Thucydides, History of the Peloponnesian War, Friedrich Haase (Translator), 1.132

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[1] Spartani vero manifestum quidem indicium nullum habebant, neque ipsius inimici, neque universa civitas , quo sine dubitatione confisi supplicium sumerent de viro, qui et regio genere natus, et honore regio id temporie praeditus erat (Plistarchi enim Leonidae filii, quum rex et puer adhuc esset, ipse ejus consobrinus tutelam gerebat);

[2] ceterum suspiciones multas praebebat morum insolentia et barbarorum aemulatione, se nolle in praesenti rerum statu acquiescere; et quum alias ejus actiones accurate considerabant, si qua in re a moribus receptis et patriia institutis recessisset, tum etiam quod olim in tripode Delphis quem Graeci ex primitiis manubiarum Medis ablatarum dicaverant, hoc distichum ipse privatim inscribi voluisset,

Graecorum postquam dux agmina Medica fudit,

Phoebo Pausanias haec monumenta dedit.

[3] Sed Lacedaemonii hoc epigramma jam tunc protinus ex t tripode exsculpserant, et in eo singulas civitates nominatim inscripserant, quotquot participes victori» de barbaro donum istud dicaverant; Pausaniae tamen et hoc ut Injustum facinus imputabatur, et postquam in hoc statu res ejus esse coeperunt, multo etiam magis illud consentaneum factum videbatur consilio ei, quo nunc uteretur.

[4] Quinetiam audiebant eum aliquid cum Helotis agitare, idque verum erat; etenim et libertatem ipsis pollicebatur et civitatem, si secum insurrexissent summamque rei secum transegissent.

[5] Sed tamen ne sic quidem ullis servorum indiciis fide habita quicquam novi in ipsum statuere voluerunt, utentes more, quo consueverunt inter se ipsos, ut non sint celeres ad aliquid gravius de viro Spartano sine manifestissimis ac minime dubiis indiciis decernendum : donec tandem quidam , ut fertur, qui postremas epistolas Regi scriptas erat ad Artabazum perlaturus, vir Argilius, qui quondam ejun amasius fuerat idemque illi fidelissimus, indicium professus est, metu perculsus, quum ipsi in suspicionem venisse! nullum de nuntiis ante se missis adhuc rediisse. Quare cum sigillum subditicium sibi effinxisset ut, si opinione falleretur, aut etiam si quid ille mutare voluisset, ne agnosceret , epistolas aperit, in quibus suspicatus aliquid hujusmodi praeterea mandatum esse, se quoque scriptum caedi-que destinatum invenit.

History of the Peloponnesian War. Thucydides. Friedrich Haase (Translator). Paris. 1869.

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Current edition First1KGreek

Historia Belli Peloponnesiaci (Latin) (Historia Belli Peloponnesiaci. Haase, Friedrich, translator. Paris: Firmin Didot, 1869.)

Editions (1)

Ἱστορίαι Perseus (Thucydides. Historiae, Vol 1-2. Jones, Henry Stuart, editor. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1910. (1942 printing).) — 1.132 focus

[1] καὶ φανερὸν μὲν εἶχον οὐδὲν οἱ Σπαρτιᾶται σημεῖον, οὔτε οἱ ἐχθροὶ οὔτε ἡ πᾶσα πόλις, ὅτῳ ἂν πιστεύσαντες βεβαίως ἐτιμωροῦντο ἄνδρα γένους τε τοῦ βασιλείου ὄντα καὶ ἐν τῷ παρόντι τιμὴν ἔχοντα (Πλείσταρχον γὰρ τὸν Λεωνίδου ὄντα βασιλέα καὶ νέον ἔτι ἀνεψιὸς ὢν ἐπετρόπευεν),

[2] ὑποψίας δὲ πολλὰς παρεῖχε τῇ τε παρανομίᾳ καὶ ζηλώσει τῶν βαρβάρων μὴ ἴσος βούλεσθαι εἶναι τοῖς παροῦσι, τά τε ἄλλα αὐτοῦ ἀνεσκόπουν, εἴ τί που ἐξεδεδιῄτητο τῶν καθεστώτων νομίμων, καὶ ὅτι ἐπὶ τὸν τρίποδά ποτε τὸν ἐν Δελφοῖς, ὃν ἀνέθεσαν οἱ Ἕλληνες ἀπὸ τῶν Μήδων ἀκροθίνιον, ἠξίωσεν ἐπιγράψασθαι αὐτὸς ἰδίᾳ τὸ ἐλεγεῖον τόδε·

Ἑλλήνων ἀρχηγὸς ἐπεὶ στρατὸν ὤλεσε Μήδων,

Παυσανίας Φοίβῳ μνῆμ’ ἀνέθηκε τόδε.

[3] τὸ μὲν οὖν ἐλεγεῖον οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι ἐξεκόλαψαν εὐθὺς τότε ἀπὸ τοῦ τρίποδος τοῦτο καὶ ἐπέγραψαν ὀνομαστὶ τὰς πόλεις ὅσαι ξυγκαθελοῦσαι τὸν βάρβαρον ἔστησαν τὸ ἀνάθημα· τοῦ μέντοι Παυσανίου ἀδίκημα καὶ τότ’ ἐδόκει εἶναι, καὶ ἐπεί γε δὴ ἐν τούτῳ καθειστήκει, πολλῷ μᾶλλον παρόμοιον πραχθῆναι ἐφαίνετο τῇ παρούσῃ διανοίᾳ.

[4] ἐπυνθάνοντο δὲ καὶ ἐς τοὺς Εἵλωτας πράσσειν τι αὐτόν, καὶ ἦν δὲ οὕτως· ἐλευθέρωσίν τε γὰρ ὑπισχνεῖτο αὐτοῖς καὶ πολιτείαν, ἢν ξυνεπαναστῶσι καὶ τὸ πᾶν ξυγκατεργάσωνται.

[5] ἀλλ’ οὐδ’ ὣς οὐδὲ τῶν Εἱλώτων μηνυταῖς τισὶ πιστεύσαντες ἠξίωσαν νεώτερόν τι ποιεῖν ἐς αὐτόν, χρώμενοι τῷ τρόπῳ ᾧπερ εἰώθασιν ἐς σφᾶς αὐτούς, μὴ ταχεῖς εἶναι περὶ ἀνδρὸς Σπαρτιάτου ἄνευ ἀναμφισβητήτων τεκμηρίων βουλεῦσαί τι ἀνήκεστον, πρίν γε δὴ αὐτοῖς, ὡς λέγεται, ὁ μέλλων τὰς τελευταίας βασιλεῖ ἐπιστολὰς πρὸς Ἀρτάβαζον κομιεῖν, ἀνὴρ Ἀργίλιος, παιδικά ποτε ὢν αὐτοῦ καὶ πιστότατος ἐκείνῳ, μηνυτὴς γίγνεται, δείσας κατὰ ἐνθύμησίν τινα ὅτι οὐδείς πω τῶν πρὸ ἑαυτοῦ ἀγγέλων πάλιν ἀφίκετο, καὶ παρασημηνάμενος σφραγῖδα, ἵνα, ἢν ψευσθῇ τῆς δόξης ἢ καὶ ἐκεῖνός τι μεταγράψαι αἰτήσῃ, μὴ ἐπιγνῷ, λύει τὰς ἐπιστολάς, ἐν αἷς ὑπονοήσας τι τοιοῦτον προσεπεστάλθαι καὶ αὑτὸν ηὗρεν ἐγγεγραμμένον κτείνειν.

Translations (10)

The History of the Grecian War Perseus (Thucydides. The English works of Thomas Hobbes of Malmesbury. Hobbes, Thomas. translator. London: John Bohn, 1843.) — 1.132 focus

[1] And though the Spartans had against him no manifest proof, neither his enemies nor the whole city, whereupon to proceed to the punishment of a man both of the race of their kings and at that present in great authority (for Plistarchus the son of Leonidas being king and as yet in minority, Pausanias, who was his cousin-german, had the tuition of him yet), by his licentious behaviour and affectation of the barbarian customs, he gave much cause of suspicion that he meant not to live in the equality of the present state.

[2] They considered also that he differed in manner of life from the discipline established: amongst other things by this, that upon the tripode at Delphi, which the Grecians had dedicated as the best of the spoil of the Medes, he had caused to be inscribed of himself in particular this elegiac verse:

Pausanias, Greek General,

Having the Medes defeated,

To Phoebus in record thereof

This gift hath consecrated.

[3] But the Lacedaemonians then presently defaced that inscription of the tripode and engraved thereon by name all the cities that had joined in the overthrow of the Medes, and dedicated it so. This therefore was numbered amongst the offences of Pausanias and was thought to agree with his present design, so much the rather for the condition he was now in.

[4] They had information farther that he had in hand some practice with the Helots. And so he had, for he promised them not only manumission but also freedom of the city if they would rise with him and co-operate in the whole business.

[5] But neither thus upon some impeachment of the Helots would they proceed against him but kept the custom which they have in their own cases not hastily to give a peremptory sentence against a Spartan without unquestionable proof. Till at length (as it is reported) purposing to send over to Artabazus his last letters to the king, he was bewrayed unto them by a man of Argilus, in time past his minion and most faithful to him, who, being terrified with the cogitation that not any of those which had been formerly sent had ever returned, got him a seal like to the seal of Pausanias (to the end that if his jealousy were false or that he should need to alter anything in the letter, it might not be discovered) and opened the letter, wherein (as he had suspected the addition of some such clause) he found himself also written down to be murdered.

History of the Peloponnesian War Perseus (Thucydides. History of the Peloponnesian War. Crawley, Richard, translator. London and Toronto: J. M. Dent and Sons Ltd.; New York: E. P. Dutton and Co., 1914.) — 1.132 focus

[1] Now the Spartans had no tangible proof against him—neither his enemies nor the nation—of that indubitable kind required for the punishment of a member of the royal family, and at that moment in high office; he being regent for his first cousin King Pleistarchus, Leonidas' son, who was still a minor. But by his contempt of the laws and imitation of the barbarians,

[2] he gave grounds for much suspicion of his being discontented with things established; all the occasions on which he had in any way departed from the regular customs were passed in review, and it was remembered that he had taken upon himself to have inscribed on the tripod at Delphi , which was dedicated by the Hellenes as the first-fruits of the spoil of the Medes, the following couplet:—

The Mede defeated, great Pausanias raised

This monument, that Phoebus might be praised.

[3] At the time the Lacedaemonians had at once erased the couplet, and inscribed the names of the cities that had aided in the overthrow of the barbarian and dedicated the offering. Yet it was considered that Pausanias had here been guilty of a grave offence, which, interpreted by the light of the attitude which he had since assumed, gained a new significance, and seemed to be quite in keeping with his present schemes.

[4] Besides, they were informed that he was even intriguing with the Helots; and such indeed was the fact, for he promised them freedom and citizenship if they would join him in insurrection, and would help him to carry out his plans to the end.

[5] Even now, mistrusting the evidence even of the Helots themselves, the Ephors would not consent to take any decided step against him; in accordance with their regular custom towards themselves, namely, to be slow in taking any irrevocable resolve in the matter of a Spartan citizen, without indisputable proof. At last, it is said, the person who was going to carry to Artabazus the last letter for the king, a man of Argilus, once the favorite and most trusty servant of Pausanias, turned informer. Alarmed by the reflection that none of the previous messengers had ever returned, having counterfeited the seal, in order that, if he found himself mistaken in his surmises, or if Pausanias should ask to make some correction, he might not be discovered, he undid the letter, and found the postscript that he had suspected, viz., an order to put him to death.

Geschichte des Peloponnesischen Kriegs First1KGreek (Thucydides. Geschichte des Peloponnesischen Kriegs. Wahrmund, Adolf, translator. Stuttgart: Krais and Hoffmann, 1864.) — 1.132 focus

Einen deutlichen Beweis hatten nun zwar die Spartaner
nicht, weder seine Feinde, noch auch der ganze Staat, so daß sie ihn
hätten zur Strafe ziehen können; denn er war von königlichem
Geschlecht und stand auch gerade jetzt in königlichem Amte, weil er als
Vetter über den jungen König PleistarchoS, des Leonidas Sohn, die
Vormundschaft führte. Da er aber der Sitte zuwider handelte und
barbarische Gebräuche nachahmte, so erweckte er selbst starken Verdacht,
als wolle er dem Bestehenden nicht als Gleicher unter Gleichen gerecht
. werden, und man gab deßhalb Acht auf ihn, ob er nicht in irgend
etwas gegen die bestehenden Gesetze verstoße; und als es ihm beifiel, ¹²
lauf den Dreifuß, welchen die Hellenen von der persischen Beute als
als Bestopser nach Delphi geweiht hatten, für seine eigene Person
den 'Zweizeiler schreiben zu lassen ^):
Weil er die Mcdische Schaar als Führer der Grieche» vernichtet,
Weihet dem delphischen Gott PausaniaS dies Geschenk,
so ließen die Lakedämonier allsogleich diese Worte aus dem Dreifuß
ausmeißeln, und schrieben an deren Stelle die Namen aller der Städte,
welche zur Besiegung der Barbaren mitgeholfen und gemeinschaftlich
dies Weihgeschenk aufgestellt hatten Dem PausaniaS aber machte
man daraus ein Verbrechen, und weil es schon einmal so um ihn
stand, so erblickte man in jener Handlung um so mehr etwas mit den
ihm vorschwebenden Plänen Uebereinstimmendes. Nun kam ihnen
auch zu Ohren, daß er mit den Heloten irgend etwas vorhabe; und
dem war wirklich so, denn er hatte ihnen die Freiheit und das
Bürgerrecht versprochen, wenn sie sich mit ihm empören und seinen ganzen
Plan durchzusetzen helfen wollten^), Aber ^mch nicht einmal jetzt,
trotz der Angabe einiger Heloten, wagten sie gegen ihn'eine harte
Maßregel zn ergreisen; und sie verfuhren hierin, wie sie unter sich
zn thun Pflegten, daß sie nämlich nie vorschnell ohne den unzweideu»
tigsten Beweis gegen einen Spartaner mit Schärfe vorgingen ^
Erst — so wird erzählt — als der Bote, welcher den letzten Brief
für den König an den Artabazos besorgen sollte, ein Argilischer Mann, ³⁴⁵⁶
früher des Pausanias Lustknabe und ihm sehr ergeben, >'zum Angeber
wurde; da ihm nämlich ausfiel, daß Keiner von den früheren Boten
zurückgekehrt war, so schöpfte er Verdacht, macht zuerst das Siegel
nach, um nicht verrathen zu werden, wenn ihn allenfalls seine
Vermuthung täuschen oder Pausanias den Brief zurückfordern sollte, um
etwas darin zu ändern, öffnet dann das Schreiben, und wie er denn
vermuthet hatte, daß irgend ein derartiger Nebenauftrag darin
enthalten sei, so findet er wirklich die Aufforderung, ihn selbst zu tödten.
Nun, da jener den Brief vorlegte, glaubten zwar die Ephoren schon
eher, aber sie wollten außerdem noch mit eigenen Ohren etwas aus
dem Munde des Pausanias hören, und auf ihr Veranstalten begab
sich der Mann als Hilfeflehender nach Tänaros, machte sich eine durch
eine Scheidewand getheilte Hütte und verbarg darin-einige der
Ephoren.s

Geschichte des Peloponnesischen Kriegs First1KGreek (Thucydides. Geschichte des Peloponnesischen Kriegs. Braun, Theodor, translator. Leipzig: Insel-Verlag, 1917.) — 1.132 focus

Auch hatten die Spartaner, weder die Regierung noch
seine Feinde, keine genügenden Beweise in Händen, um einen
Mann aus königlichem Hause, der zudem eben jetzt die höchste
Würde bekleidete, zur Strafe ziehen zu können. Pausanias
war nämlich ein Vetter und als solcher Vormund des noch
minderjährigen Königs Pleistoanax, des Sohnes des Leonidas.
Immerhin hatte er sich durch Verstoß gegen die heimische Sitte
und die Annahme persischer Lebensweise in hohem Grade ver
dächtig gemacht, daß er sich gegen die bestehende Ordnung
auflehnen wolle, und man sah sich deshalb danach um, was
er sich in dieser Beziehung etwa noch weiter habe zuschulden
kommen lassen. So hatte er sich schon früher herausgenommen,
auf den Dreifuß, den die Griechen von der Perserbeute nach Delphi
gestiftet hatten, eigenmächtig folgende Inschrift zu setzen:
Weil er als Führer der Griechen die Heere der Meder vernichtet,
Weihte Pausanias dir, Phoibos, dieses Geschenk.

Diese Verse hatten die Lakedämonier auf dem Dreifuß damals
gleich wieder beseitigen lassen und statt dessen die Namen der
Städte daraus angebracht, von denen das Weihgeschenk nach
ihrem gemeinsamen Siege über die Perser gestiftet worden war.
Hatte man das Pausanias immer schon verdacht, so machte
sein jetziges Gebaren eS vollends wahrscheinlich, daß er schon
damals ähnliche Pläne gehabt habe. Weiter hieß es, er habe
sich auch mit den Heloten eingelassen, und das war auch an
dem; denn er hatte ihnen Freiheit und Bürgerrecht versprochen,
falls sie sich auch empören und gemeinschaftliche Sache mit ihm
machen würden. Aber wenn auch Aussagen einiger Heloten
gegen ihn vorlagen, konnte man sich nach dem in Sparta stets
befolgten Grundsatze, niemals übereilt und ohne die unzwei
deutigsten Beweise einen Spartiaten scharf anzufassen, noch
immer nicht zu einem auffallenden Schritt gegen ihn ent
schließen, bis dann ja, wie es heißt, der Bote, welcher dem
Artabazos seinen letzten Brief an den König überbringen sollte,
ein junger Mensch aus Argylos, der früher mal sein Lieb
ling und ihm bis dahin treu ergeben gewesen war, ihn an
die Ephoren verriet. Dem war es aufgefallen, daß von den
früheren Boten keiner wieder zurückgekommen war. Daraus
hatte er Verdacht geschöpft und den Brief geöffnet, nachdem
er vorher das Siegel nachgemacht, um sich nicht zu verraten,
falls er einen falschen Verdacht gehabt haben sollte oder
Pausanias, um etwas in dem Briefe zu ändern, ihn zurück-
fordern würde. Und wie er etwas derart vermutet, stand auch
wirklich darin, man solle ihn töten.

Histoire de la Guerre du Péloponèse First1KGreek (Thucydides. Histoire de la Guerre du Péloponnése, Vol. 1-2. Zévort, Marie Charles, translator. Paris: Charpentier, 1852.) — 1.132 focus

CXXXII. Personne à Sparte, ni parmi ses ennemis, ni dans le reste des citoyens, n’avait aucun indice certain qui pût autoriser à frapper un homme du sang royal et, de plus, revêtu alors de la plus haute dignité : car Plistarque, fils de Léonidas, roi de Sparte, trop jeune encore, était sous la tutelle de Pausanias, son cousin. Cependant son éloignement pour les moeurs nationales et son affectation à imiter celles des barbares faisaient gravement soupçonner qu’il ne voulait pas se contenter de sa fortune présente. On passait en revue sa conduite antérieure, pour voir s’il ne s’était écarté en rien des lois établies ; on se rappelait qu’à l’époque où les Grecs avaient consacré à Delphes un trépied, sur les prémices du butin enlevé aux Mèdes, il avait osé s’approprier l’offrande, en y faisant graver ce distique :

Le général des Grecs, après avoir détruit l’armée des Mèdes, Pausanias, a consacré ce monument à Phébus.

Les Lacédémoniens avaient sur-le-champ effacé cette inscription, pour faire graver sur le trépied le nom des villes qui avaient consacré ce monument de leur commune victoire sur les barbares¹. Néanmoins on faisait de cela un crime à Pausanias, et, dans la situation où il se trouvait, on y trouvait bien plus d’analogie encore avec ses desseins du moment. Le bruit courait aussi qu’il avait des intelligences avec les Hilotes ; et cela était vrai : il leur avait promis la liberté et le rang de citoyens s’ils voulaient se soulever avec lui et seconder en tout ses desseins. Cependant ni ces griefs, ni les déclarations de quelques Hilotes, n’avaient paru aux Lacédémoniens mériter assez de créance pour qu’on innovât rien à son égard, et qu’on se départit de l’usage établi chez eux de ne jamais se hâter de prononcer, sans preuves incontestables, une peine capitale contre un Spartiate. Enfin, dit-on, un homme d’Argila², autrefois mignon de Pausanias, et investi de toute sa con- fiance, ayant été chargé par lui de porter à Artabaze ses dernières lettres pour le roi, devint son dénonciateur. La pensée qu’aucun des messagers envoyés avant lui n’était revenu lui avait inspiré quelques craintes : il contrefit donc le cachet, afin de n’être pas découvert s’il s’était trompé dans ses conjectures, ou si Pausanias réclamait les lettres pour y faire quelque changement. Cela fait, il ouvrit les lettres et y trouva la confirmation de ses soupçons ; car elles contenaient l’ordre de lui donner la mort.

Histoire de la Guerre du Péloponnése First1KGreek (Thucydides. Histoire de la Guerre du Péloponnése. Bétant, Élie-Ami, translator. Paris: Librairie de L. Hachette, 1863.) — 1.132 focus

Ni les Spartiates ni les ennemis de Pausanias n’avaient de preuve assez convaincante pour sévir contre un homme du sang royal et qui occupait alors un poste éminent ; car il était tuteur du jeune roi Plistarchos, fils de Léonidas et son cousin germain ¹. Cependant sa tendance à se placer au-dessus des lois et à imiter les Barbares le faisait grandement suspecter de vouloir atteindre plus haut que sa fortune présente. On scrutait sa conduite passée pour découvrir les abus qu’il s’était permis. On se rappelait qu’autrefois, sur le trépied que les Grecs avaient consacré à Delphes des prémices du butin enlevé aux Mèdes², il avait pris sur lui de faire inscrire le distique suivant :

Pausanias, général des Grecs, après avoir anéanti l’armée des Mèdes, a Consacré à Phébus ce monument.

Les Lacédémoniens avaient fait aussitôt disparaître du trépied cette inscription, et graver à sa place les noms de toutes les villes qui avaient concouru à,la défaite des Barbares et consacré cette offrande. On n’en persistait pas moins à regarder cette action de Pausanias comme répréhensible ; et, depuis les dernières circonstances, elle venait à l’appui des soupçons excités contre lui. On parlait aussi de ses intrigues auprès des Hilotes, et rien n’était plus vrai ; il leur promettait la liberté et la bourgeoisie , s’ils voulaient s’insurger avec lui et seconder tous ses desseins. Malgré ces indices et nonobstant les révélations faites par quelques Hilotes, les Lacédémoniens ne voulurent point innover à son égard, et restèrent fidèles à leur coutume de ne pas se hâter, à moins de preuves sans réplique, quand il s’agissait de prononcer contre un Spartiate un irrévocable arrêt. Mais enfin le messager qui avait dû porter à Artabaze la dernière lettre de Pausanias au roi, et qui était un Argilien³, jadis fort aimé de Pausanias et revêtu de toute sa confiance, devint, dit-on, son dénonciateur. Cet homme, faisant réflexion qu’aucun des précédents messagers n’était revenu, conçut des craintes; et, après avoir contrefait le cachet, de peur d’être découvert si sa défiance était mal fondée ou si Pausanias redemandait sa lettre pour y faire des changements, il ouvrit la missive ; et, comme il l’avait soupçonné, il y trouva la recommandation expresse de se défaire du porteur.

History of the Peloponnesian War First1KGreek (Thucydides, Vol. 1-4. Smith, Charles Foster, translator. London and Cambridge, MA: Heinemann and Harvard University Press, 1919-1923.) — 1.132 focus

[1] There was, indeed, no clear proof in the possession of the Spartans, either his personal enemies or the state at large, on the strength of which they could with entire confidence proceed to punish a man who was of the royal family and held high office for the time being—for as cousin of Pleistarchus son of Leonidas, who was king and still a minor, he was acting as regent for him;

[2] but he, by his disregard of propriety, and particularly by his aping of the Barbarians, gave them much ground for suspecting that he did not want to remain an equal in the present order of things at Sparta. And they went back into his past and scrutinized all his other acts, to see if perchance he had in his mode of life departed from established customs, and they recalled especially that he had once presumed, on his own authority, to have inscribed on the tripod at Delphi,¹ which the Hellenes dedicated as first fruits of the spoils they had won fiom the Persians, the following elegiac couplet:

[3] " When as captain of the Hellenes he had destroyed the Persian host, Pausanias dedicated this memorial to Phoebus.²” Now the Lacedaemonians had immediately chiselled off these verses and inscribed on the tripod by name all the cities which had had a part in overthrowing the Barbarians and had together set up this offering. The act of Pausanias, however, was felt at the time to have been a transgression, and now that he had got into this further trouble, it stood out more clearly than ever as having been but a prelude to his present designs.

[4] They were informed also that he was intriguing with the Helots; and it was even so, for he was promising them freedom and citizenship if they would join him in a revolt and help him accomplish his whole plan.

[5] But not even then, nor relying on certain Helots who had turned informers, did they think it best to take harsh measures against him; they adhered to their usual method in dealing with men of their own class—not to be hasty, in the case of a Spartan, in adopting an irrevocable decision unless they had indisputable proofs. But at last, as it is said, the man who was to take to Artabazus Pausanias' last letter to the King, a man of Argilus who had once been a favourite of his and had hitherto been most loyal to him, turned informer. For he took fright when he called to mind that no previous messenger had ever come back again; and so, having made a counterfeit seal, in order that his act might not be discovered, in case he should be wrong in his suspicion or in case Pausanias should ask to make some alteration in the letter, he opened the letter and in fact found written therein, as he suspected he should find something of the sort to have been directed, an order for his own death.

History of the Peloponnesian War First1KGreek (Thucydides. The history of the Peloponnesian War, Volume 1-2. Dale, Henry, translator. London: Heinemann and Henry G. Bohn, 1851-1852.) — 1.132 focus

[1] Now the Spartans had no clear proof, neither his enemies nor the state at large, on which they could safely rely in punishing a man who was of the royal family and at present holding an honourable office; (for as his cousin and guardian, he was regent for Pleistarchus, the son of Leonidas, who was king and at present a minor;) but by his contempt of the laws, and imitation of the barbarians, he gave room for many suspicions of his not wishing to be content with things as they were.

[2] And they reviewed his other acts, in whatever on any occasion he had lived beyond the established usages; and especially, that on the tripod at Delphi, which the Greeks dedicated as the first-fruits of the spoil of the Medes, he had formerly on his own individual responsibility presumed to have the following distich inscribed:—

The Greek Pausanias, victor o'er the Mede,

To Phoebus this memorial decreed.

[3] This distich then the Lacedaemonians at the very time erased from the tripod, and engraved by name all the cities that had joined in overthrowing the barbarian, and had dedicated the offering. This, however, was considered to be an act of guilt in Pausanias; and since he had put himself in his present position, it appeared to have been done in much closer keeping with his present views. They also heard that he was tampering with the Helots; and it was the fact too;

[4] for he was promising them liberation and citizenship, if they would join in an insurrection, and in carrying out the whole of his plan. But not even then did they think right to ¹ believe even any of the Helots [themselves] as informers, and to proceed to any great severity against him;

[5] acting according to the custom which they usually observe towards their own citizens, not to be hasty in adopting any extreme measure in the case of a Spartan without unquestionable evidence: until a man of Argilus, it is said, who was about to carry to Artabazus the last letter for the king, and who had before been his favourite and very much trusted by him, gave information to them; having been alarmed at a thought which struck him, that none of the messengers before him had hitherto come back again; and so, having counterfeited the seal, in order that if he were mistaken in his surmise, or if Pausanias should ask to make some alteration in the writing, he might not discover it, he opened the letter, and found written in it—having suspected ² some additional order of the kind—directions to put him also to death.

Vier Staatsreden aus Thucydides First1KGreek (Thucydides. Vier Staatsreden aus Thucydides. Gürsching, Heinrich, translator. Augsburg: Wirth, 1856.) — 1.85 focus

[1] Diesen Grundsätzen, die wir von unsern Vätern überkommen und selber stets bewährt erfunden haben, lasst uns nicht ungetreu werden und nicht binnen weniger Stunden über so viel Menschenleben und Eigenthum, über Staatenglück und Ehre einen übereilten Beschluss fassen, sondern uns Zeit nehmen. Wir haben den Vortheil der Macht, um nichts zu versäumen. Nach Athen also sendet wegen Potidäas und wegen der Beschwerden der Bundesgenossen, besonders da sie eine gerichtliche Entscheidung nicht ablehnen. Wer diese anbietet, den hat man kein Recht als bereits Verurtheilten anzugreifen. Aber zugleich rüstet euch auch zum Kriege. Dies ist das Beste, was ihr beschliessen könnt, und wird bei dem Feind am meisten Eindruck machen.

La storia di Tucidide First1KGreek (Thucydides. Della storia di Tucidide volgarizzata libri otto. Anonymous translator. Florence: Tipografia Galileiana, 1835.) — 1.132 focus

Tuttoché nè gli Spartani, nè i nemici di lui, nè la Repubblica intera avessero veruno indizio manifesto, sul quale fondati oou sicurezza potessero puuire un uomo di stirpe reale e tenuto allora in onoranza (perocché era egli, come cugino, tutore del re Plistarco ancor giovinetto figliolo di Leonida) nondimeno, col suo procedere discordante alle leggi, e col suo genio per le usanze dei barbari, faceva molto sospettare che neir ordine politico non volesse star contento ai termini dell’ uguaglianza. Per lo che riandando i fatti antecedenti, mettevano ad esamina tutte le altre sue operazioni in che si fosse dilungato alcun poco dalle costumanze stabilite , e principalmente che nel tripode di Delfo , primizia delle spoglie dei Medi, dedicato dai Greci al Nume, quasi fosse offerta tutta sua, aveva osato farvi scolpire questa inscrizione c

Duce de'Greci, debellalo il Medo,

Pausania a Febo questo voto officia.

I Lacedemoni subito allora cassarono dal tripode quella inscrizione, e vi scolpirono tutte le citta nominatamente, che concorse ai danni del Medo avevano dedicato quel voto. Ciò pertanto era attribuito in delitto a Pausania : ma quando egli si trovò irt questo stato, allora anche più chiaramente conobbesi quel suo fatto essere stato in conformità de’ suoi presenti pensieri. Bucinavasi inoltre che egli avesse qualche segreto trattato con gli Iloti : e ciò era vero: conciossiacliè prometteva loro libertà e cittadinanza , se si unissero con lui a ribellare, e lo aiutassero a compire i suoi disegni. Gli Spartani, tutto che avvertiti di ciò da alcuni delatori degli Iloti , non vi prestarono fede, nè giudicarono di dover procedere contro di lui ; per mantenere così il costume praticato tra loro di non esser troppo corrivi a dare perentoria sentenza cóntro un cittadino di Sparta senza prove indubitabili. Se non che un tale di Argila , come è fama , già suo mignone e a lui fidatissimo , fu il delatore presso gli efori, all’ occasione che doveva recare ad Àrtabazzo l' ultima lettera di Pausania inviata al re. Intimorito costui in considerando niuno essere ritornalo dei messaggeri spediti di prima, contraffatto il sigillo per non essere scoperto caso che gli fallisse la sua credenza, e che Pausania , volendo cangiarvi qualche cosa, non se ne accorgesse ; apre la lettera, e conforme sospettava che qualche cosa fosse scritta intorno a sè, trovò dovere anche lui essere ucciso.

Thucydides History of the Peloponnesian War 1.132

Friedrich Haase (Translator)

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