Thucydides History of the Peloponnesian War 2.60

[1] "Your anger towards me cometh not unlooked for, for the cause of it I know. And I have called this assembly, therefore, to remember you and reprehend you for those things wherein you have either been angry with me or given way to your adversity without reason.

[2] For I am of this opinion, that the public prosperity of the city is better for private men than if the private men themselves were in prosperity and the public wealth in decay.

[3] For a private man, though in good estate, if his country come to ruin, must of necessity be ruined with it; whereas he that miscarrieth in a flourishing commonwealth shall much more easily be preserved.

[4] Since then the commonwealth is able to bear the calamities of private men, and everyone cannot support the calamities of the commonwealth, why should not everyone strive to defend it and not, as you now, astonished with domestic misfortune, forsake the common safety and fall a-censuring both me that counselled the war and yourselves that decreed the same as well as I?

[5] And it is I you are angry withal, one, as I think myself, inferior to none either in knowing what is requisite or in expressing what I know, and a lover of my country and superior to money.

[6] For he that hath good thoughts and cannot clearly express them were as good to have thought nothing at all. He that can do both and is ill affected to his country will likewise not give it faithful counsel. And he that will do that too yet if he be superable by money will for that alone set all the rest to sale.

[7] Now if you followed my advice in making this war, as esteeming these virtues to be in me somewhat above the rest, there is sure no reason that I should now be accused of doing you wrong.

[1] ‘I was not unprepared for the indignation of which I have been the object, as I know its causes; and I have called an assembly for the purpose of reminding you upon certain points, and of protesting against your being unreasonably irritated with me, or cowed by your sufferings.

[2] I am of opinion that national greatness is more for the advantage of private citizens, than any individual well-being coupled with public humiliation.

[3] A man may be personally ever so well off, and yet if his country be ruined he must be ruined with it; whereas a flourishing commonwealth always affords chances of salvation to unfortunate individuals.

[4] Since then a state can support the misfortunes of private citizens, while they cannot support hers, it is surely the duty of everyone to be forward in her defence, and not like you to be so confounded with your domestic afflictions as to give up all thoughts of the common safety, and to blame me for having counselled war and yourselves for having voted it.

[5] And yet if you are angry with me, it is with one who, as I believe, is second to no man either in knowledge of the proper policy, or in the ability to expound it, and who is moreover not only a patriot but an honest one.

[6] A man possessing that knowledge without that faculty of exposition might as well have no idea at all on the matter: if he had both these gifts, but no love for his country, he would be but a cold advocate for her interests; while were his patriotism not proof against bribery, everything would go for a price.

[7] So that if you thought that I was even moderately distinguished for these qualities when you took my advice and went to war, there is certainly no reason now why I should be charged with having done wrong.

„Euer Unwille gegen mich kommt mir nicht unerwartet,
denn ich kenne dessen Ursachen, nnd deshalb habe ich die
Volksversammlung berufen, um euch zur Rede zu setzen nnd zurechtzuweisen,
wenn ihr mir mit Unrecht zürnt oder feige vor dem Mißgeschick weichet.
Denn ich bin der Meinung, daß ein Staat, der im Ganzen sich
wohlbefindet, den einzelnen Bürgern viel mehr zu nützen vermag, als ein
solcher, dessen einzelne Bürger alle wohlhabend sind, mit dem es aber
im Ganzen schlecht steht Denn geht es auch dem einzelnen Manne
für sich noch so gut, so ist er beim Untergange des Vaterlandes doch
mit verloren, geht es ihm aber schlecht, so hat er in einem glücklichen
Staate viel mehr Gelegenheit sich aufzuhelfen. Wenn nun also der
Staat im Stande ist, das Unglück Einzelner zu übertragen, jeder
Einzelne aber für sich unfähig ist. das des Staates zu übertragen,
sollen dann nicht Alle für ihn einstehen und das vermeiden, was ihr
jetzt thut, daß ihr euch durch häusliches Unglück so weit verwirren
lasset, das gemeinsame Wohl ganz außer Augen zu lassen, und auf
mich, der ich den Krieg veranlaßt habe, und auf euch selbst, die ihr mit
dafür gestimmt habt, unwillig zu sein? Und einem Manne zürnet ¹
ihr, der doch in Erkenntnis; dessen, was nöthig ist, und in der Kunst, ²
es auseinanderzusetzen, Niemanden nachsteht, der sein Vaterland liebt
und über Gewinnsucht erhaben ist! Denn wer zwar Einsicht hat,
aber Andere nicht belehren kann, der ist gerade so gut, als wenn er
kein Verständnis; hätte; wer aber beides hat und dabei dem Staate
nicht treugesinnt ist, der kann wohl auch nichts Vortheilhaftes
vorbringen ; und wer auch das Dritte noch dazu besitzt, vom Gelde aber
bestochen wird, der würde für dies Eine Alles Andere zu verkaufen
bereit sein. Wenn ihr also damals meiner Aufforderung zum Kriege
nachgabt, weil ihr der Ansicht wart, daß ich jene Eigenschaften auch
nur in mäßig höherem Grade als Andere besitze, so kann ich jetzt wohl
eure Beschuldigungen als ein Unrecht gegen mich zurückweisen."

LX. « Votre colère contre moi ne me surprend pas ; je m’y attendais, car j’en connais les motifs. Aussi vous ai-je convoqués pour vous rappeler à la réflexion, pour me plaindre de ce que, sans raison, vous vous irritez contre moi et cédez à vos malheurs.

« Je pense, moi, que dans l’intérêt même des particuliers, mieux vaut la puissance et la force dans l’ensemble de l'État, que la prospérité individuelle de chacun , avec l’impuissance au sommet ; car l’individu favorisé par la fortune n’en est pas moins enveloppé dans la ruine de sa patrie, tandis que, malheureux dans une patrie prospère, il a plus de chances de salut. Dès lors, l’État résistant aux infortunes privées de ses membres, tandis que ceux-ci ne peuvent supporter les désastres de l’État, comment tous, ne se réuniraient-ils pas pour le défendre, au lieu d’agir comme vous le faites en ce moment ? Abattus par vos malheurs domestiques, vous négligez le salut commun ; vous accusez tout à la fois et moi qui vous ai conseillé la guerre, et vousmêmes qui l’avez approuvée. Et cependant, cet homme contre lequel vous vous irritez n’est inférieur à personne, je crois, pour la connaissance des grands intérêts de l’État, et pour le talent de les expliquer ; il aime son pays et est supérieur à l’appât des richesses. Celui qui, avec des idées saines, ne peut expliquer nettement sa pensée, est comme s’il ne pensait pas ; celui qui, tout en possédant ce double avantage, n’est pas dévoué à la patrie, ne peut, lui non plus, donner un conseil utile à son pays ; même avec cette dernière qualité, l’homme vénal fait trafic de tout le reste au profit de cette seule passion. Si, persuadés que mieux qu’un autre je possédais, au moins à un degré suffisant, toutes ces qualités réunies, vous m’avez cru quand je conseillais de faire la guerre, il ne serait pas juste aujourd’hui de m’en imputer le tort.

« Votre irritation contre moi n’a rien qui me'surprenne; j’en connais les motifs. Aussi vous ai-je rassemblés pour vous faire rentrer en vous-mêmes, en vous reprochant votre injuste colère et votre découragement.

« Pour ma part, j’estime que les individus sont plus heureux dans une ville dont l’ensemble prospère, que si l’individu prospère et l’État dépérit. L’individu, quel que soit son bien-être, n’en est pas moins enveloppé dans le désastre de sa patrie ; tandis que, s’il éprouve des revers personnels, il a dans la prospérité publique plus de chances de salut. S’il est donc vrai que l’État peut supporter les infortunes de ses membres, mais que ceux-ci ne peuvent supporter celles de l’État, notre devoir n’est-il pas de nous réunir pour sa défense ? Au lieu de cela, vous vous laissez atterrer par vos souffrances domestiques, vous abandonnez le salut commun, et vous me reprochez à moi de vous avoir conseillé la guerre et à vous-mêmes d’avoir partagé mon avis.

« Et pourtant vous attaquez en ma personne un citoyen qui ne le cède à nul autre quand il s’agit de discerner les intérêts publics et d’en être l’interprète, d’ailleurs bon patriote et inaccessible à l’appât du gain. Amr des idées sans le talent de les communiquer, autant vaudrait n’en point avoir. Supposez ces deux mérites, si celui qui les possède est malintentionné pour l’État, on ne saurait attendre de lui un avis salutaire ; enfin qu’il ait l’amour de la patrie, s’il n’y joint pas le désintéressement, il est capable de tout mettre à prix d’argent. Si enfin dans la pensée que je réunissais plus que d’autres, n’importe en quelle mesure, ces diverses qualités, vous m’avez cru lorsque je vous ai conseillé la guerre, vous auriez tort de m’en faire un crime aujourd’hui.

[1] " I have been expecting these manifestations of your wrath against me, knowing as I do the causes of your anger, and my purpose in calling an assembly was that I might address to you certain reminders, and remonstrate if in any case you are either angry with me or are giving way to your misfortunes without reason.

[2] For in my judgment a state confers a greater benefit upon its private citizens when as a whole commonwealth it is successful, than when it prospers as regards the individual but fails as a community.

[3] For even though a man flourishes in his own private affairs, yet if his country goes to ruin he perishes with her all the same;

[4] but if he is in evil fortune and his country in good fortune, he is far more likely to come through safely. Since, then, the state may bear the misfortunes of her private citizens but the individual cannot bear hers, surely all men ought to defend her, and not to do as you are now doing—proposing to sacrifice the safety of the commonwealth because you are dismayed by the hardships you suffer at home, and are blaming both me who advised you to make war and yourselves who voted with me for it.

[5] And yet I, with whom you are angry, am as competent as any man, I think, both to determine upon the right measures and to expound them, and as good a patriot and superior to the influence of money.

[6] For he who determines upon a policy, and fails to lay it clearly before others, is in the same case as if he never had a conception of it; and he who has both gifts, but is disloyal to his country, cannot speak with the same unselfish devotion; and if he have loyalty also, but a loyalty that cannot resist money, then for that alone everything will be on sale.

[7] If, therefore, when you allowed me to persuade you to go to war, you believed that I possessed these qualities even in a moderate degree more than other men, it is unreasonable that I should now bear the blame, at any rate, of wrongdoing.

[1] "I had both expected the proofs of your anger against me, which have been exhibited, (for I am aware of the causes of it,) and have now convened an assembly for this purpose, that I may remind you [of what you have forgotten], and reprove you if in any respect you are wrong, either in being irritated against me or in succumbing to your misfortunes.

[2] For I consider that a state which in its public capacity is successful confers more benefit on individuals, than one which is prosperous as regards its particular citizens, while collectively it comes to ruin.

[3] For though a man is individually prosperous, yet if his country is ruined, he none the less shares in its destruction; whereas, if he is unfortunate in a country that is fortunate, he has a much better hope of escaping his dangers.

[4] Since then a state is able to bear the misfortunes of individuals, while each individual is unable to bear hers, how can it fail to be the duty of all to support her, and not to act as you are now doing, who, being panic-stricken by your domestic afflictions, give up all thought of the public safety, and are blaming both me who advised you to go to war, and yourselves who joined in voting for it.

[5] And yet I, with whom you are angry, am a man who deem myself second to none in at once knowing what measures are required, and explaining them to others; a lover too of my country, and superior to the influence of money.

[6] For he who knows a thing that is right, but does not explain it with clearness is no better than if he had never had a conception of it; and he, gain, who has both these requisites, but is ill-affected toward his country, would not so well speak for her interest And even this qualification be added to the others, while he is influenced by regard for money, all of them together would be sacrificed for this one consideration.

[7] So that if you were persuaded by me to go to war, because you thought that I possessed these qualities even in a moderate degree more than other men, I cannot now fairly be charged with injuring you, at any rate.

[1] « Et exspectanti mihi ira inme vestra accidit (intelligo enim eausas), et propterea concionem coegi, ut vos commonefacerem et vobiscum expostularem, si quid vos haud recte vel mihi succensetis, vel rebus adversis ceditis.

[2] Ego enim existimo, civitatem, cujus universus status manet erectus, majorem utilitatem privatis hominibus afferre, quam si singulorum civium felicitate privatim floreat, ipsa vero universa jaceat afflicta.

[3] Qui enim privatim rem feliciter gerit, si patria evertatur, ipse quoque nihilominus una cum eo perit; si vero in republica florente rem infeliciter gerit, longe faci-1 lius conservatur.

[4] Quandoquidem igitur respublica pri- vatorum quidem calamitates sustinere potest, privati vero illius non possunt, quomodo non convenit universos opem ei ferre? non autem iacere id, quod vos nunc facitis, qui domesticis jacturis attoniti, reipublicae salutem deseritis, simulque et me, qui vobis suasi, ut bellum hoc susciperetis, atque adeo vos ipsos, qui mihi assensi estis, accusatis.

[5] Atque mihi tali viro irascimini, qui me nulli secundum esse puto, aut in cognoscendis rebus, quas sunt faciendae, aut etiam in his explicandis, quique civitatis amans sum, et pecunia invictus.

[6] Nam qui novit, neque aperte dooet, perinde est, ac si nunquam cogitasset; et qui utrumque habet, sed reipublicae est inalivolus, is pariter non quicquam e re ipsius dicat; sed si hoc quoque adsit, pecunia autem vincatur, universa hanc unam ob rem venalia erunt.

[7] Quare si mihi vel mediocriter haec praeter ceteros adesse existimantes me auctorem in hoc bello suscipiendo secuti estis, nullo meo merito nunc injuriae quidem culpam sustineam.

[1] Wisset aber, dass es heute, wenn wir klug sind, nicht über Sonderinteressen zu verhandeln gilt, sondern darüber, ob noch ein Mittel ist, ganz Sicilien vor den augenscheinlichen Eroberungsgelüsten Athens zu retten. Ueberzeugender in der That, als ich es vermöchte, mahnt Athen zu einer Beilegung unserer Händel. Denn was will der mächtigste Staat Griechenlands mit dieser kleinen Flotte an unsern Küsten, als auf unsere Fehler lauem und unter dem unverfänglichen Namen einer Bundeshülfe durch den Sehern der Grossmuth über seine wahren Absichten täuschen? Lasset es nur zum Kriege unter uns kommen und rufet sie dann herbei, sie, die nicht auf Einladung warten, sondern ungerufen erscheinen, vergeudet eure Mittel im verderblichen Bruderkrieg und arbeitet so ihrer Herrschsucht in die Hände ¹ , gewiss sie werden dann, wenn wir uns hinlänglich erschöpft haben, mit einer ganz andern Flotte kommen und das ganze Land sich zu unterwerfen suchen.

« II vostro sdegno contro di me non mi giunge inaspettato, poiché non ne ignoro i motivi : ed ho convocato l’adunanza appunto per farvi avvertiti e rimproverarvi , se a buon dritto non siete o adirati contro di me, o sbigottiti pei disastri. Io per me credo, che una repubblica florida e vigorosa nell' universalità porti ai particolari vantaggi maggiori di quello che, se prosperosa nei privati interessi di ciascun cittadino , ella nel suo insieme vacilli. Imperocché quantunque un cittadino nel suo particolare si trovi bene, nondimeno se la patria si perde, egli è compreso nella rovina ; ma se sia sfortunato in seno a prosperevol repubblica, suole viemeglio trovarvi salvezza. Posto adunque che la repubblica può esser sostegno alle disgrazie dei particolari, e che ognuno di questi non può esserlo a quelle di lei, come non debbon tutti concorrere a soccorrerla ? Ah ! non vogliate, come fate adesso , sbigottiti ciascuno dalle domestiche sciagure, porre in non cale la salute della Repubblica, incaricar me d’avervi animati alla guerra, e voi stessi insieme, che coq meco conveniste. Eppure vi adirate con un uomo , quale io mi sono, che crede di non esser da meno di chicchessia per discernere il bisogno della Repubblica, e per saperlo dichiarare : amante della patria e superiore al denaro. Re-» quisiti importantissimi ; perocché chi conosce quel bisogno , ma non lo sa ben dichiarare , è come se non gli fosse

Mai caduto io pensiero : se fornito di queste due doti inanca d'amore per la patria, medesimamente non parlerà punto da amico : Abbia finalmente anche questa amorevolezza , s’ei si lascia vincere dal denato, venderà per questo solo tutta insieme la Repubblica« Però se vi siete lasciati persuadere da me a far la guerra , credendomi più degli altri fornito mediocremente di queste qualità , ragion non consente che io sia accagionato de’ vostri disastri.