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AGESILAUS THE GREAT¹

[1] Agesilaus the Great was once chosen by lot to be master of ceremonies at an evening party, and, when he was asked by the slave who poured the wine how much wine he should serve to each man, Agesilaus said, If much wine has been provided, as much as each one asks for; but if only a little, then give to all equally.

[2] When a malefactor endured tortures without flinching, Agesilaus said, What an out-and-out villain the man is, devoting his endurance and fortitude to such base and shameful purposes!

[3] When someone praised an orator for his ability in making much of small matters, Agesilaus said that a shoemaker is not a good craftsman who puts big shoes on a small foot.²

[4] When someone said to him, You have agreed, and kept repeating the same thing, Agesilaus said, Yes, of course, if it is right; but if not, then I said so, but I did not agree. And when the other added, But surely kings ought to carry out whatsoe’er they confirm by the royal assent,³ Agesilaus said, No more than those who approach kings ought to ask for what is right and say what is right, trying to hit upon the right occasion and a request fitting for kings to grant.

[5] Whenever he heard people blaming or praising, he thought it was no less necessary to inform himself about the ways of those who spoke than of those about whom they spoke.⁴

[6] When he was still a boy, at a celebration of the festival of the naked boys the director of the dance assigned him to an inconspicuous place; and he obeyed, although he was already destined to be king,⁵ saying, Good! I shall show that it is not the places that make men to be held in honour, but the men the places.⁶

[7] When a physician prescribed for him an overelaborate course of treatment, not at all simple, he said, Egad, it is not ordained that I must live at all hazards, and I refuse to submit to everything.⁷

[8] As he was standing at the altar of Athena of the Brazen House sacrificing a heifer, a louse bit him; but he did not turn a hair, and, picking it off, he cracked it openly before the eyes of all, saying, By Heaven, it is a pleasure to kill the plotter even at the altar.

[9] At another time he saw a mouse being dragged from a hole by a boy who had hold of him, and the mouse turned and bit the hand that held him and escaped; whereupon Agesilaus called the attention of the bystanders to this, and said, When the smallest animal thus defends itself against those who do it wrong, consider what it becomes men to do.⁸

[10] Desiring to bring about the war against the Persian for the sake of setting free the Greeks living in Asia, he consulted the oracle of Zeus at Dodona, and when the god bade him to go on, he reported the answer to the Ephors. And they bade him go to Delphi and ask the same question. Accordingly he proceeded to the prophetic shrine and put his question in this form: Apollo, are you of the same opinion as your father? And Apollo concurring, Agesilaus was chosen, and began the campaign.⁹

[11] Tissaphernes, at the outset, in fear of Agesilaus, made a treaty, agreeing that the king should leave him the Greek cities free and independent, but, after sending for a great army from the king, he declared war on Agesilaus unless he should depart from Asia. Agesilaus gladly welcomed the transgression, and set forth as if he were intending to advance into Cari a; and when Tissaphernes had concentrated his forces there, Agesilaus, by a rapid movement thence, invaded Phrygia; and having taken very many cities and a wealth of spoil, he said to his friends, To do wrong after making a treaty is impious, but to outwit the enemy is not only right and reputable, but also pleasant and profitable.¹⁰

[12] Finding himself inferior in horsemen, he retreated to Ephesus, and there made proclamation to the men of means that they should each provide a horse and a man, and thus gain their own release from service. As a result there were collected, in a very short time, both horses and capable men in place of wealthy cowards.¹¹ Agesilaus said he was emulating Agamemnon; for Agamemnon accepted a good mare and released from service a base man of wealth.¹²

[13] When, in obedience to his orders that the prisoners of war be sold naked, those charged with selling the spoils so offered them, there were many buyers for the clothing, but as for the prisoners’ bodies, altogether white and soft because of their indoor life, the buyers derided them as useless and worthless. And Agesilaus, stepping up, said, These are the things for which you fight, and these are the men whom you fight.¹³

[14] Having routed Tissaphernes in the Lydia n country and slain a great many of his men, he proceeded to overrun the king’s country. The king sent money to him, and in return asked for a cessation of hostilities, but Agesilaus said that the State alone had the power to make peace, and that it gave him more pleasure to enrich his soldiers than to be rich himself, and that he thought it a grand thing that the Greeks did not accept gifts from the enemy, but took spoils instead.¹⁴

[15] When Megabates, Spithridates’ son, who was most fair of form, came near to him as if to greet him with a kiss because the boy felt that he was held in aiFection by Agesilaus, Agesilaus drew back. And when the boy stopped coming to see him, Agesilaus asked for him; whereupon his friends said that he had only himself to blame, because he shrank from coming within kissing distance of the fair one, and if he would not act the coward, the boy would come again. Agesilaus, reflecting by himself for no brief time in uninterrupted silence, finally said, There is no need of our trying to persuade him; for I feel that I had rather be above such things than to take by storm the most populous city of our opponents, since it is better to preserve one’s own liberty than to deprive others of theirs.¹⁵

[16] In almost all matters he was exact in observing the law, but in anything affecting his friends he thought that too rigid justice in dealings with them was but a poor excuse. At any rate, there is a note of his in circulation addressed to Hidrieus the Carian, in which he asks for the release of one of his friends in these words: If Nicias is not guilty, let him go; but if he is guilty, let him go for my sake; but let him go anyway.¹⁶

[17] Such, then, was Agesilaus in his friends’ behalf in most matters; but there are instances when, in meeting a critical situation, he showed more regard for the general weal. At any rate, on a time when camp was being broken in some disorder, and Agesilaus was leaving behind his loved one who was ill, and the loved one implored him and called him back with tears, Agesilaus, turning round, exclaimed, How hard it is to be merciful and sensible at the same time!¹⁷

[18] The mode of living which he followed personally was in no wise better than that of his associates. He refrained always from overeating and from heavy drinking. Sleep he treated, not as a master, but as governed at all times by what he had to do; and such was his attitude towards heat and cold that he alone was able to make good use of the different seasons; and in his tent, which was in the midst of his soldiers, he had no better bed than anybody else.¹⁸

[19] He was continually saying that the commander ought rightly to be superior to the privates not in soft living and luxury, but in endurance and courage.¹⁹

[20] At any rate, when someone inquired what advantage the laws of Lycurgus had brought to Sparta, he said, Contempt for pleasures.

[21] In answer to the man who expressed surprise at the plainness of the clothes and the fare both of himself and of the other Spartans, he said, From this mode of life, my friend, we reap a harvest of liberty.

[22] When someone else urged him to relax, and said that, because of the uncertainty of fortune, the opportunity for this might never come to him, he replied, I accustom myself by training to seek to find a change in no change.

[23] Even when he had grown old, he followed the same course; and in answer to someone who asked him the reason why, at his age, he went about with no undergarment in such very cold weather, he said, So that the young men may imitate, having the oldest men and the officials as an example.²⁰

[24] The Thasians, as he was marching through their country with his army, sent to him flour, geese, sweetmeats, honey-cakes, and other costly foods and drinks of all kinds. The flour alone he accepted, but the rest of the things he bade those who had brought them to carry back because these were of no use to the Spartans. But when the Thasians importuned him and begged him by all means to take all, he gave orders to distribute them among the Helots. And when the Thasians inquired the reason, he said, It is not in keeping that those who practise manly virtues should indulge in such gormandizing, for things that allure the servile crowd are alien to free men.²¹

[25] At another time the Thasians, because of a feeling that they had been greatly befriended by him, honoured him with temples and deifications, and also sent an embassy to inform him of their action. When he had read the honours which the ambassadors proffered to him, he asked if their country had the power to deify men; and when they answered in the affirmative, he said, Go to; make gods of yourselves first, and if you can accomplish this, then will I believe that you will be able to make a god of me also.

[26] When the Greek peoples of Asia voted to erect statues of him in their most prominent cities, he wrote to them: Let there be no image of me painted or sculptured or constructed.²²

[27] Seeing in Asia a house roofed with square beams, he asked the owner if timber in that country grew square. And when the man said, No, but round, he said, Well, then, if they were square, would you finish them round?²³

[28] Being asked once how far the bounds of Sparta extended, he said, with a flourish of his spear, As far as this can reach.²⁴

[29] When someone else wished to know why Sparta was without walls, he pointed to the citizens in full armour and said, These are the Spartans’ walls.²⁵

[30] When another person put the same question, he said, Cities ought not to be fortified with stones and timbers, but with the strong virtues of their inhabitants.²⁶

[31] He advised his friends to endeavour to be rich, not in money, but in bravery and virtue.

[32] Whenever he wished a task to be quickly performed by his soldiers, he himself took hold first in the sight of all.²⁷

[33] He found more cause for pride in his working quite as hard as anybody, and in his mastery over himself, rather than in his being king.²⁸

[34] When he saw a lame Spartan going forth to war and asking where he could get a horse, Agesilaus said, Don’t you realize that war has need, not of those who run away, but of those who stand their ground?²⁹

[35] Being asked how he had fostered his great repute, he said, By showing contempt for death.³⁰

[36] When someone desired to know why Spartans do battle amidst the sound of fifes, he said, So that, as all keep step to the music, the cowardly and the brave may be plainly seen.³¹

[37] When someone dwelt upon the great good fortune of the king of Persia, who was a very young man, Agesilaus said, But even Priam at that time of life had not met with misfortune.³²

[38] When he had brought a great part of Asia under his control, he decided to march against the king himself, so that he might put an end to the king’s spending his time in leisure and corrupting the popular leaders among the Greeks.³³

[39] When he was summoned home by the Ephors because of the war declared against Sparta by the surrounding Greek states, influenced by the money which had been sent to them by the Persian, he said that the good commander ought to be subject to the command of the laws, and sailed away from Asia, leaving behind a great yearning for him among the Greeks there.³⁴

[40] Inasmuch as the Persian coinage was stamped with the figure of a bowman, he said, as he was breaking camp, that he was being driven out of Asia by the king with thirty thousand bowmen; for such was the number of gold pieces brought to Athens and Thebes through Timocrates and distributed among the popular leaders; and thus the people were stirred to hostilities against the Spartans.³⁵

[41] He wrote a letter in reply to the Ephors as follows:

Agesilaus to the Ephors greeting.

We hae conquered the maist pairt of Asia, and made the barbarians rin, an’ in Ionia we hae built mony an armed camp. But gin ye bid me come back as ye hae set the limit, I’ll come after the letter, or I’ll mebbe get there afore it; for I rule, no for masel’, but for the State and oor allies. An a mori truly rules richt whan he gangs wi’ the laws an the Ephors or whatever ither rulers there may be in the State.³⁶

[42] When he had crossed the Hellespont and was marching through Thrace he made no request of any of the barbarian peoples, but sent to each to inquire whether, as he passed through their country, he should find it friendly or hostile. Nearly all received him in a friendly manner, and helped him on; but the people called Trallians, to whom as it is said even Xerxes gave gifts, demanded of Agesilaus, as the price for passing through their land, an hundred talents of silver and an equal number of women. And he, making fun of them, asked why they did not come at once to get all this, and, leading on his forces to where the Trallians were drawn up for battle, he engaged them, and, having routed them with great slaughter, he marched through.³⁷

[43] To the king of the Macedonians he sent to propound the same question; and when the king said that he would consider it, Agesilaus said, Let him consider it, then, but we will be marching on. Amazed at his boldness, and fearful, the king accordingly bade him advance as a friend.b

[44] Since the Thessalians were in alliance with his enemies, he ravaged their country. To Larissa, however, he sent Xenocles and Scythes to suggest an amicable agreement. But when these were seized and detained, the rest of his men bore it very ill, and thought that he ought to encamp about Larissa and lay siege to it. But he declared that he would not lose either one of those men for the whole of Thessaly, and got them back by coming to terms with the enemy.³⁸

[45] When he learned that a battle had been fought in the vicinity of Corinth,³⁹ and that only a very few of the Spartans had fallen, but a vast number of the Corinthians and Athenians and the others on their side, he was not observed to be overjoyful or elated at the victory, but with a very deep sigh said, Hech, sirs, for Greece, wha her ane sel’ has killed sae mony men—as mony as micht pit doon a’ the barbarians.⁴⁰

[46] When the Pharsalians beset him and harassed his army, he routed them with five hundred horsemen, and set up a trophy at the foot of Mount Narthacium. And he was better satisfied with this victory than with all others, because he himself by his own efforts had built up this company of cavalry,⁴¹ and with this alone he had overcome those who took the greatest pride in horsemanship.⁴²

[47] Diphridas⁴³ brought word to him from home that he should at once, as he passed by, invade Boeotia. It had been his purpose to do this later after making more adequate preparation, but he did not disobey those in authority, and, after sending for two divisions of the army in the field at Corinth, he entered Boeotia. At Coroneia he engaged in battle Thebans, Athenians, Argives, Corinthians, and the two Locrian peoples, and, although he was in desperate straits by reason of the many wounds in his body, he was victorious in the greatest battle, as Xenophon says,⁴⁴ of those fought in his day.⁴⁵

[48] After he returned home he made no change in anything touching his life and his manner of living on account of so many successes and victories.⁴⁶

[49] Seeing that some of the citizens thought themselves to be somebody and gave themselves great airs because they kept a racing stud, he persuaded his sister Cynisca to enter a chariot in the races at Olympia, for he wished to demonstrate to the Greeks that this sort of thing was no sign of excellence, but only of having money and being willing to spend it.⁴⁷

[50] He had with him Xenophon the philosopher, who was treated with marked consideration, and he urged Xenophon to send for his sons, and bring them up in Sparta, where they would be taught the fairest of all lessons-to rule and to be ruled.⁴⁸

[51] On one other occasion he was asked what was the especial reason why the Spartans were fortunate above all other peoples, and he replied, Because they, above all others, make it their practice to rule and to be ruled.⁴⁹

[52] After Lysander’s death he found a huge association banded together, which Lysander, immediately after his return from Asia, had organized against him, and he set out to show up Lysander by pointing out what kind of a citizen he had been when he was alive. So, after reading a speech which had been left among Lysander’s papers, the author of which was Cleon of Halicarnassus, and which Lysander had been intending to appropriate and deliver before the people on the subject of revolution and changing the form of government, Agesilaus wished to make it public. But when one of the aged men read the speech, and was frightened at its cleverness, and advised him not to disinter the dead Lysander, but rather to inter the speech along with him, he took the advice and did nothing.⁵⁰

[53] Those who covertly opposed him he did not openly put to confusion, but managed to have some of them always sent out as generals and officers, and then he would proceed to demonstrate that they had proved themselves unprincipled and greedy in exercising their authority. Then later, when they were brought to trial, his role this time would be to help them and defend them at their trial; and thus he won their allegiance, and brought them over to his own side, so that there was nobody who opposed him.⁵¹

[54] Somebody wanted him to write to his friends in Asia so that the petitioner might meet with right treatment there. But, said Agesilaus, my friends of themselves do what is right, even if I do not write to them.

[55] Somebody in a foreign land pointed out to Agesilaus the city wall, high towering and exceedingly massive in its construction, and asked Agesilaus⁵² if it looked grand to him. Yes, said Agesilaus, grand indeed, not for men though, but for women to live in.⁵³

[56] When a man from Megara boasted greatly about his city, Agesilaus said, Young man, your words need a great power to back them.⁵⁴

[57] Things which he saw other people admiring he seemed not even to notice. For example, once upon a time Callippides, the tragic actor,⁵⁵ who had a name and repute among the Greeks, and was received everywhere with the most flattering attention, first of all put himself in front of Agesilaus and addressed him, and then pompously thrust himself into the company that was walking with him, thus making it plain that he expected the king to begin some friendly conversation, and finally he said, Your Majesty, do you not recognize me, and have you not heard who I am? At that Agesilaus looked towards him and said, Are ye no Callippidas the shawman? That is what the Spartans call the strolling players.⁵⁶

[58] When he was invited to hear the man who imitated the nightingale’s voice, he begged to be excused, saying, I hae heard the bird itsel’ mony a time.⁵⁷

[59] Menecrates the physician, who, because of his success in curing certain persons who had been given up to die, had come to be called Zeus, used to drag in this title on all occasions, and even went so far in his effrontery as to write to Agesilaus in this fashion: Menecrates Zeus to King Agesilaus, health and happiness. Agesilaus did not read any further, but wrote in reply,

King Agesilaus to Menecrates, health andsanity!⁵⁸

[60] When Conon and Pharnabazus with the Great Kings fleet were masters of the sea and blockaded the Spartans’ coast, and the walls of Athens had been rebuilt⁵⁹ with the money provided by Pharnabazus, the Spartans made peace with the king.⁶⁰ They sent one of their citizens, Antalcidas, to Tiribazus, and surrendered into the king’s power those Greeks in Asia Minor for whose freedom Agesilaus had fought. It follows, therefore, that Agesilaus could not have had the slightest thing to do with this disreputable business; for Antalcidas was at enmity with him, and employed every resource in working for the peace, because he felt that the war made Agesilaus great and enhanced his repute and importance.⁶¹

[61] Yet, in answer to a man who said that the Spartans were becoming pro-Persian, Agesilaus said that rather the Persians were becoming pro-Spartan!⁶²

[62] Being asked once which was better of the virtues, bravery or justice, he said that there is no use for bravery unless justice is also in evidence, and if all men should become just they would have no need of bravery.⁶³

[63] The inhabitants of Asia were accustomed to give to the king of Persia the title of The Great, but Agesilaus said, In what, pray, is he greater than I. unless he is more just and more self-controlled?⁶⁴

[64] He used to say that the inhabitants of Asia were poor freemen, but good slaves.⁶⁵

[65] Being asked how one might most surely have a good name among men, he said, If one say what is best and do what is most honourable.

[66] He used to say that a general ought to be possessed of boldness towards the enemy and kind ness towards the men under him.⁶⁶

[67] When someone desired to know what boys ought to learn, he said, That which they will use when they become men.⁶⁷

[68] Once when he was sitting as judge the accuser spoke well and the defendant poorly, merely repeating in answer to each point, Agesilaus, a king must uphold the laws; whereat Agesilaus said, And if somebody had broken into your house, and if somebody had robbed you of your coat, should you expect that the builder of the house or the maker of the coat would come to your assistance?

[69] After the peace was made,⁶⁸ a letter from the king of Persia was brought to him, of which the Persian with Gallias the Spartan was the bearer, in regard to hospitality and friendship; but Agesilaus would not receive it, bidding the man to take back word to the king that there was no need to send letters to him personally; that if the king showed himself to be a friend to Sparta and well disposed towards Greece, he himself, to the very best of his power, would be a friend to the king. But if the king should be caught plotting against Greece, he went on to say, even if I receive many letters, let him not believe that he shall have me for a friend.⁶⁹

[70] He was unusually fond of children, and it is said that at home he used to mount astride a stick as a hobby-horse and play with his children when they were little. But when he was seen thus by one of his friends, he begged the man to tell nobody before he had children of his own.⁷⁰

[71] He made war continually upon the Thebans, and when he was wounded in the battle,⁷¹ they say that Antalcidas exclaimed, This is a fine reward which you are receiving from the Thebans for giving them lessons in fighting when they had no desire to fight, and no knowledge even of fighting! For, as a fact, they say that the Thebans at that time were more warlike than they had ever been before, owing to the many campaigns of the Spartans against them.⁷² It was for this reason that Lycurgus of old, in his so-called Decrees, forbade campaigning frequently against the same peoples, so that these should not learn to make war.⁷³

[72] When he heard once that the allies had come to be disaffected because of the continual campaigning (for they in great numbers followed the Spartans who were but few), wishing to bring their numbers to the proof, he gave orders that the allies all sit down together indiscriminately and the Spartans separately by themselves; and then, through the herald, he commanded the potters to stand up first; and when these had done so, he commanded the smiths to stand up next, and then the carpenters in turn, and the builders, and each of the other trades. As a result, pretty nearly all of the allies stood up, but of the Spartans not a single one; for there was a prohibition against their practising or learning any menial calling. And so Agesilaus, with a laugh, said, You see, men, how many more soldiers we send out than you do.⁷⁴

[73] In the battle of Leuctra many Spartans ran away to escape the enemy, and these were liable to disgrace as provided by the law. The Ephors, seeing the State bereft of men when it was in great need of soldiers, wished to do away with the disgrace, and also to observe the laws. Accordingly they chose Agesilaus as lawgiver; and he, coming into the public meeting, said, I would not become a lawgiver to enact another set of laws, for in the present laws I would make no addition, subtraction, or revision. It is good that our present laws be in full force, beginning with the morrow.⁷⁵

[74] Although Epameinondas came on with such an overwhelming tide,⁷⁶and the Thebans and their allies were boasting mightily over the victory, nevertheless Agesilaus kept him out of the city and made him turn back, although the number of persons in the city was very small.⁷⁷

[75] In the battle of Mantineia he urged the Spartans to pay no attention to any of the others, but to fight against Epameinondas, for he said that only men of intelligence are valiant and may be counted upon to bring victory; if, therefore, they could make away with that one man, they would very easily reduce the others to subjection; for these were unintelligent and worthless. And so it came to pass. For while the victory rested with Epameinondas, and the rout of the enemy was complete, as he turned and was cheering on his men, one of the Spartans struck him a fatal blow; and when he had fallen, Agesilaus’s men, rallying from their flight, made the victory hang in the balance, and the Thebans showed themselves far inferior, and the Spartans far superior.

[76] When Sparta was in need of money for war, and was supporting a mercenary force, Agesilaus set out for Egypt, having been summoned by the king of the Egyptians for a goodly remuneration. But because of the simplicity of his clothes he came into contempt among the people there; for they had been expecting that they should see the king of Sparta, like the king of Persia, with his person magnificently apparelled-a sorry opinion for them to hold regarding kings. At any rate, he showed them, before they were done with him, that the proper way to acquire greatness and distinction is by understanding and manly virtues.⁷⁸

[77] When he saw that his men were on the point of capitulating, for fear of the oncoming danger because of the vast number of the enemy (two hundred thousand) and the small number with him, he determined, before drawing up the battle-line, to forestall this by a plan unknown to the others. And upon his hand he wrote the word victory with the letters turned towards the left. Then, as he received the liver from the priest, he placed it on the hand which had the writing upon it. Holding it for rather a long time, he showed perplexity, and kept up a pretence of not knowing what to do, until the marks of the letters had been taken up by the liver and imprinted upon it. Then he exhibited it to those who with him were to engage in the struggle, saying that the gods through the letters had revealed victory. So his men, feeling that they had a sure sign that they were to overcome the enemy, became bold for the battle.⁷⁹

[78] While the enemy were digging a ditch to surround his position (as they could do by reason of their vast numbers), and Nectanabis, with whom he was allied, was insistent upon a sortie and a decisive battle, Agesilaus said that he would not hinder the enemy in their desire to put themselves on equal terms with the defenders. And when the trench lacked but little of completion, he drew up his men in the open space between the ends, and, fighting with equal numbers against equal numbers, he routed the enemy with great slaughter by means of few soldiers with him, and sent home much money for the State.⁸⁰

[79] On his way home from Egypt death came to him, and in his last hours he gave directions to those with him that they should not cause to be made any sculptured or painted or imitative representation of his person. For if I have done any goodly deed, that shall be my memorial; but if not, then not all the statues in the world, the works of menial and worthless men, will avail.⁸¹

Apophthegmata Laconica. Plutarch. Frank Cole Babbitt (Translator). Cambridge, MA. 1931.

Sponsored by Perseus Project, Tufts University.

Funding provided by The National Endowment for the Humanities.

Current edition Perseus

Sayings of Spartans (English) (Plutarch. Moralia, Vol. III. Babbitt, Frank Cole, translator. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press; London: William Heinemann Ltd., 1931 (printing).)

Editions (2)

Ἀποφθέγματα Λακωνικά Perseus (Plutarch. Moralia, Vol. III. Babbitt, Frank Cole, editor. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press; London: William Heinemann Ltd., 1931 (printing).) — 2 focus

Ἀγησιλάου τοῦ Μεγάλου

[1] Ἀγησίλαος ὁ μέγας παρὰ πότον ποτὲ λαχὼν συμποσίαρχος, ἐρωτηθεὶς ὑπὸ τοῦ οἰνοχόου πόσον 208c ἑκάστῳ προσφέρῃ, ἔφη,¹ εἰ μὲν πολὺς οἶνός ἐστι παρεσκευασμένος, ὅσον ἕκαστος αἰτεῖ· εἰ δὲ ὀλίγος, ἐξ ἴσου δίδου πᾶσιν.

[2] κακούργου δέ τινος ἐμμόνως ὑπομείναντος βασάνους, ὡς σφόδρα πονηρός, εἶπεν, ἅνθρωπος,² εἰς μοχθηρὰ καὶ αἰσχρὰ πράγματα τὴν ὑπομονὴν καὶ καρτερίαν κατατιθέμενος.

[3] ἐπαινοῦντος δέ τινος ῥήτορα ἐπὶ τῷ δυνατῶς αὔξειν τὰ μικρὰ πράγματα, οὐδὲ σκυτοτόμον, ἔφησεν, εἶναι σπουδαῖον, ὃς μικρῷ ποδὶ ὑποδήματα μεγάλα περιτίθησιν.

[4] φαμένου δὲ τινός ποτε πρὸς αὐτόν, ὡμολόγηκας, καὶ πολλάκις τὸ αὐτὸ λέγοντος, ναὶ δῆτα, 208d εἴ γʼ ἐστὶ δίκαιον, ἔφη, εἰ δὲ μή, ἔλεξα μέν, ὡμολόγησα δὲ οὔ. ἐπειπόντος δέ, ἀλλὰ μὴν δεῖ τοὺς βασιλεῖς ἐπιτελεῖν ʼ ὅ τι κεν κεφαλῇ κατανεύσωσιν,ʼ οὐ μᾶλλον, ἔφη, ἢ τοὺς προσιόντας τοῖς βασιλεῦσιν αἰτεῖσθαι δεῖ τὰ δίκαια καὶ λέγειν, στοχαζομένους τε τοῦ καιροῦ καὶ τοῦ ἁρμόζοντος τοῖς βασιλεῦσιν.

[5] ὁπότε δὲ ψεγόντων ἢ ἐπαινούντων τινῶν ἀκούοι, οὐχ ἧττον ᾤετο δεῖν καταμανθάνειν τοὺς τῶν λεγόντων τρόπους ἢ περὶ ὧν λέγοιεν.

[6] ἔτι δὲ παῖδα αὐτὸν ὄντα, γυμνοπαιδίας ἀγομένης, ὁ χοροποιὸς ἔστησεν εἰς ἄσημον τόπον ὁ δὲ ἐπείσθη καίπερ ἤδη βασιλεὺς ἀποδεδειγμένος 208e καὶ εἶπεν εὖγε· δείξω γὰρ ὅτι οὐχ οἱ τόποι τοὺς ἄνδρας ἐντίμους, ἀλλʼ οἱ ἄνδρες τοὺς τόπους ἐπιδεικνύουσιν.³

[7] προστάττοντος δέ τινος αὐτῷ ἰατροῦ περιεργοτέραν θεραπείαν καὶ οὐχ ἁπλῆν,⁴ νὴ τὼ θεώ,⁵ φησίν, οὐ πάντως μοι πρόκειται ζῆν οὐδὲ πάντα ἀναδέχομαι.

[8] ἐφεστὼς δέ ποτε τῷ βωμῷ τῆς Χαλκιοίκου βουθυτῶν, ἐπειδὴ φθεὶρ αὐτὸν ἔδακεν, οὐ διετράπη λαβὼν δὲ περιφανῶς ἐναντίον πάντων ἀπέκτεινε, προσειπών, νὴ τοὺς θεοὺς ἡδέως τὸν ἐπίβουλον καὶ ἐπὶ τῷ βωμῷ.

[9] 208f ἄλλοτε ἰδὼν μῦν ἑλκόμενον ἐκ θυρίδος ὑπὸ παιδαρίου κρατοῦντος, ἐπεὶ ὁ μῦς ἐπιστραφεὶς ἔδακε τὴν χεῖρα τοῦ κρατοῦντος καὶ ἔφυγεν, ἐπιδείξας τοῖς παροῦσιν εἶπεν, ὅταν τὸ ἐλάχιστον ζῷον οὕτως ἀμύνηται τοὺς ἀδικοῦντας, τί τοὺς ἄνδρας προσήκει ποιεῖν λογίζεσθε.

[10] βουλόμενος δὲ τὸν πρὸς τὸν Πέρσην συστήσασθαι πόλεμον ἕνεκα τοῦ ἐλευθερῶσαι τοὺς ἐν τῇ Ἀσίᾳ Ἕλληνας, τῷ κατὰ Δωδήνην Διὸς ἐχρήσατο μαντείῳ κελεύσαντος δέ,⁶ τὸ χρησθὲν ἀνήγγειλε τοῖς 209a ἐφόροις· οἱ δὲ ἐκέλευσαν αὐτὸν καὶ εἰς Δελφοὺς ἀφικόμενον περὶ τῶν αὐτῶν πυνθάνεσθαι. πορευθεὶς οὖν εἰς τὸ μαντεῖον ἐπηρώτησεν οὕτως, Ἄπολλον, ἦ δοκεῖ σοι ὃ καὶ τῷ πατρί; συναινέσαντος δέ, αἱρεθεὶς οὕτως ἐστρατεύσατο.

[11] ἐπεὶ δὲ Τισσαφέρνης ἐν ἀρχῇ μὲν φοβηθεὶς τὸν Ἀγησίλαον ἐποιήσατο σπονδὰς, τὰς πόλεις αὐτῷ τὰς Ἑλληνικὰς ἀφήσειν αὐτονόμους βασιλέα, μεταπεμψάμενος δὲ παρὰ τοῦ βασιλέως πολὺ στράτευμα πόλεμον κατήγγειλεν αὐτῷ, εἰ μὴ ἀπίοι τῆς Ἀσίας, ἄσμενος τὴν παράβασιν δεξάμενος 209b ὥρμησε μὲν ὡς ἐπὶ Καρίαν προάξων ἐκεῖ δὲ τὴν δύναμιν τοῦ Τισσαφέρνους ἀθροίσαντος, ἄρας εἰς Φρυγίαν ἐνέβαλε· καὶ λαβὼν πόλεις πλείστας καὶ χρημάτων πλῆθος, ἔφη τοῖς φίλοις, ἐπισπεισάμενον μὲν ἀδικεῖν⁷ ἀσεβές, τοὺς δὲ πολεμίους παραλογίζεσθαι οὐ μόνον δίκαιον καὶ ἐπίδοξον, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἡδὺ καὶ κερδαλέον.

[12] τοῖς δʼ ἱππεῦσιν ἐλαττωθεὶς ἀνεχώρησεν εἰς Ἔφεσον καὶ τοῖς εὐπόροις προεῖπε παρέχειν ἵππον⁸ ἀνθʼ ἑαυτοῦ καὶ ἄνδρα, ἀπολυόμενον⁹ τῆς στρατείας· ὥστε ταχὺ συνήχθησαν καὶ ἵπποι καὶ 209c ἄνδρες ἐπιτήδειοι ἀντὶ δειλῶν καὶ πλουσίων. καὶ τὸν Ἀγαμέμνονα ἔφη ζηλοῦν καὶ γὰρ ἐκεῖνον θήλειαν ἵππον ἀγαθὴν λαβόντα κακὸν ἄνδρα καὶ πλούσιον τῆς στρατείας ἀπολῦσαι.

[13] ἐπεὶ δὲ κελεύσαντος αὐτοῦ τοὺς αἰχμαλώτους γυμνοὺς πωλεῖν ἐπίπρασκον οἱ λαφυροπῶλαι, καὶ τῆς μὲν ἐσθῆτος ἦσαν ὠνηταὶ πολλοί, τῶν δὲ σωμάτων λευκῶν καὶ ἁπαλῶν παντάπασι διὰ τὰς σκιατραφίας κατεγέλων ὡς ἀχρήστων καὶ μηδενὸς ἀξίων, ἐπιστὰς ὁ Ἀγησίλαος, ταῦτα μέν, εἶπεν, ὑπὲρ ὧν μάχεσθε, οὗτοι δὲ οἷς μάχεσθε.¹⁰

[14] τρεψάμενος δὲ περὶ Λυδίαν Τισσαφέρνην 209d καὶ πλείστους ἀνελών, κατέτρεχε τῆς βασιλέως χώρας. τούτου δὲ χρήματα αὐτῷ προσπέμψαντος καὶ ἀξιοῦντος διαλύσασθαι τὸν πόλεμον, ὁ Ἀγησίλαος τῆς μὲν εἰρήνης ἔφη τὴν πόλιν εἶναι κυρίαν, τοὺς δὲ στρατιώτας πλουτίζων ἥδεσθαι μᾶλλον ἢ αὐτὸς πλουτῶν καλὸν δὲ νομίζειν Ἕλληνας οὐ δῶρα λαμβάνειν ἀπὸ τῶν πολεμίων, ἀλλὰ λάφυρα κτᾶσθαι.

[15] Μεγαβάτου δὲ τοῦ Σπιθριδάτου παιδός, ὃς ἦν κάλλιστος τὴν μορφήν, προσελθόντος αὐτῷ ὡς ἀσπασομένου καὶ φιλήσοντος διὰ τὸ σφόδρα δοκεῖν ἀγαπᾶσθαι, ἐξέκλινεν ὡς δʼ ἐπαύσατο ἐκεῖνος προσιών, ἐπεζήτησεν αὐτὸν ὁ Ἀγησίλαος· τῶν δὲ φίλων φαμένων ὡς αὐτὸς εἴη αἴτιος τρέσας τὸ 209e τοῦ καλοῦ ἐντὸς¹¹ φιλήματος ἐλθεῖν, κἂν¹² μὴ ἀποδειλιᾷ,¹³ ἥξειν ἐκεῖνον, χρόνον οὐκ ὀλίγον πρὸς αὑτῷ γενόμενος ὁ Ἀγησίλαος καὶ διασιωπήσας οὐδέν, ἔφη, δεῖ¹⁴ πείθειν ἐκεῖνον ἡμᾶς¹⁵· ἐγὼ γάρ μοι δοκῶ τῶν τοιούτων βούλεσθαι ἐπάνω εἶναι, ἢ τὴν εὐανδροτάτην τῶν ἀντιτεταγμένων πόλιν κατὰ κράτος ἑλεῖν ἄμεινον γὰρ ἑαυτῷ φυλάττειν τὴν ἐλευθερίαν τοῦ ἑτέρων ἀφαιρεῖσθαι.

[16] τὰ δὲ ἄλλα ἀκριβὴς ὢν καὶ νόμιμος, ἐν τοῖς φιλικοῖς πράγμασιν ἐνόμιζε πρόφασιν εἶναι τὸ λίαν δίκαιον πρὸς αὐτούς. φέρεται γοῦν ἐπιστόλιον 209f αὐτοῦ παραιτουμένου τινὰ τῶν φίλων πρὸς Ἱδριέα τὸν Κᾶρα, οὕτω· Νικίας εἰ μὲν οὐκ ἀδικεῖ, ἄφες· εἰ δὲ ἀδικεῖ, ἐμοὶ ἄφες· πάντως δὲ ἄφες.

[17] ἐν μὲν οὖν τοῖς πλείστοις ὑπὲρ τῶν φίλων τοιοῦτος ὁ Ἀγησίλαος· ἔστι δὲ ὅπου πρὸς τὸ συμφέρον ἐχρῆτο τῷ καιρῷ μᾶλλον. ἀναζυγῆς γοῦν ποτε γενομένης θορυβωδεστέρας, ἀσθενοῦντα καταλιπὼν τὸν ἐρώμενον, ἐκείνου δεομένου καὶ ἀνακαλοῦντος μετὰ δακρύων αὐτόν, ἐπιστραφεὶς εἶπεν ὡς χαλεπόν ἐστιν ἐλεεῖν ἅμα καὶ φρονεῖν.ʼ

[18] δίαιταν δὲ τὴν περὶ τὸ σῶμα οὐδὲν ἀμείνονα τῶν συνόντων εἶχε, κόρου μὲν καὶ μέθης τὸ παράπαν ἀπεχόμενος, ὕπνῳ δὲ οὐ δεσπότῃ ἀλλʼ ἀρχομένῳ 210a ὑπὸ τῶν πράξεων χρώμενος· πρὸς δὲ θάλπος οὕτω καὶ ψῦχος εἶχεν, ὥστε μόνος ἀεὶ χρῆσθαι ταῖς ὥραις· ἐν μέσοις δὲ τοῖς στρατιώταις σκηνῶν οὐδενὸς ἀμείνονα κοίτην εἶχεν.

[19] διετέλει δὲ λέγων τὸν ἄρχοντα προσήκειν οὐ μαλακίᾳ καρτερίᾳ δὲ καὶ ἀνδρείᾳ δὴ¹⁶ τῶν ἰδιωτῶν περιεῖναι.

[20] πυθομένου γοῦν τινος τί περιεποίησαν οἱ Λυκούργου νόμοι τῇ Σπάρτῃ, καταφρονεῖν, ἔφη, τῶν ἡδονῶν.

[21] πρὸς δε τὸν ἐπιθαυμάζοντα τὴν μετριότητα τῆς ἐσθῆτος καὶ τῆς τροφῆς αὐτοῦ τε καὶ τῶν ἄλλων Λακεδαιμονίων ἀντὶ ταύτης, ἔφη, τῆς διαίτης, ὦ ξένε, τὴν ἐλευθερίαν ἀμώμεθα.¹⁷

[22] 210b ἄλλου δὲ προτρεπομένου ἀνίεσθαι καὶ λέγοντος διὰ τὸ τῆς τύχης ἄδηλον μήποτε καιρὸς τούτου γένηται, ἀλλʼ ἐγώ, εἶπεν, ἐμαυτὸν ἐθίζω μελετῶν¹⁸ ὥστʼ ἐν μηδεμιᾷ μεταβολῇ μεταβολὴν ζητεῖν.

[23] καὶ πρεσβύτης δὲ γενόμενος τῇ αὐτῇ ἀγωγῇ ἐχρῆτο· πρὸς οὖν τὸν πυθόμενον δι’ ὅ τι σφοδροῦ χειμῶνος ὄντος ἀχίτων περιέρχεται εἰς τοῦτο ἡλικίας ἥκων, ἵνα, ἔφη, οἱ νέοι μιμῶνται, παράδειγμα ἔχοντες τοὺς πρεσβυτάτους καὶ ἄρχοντας.ʼ ʼ

[24] Θάσιοι δὲ τὴν χώραν αὐτῶν διαπορευομένῳ μετὰ τοῦ στρατεύματος ἄλφιτα καὶ χῆνας καὶ 210c τραγήματα καὶ μελίπηκτα καὶ ἄλλα παντοδαπὰ βρώματά τε καὶ πώματα¹⁹ πολυτελῆ ἔπεμψαν· μόνα δὲ τὰ ἄλφιτα δεξάμενος τὰ λοιπὰ ἀπάγειν ἐκέλευσεν ὀπίσω τοὺς κεκομικότας,²⁰ ὡς οὐδὲν αὐτοῖς ὄντα χρήσιμα. λιπαρούντων δὲ καὶ δεομένων πάντως λαβεῖν, ἐκέλευσεν αὐτὰ τοῖς εἵλωσι διαδοῦναι.²¹ πυθομένων δὲ τὴν αἰτίαν, ἔφη, τοὺς ἀνδραγαθίαν ἀσκοῦντας τὰς τοιαύτας λιχνείας οὐχ ἁρμόζει προσίεσθαι· τὰ γὰρ δελεάζοντα τοὺς ἀνδραποδώδεις τῶν ἐλευθέρων ἀλλότρια.

[25] πάλιν δὲ τῶν Θασίων διὰ τὸ δοκεῖν μεγάλως 210d ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ εὐεργετῆσθαι, ναοῖς αὐτὸν καὶ ἀποθεώσεσι²² τιμησάντων, καὶ περὶ τούτου πρεσβείαν ἀποστειλάντων, ἀναγνοὺς τὰς τιμάς, ἃς αὐτῷ προσήνεγκαν οἱ πρέσβεις, ἠρώτησεν εἰ ἡ πατρὶς αὐτῶν ἀποθεοῦν ἀνθρώπους δύναται· φαμένων δέ, ἄγετʼ, ἔφη, ποιήσατε πρώτους ἑαυτοὺς θεοὺς²³· καὶ τοῦτʼ ἂν πράξητε, τότε πιστεύσω ὑμῖν ὅτι κἀμὲ δυνήσεσθε θεὸν ποιῆσαι.

[26] τῶν δὲ ἐπὶ τῆς Ἀσίας Ἑλληνικῶν ἐθνῶν ψηφισαμένων ἐν ταῖς ἐπιφανεστάταις πόλεσιν εἰκόνας ἀνιστᾶν αὐτοῦ, προέγραψεν, ἐμοῦ μηδεμία εἰκὼν ἔστω μηδὲ γραπτὴ μηδὲ πλαστὴ μηδὲ κατασκευαστή.

[27] 210e θεασάμενος δὲ ἐπὶ τῆς Ἀσίας οἰκίαν τετραγώνοις ὠροφωμένην δοκοῖς ἠρώτησε τὸν κεκτημένον εἰ τετράγωνα παρʼ αὐτοῖς φύεται ξύλα· φαμένου δὲ οὔ, ἀλλὰ στρογγύλα, τί οὖν; εἶπεν, εἰ τετράγωνα ἦν, στρογγύλʼ ἂν²⁴ ἐτελεῖτε;

[28] ἐρωτηθεὶς δέ ποτε ἄχρι τίνος εἰσὶν οἱ τῆς Λακωνικῆς ὅροι, τὸ δόρυ κραδάνας εἶπεν ἄχρις οὗ τοῦτο φθάνοι.²⁵

[29] ἄλλου δὲ ἐπιζητοῦντος διὰ τί ἀτείχιστος ἡ Σπάρτη, ἐπιδείξας τοὺς πολίτας ἐξωπλισμένους ταῦτά ἐστιν, εἶπε, τὰ Λακεδαιμονίων τείχη.

[30] ἄλλου δὲ τὸ αὐτὸ ἐπιζητοῦντος, οὐ λίθοις 210f δεῖ καὶ ξύλοις τετειχίσθαι τὰς πόλεις, ἔφη, ταῖς δὲ τῶν ἐνοικούντων ἀρεταῖς.

[31] τοῖς δὲ φίλοις παρήγγειλε μὴ χρήμασιν, ἀνδρείᾳ δὲ καὶ ἀρετῇ σπουδάζειν πλουτεῖν.

[32] ὁπότε δὲ βούλοιτο ἔργον τι ταχέως ὑπὸ τῶν στρατιωτῶν γενέσθαι, αὐτὸς πρῶτος ἐφήπτετο ἐν ὄψει ἁπάντων.

[33] ἐμεγαλύνετο δὲ ἐπὶ τῷ μηδενὸς ἧττον πονεῖν, καὶ ἐπὶ τῷ ἄρχειν ἑαυτοῦ μᾶλλον ἢ ἐπὶ τῷ βασιλεύειν.

[34] θεωρήσας δέ τινα Λάκωνα χωλὸν ἐπὶ πόλεμον ἐξιόντα καὶ ἵππον ζητοῦντος, οὐκ αἰσθάνῃ, ἔφη, ὅτι οὐ φευγόντων ἀλλὰ μενόντων ὁ πόλεμος χρείαν ἔχει;ν

[35] ἐρωτώμενος δὲ πῶς μεγάλην δόξαν περιεποιήσατο, θανάτου καταφρονήσας, ἔφη.

[36] ἐπιζητοῦντος δέ τινος διὰ τί Σπαρτιᾶται 211a μετʼ αὐλῶν ἀγωνίζονται, ἔφη, ἵνʼ, ὅταν πρὸς ῥυθμὸν βαίνωσιν, οἵ τε δειλοὶ καὶ οἱ ἀνδρεῖοι φανεροὶ ὦσιν.

[37] Μακαρίζοντος δέ τινος τὸν Περσῶν βασιλέα νέον ὄντα κομιδῇ, εἶπεν ἀλλʼ οὐδὲ Πρίαμος ταύτην ἔχων τὴν ἡλικίαν ἠτύχησε.

[38] πολλὴν δὲ τῆς Ἀσίας ὑφʼ ἑαυτῷ ποιησάμενος διέγνω χωρεῖν ἐπʼ αὐτὸν βασιλέα, ὅπως παύσῃ σχολὴν αὐτὸν ἄγοντα καὶ διαφθείροντα τοὺς τῶν Ἑλλήνων δημαγωγούς.

[39] μεταπεμφθεὶς δὲ ὑπὸ τῶν ἐφόρων ἕνεκα τῆς τοῦ περιεστηκότος τὴν Σπάρτην Ἑλληνικοῦ πολέμου αἰτίας διὰ τὰ ὑπὸ τοῦ²⁶ Πέρσου διαπεμφθέντα χρήματα, εἰπὼν τὸν ἀγαθὸν ἄρχοντα δεῖν ὑπὸ τῶν 211b νόμων ἄρχεσθαι, ἀπέπλευσε τῆς Ἀσίας πολὺν ἑαυτοῦ πόθον τοῖς ἐνταῦθα Ἕλλησι καταλιπών.

[40] τοῦ δὲ Περσικοῦ νομίσματος χάραγμα τοξότην ἔχοντος, ἀναζευγνύων ἔφη τρισμυρίοις τοξόταις ὑπὸ τοῦ βασιλέως ἐξελαύνεσθαι τῆς Ἀσίας τοσούτων γὰρ εἰς Ἀθήνας καὶ Θήβας κομισθέντων διὰ Τιμοκράτους χρυσῶν δαρεικῶν καὶ διαδοθέντων τοῖς δημαγωγοῖς, ἐξεπολεμώθησαν δῆμοι πρὸς τοὺς Σπαρτιάτας.²⁷

[41] καὶ ἀντέγραψε τοῖς ἐφόροις ἐπιστολὴν τήνδε,

Ἀγησίλαος τοῖς ἐφόροις χαίρειν

τὰν πολλὰν τᾶς Ἀσίας κατεστρεψάμεθα, καὶ τὼς βαρβάρως ἐλάσαμες, καὶ ἐν τᾷ Ἰωνίᾳ ὅπλα 211c ἐποιήσαμες πολλά· ἐπεὶ δὲ κέλεσθέ με κατὰ τὰν προθεσμίαν παραγίνεσθαι, ἕπομαι τᾷ ἐπιστολᾷ, σχεδὸν δʼ αὐτὰν καὶ φθάσω· ἄρχω γὰρ οὐκ ἐμαυτῷ ἀρχάν, ἀλλὰ τᾷ πόλει καὶ τοῖς συμμάχοις· καὶ τότε ἄρχων ἄρχει ἀλαθέως κατὰ δίκαν, ὅταν καὶ ἄρχηται ὑπό τε νόμων καὶ ἐφόρων ἢ οἷοι ἂν ἄλλοι ἐν πόλει ἄρχοντες ὦσιν.

[42] ὡς δὲ διαβὰς τὸν Ἑλλήσποντον ἐβάδιζε διὰ τῆς Θρᾴκης, ἐδεήθη μὲν οὐδενὸς τῶν βαρβάρων, πέμπων δὲ πρὸς ἑκάστους ἐπυνθάνετο πότερον 211d ὡς φιλίαν ἢ ὡς πολεμίαν διαπορεύηται τὴν χώραν. οἱ μὲν οὖν ἄλλοι φιλικῶς ἐδέχοντο καὶ παρέπεμπον· οἱ δὲ καλούμενοι Τραλλεῖς,²⁸ οἷς καὶ Ξέρξης, ὡς λέγεται, ἔδωκε²⁹ δῶρα, τῆς διόδου μισθὸν ᾔτουν τὸν Ἀγησίλαον ἑκατὸν ἀργυρίου τάλαντα καὶ γυναῖκας τοσαύτας· ὁ δὲ κατειρωνευσάμενος αὐτοὺς καὶ φήσας τί οὖν οὐκ εὐθὺς ἦλθον ληψόμενοι, προῆγε καὶ συμβαλὼν αὐτοῖς παρατεταγμένοις τρεψάμενος καὶ διαφθείρας πολλοὺς διῆλθεν.

[43] τῷ δὲ τῶν Μακεδόνων βασιλεῖ τὸ αὐτὸ ἐρώτημα προσέπεμψε· φήσαντος δʼ ἐκείνου βουλεύσεσθαι,³⁰ βουλευέσθω τοίνυν, εἶπεν, ἡμεῖς δὲ πορευσόμεθα. θαυμάσας οὖν τὴν τόλμαν καὶ δείσας ἐκέλευσεν ὡς φίλον προάγειν.³¹

[44] 211e τῶν δὲ Θετταλῶν τοῖς πολεμίοις συμμαχούντων, ἐπόρθει τὴν χώραν εἰς δὲ Λάρισαν³² ἔπεμψε Ξενοκλέα καὶ Σκύθην περὶ φιλίας· συλληφθέντων δὲ τούτων καὶ παραφυλαττομένων, οἱ μὲν ἄλλοι βαρέως φέροντες ᾤοντο δεῖν τὸν Ἀγησίλαον περιστρατοπεδεύσαντα πολιορκεῖν τὴν Λάρισαν³³· ὁ δὲ φήσας οὐκ ἂν ἐθελῆσαι Θετταλίαν ὅλην λαβεῖν ἀπολέσας τῶν ἀνδρῶν τὸν ἕτερον ὑποσπόνδους αὐτοὺς ἀπέλαβεν.

[45] 211f πυθόμενος δὲ μάχην γεγονέναι περὶ Κόρινθον, καὶ Σπαρτιατῶν μὲν παντάπασιν ὀλίγους τεθνάναι, Κορινθίων δὲ καὶ Ἀθηναίων καὶ τῶν ἄλλων συμμάχων αὐτοῖς παμπόλλους, οὐκ ὤφθη περιχαρὴς οὐδʼ ἐπηρμένος τῇ νίκῃ, ἀλλὰ καὶ πάνυ βαρὺ στενάξας, φεῦ τᾶς³⁴ Ἑλλάδος, ἔφη, ἃ³⁵ τοσούτους ὑφʼ αὑτᾶς ἀπολώλεκεν, ὅσοις ἀρκεῖ τὼς βαρβάρως νικᾶν ἅπαντας.

[46] Φαρσαλίων δὲ προσκειμένων καὶ κακουργούντων³⁶ αὐτοῦ τὸ στράτευμα, πεντακοσίοις ἱππεῦσι τρεψάμενος αὐτοὺς τρόπαιον ἔστησεν ὑπὸ τῷ Ναρθακίῳ· καὶ τὴν νίκην ἐκείνην πάντων ὑπερηγάπησεν, ὅτι συστησάμενος τὸ ἱππικὸν αὐτὸς διʼ ἑαυτοῦ, τούτῳ μόνῳ τοὺς μέγιστον ἐφʼ ἱππικῇ φρονοῦντας ἐκράτησεν.

[47] 212a Διφρίδα δὲ οἴκοθεν ἀπαγγείλαντος αὐτῷ εὐθὺς ἐκ παρόδου ἐμβαλεῖν εἰς τὴν Βοιωτίαν, καίτοι ἐκ μείζονος παρασκευῆς ὕστερον τοῦτο ποιῆσαι διανοούμενος, οὐκ ἀπειθήσας τοῖς ἄρχουσι, μεταπεμψάμενος δύο μόρας³⁷ τῶν περὶ Κόρινθον στρατευομένων ἐπέβη τῆς Βοιωτίας. καὶ συμβαλὼν ἐν Κορωνείᾳ Θηβαίοις Ἀθηναίοις Ἀργείοις Κορινθίοις Λοκροῖς ἀμφοτέροις ἐνίκησε, καίτοι ὑπὸ πολλῶν τραυμάτων κακῶς τὸ σῶμα διακείμενος, τὴν μεγίστην μάχην, ὥς φησι Ξενοφῶν, τῶν καθʼ ἑαυτὸν γενομένων.

[48] οὐδὲν δὲ τῶν περὶ τὸν βίον καὶ τὴν δίαιταν διὰ τὰς τοσαύτας εὐτυχίας καὶ νίκας ἤλλαξεν οἴκαδʼ ἐπανελθών.

[49] 212b ὁρῶν δʼ ἐνίους τῶν πολιτῶν ἀπὸ ἱπποτροφίας δοκοῦντας εἶναί τινας καὶ μεγαλοφρονοῦντας ἔπεισε τὴν ἀδελφὴν Κυνίσκαν ἅρμα καθεῖσαν³⁸ Ὀλυμπίασιν ἀγωνίσασθαι, βουλόμενος ἐνδείξασθαι τοῖς Ἕλλησιν ὡς οὐδεμιᾶς ἐστιν ἀρετῆς πλούτου δὲ καὶ δαπάνης τὰ τοιαῦτα.

[50] Ξενοφῶντα δὲ τὸν σοφὸν ἔχων μεθʼ ἑαυτοῦ σπουδαζόμενον ἐκέλευε τοὺς παῖδας ἐν Λακεδαίμονι τρέφειν μεταπεμψάμενον, ὡς³⁹ τὸ κάλλιστον τῶν μαθημάτων παιδευθησομένους, ἄρχειν τε καὶ ἄρχεσθαι.

[51] 212c ἄλλοτε δʼ ἐρωτώμενος διὰ τί μάλιστα παρὰ τοὺς ἄλλους εὐδαιμονοῦσιν οἱ Σπαρτιᾶται, διότι, εἶπε, παρὰ τοὺς ἄλλους ἀσκοῦσιν ἄρχειν τε καὶ ἄρχεσθαι.

[52] Λυσάνδρου δὲ τελευτήσαντος, εὑρὼν ἑταιρείαν πολλὴν συνεστῶσαν, ἣν ἐκεῖνος εὐθὺς ἐπανελθὼν ἀπὸ τῆς Ἀσίας συνέστησεν ἐπὶ τὸν Ἀγησίλαον, ὥρμησεν αὐτὸν ἐξελέγχειν οἷος ἦν ζῶν πολίτης. καὶ λόγον ἀναγνοὺς ἐν βιβλίῳ ἀπολελειμμένον, ὃν ἔγραψε μὲν Κλέων ὁ Ἁλικαρνασσεύς, ἔμελλε δὲ λέγειν ἀναλαβὼν ὁ Λύσανδρος ἐν τῷ δήμῳ περὶ πραγμάτων καινῶν καὶ μεταστάσεως τοῦ πολιτεύματος 212d , ἠθέλησεν εἰς μέσον ἐξενεγκεῖν· ἐπεὶ δέ τις τῶν γερόντων τὸν λόγον διελθὼν⁴⁰ καὶ φοβηθεὶς τὴν δεινότητα συνεβούλευσε μὴ τὸν Λύσανδρον ἀνορύττειν, ἀλλὰ τὸν λόγον μᾶλλον αὐτῷ συγκατορύττειν, ἐπείσθη καὶ ἡσύχασεν.

[53] τοὺς δὲ ὑπεναντιουμένους αὐτῷ φανερῶς μὲν οὐκ ἐτάραττε· διαπραττόμενος δὲ πέμπεσθαί⁴¹ τινας ἀεὶ στρατηγοὺς καὶ ἄρχοντας ἐξ αὐτῶν ἐπεδείκνυε γενομένους ἐν ταῖς ἐξουσίαις πονηροὺς καὶ πλεονέκτας· εἶτα κρινομένοις πάλιν αὖ βοηθῶν καὶ συναγωνιζόμενος οἰκείους ἐποιεῖτο καὶ μεθίστη πρὸς ἑαυτόν, ὥστε οὐδένα ἀντίπαλον εἶναι.

[54] 212e ἐδεήθη τις αὐτοῦ γράψαι πρὸς τοὺς ἐπʼ Ἀσίας ξένους, ὅπως τύχῃ τοῦ δικαίου· ἀλλʼ οἱ ἐμοὶ ξένοι, εἶπε, τὰ δίκαια διʼ ἑαυτῶν, κἂν ἐγὼ μὴ γράψω, ποιοῦσιν.

[55] ἐπεδείκνυέ τις αὐτῷ τῆς πόλεως τὸ τεῖχος ὀχυρὸν καὶ καρτερῶς ἄγαν ἐξῳκοδομημένον, καὶ ἠρώτα εἰ καλὸν αὐτῷ φαίνεται· νὴ Δία, ἔφη. καλὸν οὐχ ὡς ἀνδράσι δὲ ἀλλʼ ὡς γυναιξὶν ἐνοικεῖν.

[56] Μεγαρέως δέ τινος περὶ τῆς πόλεως πρὸς αὐτὸν μεγαλαυχουμένου, μειράκιον, ἔφη, οἱ λόγοι σου πολλῆς δυνάμεως δέονται.

[57] 212f ἃ δὲ τοὺς ἄλλους ἑώρα θαυμάζοντας ἐδόκει μηδὲ γινώσκειν. καί ποτε Καλλιππίδης ὁ τῶν τραγῳδιῶν ὑποκριτής, ὄνομα καὶ δόξαν ἔχων ἐν τοῖς Ἕλλησι καὶ σπουδαζόμενος ὑπὸ πάντων, πρῶτον μὲν ἀπήντησεν αὐτῷ καὶ προσεῖπεν, ἔπειτα σοβαρῶς εἰς τοὺς συμπεριπατοῦντας ἐμβαλὼν ἑαυτόν, ἐπεδείκνυτο νομίζων ἐκεῖνον ἄρξειν⁴² τινὸς φιλοφρονήσεως· τέλος δὲ εἶπεν, οὐκ ἐπιγιγνώσκεις με, ὦ βασιλεῦ, οὐδʼ ἤκουσας ὅστις εἰμί; ὁ ο Ἀγησίλαος ἀποβλέψας εἰς αὐτὸν εἶπεν,⁴³ ἀλλʼ οὐ τύ ἐσσι Καλλιππίδας ὁ δεικηλίκτας; οὕτω δὲ Λακεδαιμόνιοι τοὺς μίμους καλοῦσιν.

[58] τοῦ δὲ μιμουμένου τὴν τῆς ἀηδόνος φωνὴν ἀκοῦσαι παρακαλούμενος παρῃτήσατο φήσας αὐτᾶς ἄκουκα πολλάκις.

[59] 213a Μενεκράτους δὲ τοῦ ἰατροῦ, ἐπεὶ κατατυχὼν ἔν τισιν ἀπεγνωσμέναις θεραπείαις Ζεὺς ἐπεκλήθη, φορτικῶς ταύτῃ χρωμένου τῇ προσωνυμίᾳ, καὶ δὴ πρὸς τὸν Ἀγησίλαον ἐπιστεῖλαι τολμήσαντος οὕτω,

Μενεκράτης Ζεὺς Ἀγησιλάῳ βασιλεῖ χαίρειν, οὐκ ἀναγνοὺς τὰ λοιπὰ ἀντέγραψε,

βασιλεὺς Ἀγησίλαος Μενεκράτει ὑγιαίνειν.

[60] 213b ἐπεὶ δὲ Κόνων καὶ Φαρνάβαζος τῷ βασιλέως ναυτικῷ θαλαττοκρατοῦντες ἐπολιόρκουν τὰ παράλια τῆς Λακωνικῆς, ἐτειχίσθη δὲ τὸ ἄστυ τῶν Ἀθηναίων Φαρναβάζου χρήματα δόντος, εἰρήνην ἐποιήσαντο Λακεδαιμόνιοι πρὸς βασιλέα· καὶ πέμπουσι πολίτην Ἀνταλκίδαν πρὸς Τιρίβαζον,⁴⁴ τοὺς ἐν τῇ Ἀσίᾳ Ἕλληνας, ὑπὲρ ὧν ἐπολέμησεν Ἀγησίλαος, βασιλεῖ παραδιδόντες. ὅθεν δὴ ἥκιστα⁴⁵ συνέβη τῆς κακοδοξίας ταύτης Ἀγησιλάῳ μετασχεῖν· ὁ γὰρ Ἀνταλκίδας ἐχθρὸς ἦν αὐτῷ, καὶ τὴν εἰρήνην ἐξ ἅπαντος ἔπραττεν, ὡς τοῦ πολέμου τὸν Ἀγησίλαον αὔξοντος καὶ ποιοῦντος ἐνδοξότατον καὶ μέγιστον.

[61] οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ πρὸς τὸν εἰπόντα μηδίζειν τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους ἀπεκρίθη μᾶλλον τοὺς Μήδους λακωνίζειν.

[62] 213c ἐρωτηθεὶς δέ ποτε ὁποτέρα βελτίων τῶν ἀρετῶν, ἀνδρεία ἢ δικαιοσύνη, οὐδὲν ὄφελος ἀνδρείας ἔφασκεν εἶναι μὴ παρούσης δικαιοσύνης· εἰ δὲ δίκαιοι πάντες γένοιντο, μηδένʼ ἀνδρείας δεηθήσεσθαι.⁴⁶

[63] εἰθισμένων δὲ τῶν τὴν Ἀσίαν κατοικούντων τὸν Περσῶν βασιλέα μέγαν προσαγορεύειν, τί δαὶ ἐκεῖνος ἐμοῦ μείζων, ἔφη, εἰ μὴ δικαιότερος καὶ σωφρονέστερος;ν

[64] ἔλεγε δὲ τοὺς τὴν Ἀσίαν κατοικοῦντας ἐλευθέρους μὲν κακούς, δούλους δὲ ἀγαθοὺς εἶναι.

[65] ἐρωτηθεὶς δὲ πῶς ἄν τις μάλιστα εὐδοκιμοίη παρʼ ἀνθρώποις, εἰ λέγοι, εἶπε, τὰ ἄριστα, πράττοι δὲ τὰ κάλλιστα.

[66] τὸν δὲ στρατηγὸν δεῖν ἔφασκε πρὸς μὲν τοὺς ἐναντίους τόλμαν, πρὸς δὲ τοὺς ὑποτεταγμένους εὔνοιαν ἔχειν.⁴⁷

[67] 213d ἐπιζητοῦντος δέ τινος τίνα δεῖ μανθάνειν τοὺς παῖδας, ταῦτʼ, εἶπεν, οἷς καὶ ἄνδρες γενόμενοι χρήσονται.

[68] δικάζοντος δέ τινα δίκην αὐτοῦ, καὶ τοῦ μὲν κατηγόρου εὖ εἰρηκότος τοῦ δὲ ἀπολογουμένου φαύλως, λέγοντος δὲ πρὸς ἕκαστα, Ἀγησίλαε, δεῖ τὸν βασιλέα τοῖς νόμοις βοηθεῖν, καὶ τὴν οἰκίαν, ἔφη, εἴ τίς σοι διέσκαπτε καὶ τὸ ἱμάτιον εἰ ἀφῃρεῖτο, προσεδέχου ἂν τὸν οἰκοδόμον ἢ τὸν τὸ ἱμάτιον ὑφάναντα ἐπικουρήσειν σοι;ν

[69] ἐπιστολῆς δὲ αὐτῷ παρὰ τοῦ Περσῶν βασιλέως κομισθείσης, τῆς εἰρήνης γενομένης, ἣν ὁ μετὰ Καλλίου τοῦ Λακεδαιμονίου Πέρσης 213e ἤνεγκε περὶ ξενίας καὶ φιλίας, οὐκ ἔλαβεν εἰπὼν ἀπαγγεῖλαι βασιλεῖ ὡς ἰδίᾳ μὲν πρὸς αὐτὸν οὐδὲν δέοι ἐπιστολὰς πέμπειν ἢν δὲ φίλος τῇ Λακεδαίμονι καὶ τῇ Ἑλλάδι εὔνους ὢν φαίνηται, ὅτι καὶ αὐτὸς φίλος αὐτῷ κατὰ κράτος ἔσοιτο· ἐάν μέντοι ἐπιβουλεύων ἁλίσκηται, μηδʼ ἂν πάνυ πολλὰς δέχωμαι ἐπιστολάς, πιστευέτω φίλον με ἕξειν.

[70] Φιλοτεκνότατος δʼ ὢν διαφερόντως, λέγεται ὅτι μικροῖς τοῖς παιδίοις⁴⁸ κάλαμον περιβεβηκὼς ὥσπερ ἵππον οἴκοι συνέπαιζεν ὀφθεὶς δὲ ὑπό τινος τῶν φίλων παρεκάλει μηδενὶ φράζειν, πρὶν ἂν⁴⁹ καὶ αὐτὸς πατὴρ παίδων γένηται.

[71] 213f συνεχῶς δὲ αὐτοῦ τοῖς Θηβαίοις πολεμοῦντος καὶ τρωθέντος ἐν τῇ μάχῃ, φασὶ τὸν Ἀνταλκίδαν εἰπεῖν, καλὰ τὰ διδασκάλια παρὰ Θηβαίων ἀπολαμβάνεις, μὴ βουλομένους αὐτοὺς μηδʼ ἐπισταμένους μάχεσθαι διδάξας. τῷ γὰρ ὄντι Θηβαίους αὐτοὺς ἑαυτῶν πολεμικωτάτους τότε φασὶ γενέσθαι ταῖς πολλαῖς στρατείαις τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων ἐπʼ αὐτούς. διὸ καὶ Λυκοῦργος ὁ παλαιὸς ἐν ταῖς καλουμέναις Ῥήτραις ἀπεῖπε πολλάκις ἐπὶ τοὺς αὐτοὺς στρατεύειν, ὅπως πολεμεῖν μὴ μανθάνωσιν.

[72] ἐπεὶ δὲ ἤκουσέ ποτε δυσχερᾶναι τοὺς συμ 214a μάχους διὰ τὰς συνεχεῖς στρατείας, ὀλίγοις οὖσι τοῖς Λακεδαιμονίοις πολλοὺς ἀκολουθοῦντας,⁵⁰ ἐλέγξαι βουλόμενος αὐτῶν τὸ πλῆθος ἐκέλευσεν ἅπαντας τοὺς συμμάχους καθίσαι μετʼ ἀλλήλων ἀναμεμιγμένους, ἰδίᾳ δὲ τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους ἐφʼ ἑαυτῶν· εἶτα ἐκήρυττε τοὺς κεραμεῖς ἀνίστασθαι πρώτους, ὡς δὲ ἀνέστησαν οὗτοι, δευτέρους ἐκήρυττε τοὺς χαλκεῖς, εἶτα τέκτονας ἐφεξῆς καὶ οἰκοδόμους, καὶ τῶν ἄλλων τεχνῶν ἑκάστην. πάντες οὖν ὀλίγου δεῖν ἀνέστησαν οἱ σύμμαχοι, τῶν δὲ Λακεδαιμονίων οὐδείς· ἀπείρητο γὰρ αὐτοῖς τέχνην ἐργάζεσθαι ἢ μανθάνειν βάναυσον. οὕτω δὴ γελάσας ὁ Ἀγησίλαος, ὁρᾶτε, εἶπεν, ὦ ἄνδρες, ὅσῳ 214b πλείονας ὑμῶν στρατιώτας ἐκπέμπομεν ἡμεῖς;ν

[73] ἐν δὲ τῇ περὶ Λεῦκτρα μάχῃ, πολλῶν Λακεδαιμονίων φυγόντων καὶ τούτων ταῖς ἐκ τοῦ νόμου ἀτιμίαις⁵¹ ὑπευθύνων ὄντων, οἱ ἔφοροι ἔρημον ἀνδρῶν τὴν πόλιν ὁρῶντες δεομένην στρατιωτῶν ἐβούλοντο τὴν ἀτιμίαν λῦσαι καὶ τοὺς νόμους τηρεῖν. αἱροῦνται οὖν νομοθέτην τὸν Ἀγησίλαον ὁ δὲ προελθὼν εἰς τὸ δημόσιον, νομοθέτης μὲν οὐκ ἂν γενοίμην ἑτέρων νόμων, εἶπε, τοῖς γὰρ οὖσιν οὔτʼ ἂν προσθείην τι οὔτʼ ἂν ἀφέλοιμι οὔτε 214c μεταποιήσαιμι τοὺς δὲ ὄντας ἡμῖν νόμους κυρίους εἶναι καλῶς ἔχον ἐστὶν ἀπὸ τῆς αὔριον.

[74] τὸν δʼ Ἐπαμεινώνδαν ἐπελθόντα μετὰ τοσούτου ῥεύματος καὶ κλύδωνος, τῶν Θηβαίων καὶ συμμάχων μεγαλαυχουμένων ἐπὶ τῇ νίκῃ, ὅμως εἶρξε τῆς πόλεως καὶ ἀναστρέψαι ἐποίησεν, ὀλίγων ὄντων τῶν ἐν τῇ πόλει.

[75] ἐν δὲ τῇ περὶ Μαντίνειαν μάχῃ παρεκελεύσατο τοῖς Λακεδαιμονίοις τοὺς ἄλλους ἐάσαντας πάντας Ἐπαμεινώνδᾳ μάχεσθαι, μόνους λέγων τοὺς ἔμφρονας ἀνδρείους εἶναι καὶ μόνους νίκης αἰτίους ὑπάρχειν εἰ οὖν τοῦτον ἀνέλοιεν,⁵² ῥᾷστα τοὺς ἄλλους ὑποχειρίους ποιήσειν ἄφρονας γὰρ 214d εἶναι καὶ οὐδενὸς ἀξίους. ὃ καὶ συνέβη τῆς γὰρ νίκης σὺν Ἐπαμεινώνδᾳ οὔσης καὶ φυγῆς γενομένης, ἐπιστραφέντα αὐτὸν καὶ ἀνακαλούμενον τοὺς ἰδίους τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων τις καιρίως⁵³ ἐπάταξε, καὶ πεσόντος ἀναστρέψαντες ἀπὸ τῆς φυγῆς οἱ σὺν Ἀγησιλάῳ ἐφάμιλλον τὴν νίκην ἐποίησαν, παρὰ πολὺ μὲν τῶν Θηβαίων χειρόνων, παρὰ πολὺ δὲ τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων ἀμεινόνων φανέντων.

[76] χρημάτων δὲ δεομένης τῆς Σπάρτης πρὸς πόλεμον καὶ ξενοτροφούσης, ἐπορεύθη ὁ Ἀγησίλαος εἰς Αἴγυπτον μεταπεμφθεὶς ὑπὸ τοῦ βασιλέως Αἰγυπτίων ἐπὶ μισθῷ διὰ δὲ τὸ λιτὸν τῆς ἐσθῆτος εἰς καταφρόνησιν ἦλθε τοῖς ἐγχωρίοις· προσεδόκων 214e γὰρ τὸν Σπάρτης βασιλέα καθάπερ τὸν Περσῶν κεκοσμημένον ὄψεσθαι διαπρεπῶς τὸ σῶμα, φαύλην ἔχοντες περὶ βασιλέων δόξαν. ἔδειξε γοῦν αὐτοῖς μεταξύ, ὡς τὸ μεγαλεῖον καὶ ἀξιόλογον νοήσει καὶ ἀνδρείᾳ κτᾶσθαι προσήκει.

[77] ἐπεὶ δὲ τοὺς παρʼ αὐτῷ παραστήσεσθαι μέλλοντας ἑώρα δεδιότας τὸν ἐπιόντα κίνδυνον διὰ τὸ τῶν πολεμίων πλῆθος εἴκοσι γὰρ ἦσαν μυριάδες καὶ τὴν τῶν περὶ αὑτὸν ὀλιγότητα, πρὸ τῆς παρα 214f τάξεως ἔγνω προμηθήσεσθαι⁵⁴ ἀσυνειδήτως τοῖς ἄλλοις· καὶ ἐπὶ τὴν ἀριστερὰν ὑπεστραμμένην⁵⁵ τῇ χειρὶ νίκην προσέγραψε. καὶ λαβὼν παρὰ τοῦ μάντεως τὸ ἧπαρ ἐπέθηκε μὲν ἐπὶ τὴν ὑπογεγραμμένην χεῖρα· κρατῶν δὲ ἐφʼ ἱκανὸν χρόνον ὑπέφαινε δισταγμὸν καὶ προσποίησιν εἶχεν⁵⁶ ἀποροῦντος, μέχρι τῷ ἥπατι συναναληφθέντες⁵⁷ ἐτυπώθησαν οἱ τῶν γραμμάτων χαρακτῆρες. καὶ τότε τοῖς συναγωνίζεσθαι μέλλουσιν ἐπεδείκνυε, φάμενος τοὺς θεοὺς διὰ τῶν γεγραμμένων ἐκφῆναι νίκην. ἀσφαλὲς οὖν τεκμήριον δόξαντες ἔχειν τοῦ κρατῆσαι ἐθάρρησαν πρὸς τὴν μάχην.

[78] περιταφρευόντων δὲ τῶν πολεμίων τὸ στρατόπεδον αὐτοῦ διὰ τὸ πλῆθος, καὶ Νεκτανάβιος,⁵⁸ ᾧ συνεμάχει, ἀξιοῦντος ἐπεξιέναι καὶ διαμάχεσθαι, οὐκ ἔφη διακωλύσειν⁵⁹ τοὺς πολεμίους ἴσους αὐτοῖς 215a γενέσθαι βουλομένους. ἔτι δὲ μικρὸν ἀπολιπούσης τῆς τάφρου συνάψαι, κατὰ τοῦτο παρατάξας τὸ διαλεῖπον καὶ πρὸς ἴσους ἴσοις ἀγωνισάμενος τροπὴν ἐποιήσατο καὶ πολὺν φόνον τῶν πολεμίων ὀλίγοις τοῖς περὶ αὑτὸν στρατιώταις καὶ χρήματα πολλὰ τῇ πόλει διεπέμψατο.

[79] κατὰ δὲ τὸν Αἰγύπτου⁶⁰ ἀπόπλουν ἀποθνῄσκων ἐνετείλατο τοῖς περὶ αὑτὸν μήτε πλαστὰν μήτε γραπτὰν μήτε μιμηλὰν τοῦ σώματος εἰκόνα ποιήσασθαι, εἰ γάρ τι καλὸν ἔργον πεποίηκα, τοῦτό μου μνημεῖον ἔσται· εἰ δὲ μή, οὐδʼ οἱ πάντες ἀνδριάντες, βαναύσων καὶ οὐδενὸς ἀξίων ἔργα ὄντες.

Ἀποφθέγματα Λακωνικά Perseus (Plutarch. Plutarchi Chaeronensis Moralia, Vol II. Vernardakēs, Grēgorios N., editor. Leipzig: Teubner, 1889.) — 2 focus

Ἀγησιλάου τοῦ μεγάλου

[1] Ἀγησίλαος ὁ μέγας παρὰ πότον ποτὲ λαχὼν συμποσίαρχος, ἐρωτηθεὶς ὑπὸ τοῦ οἰνοχόου πόσον 10 208c ἑκάστῳ προσφέρῃ, εἰ μὲν πολὺς οἶνός ἔφη ¹ ἐστὶ παρεσκευασμένος, ὅσον ἕκαστος αἰτεῖ· εἰ δὲ ὀλίγος, ἐξ ἴσου δίδου πᾶσι.

[2] κακούργου δέ τινος ἐμμόνως ὑπομείναντος βασάνους, ὡς σφόδρα πονηρός εἶπεν ἅνθρωπος, 15 εἰς μοχθηρὰ καὶ αἰσχρὰ πράγματα τὴν ὑπομονὴν καὶ καρτερίαν κατατιθέμενος.

[3] ἐπαινοῦντος δέ τινος ῥήτορα ἐπὶ τῷ δυνατῶς αὔξειν τὰ μικρὰ πράγματα, οὐδὲ σκυτοτόμον ἔφησεν εἶναι σπουδαῖον, ὃς μικρῷ ποδὶ ὑποδήματα μεγάλα περιτίθησι.

[4] φαμένου δὲ τινός ποτε πρὸς αὐτὸν ὡμολόγηκας, καὶ πολλάκις τὸ αὐτὸ λέγοντος, ναὶ δῆτα, 5 208d εἴ γʼ ἐστὶ δίκαιον ἔφη εἰ δὲ μή, ἔλεξα μέν, ὡμολόγησα ² δὲ οὔ. ἐπειπόντος δὲ ἀλλὰ μὴν δεῖ τοὺς βασιλεῖς ἐπιτελεῖν ὅ τι κεν κεφαλῇ ³ κατανεύσωσιν, οὐ μᾶλλον ἔφη ἢ τοὺς προσιόντας τοῖς βασιλεῦσιν αἰτεῖσθαι δεῖ τὰ δίκαια καὶ λέγειν, στοχαζομένους 10 τε τοῦ καιροῦ καὶ τοῦ ἁρμόζοντος τοῖς βασιλεῦσιν.

[5] ὁπότε δὲ ψεγόντων ἢ ἐπαινούντων τινῶν ἀκούοι, οὐχ ἧττον ᾤετο δεῖν καταμανθάνειν τοὺς τῶν λεγόντων τρόπους ἢ περὶ ὧν ⁴ λέγοιεν. 15

[6] ἔτι δὲ παῖδα αὐτὸν ὄντα, γυμνοπαιδίας ἀγομένης, ὁ χοροποιὸς ἔστησεν εἰς ἄσημον τόπον· ὁ δὲ ἐπείσθη καίπερ ἤδη βασιλεὺς ἀποδεδειγμένος καὶ 208e εἶπεν εὖγε· δείξω γὰρ ὅτι οὐχ οἱ τόποι τοὺς ἄνδρας ἐντίμους, ἀλλʼ οἱ ἄνδρες τοὺς τόπους ἐπιδεικνύουσι. 20

[7] προστάττοντος δέ τινος αὐτῷ ἰατροῦ περιεργοτέραν θεραπείαν καὶ οὐχ ἁπλῆν, νὴ τὼ θεὼ⁵ φησὶν οὐ πάντως μοι πρόκειται ζῆν οὐδὲ πάντα ἀναδέχομαι. 25

[8] ἐφεστὼς δέ ποτε τῷ βωμῷ τῆς Χαλκιοίκου βουθυτῶν, ἐπειδὴ φθεὶρ αὐτὸν ἔδακεν, οὐ διετράπη λαβὼν δὲ περιφανῶς ἐναντίον πάντων ἀπέκτεινε, προσειπών νὴ τοὺς θεοὺς ἡδέως τὸν ἐπίβουλον καὶ ἐπὶ τῷ βωμῷ. 208f

[9] ἄλλοτʼ ἰδὼν μῦν ἑλκόμενον ἐκ θυρίδος ὑπὸ 5 παιδαρίου κρατοῦντος, ἐπεὶ ὁ μῦς ἐπιστραφεὶς ἔδακε τὴν χεῖρα τοῦ κρατοῦντος καὶ ἔφυγεν, ἐπιδείξας τοῖς παροῦσιν εἶπεν ὅταν τὸ ἐλάχιστον ζῷον οὕτως ἀμύνηται τοὺς ἀδικοῦντας, τί τοὺς ἄνδρας προσήκει ποιεῖν λογίζεσθε.

[10] 10 βουλόμενος δὲ τὸν πρὸς τὸν Πέρσην συστήσασθαι πόλεμον ἕνεκα τοῦ ἐλευθερῶσαι τοὺς ἐν τῇ Ἀσίᾳ κατοικοῦντας Ἕλληνας, τῷ κατὰ Δωδώνην Διὸς ἐχρήσατο μαντείῳ· κελεύσαντος δέ, ⁶ τὸ χρησθὲν ἀνήγγειλε 209a τοῖς ἐφόροις· οἱ δὲ ἐκέλευσαν αὐτὸν καὶ εἰς 15 Δελφοὺς ἀφικόμενον περὶ τῶν αὐτῶν πυνθάνεσθαι. πορευθεὶς οὖν εἰς τὸ μαντεῖον ἐπηρώτησεν οὕτως Ἄπολλον, ἦ δοκεῖ σοι ὃ καὶ τῷ πατρί; συναινέσαντος δʼ αἱρεθεὶς οὕτως ἐστρατεύσατο.

[11] ἐπεὶ δὲ Τισσαφέρνης ἐν ἀρχῇ μὲν φοβηθεὶς 20 τὸν Ἀγησίλαον ἐποιήσατο σπονδάς, τὰς πόλεις αὐτῷ τὰς Ἑλληνικὰς ἀφήσειν αὐτονόμους βασιλέα, μεταπεμψάμενος δὲ παρὰ τοῦ βασιλέως πολὺ στράτευμα πόλεμον κατήγγειλεν αὐτῷ, εἰ μὴ ἀπίοι τῆς Ἀσίας· ἄσμενος τὴν παράβασιν δεξάμενος ὥρμησε μὲν ὡς 209b 25 ἐπὶ Καρίαν προάξων ἐκεῖ δὲ τὴν δύναμιν τοῦ Τισσαφέρνους ἀθροίσαντος, ἄρας εἰς Φρυγίαν ἐνέβαλε καὶ λαβὼν πόλεις πλείστας καὶ χρημάτων πλῆθος ἔφη τοῖς φίλοις ἐπισπεισάμενον μὲν ἀδικεῖν ⁷ ἀσεβές, τοὺς δὲ πολεμίους παραλογίζεσθαι οὐ μόνον δίκαιον καὶ ἐπίδοξον, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἡδὺ καὶ κερδαλέον.

[12] τοῖς δʼ ἱππεῦσιν ἐλαττωθεὶς ἀνεχώρησεν 5 εἰς Ἔφεσον, καὶ τοῖς εὐπόροις προεῖπε παρέχειν ἵππον ⁸ ἀνθʼ ἑαυτοῦ καὶ ἄνδρα ἀπολυομένους τῆς στρατείας· ὥστε ταχὺ συνήχθησαν καὶ ἵπποι καὶ 209c ἄνδρες ἐπιτήδειοι ἀντὶ δειλῶν καὶ πλουσίων. καὶ τὸν Ἀγαμέμνονα ἔφη ζηλοῦν· καὶ γὰρ ἐκεῖνον θήλειαν 10 ἵππον ἀγαθὴν λαβόντα κακὸν ἄνδρα καὶ πλούσιον τῆς στρατείας ἀπολῦσαι.

[13] ἐπεὶ δὲ κελεύσαντος αὐτοῦ τοὺς αἰχμαλώτους γυμνοὺς πωλεῖν ἐπίπρασκον οἱ λαφυροπῶλαι, καὶ τῆς μὲν ἐσθῆτος ἦσαν ὠνηταὶ πολλοί, 15 τῶν δὲ σωμάτων λευκῶν καὶ ἁπαλῶν παντάπασι διὰ τὰς σκιατραφίας κατεγέλων ὡς ἀχρήστων καὶ μηδενὸς ἀξίων· ἐπιστὰς ὁ Ἀγησίλαος ταῦτα μέν εἶπεν ὑπὲρ ὧν μάχεσθε, οὗτοι δὲ οἷς μάχεσθε.

[14] τρεψάμενος δὲ περὶ ⁹ Λυδίαν Τισσαφέρνην 20 209d καὶ πλείστους ἀνελών, κατέτρεχε τῆς βασιλέως χώρας. τούτου δὲ χρήματα αὐτῷ προσπέμψαντος καὶ ἀξιοῦντος διαλύσασθαι τὸν πόλεμον, ὁ Ἀγησίλαος τῆς μὲν εἰρήνης ἔφη τὴν πόλιν εἶναι κυρίαν, τοὺς δὲ στρατιώτας πλουτίζων ἥδεσθαι μᾶλλον ἢ αὐτὸς πλουτῶν 25 καλὸν δὲ νομίζειν Ἕλληνας οὐ δῶρα λαμβάνειν ἀπὸ τῶν πολεμίων, ἀλλὰ λάφυρα κτᾶσθαι.

[15] Μεγαβάτου δὲ τοῦ Σπιθριδάτου παιδός, ὃς ἦν κάλλιστος τὴν μορφήν, προσελθόντος αὐτῷ ὡς ἀσπασομένου καὶ φιλήσοντος διὰ τὸ σφόδρα δοκεῖν ἀγαπᾶσθαι, ἐξέκλινεν· ὡς δʼ ἐπαύσατο ἐκεῖνος προσιών, ἐπεζήτησεν αὐτὸν ὁ Ἀγησίλαος· τῶν δὲ φίλων φαμένων ὡς αὐτὸς εἴη αἴτιος, τρέσας τὸ τοῦ καλοῦ φίλημα, 5 209e τοῦ μὴ ἐντὸς φιλήματος ¹⁰ ἐλθεῖν, καὶ εἰ ¹¹ μὴ ἀποδειλιάσει, ἥξειν ἐκεῖνον· χρόνον οὐκ ὀλίγον πρὸς αὑτῷ γενόμενος ὁ Ἀγησίλαος καὶ διασιωπήσας οὐδέν ἔφη δεῖν πείθειν ἐκεῖνον ἡμᾶς· ἐγὼ γάρ μοι δοκῶ τῶν τοιούτων βούλεσθαι ἐπάνω εἶναι ἢ τὴν εὐανδροτάτην τῶν ἀντιτεταγμένων 10 πόλιν κατὰ κράτος ἑλεῖν· ἄμεινον γὰρ ἑαυτῷ φυλάττειν τὴν ἐλευθερίαν τοῦ ἑτέρων ἀφαιρεῖσθαι.

[16] τὰ δὲ ἄλλα ἀκριβὴς ὢν καὶ νόμιμος, ἐν τοῖς φιλικοῖς πράγμασιν ἐνόμιζε πρόφασιν εἶναι τὸ λίαν δίκαιον πρὸς αὐτούς. ¹² φέρεται γοῦν ἐπιστόλιον αὐτοῦ 15 209f παραιτουμένου τινὰ τῶν φίλων. πρὸς Ἱδριέα τὸν Κᾶρα, οὕτω· Νικίας εἰ μὲν οὐκ ἀδικεῖ, ἄφες· εἰ δὲ ἀδικεῖ, ἐμοὶ ἄφες· πάντως δὲ ἄφες.

[17] ἐν μὲν οὖν τοῖς πλείστοις ὑπὲρ τῶν τῶν τοιοῦτος ὁ Ἀγησίλαος· ἔστι δὲ ὅπου πρὸς τὸ συμφέρον 20 ἐχρῆτο τῷ καιρῷ μᾶλλον. ἀναζυγῆς γοῦν ποτε γενομένης θορυβωδεστέρας, ἀσθενοῦντα καταλιπὼν τὸν ἐρώμενον, ἐκείνου δεομένου καὶ ἀνακαλοῦντος μετὰ δακρύων αὐτόν, ἐπιστραφεὶς εἶπεν ὡς χαλεπόν ἐστιν ἐλεεῖν ἅμα καὶ φρονεῖν.

[18] 25 δίαιταν δὲ τὴν περὶ τὸ σῶμα οὐδὲν ἀμείνονα τῶν συνόντων εἶχε, κόρου μὲν καὶ μέθης τὸ παράπαν ἀπεχόμενος, ὕπνῳ δὲ οὐ δεσπότῃ ἀλλʼ 210a ἀρχομένῳ ὑπὸ τῶν πράξεων χρώμενος· πρὸς δὲ θάλπος οὕτω καὶ ψῦχος εἶχεν, ὥστε μόνος ἀεὶ χρῆσθαι ταῖς ὥραις. ἐν μέσοις δὲ τοῖς στρατιώταις σκηνῶν οὐδενὸς ἀμείνονα κοίτην εἶχε. 5

[19] διετέλει δὲ λέγων τὸν ἄρχοντα οὐ ¹³ μαλακίᾳ καρτερίᾳ δὲ καὶ ἀνδρείᾳ δεῖν τῶν ἰδιωτῶν περιεῖναι.

[20] πυθομένου γοῦν τινος τί περιεποίησαν οἱ Λυκούργου νόμοι τῇ Σπάρτῃ, καταφρονεῖν ἔφη τῶν ἡδονῶν. 10

[21] πρὸς δὲ τὸν ἐπιθαυμάζοντα τὴν μετριότητα τῆς ἐσθῆτος καὶ τῆς τροφῆς αὐτοῦ τε καὶ τῶν ἄλλων Λακεδαιμονίων ἀντὶ ταύτης ἔφη τῆς διαίτης, ὦ ξένε, τὴν ἐλευθερίαν ἀμώμεθα.¹⁴

[22] 210b ἄλλου δὲ προτρεπομένου ἀνίεσθαι καὶ λέγοντος 15 διὰ τὸ τῆς τύχης ἄδηλον μήποτε καιρὸς τούτου ¹⁵ γένηται, ἀλλʼ ἐγώ εἶπεν ἐμαυτὸν ἐθίζω λέγων ¹⁶ ὥστʼ ἐν μηδεμιᾷ μεταβολῇ μεταβολὴν ζητεῖν.

[23] καὶ πρεσβύτης δὲ γενόμενος τῇ αὐτῇ ἀγωγῇ ἐχρῆτο· πρὸς οὖν τὸν πυθόμενον διότι σφοδροῦ χειμῶνος 20 ὄντος ἀχίτων περιέρχεται εἰς τοῦτο ἡλικίας ἥκων, ἵνα φησὶν οἱ νέοι μιμῶνται, παράδειγμα ἔχοντες τοὺς πρεσβυτάτους καὶ ἄρχοντας.

[24] Θάσιοι δὲ τὴν χώραν αὐτῶν διαπορευομένῳ μετὰ τοῦ στρατεύματος ἄλφιτα καὶ χῆνας καὶ τραγήματα 25 210c καὶ μελίπηκτα καὶ ἄλλα παντοδαπὰ βρώματά τε καὶ πόματα ¹⁷ πολυτελῆ ἔπεμψαν· μόνα δὲ τὰ ἄλφιτα δεξάμενος τὰ λοιπὰ ἀπάγειν ἐκέλευσεν ὀπίσω τοὺς κομίζοντας, ὡς οὐδὲν αὐτοῖς ὄντα χρήσιμα. λιπαρούντων δὲ καὶ δεομένων πάντως λαβεῖν, ἐκέλευσεν αὐτὰ τοῖς εἵλωσι διαδίδοσθαι. ¹⁸ πυθομένων δὲ τὴν 5 αἰτίαν, ἔφη τοὺς ἀνδραγαθίαν ἀσκοῦντας τὰς τοιαύτας λιχνείας οὐχ ἁρμόζει προσίεσθαι τὰ γὰρ δελεάζοντα τοὺς ἀνδραποδώδεις τῶν ἐλευθέρων ἀλλότρια.

[25] πάλιν δὲ τῶν Θασίων διὰ τὸ δοκεῖν μεγάλως 210d ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ εὐεργετῆσθαι ναοῖς αὐτὸν καὶ ἀποθεώσεσι ¹⁹ 10 τιμησάντων καὶ περὶ τούτου ²⁰ πρεσβείαν ἀποστειλάντων, ἀναγνοὺς τὰς τιμάς, ἃς αὐτῷ προσήνεγκαν οἱ πρέσβεις, ἠρώτησεν εἰ ἡ πατρὶς αὐτῶν ἀποθεοῦν ἀνθρώπους δύναται· φαμένων δέ, ἄγετʼ ἔφη ποιήσατε πρώτους ἑαυτοὺς θεούς· ²¹ καὶ τοῦτʼ ἂν 15 πράξητε , τότε πιστεύσω ὑμῖν ὅτι κἀμὲ δυνήσεσθε θεὸν ποιῆσαι.

[26] τῶν δὲ ἐπὶ τῆς Ἀσίας Ἑλληνικῶν ἐθνῶν ψηφισαμένων ἐν ταῖς ἐπιφανεστάταις πόλεσιν εἰκόνας ἀνιστᾶν αὐτοῦ, προσέγραψεν ἐμοῦ μηδεμία εἰκὼν 20 ἔστω μηδὲ ²² γραπτὴ μηδὲ πλαστὴ μηδὲ κατασκευαστή. 210e

[27] θεασάμενος δὲ ἐπὶ τῆς Ἀσίας οἰκίαν τετραγώνοις ὠροφωμένην δοκοῖς ἠρώτησε τὸν κεκτημένον εἰ τετράγωνα παρʼ αὐτοῖς φύεται ξύλα· φαμένου δὲ οὔ, ἀλλὰ στρογγύλα, τί οὖν; εἶπεν εἰ τετράγωνα 25 ἦν, στρογγύλα ²³ ἐτελεῖτε.

[28] ἐρωτηθεὶς δέ ποτε ἄχρι τίνος εἰσὶν οἱ τῆς Λακωνικῆς ὅροι, τὸ δόρυ κραδάνας εἶπεν ἄχρις οὗ τοῦτο φθάνῃ.

[29] ἄλλου δὲ ἐπιζητοῦντος διὰ τί ἀτείχιστος ἡ Σπάρτη, ἐπιδείξας τοὺς πολίτας ἐξωπλισμένους ταῦτά 5 ἐστιν εἶπε τὰ Λακεδαιμονίων τείχη.

[30] ἄλλου δὲ τὸ αὐτὸ ἐπιζητοῦντος, οὐ λίθοις 210f δεῖ καὶ ξύλοις τετειχίσθαι τὰς πόλεις ἔφη ταῖς δὲ τῶν ἐνοικούντων ἀρεταῖς.

[31] τοῖς δὲ φίλοις παρήγγειλε μὴ χρήμασιν, 10 ἀνδρείᾳ δὲ καὶ ἀρετῇ σπουδάζειν πλουτεῖν.

[33] 15 ἐμεγαλύνετο δὲ ἐπὶ τῷ μηδενὸς ἧττον πονεῖν, καὶ ἐπὶ τῷ ἄρχειν ἑαυτοῦ μᾶλλον ἢ ἐπὶ τῷ βασιλεύειν.

[34] θεωρήσας δέ τινα Λάκωνα χωλὸν ἐπὶ πόλεμον ἐξιόντα καὶ ἵππον ζητοῦντα, οὐκ αἰσθάνῃ ἔφη ὅτι οὐ φευγόντων ἀλλὰ μενόντων ὁ πόλεμος χρείαν ἔχει; 20

[35] ἐρωτώμενος δὲ πῶς μεγάλην δόξαν περιεποιήσατο, θανάτου καταφρονήσας ἔφη.

[36] ἐπιζητοῦντος δέ τινος διὰ τί Σπαρτιᾶται 211a μετʼ αὐλῶν ἀγωνίζονται, ἔφη ἵνʼ, ὅταν πρὸς ῥυθμὸν βαίνωσιν, οἵ τε δειλοὶ καὶ οἱ ἀνδρεῖοι φανεροὶ ὦσι. 25

[37] μακαρίζοντος δέ τινος τὸν Περσῶν βασιλέα νέον ὄντα κομιδῇ, εἶπεν ἀλλʼ οὐδὲ Πρίαμος ταύτην ἔχων τὴν ἡλικίαν ἠτύχησε.

[39] μεταπεμφθεὶς δὲ ὑπὸ τῶν ἐφόρων ἕνεκα τῆς τοῦ περιεστηκότος τὴν Σπάρτην Ἑλληνικοῦ πολέμου 5 αἰτίας διὰ τὰ ὑπὸ τοῦ Πέρσου διαπεμφθέντα χρήματα, εἰπὼν τὸν ἀγαθὸν ἄρχοντα δεῖν ὑπὸ τῶν 211b νόμων ἄρχεσθαι ἀπέπλευσε τῆς Ἀσίας πολὺν ἑαυτοῦ πόθον τοῖς ἐνταῦθα Ἕλλησι καταλιπών.

[40] τοῦ δὲ Περσικοῦ νομίσματος χάραγμα τοξότην 10 ἔχοντος, ἀναζευγνύων ἔφη τρισμυρίοις τοξόταις ὑπὸ τοῦ βασιλέως ἐξελαύνεσθαι τῆς Ἀσίας· τοσούτων γὰρ εἰς Ἀθήνας καὶ Θήβας κομισθέντων διὰ Τιμοκράτους χρυσῶν δαρεικῶν καὶ διαδοθέντων τοῖς δημαγωγοῖς, ἐξεπολεμώθησαν οἱ δῆμοι πρὸς τοὺς 15 Σπαρτιάτας.

²⁴

[41] καὶ ἀντέγραψε τοῖς ἐφόροις ἐπιστολὴν τήνδε· Ἀγησίλαος τοῖς ἐφόροις χαίρειν· τὰν πολλὰν τᾶς Ἀσίας κατεστρεψάμεθα καὶ τὼς βαρβάρως ἐλάσαμες καὶ ἐν τᾷ Ἰωνίᾳ ὅπλα ἐποιήσαμες πολλά· ἐπεὶ δὲ 20 211c κέλεσθέ με κατὰ τὰν προθεσμίαν παραγίνεσθαι, ἕπομαι τᾷ ἐπιστολᾷ, σχεδὸν δʼ αὐτὰν καὶ φθάσω· ἄρχω γὰρ οὐκ ἐμαυτῷ ἀρχάν, ἀλλὰ τᾷ πόλει καὶ τοῖς συμμάχοις· καὶ τότε ἄρχων ἄρχει ἀλαθέως κατὰ δίκαν, ὅταν καὶ ἄρχηται ὑπό τε νόμων καὶ ἐφόρων 25 ἢ οἷοι ἂν ἄλλοι ἐν πόλει ἄρχοντες ὦσιν.

[42] ὡς δὲ διαβὰς τὸν Ἑλλήσποντον ἐβάδιζε διὰ τῆς Θρᾴκης, ἐδεήθη μὲν οὐδενὸς τῶν βαρβάρων, πέμπων δὲ πρὸς ἑκάστους ἐπυνθάνετο πότερον ὡς 211d φιλίαν ἢ ὡς πολεμίαν διαπορεύηται τὴν χώραν. οἱ μὲν οὖν ἄλλοι φιλικῶς ἐδέχοντο καὶ παρέπεμπον οἱ δὲ καλούμενοι Τρωαδεῖς, ²⁵ οἷς καὶ Ξέρξης ὡς λέγεται δέδωκε δῶρα, τῆς διόδου μισθὸν ᾔτουν τὸν 5 Ἀγησίλαον ἑκατὸν ἀργυρίου τάλαντα καὶ γυναῖκας τοσαύτας· ὁ δὲ κατειρωνευσάμενος αὐτοὺς καὶ φήσας τί οὖν οὐκ εὐθὺς ἦλθον ληψόμενοι προῆγε καὶ συμβαλὼν αὐτοῖς παρατεταγμένοις τρεψάμενος καὶ διαφθείρας πολλοὺς διῆλθε. 10

[43] τῷ δὲ τῶν Μακεδόνων βασιλεῖ τὸ αὐτὸ ἐρώτημα προσέπεμψε· φήσαντος δʼ ἐκείνου βουλεύεσθαι, βουλευέσθω τοίνυν εἶπεν ἡμεῖς δὲ πορευσόμεθα. θαυμάσας οὖν τὴν τόλμαν καὶ δείσας ἐκέλευσεν ὡς φίλον προάγειν. ²⁶ 15

[44] 211e τῶν δὲ Θετταλῶν τοῖς πολεμίοις συμμαχούντων, ἐπόρθει τὴν χώραν· εἰς δὲ Λάρισσαν ἔπεμψε Ξενοκλέα καὶ Σκύθην περὶ φιλίας. συλληφθέντων δὲ τούτων καὶ παραφυλαττομένων, οἱ μὲν ἄλλοι 20 βαρέως φέροντες ᾤοντο δεῖν τὸν Ἀγησίλαον περιστρατοπεδεύσαντα πολιορκεῖν τὴν Λάρισσαν ὁ δὲ φήσας οὐκ ἂν ἐθελῆσαι Θεσσαλίαν ὅλην λαβεῖν ἀπολέσας τῶν ἀνδρῶν τὸν ἕτερον, ὑποσπόνδους αὐτοὺς ἀπέλαβε.

[45] πυθόμενος δὲ μάχην γεγονέναι περὶ Κόρινθον, 25 211f καὶ Σπαρτιατῶν μὲν παντάπασιν ὀλίγους τεθνάναι, Κορινθίων δὲ καὶ Ἀθηναίων καὶ τῶν ἄλλων συμμάχων αὐτοῖς παμπόλλους, οὐκ ὤφθη περιχαρὴς οὐδʼ ἐπηρμένος τῇ νίκῃ, ἀλλὰ καὶ πάνυ βαρὺ στενάξας φεῦ τᾶς Ἑλλάδος ἔφη ἣ τοσούτους ὑφʼ αὑτᾶς ἀπολώλεκεν, ὅσοις ἀρκεῖ τὼς βαρβάρως νικᾶν ἅπαντας.

[46] 5 Φαρσαλίων δὲ προσκειμένων καὶ κακουργούντων αὐτοῦ τὸ στράτευμα, πεντακοσίοις ἱππεῦσι τρεψάμενος αὐτοὺς τρόπαιον ἔστησεν ὑπὸ τῷ Ναρθακίῳ· καὶ τὴν νίκην ἐκείνην πάντων ὑπερηγάπησεν, ὅτι συστησάμενος τὸ ἱππικὸν αὐτὸς διʼ ἑαυτοῦ, 10 τούτῳ μόνῳ τοὺς μέγιστον ἐφʼ ἱππικῇ φρονοῦντας ἐκράτησε. 212a

[47] Διφρίδα δὲ οἴκοθεν ἀπαγγείλαντος αὐτῷ εὐθὺς ἐκ παρόδου ἐμβαλεῖν εἰς τὴν Βοιωτίαν, καίτοι ἐκ μείζονος παρασκευῆς ὕστερον τοῦτο ποιῆσαι διανοούμενος, 15 οὐκ ἀπειθήσας τοῖς ἄρχουσι, μεταπεμψάμενος δύο μόρας ²⁷ τῶν περὶ Κόρινθον στρατευομένων ἐπέβη τῆς Βοιωτίας. καὶ συμβαλὼν ἐν Κορωνείᾳ Θηβαίοις Ἀθηναίοις Ἀργείοις Κορινθίοις Λοκροῖς ἀμφοτέροις ἐνίκησε, καίτοι ὑπὸ πολλῶν τραυμάτων 20 κακῶς τὸ σῶμα διακείμενος, τὴν μεγίστην μάχην ὥς φησι Ξενοφῶν ²⁸ τῶν καθʼ ἑαυτὸν γενομένων.

[48] οὐδὲν δὲ τῶν περὶ τὸν βίον καὶ τὴν δίαιταν διὰ τὰς τοσαύτας εὐτυχίας καὶ νίκας ἤλλαξεν οἴκαδʼ ἐπανελθών. 212b

[49] 25 ὁρῶν δʼ ἐνίους τῶν πολιτῶν ἀπὸ ἱπποτροφίας δοκοῦντας εἶναί τινας καὶ μεγαλοφρονοῦντας, ἔπεισε τὴν ἀδελφὴν Κυνίσκαν ἅρμα καθεῖσαν ²⁹ Ὀλυμπίασιν ἀγωνίσασθαι, βουλόμενος ἐνδείξασθαι τοῖς Ἕλλησιν ὡς οὐδεμιᾶς ἐστιν ἀρετῆς πλούτου δὲ καὶ δαπάνης τὰ τοιαῦτα.

[50] Ξενοφῶντα δὲ τὸν σοφὸν ἔχων μεθʼ ἑαυτοῦ 5 σπουδαζόμενον, ἐκέλευε τοὺς παῖδας ἐν Λακεδαίμονι τρέφειν μεταπεμψάμενον, τὸ κάλλιστον τῶν μαθημάτων παιδευθησομένους, ἄρχειν τε καὶ ἄρχεσθαι.

[51] 212c ἄλλοτε δʼ ἐρωτώμενος διὰ τί μάλιστα παρὰ τοὺς ἄλλους εὐδοκιμοῦσιν οἱ Σπαρτιᾶται, διότι 10 εἶπε παρὰ τοὺς ἄλλους ἀσκοῦσιν ἄρχειν τε καὶ ἄρχεσθαι.

[52] Λυσάνδρου δὲ τελευτήσαντος, εὑρὼν ἑταιρείαν πολλὴν συνεστῶσαν, ἣν ἐκεῖνος εὐθὺς ἐπανελθὼν ἀπὸ τῆς Ἀσίας συνέστησεν ἐπὶ τὸν Ἀγησίλαον, 15 ὥρμησεν αὐτὸν ἐξελέγχειν οἷος ἦν ζῶν πολίτης. καὶ λόγον ἀναγνοὺς ἐν βιβλίῳ ἀπολελειμμένον, ὃν ἔγραψε μὲν Κλέων ὁ Ἁλικαρνασσεύς, ἔμελλε δὲ λέγειν ἀναλαβὼν ὁ Λύσανδρος ἐν τῷ δήμῳ περὶ πραγμάτων καινῶν καὶ μεταστάσεως τοῦ πολιτεύματος, ἠθέλησεν 20 212d εἰς μέσον ἐξενεγκεῖν ἐπεὶ δέ τις τῶν γερόντων τὸν λόγον ἐπελθὼν καὶ φοβηθεὶς τὴν δεινότητα συνεβούλευσε μὴ τὸν Λύσανδρον ἀνορύττειν, ἀλλὰ τὸν λόγον μᾶλλον αὐτῷ συγκατορύττειν, ἐπείσθη καὶ ἡσύχασε. 25

[53] τοὺς δὲ ὑπεναντιουμένους αὐτῷ φανερῶς μὲν οὐκ ἐτάραττε διαπραττόμενος δὲ πέμπεσθαί ³⁰ τινας ἀεὶ στρατηγοὺς καὶ ἄρχοντας ἐξ αὐτῶν ἐπεδείκνυε ³¹ γενομένους ἐν ταῖς ἐξουσίαις πονηροὺς καὶ πλεονέκτας· εἶτα κρινομένοις πάλιν αὖ βοηθῶν καὶ συναγωνιζόμενος οἰκείους ἐποιεῖτο καὶ μεθίστη πρὸς ἑαυτόν, ὥστε οὐδένα ἀντίπαλον εἶναι. 212e

[54] 5 ἐδεήθη τις αὐτοῦ γράψαι πρὸς τοὺς ἐπʼ Ἀσίας ξένους, ὅπως τύχῃ τοῦ δικαίου ἀλλʼ οἱ ἐμοὶ ξένοι εἶπε τὰ δίκαια διʼ ἑαυτῶν, κἂν ἐγὼ μὴ γράψω, ποιοῦσιν.

[55] ἐπεδείκνυέ τις αὐτῷ τῆς πόλεως τὸ τεῖχος 10 ὀχυρὸν καὶ καρτερῶς ἄγαν ἐξῳκοδομημένον, καὶ ἠρώτα εἰ καλὸν αὐτῷ φαίνεται· νὴ Δία ἔφη καλὸν οὐχ ὡς ἀνδράσι δὲ ἀλλʼ ὡς γυναιξὶν ἐνοικεῖν.

[56] Μεγαρέως δέ τινος περὶ τῆς πόλεως πρὸς αὐτὸν μεγαλαυχουμένου, μειράκιον ἔφη οἱ λόγοι 15 σου πολλῆς δυνάμεως ³² δέονται. 212f

[57] ἃ δὲ τοὺς ἄλλους ἑώρα θαυμάζοντας ἐδόκει μηδὲ γινώσκειν. καί ποτε Καλλιππίδης ὁ τῶν τραγῳδιῶν ὑποκριτής, ὄνομα καὶ δόξαν ἔχων ἐν τοῖς Ἕλλησι καὶ σπουδαζόμενος ὑπὸ πάντων, πρῶτον μὲν 20 ἀπήντησεν αὐτῷ καὶ προσεῖπεν, ἔπειτα σοβαρῶς εἰς τοὺς συμπεριπατοῦντας ἐμβαλὼν ἑαυτὸν ἐπεδείκνυτο, νομίζων ἐκεῖνον ἄρξειν ³³ τινὸς φιλοφρονήσεως· τέλος δὲ εἶπεν οὐκ ἐπιγινώσκεις με, ὦ βασιλεῦ, οὐδʼ ἤκουσας ὅστις εἰμί; ὁ δʼ Ἀγησίλαος ἀποβλέψας εἰς 25 αὐτὸν εἶπεν ³⁴ ἀλλʼ οὐ τύ ἐσσι Καλλιππίδας ὁ δεικηλίκτας; οὕτω δὲ Λακεδαιμόνιοι τοὺς μίμους καλοῦσι.

[58] τοῦ δὲ μιμουμένου τὴν τῆς ἀηδόνος φωνὴν ἀκοῦσαι παρακαλούμενος, παρῃτήσατο φήσας αὐτᾶς ἄκουκα πολλάκις.

[59] 213a Μενεκράτους δὲ τοῦ ἰατροῦ, ἐπεὶ κατατυχὼν ἔν τισιν ἀπεγνωσμέναις θεραπείαις Ζεὺς ἐπεκλήθη, 5 φορτικῶς ταύτῃ χρωμένου τῇ προσωνυμίᾳ, καὶ δὴ πρὸς τὸν Ἀγησίλαον ἐπιστεῖλαι τολμήσαντος οὕτω Μενεκράτης Ζεὺς βασιλεῖ Ἀγησιλάῳ χαίρειν, οὐκ ἀναγνοὺς τὰ λοιπὰ ἀντέγραψε βασιλεὺς Ἀγησίλαος Μενεκράτει ὑγιαίνειν. 10

[60] ἐπεὶ δὲ Κόνων καὶ Φαρνάβαζος τῷ βασιλέως ναυτικῷ θαλαττοκρατοῦντες ἐπολιόρκουν τὰ παράλια τῆς Λακωνικῆς, ἐτειχίσθη δὲ τὸ ἄστυ τῶν Ἀθηναίων Φαρναβάζου χρήματα δόντος, εἰρήνην 213b ἐποιήσαντο Λακεδαιμόνιοι πρὸς βασιλέα· καὶ ³⁵ πέμπουσι 15 πολίτην Ἀνταλκίδαν πρὸς Τιρίβαζον, ³⁶ τοὺς ἐν τῇ Ἀσίᾳ Ἕλληνας, ὑπὲρ ὧν ἐπολέμησεν Ἀγησίλαος, βασιλεῖ παραδιδόντες. ὅθεν δὴ ἥκιστα ³⁷ συνέβη τῆς κακοδοξίας ταύτης Ἀγησιλάῳ μετασχεῖν ὁ γὰρ Ἀνταλκίδας ἐχθρὸς ἦν αὐτῷ, καὶ τὴν εἰρήνην ἐξ ἅπαντος 20 ἔπραττεν, ὡς τοῦ πολέμου τὸν Ἀγησίλαον αὔξοντος καὶ ποιοῦντος ἐνδοξότατον καὶ μέγιστον.

[61] οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ πρὸς τὸν εἰπόντα μηδίζειν τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους ἀπεκρίθη μᾶλλον τοὺς Μήδους λακωνίζειν. 25

³⁹

[63] εἰθισμένων δὲ τῶν τὴν Ἀσίαν κατοικούντων τὸν Περσῶν βασιλέα μέγαν προσαγορεύειν, τί 5 δαὶ ἐκεῖνος ἐμοῦ μείζων ἔφη, εἰ μὴ δικαιότερος καὶ σωφρονέστερος;

[64] ἔλεγε δὲ τοὺς τὴν Ἀσίαν κατοικοῦντας ἐλευθέρους μὲν κακούς, δούλους δὲ ἀγαθοὺς εἶναι.

[65] ἐρωτηθεὶς δὲ πῶς ἄν τις μάλιστα εὐδοκιμοίη 10 παρʼ ἀνθρώποις εἰ λέγοι εἶπε τὰ ἄριστα, πράττοι δὲ τὰ κάλλιστα,

[66] τὸν δὲ στρατηγὸν δεῖν ἔφασκε πρὸς μὲν τοὺς ἐναντίους τόλμαν, πρὸς δὲ τοὺς ὑποτεταγμένους εὔνοιαν ἔχειν. 213d

[67] 15 ἐπιζητοῦντος δέ τινος τίνα δεῖ μανθάνειν τοὺς παῖδας, ταῦτʼ εἶπεν οἷς καὶ ἄνδρες γενόμενοι χρήσονται.

[68] δικάζοντος δέ τινα δίκην αὐτοῦ, καὶ τοῦ μὲν κατηγόρου εὖ εἰρηκότος τοῦ δὲ ἀπολογουμένου 20 φαύλως, λέγοντος δὲ πρὸς ἕκαστα Ἀγησίλαε, δεῖ τὸν βασιλέα τοῖς νόμοις βοηθεῖν, καὶ τὴν οἰκίαν ἔφη εἴ τίς σοι διέσκαπτε καὶ τὸ ἱμάτιον εἰ ἀφῃρεῖτο, προσεδέχου ἂν τὸν οἰκοδόμον ἢ τὸν τὸ ἱμάτιον ὑφάναντα ἐπικουρήσειν σοι;

[69] 25 ἐπιστολῆς δὲ αὐτῷ παρὰ τοῦ Περσῶν βασιλέως κομισθείσης, τῆς εἰρήνης γενομένης ἣν ὁ μετὰ Καλλίου τοῦ Λακεδαιμονίου Πέρσης ἤνεγκε, περὶ 213e ξενίας καὶ φιλίας, οὐκ ἔλαβεν εἰπὼν ἀπαγγεῖλαι βασιλεῖ ὡς ἰδίᾳ μὲν πρὸς αὐτὸν οὐδὲν δέοι ἐπιστολὰς πέμπειν· ἢν δὲ φίλος τῇ Λακεδαίμονι καὶ τῇ Ἑλλάδι εὔνους ὢν φαίνηται, ὅτι καὶ αὐτὸς φίλος 5 αὐτῷ κατὰ κράτος ἔσοιτο· ἐάν μέντοι ἐπιβουλεύων ἁλίσκηται, μηδʼ ἂν πάνυ πολλὰς δέχωμαι ἐπιστολάς, πιστευέτω φίλον με ἕξειν.

[70] φιλοτεκνότατος δʼ ὢν διαφερόντως, ⁴⁰ λέγεται ὅτι μικροῖς τοῖς παιδίοις κάλαμον περιβεβηκὼς 10 ὥσπερ ἵππον οἴκοι συνέπαιζεν· ὀφθεὶς δὲ ὑπό τινος τῶν φίλων παρεκάλει μηδενὶ φράζειν, πρὶν καὶ αὐτὸς πατὴρ παίδων γένηται.

[71] 213f συνεχῶς δὲ αὐτοῦ τοῖς Θηβαίοις πολεμοῦντος καὶ τρωθέντος ἐν τῇ μάχῃ, φασὶ τὸν Ἀνταλκίδαν 15 εἰπεῖν καλὰ τὰ διδασκάλια παρὰ Θηβαίων ἀπολαμβάνεις, μὴ βουλομένους αὐτοὺς μηδʼ ἐπισταμένους μάχεσθαι διδάξας. τῷ γὰρ ὄντι Θηβαίους αὐτοὺς ἑαυτῶν πολεμικωτάτους τότε φασὶ γενέσθαι ταῖς πολλαῖς στρατείαις τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων ἐπʼ αὐτούς. 20 διὸ καὶ Λυκοῦργος ὁ παλαιὸς ἐν ταῖς καλουμέναις Ῥήτραις ἀπεῖπε πολλάκις ἐπὶ τοὺς αὐτοὺς στρατεύειν ὅπως πολεμεῖν μὴ μανθάνωσιν.

[72] ἐπεὶ δὲ ἤκουσέ ποτε δυσχερᾶναι τοὺς συμμάχους 214a διὰ τὰς συνεχεῖς στρατείας, ὀλίγοις οὖσι 25 τοῖς Λακεδαιμονίοις πολλοὺς ἀκολουθοῦντας, ⁴¹ ἐλέγξαι βουλόμενος αὐτῶν τὸ πλῆθος ἐκέλευσεν ἅπαντας. τοὺς συμμάχους καθίσαι μετʼ ἀλλήλων ἀναμεμιγμένους, ἰδίᾳ δὲ τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους ἐφʼ ἑαυτῶν εἶτα ἐκήρυττε τοὺς κεραμεῖς ἀνίστασθαι πρώτους, ὡς δὲ ἀνέστησαν οὗτοι, δευτέρους ἐκήρυττε τοὺς 5 χαλκεῖς, εἶτα τέκτονας ἐφεξῆς καὶ οἰκοδόμους, καὶ τῶν ἄλλων τεχνῶν ἑκάστην. πάντες οὖν ὀλίγου δεῖν ἀνέστησαν οἱ σύμμαχοι, τῶν δὲ Λακεδαιμονίων οὐδείς· ἀπείρητο γὰρ αὐτοῖς τέχνην ἐργάζεσθαι καὶ ⁴² μανθάνειν βάναυσον. οὕτω δὴ γελάσας ὁ Ἀγησίλαος 10 ὁρᾶτε εἶπεν ὦ ἄνδρες, ὅσῳ πλείονας ὑμῶν στρατιώτας 214b ἐκπέμπομεν ἡμεῖς;

[73] ἐν δὲ τῇ περὶ Λεῦκτρα μάχῃ, πολλῶν Λακεδαιμονίων φυγόντων καὶ τούτων ταῖς ἐκ τοῦ νόμου αἰτίαις ὑπευθύνων ὄντων, οἱ ἔφοροι ἔρημον ἀνδρῶν 15 τὴν πόλιν ὁρῶντες δεομένην στρατιωτῶν ἐβούλοντο τὴν ἀτιμίαν λῦσαι καὶ τοὺς νόμους τηρεῖν. αἱροῦνται οὖν νομοθέτην τὸν Ἀγησίλαον ὁ δὲ προσελθὼν εἰς τὸ δημόσιον νομοθέτης μὲν οὐκ ἂν γενοίμην ἑτέρων νόμων εἶπε, τοῖς γὰρ οὖσιν οὔτʼ ἂν προσθείην 20 214c τι οὔτʼ ἂν ἀφέλοιμι οὔτε μεταποιήσαιμι· τοὺς δὲ ὄντας ἡμῖν νόμους κυρίους εἶναι καλῶς ἔχον ἐστὶν ἀπὸ τῆς αὔριον.

[74] τὸν δʼ Ἐπαμεινώνδαν ἐπελθόντα μετὰ τοσούτου ῥεύματος καὶ κλύδωνος, τῶν Θηβαίων καὶ συμμάχων 25 μεγαλαυχουμένων ἐπὶ τῇ νίκῃ, ὅμως εἶρξε τῆς πόλεως καὶ ἀναστρέψαι ἐποίησεν, ὀλίγων ὄντων τῶν ἐν τῇ πόλει.

[75] ἐν δὲ τῇ περὶ Μαντίνειαν μάχῃ παρεκελεύσατο τοῖς Λακεδαιμονίοις τοὺς ἄλλους ἐάσαντας πάντας Ἐπαμεινώνδᾳ μάχεσθαι, μόνους λέγων τοὺς ἔμφρονας ἀνδρείους εἶναι καὶ μόνους νίκης αἰτίους ὑπάρχειν· εἰ οὖν τοῦτον ἀνέλοιμεν, ῥᾷστα τοῦ 5 ἄλλους ὑποχειρίους ποιήσειν· ἄφρονας γὰρ εἶναι καὶ 214d οὐδενὸς ἀξίους. ὃ καὶ συνέβη· τῆς γὰρ νίκης σὺν Ἐπαμεινώνδᾳ οὔσης καὶ φυγῆς γενομένης, ἐπιστραφέντα αὐτὸν καὶ ἀνακαλούμενον τοὺς ἰδίους τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων τις καιρίως ⁴³ ἐπάταξε, καὶ πεσόντος 10 ἀναστρέψαντες ἀπὸ τῆς φυγῆς οἱ σὺν Ἀγησιλάῳ ἐφάμιλλον τὴν νίκην ἐποίησαν, παρὰ πολὺ μὲν τῶν Θηβαίων χειρόνων ⁴⁴ παρὰ πολὺ δὲ τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων ἀμεινόνων φανέντων.

[76] χρημάτων δὲ δεομένης τῆς Σπάρτης πρὸς 15 πόλεμον καὶ ξενοτροφούσης ἐπορεύθη ὁ Ἀγησίλαος εἰς Αἴγυπτον μεταπεμφθεὶς ὑπὸ τοῦ βασιλέως Αἰγυπτίων ἐπὶ μισθῷ· διὰ δὲ τὸ λιτὸν τῆς ἐσθῆτος εἰς καταφρόνησιν ἦλθε τοῖς ἐγχωρίοις· προσεδόκων γὰρ 214e τὸν Σπάρτης βασιλέα καθάπερ τὸν Περσῶν κεκοσμημένον 20 ὄψεσθαι διαπρεπῶς τὸ σῶμα, φαύλην ἔχοντες περὶ βασιλέων δόξαν. ἔδειξε γοῦν αὐτοῖς μεταξύ, ὡς τὸ μεγαλεῖον καὶ ἀξιόλογον νοήσει καὶ ἀνδρείᾳ κτᾶσθαι προσήκει.

[77] ἐπεὶ δὲ τοὺς παρʼ αὐτῷ παραστήσεσθαι 25 μέλλοντας ἑώρα δεδιότας τὸν ἐπιόντα κίνδυνον διὰ τὸ τῶν πολεμίων πλῆθος εἴκοσι γὰρ ἦσαν μυριάδες καὶ τὴν τῶν περὶ αὑτὸν ὀλιγότητα, πρὸ τῆς παρατάξεως 214f ἔγνω προθύσασθαι ἀσυνειδήτως τοῖς ἄλλοις· καὶ ἐπὶ τὴν ἀριστερὰν ὑπεστρωμένῃ ⁴⁵ τῇ χειρὶ νίκην προσέγραψε. καὶ λαβὼν παρὰ τοῦ μάντεως τὸ ἧπαρ ἐπέθηκε μὲν ἐπὶ τὴν ὑπογεγραμμένην χεῖρα· κρατῶν 5 δὲ ἐφʼ ἱκανὸν χρόνον ὑπέφαινε δισταγμὸν καὶ προσποίησιν εἶχεν ἀποροῦντος, μέχρι τῷ ἥπατι συναναληφθέντες ἐτυπώθησαν οἱ τῶν γραμμάτων χαρακτῆρες. καὶ τότε τοῖς συναγωνίζεσθαι μέλλουσιν ἐπεδείκνυε, φάμενος τοὺς θεοὺς διὰ τῶν γεγραμμένων 10 ἐκφῆναι νίκην. ἀσφαλὲς οὖν τεκμήριον δόξαντες ἔχειν τοῦ κρατῆσαι ἐθάρρησαν πρὸς τὴν μάχην.

[78] περιταφρευόντων δὲ τῶν πολεμίων τὸ στρατόπεδον αὐτοῦ διὰ τὸ πλῆθος, καὶ Νεκτανάβιος, ⁴⁶ ᾧ συνεμάχει, ἀξιοῦντος ἐπεξιέναι καὶ διαμάχεσθαι, οὐκ 15 ἔφη διακωλύσειν τοὺς πολεμίους ἴσους αὐτοῖς γενέσθαι 215a βουλομένους. ἔτι δὲ μικρὸν ἀπολιπούσης τῆς τάφρου συνάψαι, κατὰ τοῦτο παρατάξας τὸ διαλεῖπον καὶ πρὸς ἴσους ἴσοις ἀγωνισάμενος τροπὴν ἐποιήσατο καὶ πολὺν φόνον τῶν πολεμίων ὀλίγοις τοῖς περὶ 20 αὑτὸν στρατιώταις καὶ χρήματα πολλὰ τῇ πόλει διεπέμψατο.

[79] κατὰ δὲ τὸν Αἰγύπτου ⁴⁷ ἀπόπλουν ἀποθνήσκων ἐνετείλατο τοῖς περὶ αὑτὸν μήτε πλαστὰν μήτε γραπτὰν μήτε μιμηλὰν τοῦ σώματος εἰκόνα ποιήσασθαι, 25 εἰ γάρ τι καλὸν ἔργον πεποίηκα, τοῦτό μου μνημεῖον ἔσται· εἰ δὲ μή, οὐδʼ οἱ πάντες ἀνδριάντες, βαναύσων καὶ οὐδενὸς ἀξίων ἔργα ὄντες. 215b

Translations (1)

Laconic Apophthegms; or Remarkable Sayings of the Spartans. Perseus (Plutarch. Plutarch's Morals, Vol. I. Goodwin, William W., editor; unknown, translator. Boston: Little, Brown, and Company; Cambridge: Press of John Wilson and Son, 1874.) — 2 focus

Of Agesilaus the Great.

Agesilaus the Great, being once chosen steward of a feast, and asked by the butler how much wine he allowed every guest, returned: If you have a great deal provided, as much as every one calls for; if but a little, give them all an equal share. When he saw a malefactor resolutely endure his torments, How great a rascal is this fellow, he cried out, that uses patience, bravery, and courage, in such an impious and dishonest case! To one commending an orator for his skill in amplifying petty matters he said, I don’t think that shoemaker a good workman that makes a great shoe for a little foot. When one in discourse said to him, Sir, you have assented to such a thing already, and repeated it very often, he replied, Yes, if it is right; but if not, I said so indeed but never assented. And the other rejoining, But, sir, a king is obliged to perform Whatever he hath granted by his nod;¹ No more, he returned, than those that petition him are bound to make none but good and just requests, and to consider all circumstances of time and what befits a king. When he heard any praise or censure, he thought it as necessary to enquire into the character of those that spake as of those of whom they spake. While he was a boy, at a certain solemnity of naked dancing, the person that ordered that affair put him in a dishonorable place; and he, though already declared king, endured it, saying, I’ll show that it is not the places that grace men, but men the places. To a physician prescribing him a nice and tedious course of physic, he said, By Castor and Pollux, unless I am destined to live at any rate, I surely shall not if I take all this. Whilst he stood by the altar of Minerva Chalcioecus sacrificing an ox, a louse bit him. At this he never blushed, but cracked him before the whole company, adding these words, By all the Gods, it is pleasant to kill a plotter at the very altar. Another time seeing a boy pull a mouse by the tail out of his hole, and the mouse turn and bite the boy’s fingers and so escape; he bade his companions take notice of it, saying, If so little a creature will oppose injurious violence, what think ye that men ought to do?

Being eager for war against the Persians to free the Asiatic Greeks, he consulted the oracle of Jupiter at Dodona; and that telling him to go on as he designed, he brought the answer to the Ephors, upon which they ordered him to go to Delphi and put the same question. He went, and put it in this form: Apollo, are you of the same mind with your father? And the oracle agreeing, he was chosen general and the war began. Now Tissaphernes, at first being afraid of Agesilaus, came to articles, and agreed that the Greek cities should be free and left to their own laws; but afterward procuring a great army from the king, he declared war against him unless he should presently leave Asia. Glad of this treachery of Tissaphernes, he marched as if his design was to make an inroad upon Caria; but when Tissaphernes had brought his troops thither, he turned upon Phrygia, and took a great many cities and abundance of rich spoil, saying to his friend: To break one’s promise is indeed impious; but to outwit an enemy is not only just and glorious, but profitable and sweet. Being inferior to the enemy in horse, he retreated to Ephesus, and ordered all the wealthy to provide each a man and horse, which should excuse them from personal service in his wars. By which means, in the room of rich cowards, he was soon furnished with stout men and able horses; and this he said he did in imitation of Agamemnon, who agreed for a serviceable mare to discharge a wealthy coward. When he ordered the captives to be sold naked and the chapmen came, a thousand bid money for the clothes, but all derided the bodies of the men, which were tender and white by reason of their delicate breeding, as useless and worth nothing. He said to his soldiers, Look, those are the things for which ye fight, and these are the things with whom ye fight. Having beaten Tissaphernes in Lydia and killed many of his men, he wasted the territories of the king; and the king sending money and desiring a peace, Agesilaus replied: To grant peace is in the power only of the commonwealth. I delight to enrich my soldiers rather than myself, and think it agreeable to the honor of the Greeks not to receive gifts from their enemies but to take spoils.

Megabytes the son of Spithridates, a very pretty boy, who thought himself very well beloved, coming to him to offer a kiss and an embrace, he turned away his head. But when the boy had not appeared a long time, Agesilaus enquired after him; and his friends replied, that it was his own fault, since he derided the kiss of the pretty boy, and the youth was afraid to come again. Agesilaus, standing silent and musing a pretty while, said: Well, I will use no persuasions, for methinks I had rather conquer such desires than take the most popular city of my enemies; for it is better to preserve our own than rob others of their liberty. In all things else he was very exact, and a strict observer of the law; but in his friends’ concerns he thought that to be too scrupulous was a bare pretence to cloak unwillingness to use his interest. And agreeable to this, there is extant a small note of his, interceding for a friend to one Idrieus a Carian: If Nicias is not guilty, discharge him; if he is, discharge him for my sake; but by all means pray let him be discharged. This was his usual humor in his friends’ concerns, yet sometimes profit and convenience was preferred; for once breaking up his camp in disorder, and leaving one that he loved behind him sick, when he begged and beseeched him with tears to have compassion, he turned and said, How hard it is to be pitiful and wise at once! His diet was the same with that of his attendants; he never fed to satisfy, nor drank himself drunk; he used sleep not as a master, but as a servant to his affairs; and was so fitted to endure heat or cold, that he alone was undisturbed at the change of seasons. He lodged amongst his soldiers, and his bed was as mean as any; and this he had always in his mouth: It befits a governor to excel private men not in delicacy and softness, but in bravery and courage. And therefore when one asked him what good Lycurgus’s laws had brought to Sparta, he replied, Contempt of pleasure. And to one that wondered at his and the other Lacedaemonians’ mean fare and poor attire, he said, From this course of life, sir, we reap liberty. And to one advising him to indulge more, saying, Chance is uncertain, and you may never have the opportunity again, he replied, I accustom myself so that, let whatever change happen, I shall need no change. When he was grown old, he continued the same course; and to one asking him why at his age in very cold weather he would not wear a coat, he replied, that the youth may imitate, having the old men and governors for example.

The Thasians, when he marched through their country, presented him with corn, geese, sweetmeats, honey-cakes, and all sorts of delicacies, both of meat and drink; he accepted the corn, but commanded them to carry back the rest, as useless and unprofitable to him. But they importunately pressing him to take all, he ordered them to be given to the Helots; and when some asked the reason, he replied, They that profess bravery ought not to meddle with such delicacies; and whatever takes with slaves cannot be agreeable to the free. Another time the Thasians, after considerable benefits received, made him a God and dedicated temples to his honor, and sent an embassy to compliment him on that occasion. When he had read over the honors the ambassadors had brought him, Well, said he, and can your country make men Gods? And they affirming, Go to, he rejoined, make yourselves all Gods first; and when that is done, I’ll believe you can make me one. The Greeks in Asia decreeing him statues, he wrote thus to them: Let there be no representation of me, either painted, founded, or engraved. In Asia, seeing a house roofed with square beams, he asked the master whether trees in their country were grown square. And he replying, No, but round; What then, said he, if they grew square, would you make them round? Being asked how far Sparta’s bounds extended, shaking a spear he replied, As far as this will reach. And to another enquiring why Sparta was without walls, he showed the citizens in arms, saying, Look, these are the walls of Sparta. And to another that put the same question he replied, Cities should be walled not with stones and timber, but with the courage of the inhabitants; and his friends he advised to strive to be rich not in money, but in bravery and virtue. When he would have his soldiers do any thing quickly, he before them all put the first hand to it; he was proud that he wrought as much as any, and valued himself more upon ruling his own desires than upon being king. When one saw a lame Spartan marching to the war, and endeavored to procure a horse for him, How, said he, don’t you know that war needs those that will stay, not those that will fly? Being asked how he got this greateatreputation, he replied, By contemning death. And another time, one enquiring why the Spartans used pipes and music when they fought, he said, When all move in measure, it may be known who is brave and who a coward. When he heard one magnifying the king of Persia’s happiness, who was but young, Yes, said he, Priam himself was not unhappy at that age.

When he had conquered a great part of Asia, he designed to march against the King himself, to break his quiet and hinder him from corrupting the popular men amongst the Greeks; but being recalled by the Ephors to oppose the designs which the other Greek states, bought with the King’s gold, were forming against Sparta, he said, A good ruler should be governed by the laws, — and sailed away from Asia, leaving the Greeks there extremely sorry at his departure. And because the stamp of the Persian money was an archer, he said, when he broke up his camp, that he was driven out of Asia by thirty thousand of the King’s archers. For so many pieces of gold being carried to Thebes and Athens by Timocrates, and distributed amongst the popular men, the people were excited to war upon the Spartans. And this epistle he sent to the Ephors: —

Agesilaus to Ephors, Greeting.
We have subdued a great part of Asia, driven out the barbarians, and furnished Ionia with arms. But since you command me back, I follow, nay almost come before this epistle; for I am not governor for myself, but for the commonwealth. And then a king truly rules according to justice, when he is governed by the laws, the Ephors, or others that are in authority in the commonwealth.

Passing the Hellespont, he marched through Thrace, but made no applications to any of the barbarians, only sending to know whether he marched through the country of an enemy or a friend. All the others received him as friends and guided him in his march; only the Troadians (of whom, as story says, even Xerxes bought his passage) demanded of Agesilaus a hundred talents of silver and as many women. But he scoffingly replied, Why then do not you come presently to receive what you demand? And leading on his army, he fought them; and having destroyed a considerable number, he marched through. To the king of Macedon he sent the same question; and he replying that he would consider of it, Let him consider, saith he, and we will be marching on. Upon which the king, surprised at his daring temper and afraid of his force, admitted him as a friend. The Thessalians having assisted his enemies, he wasted their country, and sent Xenocles and Scythes to Larissa in order to make a treaty. These being seized and detained, all others stomached it extremely, and were of opinion that Agesilaus should besiege and storm Larissa. But he replying that he would not give either of their lives for all Thessaly, he had them delivered upon articles. Hearing of a battle fought near Corinth, in which very few of the Spartans, but many of the Corinthians, Athenians, and their allies were slain, he did not appear joyful, or puffed up with his victory, but fetching a deep sigh cried out, Unhappy Greece, that hath destroyed herself men enough to have conquered all the barbarians! The Pharsalians pressing upon him and distressing his forces with five hundred horse, he charged them, and after the rout raised a trophy at the foot of Narthacium. And this victory pleased him more than all the others he had won, because with his single cavalry he had beaten those that vaunted themselves as the best horsemen in the world. Diphridas bringing him commands immediately upon his march to make an inroad into Boeotia, — though he designed the same thing in a short time, when he should be better prepared, — he obeyed, and sending for twenty thousand men from the camp at Corinth, marched into Boeotia; and at Coronea joining battle with the Thebans, Athenians, Argives, Corinthians, and Locrians altogether, he won, though desperately wounded himself, the greatest battle (as Xenophon affirms) that was fought in his age. And yet when he returned, after so much glory and so many victories, he made no alteration in his course of life.

When he saw some of the citizens think themselves brave fellows for breeding horses for the race, he persuaded his sister Cunisca to get into a chariot and put in for the prize at the Olympian games, intending by that way to convince the Greeks that it was no argument of bravery, but of wealth and profuse expense. Having Xenophon the philosopher at his house, and treating him with great consideration, he urged him to send for his children and have them brought up in Sparta, where they might learn the most excellent of arts, how to govern and how to be governed. And at another time being asked by what means the Lacedaemonians flourished above others, Because, says he, they are more studious than others how to rule and how to obey. When Lysander was dead, he found a strong faction, which Lysander upon his return from Asia had associated against him, and was very eager to show the people what manner of citizen Lysander was whilst he lived. And finding among Lysander’s papers an oration composed by Cleon of Halicarnassus, about new designs and changing the government, which Lysander was to speak to the people, he resolved to publish it. But when an old politician, perusing the discourse and fearing its effect upon the people, advised him not to dig up Lysander but rather bury the speech with him, he followed the advice, and made no more of it. Those of the contrary faction he did not openly molest, but by cunning contrivance he got some of them into office, and then showed them to be rascals when in power. And then defending them or getting their pardon when accused, he brought them over to his own side, so that he had no enemy at last. To one desiring him to write to his acquaintance in Asia, that he might have justice done him, he replied, My acquaintance will do thee justice, though I do not write. One showed him the wall of a city strongly built and well fortified, and asked him whether he did not think it a fine thing. Yes, by heaven, he replied, for women, but not for men to live in. To a Megarian talking great things of his city he said, Youth, thy words want an army.

What he saw others admire he seemed not so much as to know; and when Callipides, a man famous among the Greeks for acting tragedies and caressed by all, met him and saluted him, and then impudently intruding amongst his companions showed himself, supposing that Agesilaus would take notice of him and begin some familiar discourse, and at last asked, Doth not your majesty know me? Have not you heard who I am? — he looked upon him and said, Art not thou Callipides, the Merry Andrew? ² (For that is the name the Lacedaemonians give an actor.) Being once desired to hear a man imitate a nightingale,.he refused, saying, I have often heard the bird itself. Menecrates the physician, for his good success in some desperate diseases, was called Jupiter; and priding himself in the name, he presumed to write to Agesilaus thus: Menecrates Jupiter to King Agesilaus wisheth good health. Reading no more, he presently wrote back: King Agesilaus to Menecrates wisheth a sound mind.

When Conon and Pharnabazus with the king’s navy were masters of the sea and wasted the coasts of Laconia, and Athens — Pharnabazus defraying the charges — was surrounded with a wall, the Lacedaemonians made a peace with the Persian; and sending Antalcidas, one of their citizens, to Tiribazus, they agreed to deliver into the King’s hands all the Asiatic Greeks, for whose freedom Agesilaus fought. Upon which account Agesilaus was not at all blemished by this dishonorable treaty; for Antalcidas was his enemy, and clapped up a peace on purpose because the war raised Agesilaus and got him glory. When one said, The Lacedaemonians are becoming medized, he replied, Rather the Medes are becoming laconized. And being asked which was the better virtue, courage or justice, he said: Courage would be good for nothing, if there were no justice; and if all men were just, there would be no need of courage. The Asians being wont to style the king of Persia The Great; How, said he, is he greater than I am, if he is not more just or temperate? And he used to say, The Greeks in Asia are mean-spirited freemen, but stout slaves. And being asked how one might get the greatest reputation amongst men, he replied, By speaking the best and doing the bravest things. And he had this saying commonly in his mouth, A commander should be daring against his enemy, and kind and good-natured to his own soldiers. When one asked him what boys should learn; That, said he, which they shall use when men. When he sat judge upon a cause, the accuser spake floridly and well; but the defendant meanly and ever now and then repeated these words, Agesilaus, a king should assist the laws. What, said he, dost thou think, if any one dug down thy house or took away thy coat, a mason or a weaver would assist thee?

A letter being brought him from the king of Persia by a Persian that came with Callias the Spartan, after the peace was concluded, offering him friendship and kind entertainment, he would not receive it, bidding the messenger tell the king that there was no need to send private letters to him; for if he was a friend to Sparta and meant well to Greece, he would do his best to be his friend; but if he designed upon their liberty, he might know that, though he received a thousand- letters from him, he would be his enemy. He was very fond of his children; and it is reported that once toying with them he got astride upon a reed as upon a horse, and rode about the room; and being seen by one of his friends, he desired him not to speak of it till he had children of his own. When he had fought often with the Thebans and was wounded in the battle, Antalcidas, as it is reported, said to him: Indeed, sir, you have received a very fair reward for instructing the Thebans, whom, when ignorant and unwilling, you have forced to learn the art of war. For story tells us, the Lacedaemonians at that time by frequent skirmishes had made the Thebans better soldiers than themselves. And therefore Lycurgus, the old lawgiver, forbade them to fight often with the same nation, lest the enemy should learn their discipline. When he understood that the allies took it very ill, that in their frequent expeditions they, being great in number, followed the Spartans that were but few; designing to show their mistake about the number, he ordered all the allies to sit down in one body and the Lacedaemonians in another by themselves. Then he made proclamation that all the potters should rise first; and when they stood up, the braziers next; then the carpenters, next the masons, and so all other traders in order. Now almost all the allies stood up and not one of the Spartans, for their law forbids them all mechanical employments. Then said Agesilaus, with a smile, See now how many soldiers we provide more than you. When at the battle of Leuctra many of the Spartans fled and upon that account were obnoxious to the laws, the Ephors, seeing the city had but few men and stood in great need of soldiers at that time, would free them from the infamy and yet still keep the laws in force. Upon that account they put the power of making laws into the hands of Agesilaus; and he coming into the assembly said, I will make no new laws, nor will I add any thing to those you already have, nor take therefrom, nor change them in any wise; but I will order that the laws you already have be in force from to-morrow.

Epaminondas rushing on with a torrent and tide of force, and the Thebans and their allies being puffed up with this victory, though he had but an inconsiderable number, Agesilaus repulsed them from the city and forced them to retreat. In the battle at Mantinea, he advised the Spartans to neglect the others and fight Epaminondas only, saying: The wise alone is the stout man, and the cause of victory; and therefore if we take him off, we shall quickly have the rest; for they are fools and worth nothing. And it happened accordingly; for Epaminondas having the better of the day and the Spartans being routed, as he turned about and encouraged his soldiers to pursue, a Lacedaemonian gave him his death-wound. He falling, the Spartans that fled with Agesilaus rallied and turned the victory; the Thebans appearing to have much the worse, and the Spartans the better of the day. When Sparta had a great many hired soldiers in pay, and wanted money to carry on the war, Agesilaus, upon the king of Egypt’s desire, went to serve him for money. But the meanness of his habit brought him into contempt with the people of that country; for they, according to their bad notions of princes, expected that the king of Sparta should appear like the Persian, gaudily attired. But in a little time he sufficiently convinced them that majesty and glory were to be gotten by prudence and courage. When he found his men discouraged at the number of the enemy (for they were 200,000) and their own fewness, just before the engagement, without any man’s privity, he contrived how to encourage them: in the hollow of his left hand he wrote VICTORY, and taking the liver from the priest, he put it into that hand, and held it a pretty while, pretending he was in doubt and perplexity at some appearance, till the characters were imprinted on the flesh; and then he showed it to the soldiers, telling them the Gods gave certain signs of victory by these characters. Upon which, thinking they had sure evidence of good success, they marched resolutely to the battle. When the enemy much exceeded them in number and were making an entrenchment round his camp, and Nectabius, whom then he assisted, urged him to fight; I would not, said he, hinder our enemies from making their number as small as ours. And when the trench was almost drawn round, ordering his army to the space between, and so fighting upon equal terms, with those few soldiers he had he routed and killed abundance of the enemy, and sent home a great treasure. Dying on his voyage from Egypt, he commanded his attendants not to make any figure or representation of his body; For, said he, if I have done any brave action, that will preserve my memory; if not, neither will a thousand statues, the works of base mechanics.

Notes on the current edition

Sayings of Spartans

1. Cf. the note on 190 F, supra. Many anecdotes about Agesilaus may be found in Polyaenus, Strategemata, ii. 1.

2. Cf. Moralia, 224 C, infra, and Cicero, De oratore, i. 54 (231).

3. Adapted from Homer, Il. i. 527.

4. In almost the same words, but with a diffrent turn of the thought, in Xenophon, Agesilaus, 11. 4.

5. Plutarch in his Life of Agesilaus, chaps. i. and ii. (596 A and 597 B), says that Agesilaus was brought up as a private citizen and di not become king until after the death of Agis.

6. Cf. Moralia, 149 A. In 219, infra the remark is attributed to Damonidas, and Diogenes Laertius, ii. 73, assigns it to Aristippus.

7. Cf. the similar attitude of Pompey, 204 B, supra.

8. Cf. the similar story about Brasidas in Moralia, 79 E, 190 B, and 219 C.

9. Cf. Moralia, 191 B, supra, and the note.

10. Cf. Plutarch’s Life of Agesilaus, chap. ix. (600 C): Xenophon, Hellenica, iii. 4. 5 ff., Agesilaus, 1. 10; Diodorus, xiv. 79; Polyaenus, Strategemata, ii. 1. 8-9; Cornelius Nepos, xvii., Agesilaus 2 and 3; Frontinus, Strategemata, i. 8. 12.

11. Cf. Plutarch’s Life of Agesilaus, chap. ix. (600 D); Xenophon, Hellenica, iii. 4. 15, and Agesilaus, 1. 24.

12. Cf. Moralia, 32 F. The reference is to Homer, Il. xxiii. 296 ff.

13. Cf. Plutarch’s Life of Agesilaus, chap. ix. (600 E); Xenophon, Hellenica, iii. 4. 19. Agesilaus, 1. 28: Polyaenus ii. 1. 5; Athenaeus, 550 E.

14. Cf. Plutarch’s Life of Agesilaus, chap. x. (601 A-B), where the remark is made to Tithraustes, who was sent by the king to supplant Tissaphernes. Cf. also Xenophon, Hellenica, iii. 4. 25, and Agesilaus 4.6.

15. Cf. Plutarch’s Life of Agesilaus, chap. xi. (602 A); Moralia, 31 C (81 A); Xenophon, Agesilaus, 5, 4-5.

16. Cf. Plutarch’s Life of Agesilaus, chap. xiii. (603 B); Moralia, 191 B, supra.

17. Cf. Plutarch’s Life of Agesilaus, chap. xiii. (603 C); Moralia, 191 A, supra.

18. Cf. Plutarch’s Life of Agesilaus, chap. xiv. (603); Xenophon, Agesilaus, 5. 2-3, and 9. 5; Cornelius Nepos, xvii., Agesilaus, 5. 2.

19. Cf. Xenophon, Agesilaus, 5. 2.

20. Cf. Aelian, Varia Historia, vii. 13.

21. Cf. Plutarch’s Life of Agesilaus, chap. xxxvi. (616 F), where the scene is laid in Egypt, as also in Cornelius Nepos, xvii., Agesilaus, 8. 3-4. The story is found also in Athenaeus, 657 B and in Aelian, Varia Historia, iii. 20, where it is told of Lysander.

22. Cf. Moralia, 191 D, supra, and the note. By constructed he probably refers to the gold and ivory statues which were common among the Greeks.

23. Cf. Moralia, 227 C, infra, and Plutarch’s Life of Lycurgus, chap. xii. (47 C).

24. Cf. Moralia, 190 E (3), supra, and 217 E (7), 218 F (2), 229 C (6), infra, and 267 C.

25. Cf. Moralia, 217 E, infra (Antalcidas); Plutarch’s Life of Lycurgus, chap. xix. (52 B); Plato, Laws, 778 D; Epictetus, in Stobaeus, Florilegium, v. iii.; Demosthenes, Oration xviii. ( De corona), 299 (325); Claudius Claudianus, (viii.), Panegyr. de quarto consulatu Honorii, 508. Cf. also Moralia, 228 E (28) infra.

26. See note d on previous page.

27. Cf. Xenophon, Agesilaus, 5. 3. Plutarch tells the same sort of thing about C. Marius in his Life, chap. vii. (409 B).

28. Cf. Moralia, 198 E (8), supra.

29. Cf. 217 C, 234 E, infra: Valerius Maximus, iii. 7, ext. 8.

30. Cf. 216 C (18), infra.

31. Cf. Thucydides, v. 70; Xenophon, Constitution of Sparta, 13. 8; Lucian, On Dancing, 10; Cicero, Tusculan Disputations, ii. 16 (37); Valerius Maximus, ii. 6. 2.

32. Cf. Moralia, 113 E.

33. Cf. Plutarch’s Life of Agesilaus, chap. xv. (603 E): Xenophon, Hellenica, iii. 5. 1, and iv. 1. 41, and Agesilaus, 1. 7.

34. Cf. Plutarch’s Life of Agesilaus, chap. xv. (p. 603 E): Xenophon, Hellenica, iv. 2. 1-3, and Agesilaus, 1. 36: Cornelius Nepos, xvii., Agesilaus, 4. 1-4.

35. Cf. Plutarch’s Life of Agesilaus, chap. xv. (604 C); Life of Artaxerxes, chap. xx. (1021 D); Xenophon, Hellenica, iii. 5. 1. Xenophon ( l.c.) says that the Persian gold went to Thebes, Corinth, and Argos, and the Athenians were eager for the war (naturally, as it was a war of revenge) without being bribed.

36. The letter contains a suspicious number of words for a Laconic letter!

37. Nos. 42, 43, and 44 are to be found consecutively in nearly the same words in Plutarch’s Life of Agesilaus, chap. xvi. (604 D-E).

38. See note b on previous page.

39. In 304 B.C. Cf. Xenophon, Hellenica, iv. 2. 18 ff.

40. Cf. Plutarch’s Life of Agesilaus, chap. xv. (604 ); Moralia, 191 A (6), supra, and the note; Xenophon, Hellenica, iv. 3. 1, Agesilaus, 7.4; Diodorus, xiv. 86; Cornelius Nepos, xvii., Agesilaus, 5. 2.

41. See 209 B, supra.

42. Cf. Plutarch’s Life of Agesilaus, chap. xvi. (605 A); Xenophon, Hellenica, iv. 3. 3-9, Agesilaus, 2. 2-5.

43. One of the Ephors.

44. Hellenica, iv. 3. 16, Agesilaus, 2. 9. Xenophon took part in the battle ( Anabasis, v. 3. 6).

45. Cf. Plutarch’s Life of Agesilaus, chaps. xvii. and xviii. (605 A-F); Xenophon, Hellenica, iv. 3. 15-20, Agesilaus, 2. 9-16.

46. Cf. Plutarch’s Life of Agesilaus, chap. xix. (606 B-C).

47. Cf. Plutarch’s Life of Agesilaus, chap. xx. (606 D); Xenophon, Agesilaus, 9. 6; Pausanias, iii. 8. 1-2; iii. 15. 1; v. 12. 5; vi. 1. 6; and the epigram in the Greek Anthology, xiii. 16 (L.C.L. v. p. 10), which records Cynisca’s victory. Fragments of the original inscription, which was cut on the pedestal on which the statue of Cynisca stood, were found in the excavations at Olympia. See J.G. Frazer, Pausanias, iv. p. 3; or Pausanias, ed. Hitzig and Blumner, ii. p. 532.

48. Cf. Plutarch’s Life of Agesilaus, chap. xx. (606 D), and Diogenes Laertius, ii. 51 and 54.

49. Cf. Moralia, 215 C, infra; Plutarch’s Life of Lycurgus, chap. xxx. (58 C), and Life of Agesilaus, chap. i. (596 D); Xenophon, Agesilaus, 2. 16.

50. Cf. Moralia, 229 F, infra; Plutarch’s Life of Lysander, chap. xxiv. (447 D), and chap. xxx. (450 E); Life of Agesilaus, chap. xx. (606 E).

51. Cf. Plutarch’s Life of Agesilaus, chap. xx. (606 F).

52.

53. Cf. Moralia, 190 A, supra, 215 D, 230 C, infra, and Valerius Maximus, iii. 7, ext. 8.

54. The remark is usually attributed to Lysander; Cf. Plutarch’s Life of Lysander, chap. xxii. (445 D); Moralia, 71 E, 190 E, supra, 229 C, infra. Themistius, Oration xxvii. 334 C. The idea was originally expressed by Adeimantus to Themistocles in Herodotus, viii. 61.

55. Famous for his impressive acting. Cf. Xenophon, Symposium, 3. 11; Aristotle, Poetics, chap. 26; Plutarch, Moralia, 348 E; Polyaenus, Strategemata, vi. 10.

56. Cf. Plutarch’s Life of Agesilaus, chap. xxi. (607 D).

57. Life of Agesilaus, chap. xxi. (607 E); Moralia, 191 B; Life of Lycurgus, chap. xx. (52 E). A similar remark is attributed to Pleistarchus, Moralia, 231 C, infra.

58. Cf. Moralia, 191 A (5), supra, and Plutarch’s Life of Agesilaus, chap. xxi. (607 E). Ascribed to Philip of Macedon by Aelian, Varia Historia, xii. 51, and Athenaeus, 289 B.

59. In 393 B.C. (Xenophon, Hellenica, iv. 8. 10).

60. The peace of Antalcidas, 387 B.C. (Xenophon, Hellenica, v. 1. 29; Plutarch, Life of Artaxerxes, chap. xxi. (1022 A)).

61. Cf. Plutarch’s Life of Agesilaus, chap. xxiii. (608 C).

62. Ibid. 608 D; Cf. also Plutarch’s Life of Artaxerxes, chap. xxi. (1022 C).

63. Cf. Moralia, 190 F (3), supra, and Plutarch’s Life of Agesilaus, chap. xxiii. (608 F).

64. Cf. the note on Moralia, 190 F (2), supra.

65. Cf. the note on Moralia 190 F (1), supra.

66. Stobaeus, Florilegium, liv. 49, adds, and reasoning power to meet crises.

67. Leotychidas (224 D, infra) and Aristippus (diogenes Laertius, ii. 80) expressed the same opinion, which has been repeated ad nauseam by professors of paedagogy.

68. The peace of Antalcidas, 387 B.C. See Moralia, 213 A-B, supra.

69. Cf. Plutarch’s Life of Agesilaus, chap.xxiii. (608 F); Xenophon, Agesilaus, 8. 3 (in almost the same words as here); Aelian, Varia Historia, x. 20.

70. Cf. Plutarch’s Life of Agesilaus, chap. xxv. 610 C): Aelian, Varia Historia, xii. 15. Diogenes Laertius and Valerius Maximus (viii. 8, ext. 1), tell this story of Socrates.

71. In the invasion of Boeotia in 378 B.C.

72. Cf. Plutarch’s Life of Agesilaus, chap. xxvi. (610 D); Life of Pelopidas, cap. xv. (285 D); Moralia, 227 C, infra.

73. Cf. Plutarch’s Life of Lycurgus, chap. xiii. (47 D), Moralia, 189 F, supra; Polyaenus, Strategemata, i. 16. 2.

74. Cf. Plutarch’s Life of Agesilaus, chap. xxvi. (610 E); Polyaenus, Strategemata, ii. 1. 7.

75. Cf. Plutarch’s Life of Agesilaus, chap. xxx. (612 F): and the note on Moralia, 191 C (10), supra.

76. The expression is that of Theopompus, as Plutarch tells us in his Life of Agesilaus, chap. xxi. (613 B).

77. Cf. Xenophon, Hellenica, vii. 5. 10; Diodorus, xv. 83; Cornelius Nepos, xvii., Agesilaus, 6. 1-3.

78. Cf. Plutarch’s Life of Agesilaus, chap. xxxvi. (616 B); Cornelius Nepos, xvii., Agesilaus, 7. 2.

79. A similar trick of Alexander’s is told by Frontinus, Strategemata, i. 11. 14.

80. Cf. Plutarch’s Life of Agesilaus, chap. xxxix. (618 A), Moralia, 191 C (11), supra, and the note.

81. Cf. Moralia, 191 D (12), supra, and the note.

Plutarch Apophthegmata Laconica 2

Frank Cole Babbitt (Translator)

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AGESILAUS THE GREAT¹

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Ἀγησιλάου τοῦ Μεγάλου

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AGESILAUS THE GREAT¹