πρῶτον ἐντυχόντι μυρίους χρυσοῦς ἔδωκε, Ξενοκράτει δὲ τῷ Πλάτωνος 20 συνήθει πεντήκοντα τάλαντα δωρεὰν ἔπεμψεν· Ὀνησίκριτον δὲ τὸν Διογένους τοῦ Κυνὸς μαθητήν, ὅτι 331f ἄρχοντα τῶν κυβερνητῶν κατέστησεν, ὑπὸ πλειόνων ἱστόρηται. Διογένει δʼ αὐτῷ περὶ Κόρινθον εἰς λόγους ἐλθὼν οὕτως ἔφριξε καὶ κατεπλάγη τὸν βίον 25 καὶ τὸ ἀξίωμα τοῦ ἀνδρός, ὥστε πολλάκις αὐτοῦ μνημονεύων λέγειν εἰ μὴ Ἀλέξανδρος ἤμην Διογένης ἂν ἤμην, τουτέστιν ἣ ἠσχολούμην ἂν περὶ λόγους, εἰ μὴ διʼ ἔργων ἐφιλοσόφουν. οὐκ εἶπεν εἰ μὴ βασιλεὺς ἤμην, Διογένης ἂν ἤμην, οὐδʼ εἰ μὴ πλούσιος καὶ Ἀργεάδης (οὐ γὰρ προέκρινε ⁴⁵ τὴν 332a τύχην τῆς σοφίας οὐδὲ τὴν πορφύραν καὶ τὸ διάδημα τῆς πήρας καὶ τοῦ τρίβωνος)· ἀλλʼ εἶπεν εἰ 5 μὴ Ἀλέξανδρος ἤμην, Διογένης ἂν ἤμην, τουτέστιν εἰ μὴ τὰ βαρβαρικὰ τοῖς Ἑλληνικοῖς κεράσαι διενοούμην καὶ πᾶσαν ἤπειρον ἐπιὼν ἐξημερῶσαι, καὶ πέρατα γῆς ἀνευρὼν καὶ θαλάττης ὠκεανῷ προσερεῖσαι ⁴⁶ Μακεδονίαν, καὶ τὴν Ἑλλάδα σπεῖραι ⁴⁷ καὶ καταχέασθαι 10 γένους παντὸς εὐδικίαν καὶ εἰρήνην, οὐκ ἂν ἐν ἀπράκτῳ τρυφῶν ἐξουσίᾳ καθήμην, ἀλλʼ ἐζήλουν ἂν τὴν Διογένους εὐτέλειαν. νῦν δὲ σύγγνωθι, Διόγενες, 332b Ἡρακλέα μιμοῦμαι καὶ Περσέα ζηλῶ, καὶ τὰ Διονύσου μετιὼν ἴχνη, θεοῦ γενάρχου καὶ προπάτορος, 15 βούλομαι πάλιν ἐν Ἰνδίᾳ νικῶντας Ἕλληνας ἐγχορεῦσαι καὶ τοὺς ὑπὲρ Καύκασον ὀρείους καὶ ἀγρίους τῶν βακχικῶν ἀναμνῆσαι κώμων. κἀκεῖ τινες εἶναι λέγονται στερρᾶς καὶ γυμνήτιδος σοφίας ἐθάδες ἄνδρες ἱεροὶ καὶ αὐτόνομοι, θεῷ σχολάζοντες, εὐτελέστεροι 20 Διογένους, οὐδὲν πήρας δεόμενοι· τροφὴν γὰρ οὐκ ἀποτίθενται, πρόσφατον ἀεὶ καὶ νέαν ἀπὸ γῆς ἔχοντες· ποτὸν δὲ ποταμοὶ ῥέουσι· φύλλα δʼ αὐτοῖς 332c δένδρων ἀποχυθέντα ⁴⁸ καὶ πόα γῆς ἐγκατακλιθῆναι. διʼ ἐμὲ κἀκεῖνοι Διογένη γνώσονται καὶ Διογένης 25 ἐκείνους. δεῖ κἀμὲ νόμισμα παρακόψαι καὶ παραχαράξαι τὸ βαρβαρικὸν Ἑλληνικῇ πολιτείᾳ.

[11] εἶεν· αἱ δὴ πράξεις αὐτοῦ πότερον αὐτοματισμὸν ἐπιφαίνουσι τύχης καὶ βίαν πολεμικὴν καὶ χειροκρατίαν, ⁴⁹ ἢ πολλὴν μὲν ἀνδρείαν καὶ δικαιοσύνην πολλὴν δὲ σωφροσύνην καὶ πραότητα μετὰ 5 κόσμου καὶ συνέσεως, νήφοντι καὶ πεπνυμένῳ τῷ λογισμῷ πάντα πράττοντος; οὐ γὰρ ἔστιν εἰπεῖν διακρίναντά με μὰ τοὺς θεούς, ὅτι τοῦτο μὲν ἀνδρείας, τοῦτο φιλανθρωπίας, τοῦτο δʼ, ἐγκρατείας ἀλλὰ πᾶν ἔργον ἐκ πασῶν ἔοικε τῶν ἀρετῶν μεμῖχθαι· 10 332d βεβαιοῦντος αὐτοῦ τὸν Στωικὸν ἐκεῖνον λόγον, ὅτι πᾶν, ὃ ἂν δρᾷ ὁ σοφός, κατὰ πᾶσαν ἀρετὴν ἐνεργεῖ, καὶ μία μέν, ὡς ἔοικεν, ἀρετὴ πρωταγωνιστεῖ πράξεως ἑκάστης, παρακαλεῖ τὰς ἄλλας καὶ συντείνει πρὸς τὸ τέλος. ἰδεῖν γοῦν ἔστιν ἐν Ἀλεξάνδρῳ τὸ 15 μὲν πολεμικὸν φιλάνθρωπον, τὸ δὲ πρᾶον ἀνδρῶδες τὸ δὲ χαριστικὸν οἰκονομικόν, τὸ δὲ θυμικὸν εὐδιάλλακτον, τὸ δʼ ἐρωτικὸν σῶφρον, τὸ δʼ ἀνειμένον οὐκ ἀργόν, τὸ δʼ ἐπίπονον οὐκ ἀπαραμύθητον. τίς ἔμιξε πολέμοις ἑορτάς; τίς δὲ κώμοις στρατείας; τίς 20 δὲ πολιορκίαις καὶ παρατάξεσι ⁵⁰ βακχείας καὶ γάμους καὶ ὑμεναίους; τίς ἀδικοῦσιν ἐχθρότερος ἢ δυστυχοῦσιν 332e ἡμερώτερος; τίς μαχομένοις βαρύτερος ἢ δεομένοις εὐγνωμονέστερος; ἔπεισί μοι τὸ τοῦ Πώρου δεῦρο μετενεγκεῖν. ἐκεῖνος γὰρ ὡς ἤχθη 25 πρὸς Ἀλέξανδρον, πυθομένου πῶς αὐτῷ χρήσηται, βασιλικῶς εἶπεν ὦ Ἀλέξανδρε. πάλιν δʼ ἐπερομένου μή τι ἄλλο; οὐδέν εἶπε πάντα γὰρ ἔνεστιν ⁵¹ ἐν τῷ βασιλικῶς. κἀμοὶ δὴ ταῖς Ἀλεξάνδρου πράξεσιν ἔπεισιν ἐπιφωνεῖν ἀεὶ φιλοσόφως· ἐν τούτῳ γὰρ ᾇ πάντʼ ἔνεστι. Ῥωξάνης ἐρασθεὶς τῆς Ὀξυάθρου θυγατρὸς ἐν ταῖς αἰχμαλωτίσι ⁵² χορευούσης οὐχ ὕβρισεν 5 332f ἀλλʼ ἔγημε· φιλοσόφως. Δαρεῖον ἰδὼν κατηκοντισμένον οὐκ ἔθυσεν οὐδʼ ἐπαιάνισεν ὡς τοῦ μακροῦ πολέμου τέλος ἔχοντος, ἀλλὰ τὴν χλαμύδα τὴν ἑαυτοῦ περιελὼν ἐπέρριψε τῷ νεκρῷ καθάπερ τινὰ τύχης βασιλικῆς νέμεσιν ⁵³ συγκαλύπτων φιλοσόφως. ἐπιστολὴν 10 δέ ποτε τῆς μητρὸς ἀπόρρητον διερχόμενος, Ἡφαιστίωνος ὡς ἔτυχε παρακαθημένου καὶ ἁπλῶς 333a συναναγιγνώσκοντος, οὐκ ἐκώλυσεν, ἀλλὰ τὸν δακτύλιον αὑτοῦ τῷ στόματι προσέθηκεν αὐτοῦ, κατασφραγισάμενος φιλικῇ πίστει τὴν σιωπήν· φιλοσόφως. 15 εἰ γὰρ ταῦτʼ οὐκ ἔστι φιλοσόφως, τίνʼ ἐστὶν ἄλλα;

[12] παραθῶμεν τὰ τῶν ὁμολογουμένων φιλοσόφων. Σωκράτης ἠνέσχετο συγκοιμηθέντος Ἀλκιβιάδου· Ἀλέξανδρος δέ, Φιλοξένου τοῦ τῆς παραλίας ὑπάρχου γράψαντος, ὅτι παῖς ἐν Ἰωνίᾳ γέγονεν οἷος 20 οὐκ ἄλλος ὥραν καὶ εἶδος, καὶ πυνθανομένου διὰ τῶν γραμμάτων εἰ ἀναπέμψῃ, ⁵⁴ πικρῶς ἀντέγραψεν ὦ κάκιστʼ ἀνθρώπων, τί μοι πώποτε τοιοῦτο συνέγνως, 333b ἵνα τοιαύταις με κολακεύσῃς ἡδοναῖς; Ξενοκράτην, πεντήκοντα τάλαντα δωρεὰν Ἀλεξάνδρου πέμψαντος, 25 ὅτι οὐκ ἔλαβε θαυμάζομεν· τὸ δὲ δοῦναι, οὔ; ἢ οὐχ ὁμοίως καταφρονεῖν χρημάτων δοκοῦμεν τὸν μὴ προσιέμενον καὶ τὸν χαριζόμενον; οὐκ ἐδεῖτο πλούτου Ξενοκράτης διὰ φιλοσοφίαν, Ἀλέξανδρος δʼ ἐδεῖτο διὰ φιλοσοφίαν, ἵνα τοιούτοις χαρίζηται. ⁵⁵ τοῦτο ποσάκις Ἀλέξανδρος εἶπε βαλλόμενος, ἐκβιαζόμενος; καίτοι κρίσεις μὲν ὀρθὰς πᾶσιν ἐνυπάρχειν ἀνθρώποις 5 νομίζομεν· ἡ γὰρ φύσις ἀγωγός ἐστιν ἀφʼ 333c ἑαυτῆς πρὸς τὸ καλόν· οἱ δὲ φιλόσοφοι τῶν πολλῶν διαφέρουσι τῷ τὰς κρίσεις ἔχειν ἐρρωμένας παρὰ τὰ δεινὰ καὶ πεπηγυίας· ἐπεὶ οὐ μετὰ τῶν τοιούτων προλήψεων εἷς οἰωνὸς ⁵⁶ ἄριστος καὶ πέρας μέν ἐστιν 10 ἅπασιν ἀνθρώποις ὁ θάνατος. ἀλλὰ θραύουσιν οἱ καιροὶ παρὰ τὰ δεινὰ τοὺς λογισμούς, καὶ τὰς κρίσεις ἐκκρούουσιν ⁵⁷ αἱ φαντασίαι τῶν κινδύνων ἐγγὺς γενομένων. φόβος γάρ οὐ μόνον μνήμην ἐκπλήττει κατὰ τὸν Θουκυδίδην, ἀλλὰ καὶ προαίρεσιν πᾶσαν καὶ 15 φιλοτιμίαν καὶ ὁρμήν, εἰ μὴ ⁵⁸ μηρίνθους φιλοσοφία περιτέθεικεν ⁵⁹

Translations (1)

Concerning the fortune or virtue of Alexander the Great. Perseus (Plutarch. Plutarch's Morals, Vol. 1. Goodwin, William W., editor; Phillips, John, translator. Boston: Little, Brown, and Company; Cambridge: Press of John Wilson and Son, 1874.) — 1 focus

The first oration of Plutarch concerning the fortune or virtue of Alexander the Great.

[1] This is the oration of Fortune, asserting and challenging Alexander to be her masterpiece, and hers alone. In contradiction to which it behooves us to say something on the behalf of philosophy, or rather in the defence of Alexander himself, who cannot choose but spurn away the very thought of having received his empire as a gift at the hands of Fortune, knowing that it was so dearly bought with the price of his lost blood and many wounds, and that in gaining it,

Full many a bloody day

In toilsome fight he spent,

And many a wakeful night

In battle’s management;

and all this in opposition to armies almost irresistible, numberless nations, rivers before impassable, and rocks impenetrable; choosing, however, for his chiefest guides and counsellors prudence, endurance, fortitude, and steadiness of mind.

[2] And now, methinks, I hear him speaking thus to Fortune, when she signalizes herself with his successes:—

Envy not my virtue, nor go about to detract from my honor. Darius was a fabric of thy own rearing, who of a servant and the king’s courier was by thee advanced to be monarch of all Persia. The same was Sardanapalus, who from a comber of purple wool was raised by thee to wear the royal diadem. But I, subduing as I marched, from Arbela forced my passage even to Susa itself. Cilicia opened me a broad way into Egypt; and the Granicus, o’er which I passed without resistance, trampling under foot the slain carcasses of Mithridates and Spithridates, opened the way into Cilicia. Pamper up thyself, and boast thy kings that never felt a wound nor ever saw a finger bleed; for they were fortunate, it is true,—thy Ochi and thy Artaxerxes, —who were no sooner born but they were by thee established in the throne of Cyrus. But my body carries many marks of Fortune’s unkindness, who rather fought against me as an enemy than assisted me as her friend. First, among the Illyrians I was wounded in the head with a stone, and received a blow in the neck with an iron mace. Then, near the Granicus my head was a second time gashed with a barbarian scimitar; at Issus I was run through the thigh with a sword; at Gaza I was shot in the ankle with a dart; and not long after, falling heavy from my saddle, I forced my shoulder out of joint. Among the Maracadartae my shinbone was split with an arrow. The wounds I received in India and my strenuous acts of daring courage will declare the rest. Then among the Assacani I was shot through the shoulder with another arrow. Encountering the Gandridae, my thigh was wounded; and one of the Mallotes drew his bow with that force, that the welldirected arrow made way through my iron armor to lodge itself in my breast; besides the blow in my neck, when the scaling-ladders brake that were set to the walls, and Fortune left me alone, to gratify with the fall of so great a person not a renowned or illustrious enemy, but ignoble and worthless barbarians. So that had not Ptolemy covered me with his shield, and Limnaeus, after he had received a thousand wounds directed at my body, fallen dead before me; or if the Macedonians, breathing nothing but courage and their prince’s rescue, had not opened a timely breach, that barbarous and nameless village might have proved Alexander’s tomb.

[3] Take the whole expedition together, and what was it but a patient endurance of cold winters and parching droughts; depths of rivers, rocks inaccessible to the winged fowl, amazing sights of strange wild beasts, savage diet, and lastly revolts and treasons of far-controlling potentates. As to what before the expedition befell me, it is well known that all Greece lay gasping and panting under the fatal effects of the Philippic wars. But then the Thebans, raising themselves upon their feet again after so desperate a fall, shook from their arms the dust of Chaeronea; with them also joined the Athenians, reaching forth their helping hands. The treacherous Macedonians, studying nothing but revenge, cast their eyes upon the sons of Aeropus; the Illyrians brake out into an open war; and the Scythians hung in equal balance, seeing their neighbors meditating new revolutions; while Persian gold, liberally scattered among the popular leaders of every city, put all Peloponnesus into motion.

King Philip’s treasuries were at that time empty, and besides he was in debt, as Onesicritus relates, two hundred talents. In the midst of so much pressing want and such menacing troubles, a youth but new past the age of childhood durst aspire to the conquest of Babylon and Susa, or rather project in his thoughts supreme dominion over all mankind; and all this, trusting only to the strength of thirty thousand foot and four thousand horse. For so many there were, by the account which Aristobulus gives; by the relation of King Ptolemy, there were five thousand horse; from both which Anaximenes varying musters up the foot to three and forty thousand, and the horse to five thousand five hundred. Now the glorious and magnificent sum which Fortune had raised up to supply the necessities of so great an expedition was no more than seventy talents, according to Aristobulus; or, as Duris records it, only thirty days’ provision.

[4] You will say therefore that Alexander was too rash and daringly inconsiderate, with such a slender support to rush upon so vast an opposition. By no means: for who was ever better fitted than he for splendid enterprises; with all the choicest and most excelling precepts of magnanimity, consideration, wisdom, and virtuous fortitude, with which a philosophical education largely supplied him for his expedition? So that we may properly affirm that he invaded Persia with greater assistance from Aristotle than from his father Philip. As for those who write how Alexander was wont to say that the Iliad and Odyssey had always followed him in his wars, in honor to Homer I believe them. Nevertheless, if any one affirm that the Iliad and Odyssey were admitted of his train merely as the recreation of his wearied thoughts or pastime of his leisure hours, but that philosophical learning, and commentaries concerning contempt of fear, fortitude, temperance, and nobleness of spirit, were the real cabinet provision which he carried along for his personal use, we contemn their assertion. For he was not a person that ever wrote concerning arguments or syllogisms; none of those who observed walks in the Lyceum, or held disputes in the Academy; for they who thus circumscribe philosophy believe it to consist in discoursing, not in action. And yet we find that neither Pythagoras nor Socrates, Arcesilaus nor Carneades, was ever celebrated for his writings, though they were the most approved and esteemed among all the philosophers. Yet no such busy wars as these employed their time in civilizing wild and barbarous kings, in building Grecian cities among rude and unpolished nations, nor in settling government and peace among people that lived without humanity or control of law. They only lived at ease, and surrendered the business and trouble of writing to the more contentious Sophists. Whence then came it to pass that they were believed to be philosophers? It was either from their sayings, from the lives they led, or from the precepts which they taught. Upon these grounds let us take a prospect of Alexander, and we shall soon find him, by what he said, by what he acted, and by the lessons he taught, to be a great philosopher.

[5] And first, if you please, consider that which seems the farthest distant of all from the common received opinion, and compare the disciples of Alexander with the pupils of Plato and Socrates. The latter instructed persons ingenuous, such as speak the same speech, well understanding (if nothing else) the Grecian language. But there were many with whom their precepts did not prevail; for men like Critias, Alcibiades, and Cleitophon shook off their doctrine like a bridle, and followed the conduct of their own inclinations.

On the other side, take a view of Alexander’s discipline, and you shall see how he taught the Hyrcanians the conveniency of wedlock, introduced husbandry among the Arachosians, persuaded the Sogdians to preserve and cherish—not to kill—their aged parents; the Persians to reverence and honor—not to marry—their mothers. Most admirable philosophy! which induced the Indians to worship the Grecian Deities, and wrought upon the Scythians to bury their deceased friends, not to feed upon their carcasses. We admire the power of Carneades’s eloquence, for forcing the Carthaginian Clitomachus, called Asdrubal before, to embrace the Grecian customs. No less we wonder at the prevailing reason of Zeno, by whom the Babylonian Diogenes was charmed into the love of philosophy. Yet no sooner had Alexander subdued Asia, than Homer became an author in high esteem, and the Persian, Susian, and Gedrosian youth sang the tragedies of Euripides and Sophocles. Among the Athenians, Socrates, introducing foreign Deities, was condemned to death at the prosecution of his accusers. But Alexander engaged both Bactria and Caucasus to worship the Grecian Gods, which they had never known before. Lastly, Plato, though he proposed but one single form of a commonwealth, could never persuade any people to make use of it, by reason of the austerity of his government. But Alexander, building above seventy cities among the barbarous nations, and as it were sowing the Grecian customs and constitutions all over Asia, quite weaned them from their former wild and savage manner of living. The laws of Plato here and there a single person may peradventure study, but myriads of people have made and still make use of Alexander’s. And they whom Alexander vanquished were more greatly blessed than they who fled his conquests. For these had none to deliver them from their ancient state of misery; the others the victor compelled to better fortune. True therefore was that expression of Themistocles, when he was a fugitive from his native country, and the king entertained him with sumptuous presents, assigning him three stipendiary cities to supply his table, one with bread, a second with wine, a third with all manner of costly viands; Ah! young men, said he, had we not been undone, we had surely been undone. It may, however, be more justly averred of those whom Alexander subdued, had they not been vanquished, they had never been civilized. Egypt had not vaunted her Alexandria, nor Mesopotamia her Seleucia; Sogdiana had not gloried in her Propthasia, nor the Indians boasted their Bucephalia, nor Caucasus its neighboring Grecian city; by the founding of all which barbarism was extinguished and custom changed the worse into better.

If then philosophers assume to themselves their highest applause for cultivating the most fierce and rugged conditions of men, certainly Alexander is to be acknowledged the chiefest of philosophers, who changed the wild and brutish customs of so many various nations, reducing them to order and government.

[6] It is true indeed that the so much admired commonwealth of Zeno, first author of the Stoic sect, aims singly at this, that neither in cities nor in towns we should live under laws distinct one from another, but that we should look upon all men in general to be our fellow-countrymen and citizens, observing one manner of living and one kind of order, like a flock feeding together with equal right in one common pasture. This Zeno wrote, fancying to himself, as in a dream, a certain scheme of civil order, and the image of a philosophical commonwealth. But Alexander made good his words by his deeds; for he did not, as Aristotle advised him, rule the Grecians like a moderate prince and insult over the barbarians like an absolute tyrant; nor did he take particular care of the first as his friends and domestics, and scorn the latter as mere brutes and vegetables; which would have filled his empire with fugitive incendiaries and perfidious tumults. But believing himself sent from Heaven as the common moderator and arbiter of all nations, and subduing those by force whom he could not associate to himself by fair offers, he labored thus, that he might bring all regions, far and near, under the same dominion. And then, as in a festival goblet, mixing lives, manners, customs, wedlock, all together, he ordained that every one should take the whole habitable world for his country, of which his camp and army should be the chief metropolis and garrison; that his friends and kindred should be the good and virtuous, and that the vicious only should be accounted foreigners. Nor would he that Greeks and barbarians should be distinguished by long garments, targets, scimitars, or turbans; but that the Grecians should be known by their virtue and courage, and the barbarians by their vices and their cowardice; and that their habit, their diet, their marriage and custom of converse, should be everywhere the same, engaged and blended together by the ties of blood and pledges of offspring.

[7] Therefore it was that Demaratus the Corinthian, an acquaintance and friend of Philip, when he beheld Alexander in Susa, bursting into tears of more than ordinary joy, bewailed the deceased Greeks, who, as he said, had been bereaved of the greatest blessing on earth, for that they had not seen Alexander sitting upon the throne of Darius. Though most assuredly, for my part, I do not envy the beholders this show, which was only a thing of chance and a happiness of more ordinary kings. But I would gladly have been a spectator of those majestic and sacred nuptials, when, after he had betrothed together a hundred Persian brides and a hundred Macedonian and Greek bridegrooms, he placed them all at one common table within the compass of one pavilion embroidered with gold, as being all of the same family; and then, crowned with a nuptial garland, and being himself the first to sing an epithalamium in honor of the conjunction between two of the greatest and most potent nations in the world, of only one the bridegroom, of all the brideman, father, and moderator, he caused the several couples to be severally married. Had I but beheld this sight, ecstasied with pleasure I should have then cried out: Barbarous and stupid Xerxes, how vain was all thy toil to cover the Hellespont with a floating bridge! Thus rather wise and prudent princes join Asia to Europe. They join and fasten nations together not with boards or planks, or surging brigandines, not with inanimate and insensible bonds, but by the ties of legitimate love, chaste nuptials, and the infallible gage of progeny.

[8] But then, when he considered the Eastern garments, Alexander preferred the Persian before the Median habit, though much the meaner and more frugal garb. Therefore rejecting the gaudy and scenical ornament of barbarian gallantry, such as were the tiara and candys, together with the upper breeches, according to the report of Eratosthenes, he ordered a mixture of the Macedonian and Persian modes to be observed in all the garments which he wore. As a philosopher, he contented himself with mediocrity; but as the common chieftain of both and as a mild and affable prince, he was willing to gain the affection of the vanquished by the esteem which he showed to the mode of the country; that so they might continue the more steadfast and loyal to the Macedonians, not hating them as their enemies, but loving them as their princes and rulers. This behavior was contrary to that of persons insipid and puffed up with prosperity, who wedded to their own humors admire the single colored robe but cannot endure the tunic bordered with purple, or else are well pleased with the latter and hate the former, like young children, in love with the mode in which, as another nurse, their country’s custom first apparelled them. And yet we see that they who hunt wild beasts clothe themselves with their hairy skins; and fowlers make use of feathered jerkins; nor are others less wary how they show themselves to wild bulls in scarlet or to elephants in white; for those creatures are provoked and enraged at the sight of these colors. If then this potent monarch, designing to reclaim and civilize stubborn and warlike nations, took the same course to soften and allay their inbred fury which others take with wild beasts, and at length brought them to be tame and tractable by making use of their familiar habits and by submitting to their customary course of life, thereby removing animosity from their breasts and sour looks from their countenances, shall we blame his management; or rather must we not admire the wisdom of him who by so slight a change of apparel ruled all Asia, subduing their bodies with his arms and vanquishing their minds with his habit? It is a strange thing; we applaud Socratic Aristippus, because, being sometimes clad in a poor threadbare cloak, sometimes in a Milesian robe, he kept a decency in both; but they censure Alexander, because he gave some respect to the garb and mode of those whom he had vanquished, as well as to that of his native country; not considering that he was laying the foundation of vast achievements. It was not his design to ransack Asia like a robber, or to despoil and ruin it, as the prey and rapine of unexpected good fortune, as afterwards Hannibal pillaged Italy, and before him the Treres ravaged Ionia and the Scythians harassed Media,—but to subdue all the kingdoms of the earth under one form of government, and to make one nation of all mankind. So that if the same Deity which hither sent the soul of Alexander had not too soon recalled it, one law had overlooked all the world, and one form of justice had been as it were the common light of one universal government; while now that part of the earth which Alexander never saw remains without a sun.

[9] Thus, in the first place, the very scope and aim of Alexander’s expedition speaks him a philosopher, as one that sought not to gain for himself luxurious splendor or riches, but to establish concord, peace, and mutual community among all men.

Next, let us consider his sayings, seeing that the souls of other kings and potentates betray their conditions and inclinations by their expressions. Antigonus the Aged, having heard a certain poet sing before him a short treatise concerning justice, said, Thou art a fool to mention justice to me, when thou seest me thundering down the cities belonging to other people about their ears. Dionysius the Tyrant was wont to say that children were to be cheated with dice, but men with oaths. Upon the monument of Sardanapalus this inscription is to be seen:—

All I did eat and drink, and all that lust

To me vouchsafed, I have; all else is gone.

What now can a man say of these apophthems, but that the first denotes injustice and immoderate desire of sovereignty; the next impiety; and the third sensuality? But as for the sayings of Alexander, set aside his diadem, his claimed descent from Ammon, and the nobility of his Macedonian extraction, and you would believe them to have been the sayings of Socrates, Plato, or Pythagoras. For we omit the swelling hyperboles of flattery which poets have inscribed under his images and statues, studying rather to extol the power of Alexander than his moderation and temperance; as, for example,—

The statue seems to look to Jove and say,

Take thou Olympus; me let Earth obey!

and that other,—

This is Alexander the son of Jove.

But these, as I said, were only the flashes of poetic adulation magnifying his good success. Let us therefore come to such sentences as were really uttered by Alexander himself, beginning first with the early blossoms of his childhood.

It is well known that for swiftness in running he exceeded all that were of his years; for which reason some of his most familiar play-fellows would have persuaded him to show himself at the Olympic games. He asked them whether there were any kings to contend with him. And when they replied that there were none, he said, The contest then is unequal, for I can conquer only private men, while they may conquer a king.

His father, King Philip, being run through the thigh in a battle against the Triballi, and, though he escaped the danger, being not a little troubled at the deformity of his limping; Be of good cheer, father, said he, and show yourself in public, that you may be reminded of your bravery at every step.

Are not these the products of a mind truly philosophical, which by an inspired inclination to what is noble already contemns the disfigurings of the body? Nor can we otherwise believe but that he himself gloried in his own wounds, which every time he beheld then called to his remembrance the conquered nation and the victory, what cities he had taken, what kings had surrendered themselves; never striving to conceal or cover those indelible characters and scars of honor, which he always carried about him as the engraven testimonies of his virtue and fortitude.

[10] Then again, if any dispute arose or judgment were to be given upon any of Homer’s verses, either in the schools or at meals, this that follows he always preferred above the rest,—

Both a good king, and far renowned in war;

believing that the praise which another by precedency of time had anticipated was to be a law also to himself, and saying that Homer in the same verse had extolled the fortitude of Agamemnon and prophesied of Alexander’s. Crossing therefore the Hellespont, he viewed the city of Troy, revolving in his mind the heroic acts of antiquity. At this time one of the chief citizens proffering to him Paris’s harp, if he pleased to accept it; I need it not, said he, for Ihave that with which Achilles pleased himself already,

When he the mighty deeds of heroes sung,

Whose fame so loudly o’er the world has rung;

but as for Paris, his soft and effeminate harmony was devoted only to the pleasures of amorous courtship. Now it is part of a true philosopher’s soul to love wisdom and chiefly to admire wise men; and this was Alexander’s praise beyond all other princes. His high esteem for his master Aristotle we have already mentioned. No less honor did he give to Anaxarchus the musician, whom he favored as one of his choicest friends. To Pyrrhon the Elean, the first time he saw him, he gave a thousand crowns in gold. To Xenocrates, the companion of Plato, he sent an honorary present of fifty talents. Lastly, it is recorded by several that he made Onesicratus, the disciple of Diogenes the Cynic, chief of his pilots. But when he came to discourse with Diogenes himself at Corinth, he was struck in such a manner with wonder and astonishment at the course of life and sententious learning of the person, that frequently calling him to mind he was wont to say, Were I ot Alexander, I would be Diogenes. That is, I would have devoted myself to the study of words, had I not been a philosopher in deeds. He did not say, Were I not a king, I would be Diogenes; nor, Were I not opulent an Argeades. For he did not prefer fortune before w sdom, nor the purple robe or regal diadem before the beggr’s wallet and threadbare mantle; but he said, Were I not Alexander, I would be Diogenes. That is,—

Had I not designed to intermix barbarians and Greeks and to civilize the earth as I marched forward, and had I not proposed to search the limits of sea and land, and so, extending Macedon to the land-bounding ocean, to have sown Greece in every region all along and to have diffused justice and peace over all nations, I would not have sat yawning upon the throne of slothful and voluptuous power, but would have labored to imitate the frugalty of Diogenes. But now pardon us, Diogenes. We follow the example of Hercules, we emulate Perseus, and tread in the footsteps of Bacchus, our divine ancestor and founder of our race; once more we purpose to settle the victorious Greeks in India, and once more to put those savage mountaineers beyond Caucasus in mind of their ancient Bacchanalian revels. There, by report, live certain people professing a rigid and austere philosophy, and more frugal than Diogenes, as going altogether naked; pious men, governed by their own constitutions and devoted wholly to God. They have no occasion for scrip or wallet, for they never lay up provision, having always fresh and new gathered from the earth. The rivers afford them drink, and at night they rest upon the grass and the leaves that fall from the trees. By our means shall they know Diogenes, and Diogenes them. But it behooves us also, as it were, to make a new coin, and to stamp a new face of Grecian civility upon the barbarian metal.

[11] Tell me now; can such generous acts of Alexander as these be thought to speak the spontaneous favors of Fortune, only an impetuous torrent of success and strength of hand? Do they not rather demonstrate much of fortitude and justice, much of mildness and temperance, in one who managed all things with decorum and consideration, with a sober and intelligent judgment? Not that I (believe me) go about to distinguish between the several acts of Alexander, and to ascribe this to fortitude, that to humanity, another to temperance; but I take every act to be an act of all the virtues mixed together. This is conformable to that Stoic sentence, What a wise man does he does by the impulse of all the virtues together; only one particular virtue seems to head every action, and calling the rest to her assistance drives on to the end proposed. Therefore we may behold in Alexander a warlike humanity, a meek fortitude, a liberality poised with good husbandry, anger easily appeased, chaste amours, a busy relaxation of mind, and labor not wanting recreation. Who ever like him mixed festivals with combats, revels and jollity with expeditions, nuptials and bacchanals with sieges and difficult attempts? To those that offended against the law who more severe To the unfortunate who more pitiful? To those that made resistance who more terrible? To suppliants who more merciful? This gives me an occasion to insert here the saying of Porus. For he being brought a captive before Alexander, and by him being asked how he expected to be treated, Royally, said he, O Alexander. And beiig further asked whether he desired no more, he replied, Nothing; for all things are comprehended in that word royally. And for my part, I know not how to give a greater applause to the actions of Alexander, than by adding the word philosophically, for in that word all other things are included. Being ravished with the beauty of Roxana, the daughter of Oxyarthes, dancing among the captive ladies, he never assailed her with injurious lust, but married her philosophically. Beholding Darius stuck to the heart with several arrows, he did not presently sacrifice to the Gods or sing triumphal songs to celebrate the end of so long a war, but unclasping his own cloak from his shoulders he threw it over the dead corpse philosophically, as it were to cover the shame of royal calamity. Another time, as he was perusing a private letter sent him by his mother, he observed Hephaestion, who was sitting by him, to read it along with him, little understanding what he did. For which unwary act Alexander forbore to reprove him; only clapping his signet to his mouth, he thus kindly admonished him that his lips were then sealed up to silence by the friendly confidence which he reposed in him,—all this philosophically. And indeed if these were not acts done philosophically, where shall we find them?

[12] Let us compare with his some few acts of those who are by all allowed to be philosophers. Socrates yielded to the lustful embraces of Alcibiades. Alexander, when Philoxenus, governor of the sea-coasts, wrote to him concerning an Ionian lad that had not his equal for youthful beauty, and desired to know whether he should e sent to him or not, returned him this nipping answer: Vilest of men, when wast thou ever privy to any desires of mine, that thou shouldst think to flatter me with such abhorred allurements? We admire the abstinency of Xenocrates for refusing the gift of fifty talents which Alexander sent him; but do we take no notice of the munificence of the giver? Or is the bountiful person not to be thought as much a contemner of money as he that refuses it? Xenocrates needed not riches, by reason of his philosophy; but Alexander wanted wealth, by reason of the same philosophy, that he might be more liberal to such persons.... How often has Alexander borne witness to this in the midst of a thousand dangers? It is true, we believe that it is in the power of all men to judge rightly of things; for nature guides us of herself to virtue and bravery. But herein philosophers excel all others, that they have by education acquired a fixed and solid judgment to encounter whatever dangers they meet with. For most men have no such maxims to defend them as this in Homer,—

Without a sign his sword the brave man draws,

And needs no omen but his country’s cause.

⁴

And that other of Demosthenes,—

Death is the certain end of all mankind.

⁵

But sudden apparitions of imminent danger many times break our resolutions; and the fancy troubled with the imagination of approaching peril chases away true judgment from her seat. For fear not only astonishes the memory, according to the saying of Thucydides,⁶ but it dissipates all manner of consideration, sense of honor, and resolution; while philosophy binds and keeps them together.. .. ⁷

Notes on the current edition

On the Fortune or the Virtue of Alexander I and II

1. Adapted from Homer, Il. ix. 325-326.

2. Cf. 340 c, supra; Life of Alexander, chap. xviii. (674 d). Aelian, Varia Historia, xii. 43, says that he was a slave; and Strabo, xv. 3. 24, Diodorus, xvii. 5, say that he was not of the royal family.

3. Cf. 336 c, infra.

4. 331 b.c.

5. The battle of Issus, 333 b.c.

6. 334 b.c.

7. Artaxerxes III. (358-338 b.c.).

8. This wound is elsewhere unknown to history. For the wounds of Alexander see the excellent tables of Nachstädt, op. cit. pp. 38-44.

9. Cf. 341 a-c, supra; Life of Alexander, chap. xvi. (673 a); Arrian, Anabasis, i. 15. 7; Diodorus, xvii. 20.

10. By Darius, according to Chares (341 c, supra; Life of Alexander, chap. xx. (675 f)); but this is unknown to Arrian, Diodorus, Curtius, and Justin.

11. The text is probably corrupt; in Curtius, iv. 6, we hear of two wounds, and they are quite different ones. One wound is reported in 341 b, supra; Life of Alexander, chap. xxv. (679 b); Arrian, Anabasis, ii. 27. 2.

12. Cf. 341 b, supra; Arrian, Anabasis, iii. 30. 11; Curitus, vii. 6.

13. Cf. Life of Alexander, chap. lxvi. (702 a-b); Arrian, Anabasis, vi. 24-25.

14. Cf. Ibid., iv. 23. 3; Curitus, viii. 3.

15. Nothing is known of this wound.

16. Cf. 341 c, 343 e ff., infra; Life of Alexander, chap. lxiii. (700 b ff.); Arrian, Anabasis, vi. 9, 10; Diodorus, xvii. 98; Curtius, ix. 4, 5; Strabo, xv. 1. 33.

17. Peucestas in Life of Alexander, and in Arrian, Anabasis.

18. Leonnatus according to Arrian ( Anabasis, vi. 10. 2).

19. Cf. Moralia, 181 c; Arrian, Anabasis, iv. 28; Diodorus, xvii. 85. Sir Aurel Stein has identified Aornos with the plateau of Pir-s’ar ( On Alexander’s Track to the Indus, Macmillan, 1929).

20. Cf. Life of Alexander, chap. xi. (670 b).

21. Very little is known of this faction. Cf. Diodorus, xiv. 37 and 89. Amyntas later joined Darius and met his death soon after the battle of Issus.

22. £40,000 or $200,000.

23. For the varying accounts of the wealth and forces of Alexander Cf. 342 d, infra; Life of Alexander, chap. xv. (672 a); Arrian, Anabasis, i. 11. 3; and Alexander’s own account, according to Arrian, Anabasis, vii. 9. 6 ff.

24. £14,000 or $70,000.

25. Cf. 342 d, supra.

26. Cf. Müller, Frag. Hist. Graec. ii. p. 472.

27. Cf. Life of Alexander, chaps. viii. (p. 668 d) and xxvi. (679 c-d); Pliny, Natural History, vii. 29. 108.

28. That is, of occupying himself with Peripatetic (Aristotelian) philosophy.

29. It is interesting to note that dialogues bearing the names of all these pupils have been handed down to us under the name of Plato, although some of them are thought to be spurious.

30. Wyttenbach in sadness doubts whether these ethnological remarks are the fruit of any research on the part of Plutarch. But they probably derive from a hazy recollection of such passages as Herodotus, i. 216 (of the Massagetae). Note, however, that Strabo supports Plutarch on this custom of the Persians (xv. 3. 20), which is easily explained by the fact that the young king inherited his father’s harem as well as his father’s stable, and that the father’s younger wives furnished the beginning of the son’s harem. Cf. also Sophocles, Trachiniae, 1221-1251. For other pleasant customs of the Hyrcanians Cf. Moralia, 499 d.

31. Wyttenbach in sadness doubts whether these ethnological remarks are the fruit of any research on the part of Plutarch. But they probably derive from a hazy recollection of such passages as Herodotus, i. 216 (of the Massagetae). Note, however, that Strabo supports Plutarch on this custom of the Persians (xv. 3. 20), which is easily explained by the fact that the young king inherited his father’s harem as well as his father’s stable, and that the father’s younger wives furnished the beginning of the son’s harem. Cf. also Sophocles, Trachiniae, 1221-1251. For other pleasant customs of the Hyrcanians Cf. Moralia, 499 d.

32. Cf. Diogenes Laertius, iv. 67; Athenaeus, 402 c.

33. Diogenes, from Seleucia in Mesopotamia (Strabo, xvi. 1. 16; Diogenes Laertius, vi. 81), was said to have been a pupil of Chrysippus, and thus was converted to the inheritance of Zeno, Stoicism.

34. Cf. Life of Alexander, chap. viii. (p. 668 e).

35. Cf. Plato, Apology, 24 b; Xenophon, Memorabilia, i. 1. 1.

36. Cf. Moralia, 185 f, and the note there.

37. Alexandria-in-the-Caucasus: Cf. Arrian, Anabasis, iii. 28. 4; iv. 22. 4; v. 1. 5; Curtius, vii. 3. 23; Diodorus, xvii. 83. 1.

38. Cf. Cambridge Ancient History, vol. vii. p. 225; Moralia, 653 e; Life of Lycurgus, xxxi. (59 a); Cicero, De Legibus, i. 7-11 (21-32): De Officiis, i. 7 (22); Diogenes Laertius, vii. 32-34, 121, 129, 131.

39. Aristotle’s name is not elsewhere linked with this advice; cf. Strabo, i. 4. 9 (p. 66), or Aristotle, Frag. 658 (ed. V. Rose).

40. Cf. Arrian, Anabasis, vii. 11. 8-9.

41. Cf. Moralia, 70 c; Life of Alexander, chap. ix. (669 c).

42. Ibid. chaps. xxxvii. (687 a), lvi. (696 f); Life of Agesilaüs, chap. xv. (604 a).

43. Cf. Life of Alexander, chap. lxx. (703 e); Arrian, Anabasis, vii. 4; Diodorus, xvii. 107. 6; Athenaeus, 538 b-e; Aelian, Varia Historia, viii. 7; but the number is not elsewhere given as 100.

44. Cf. Life of Alexander, chap. xlv. (690 e-691 a); Diodorus, xvii. 77.

45. Presumably in the treatise referred to by Strabo, i. 4. 9 (p. 66).

46. Cf. Moralia, 144 d.

47. Cf. Horace, Epistles, i. 17. 23-29 personamque feret non inconcinnus utramque.

48. Cf. Strabo, i. 3. 21; xi. 8. 4.

49. Cf. Herodotus, i. 15, 103-106.

50. Cf. Moralia, 172 d.

51. Attributed elsewhere to Lysander: cf. Moralia, 229 b, and the note (Vol. III. p. 373).

52. Cf . Palatine Anthology, vii. 325; xvi. 27: a full list of citations portraying Sardanapalus in ancient popular philosophy is given by W. Capelle, Hermes, lx. p. 394; see also W. Headlam, Journal of Philosophy, xxvi. p. 98.

53. Cf. 335 b, infra; T. Preger, Inscriptiones Graecae Metricae (1891), pp. 183-187. The epigram is more completely given in the Anthology, xvi. 120, where it is attributed to Archelaüs or Asclepiades. Probably, as Ouvre has seen, it belongs to the latter.

54. Cf. Life of Alexander, chap. xxvii. (680 f).

55. Cf. Moralia, 179 d; Life of Alexander, chap. iv. (666 d).

56. Attributed to a Spartan woman in Moralia, 241 e, where see the note.

57. Iliad, iii. 179; Cf. Xenophon, Memorabilia, iii. 2. 2.

58. Cf. Life of Alexander, chap. xv. (672 b); Aelian, Varia Historia, ix. 38.

59. Homer, Il. ix. 189.

60. 327 f, supra; Cf. Life of Alexander, chaps. vii., viii. (668 a-f).

61. Cf. Sextus Empiricus, Adversus Mathematicos, i. 282.

62. Cf. 333 b, supra, and Moralia, 181 e.

63. Cf. Life of Alexander, chap. xiv. (671 d); Diogenes Laertius, vi. 32; Valerius Maximus, iv. 3. 4; Juvenal, xiv. 311-314. Cf. also Moralia, 782 a-b.

64. Cf. Arrian, Anabasis, iv. 10. 6; Rhein. Mus. liv. 470.

65. Cf. 326 b, supra.

66. Cf. Life of Alexander, chaps. lxiv., lxv. (700 f-701 f) for Alexander’s dealing with the Gymnosophists.

67. Cf. Diogenes Laertius, vi. 20, 21.

68. Cf. Moralia, 181 e, and 458 b; Life of Alexander, chap. lx. (669 c); Arrian, Anabasis, v. 19. 2.

69. Cf. 338 d, supra; Life of Alexander, chap. xlvii. (691 e); Arrian, iv. 19; Curtius, viii. 4.

70. Cf. Life of Alexander, chap. xliii. (690 b).

71. Cf. Moralia, 180 d, and the note.

72. Cf. Plato, Symposium, 218 c; Diogenes Laertius, ii. 31.

73. Cf. Moralia, 1099 d; Life of Alexander, chap. xxii. (676 f).

74. Cf. 331 e, supra.

75. Alexander’s remark that he needed money to give to others may be compared to the remark which Plutarch quotes in his Life of Alexander, chap. lx. (698 e), when Alexander was risking his life in crossing the swollen Hydaspes: O Athenians, can you possibly believe what dangers I undergo, to win good repute among you? Others think that the remark has been lost from the mss.

76. Homer, Il. xii. 243 εἷς οἰωνὸς ἄριστος ἀμύνεσθαε περὶ πάτρης.

77. Cf. Moralia, 166 f; Demosthenes, De Corona, 97. W. Crönert, in a review of Bell-Crum, A Greek-Coptic Glossary ( Gnomon, ii. p. 657), reconstructs, from the words of the Testament of the High Priest Fl. Phoebammon, trimeters of an Euripidean flavour:

πέρας δὲ παντὸς τοῦ βροτησίου γένους

ὁ θάνατος οὐδὲ δυνατόν ἐστιν ἐκφυκεὶν

More likely here, however, would be such a line as

ὁ θάνατός ἐσθ᾽ἅπασιν ἀνθρώποις πέρας.

Plutarch and Demosthenes may both be quoting from something of the sort.

78. Thucydides, ii. 87.

Plutarch De Alexandri magni fortuna aut virtute 1

Frank Cole Babbitt (Translator)

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The first oration of Plutarch concerning the fortune or virtue of Alexander the Great.

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