Thucydides History of the Peloponnesian War 6.105

ἐβούλοντο —‘the word is here (as in Xen. Hel. III. 4, 2, and elsewhere) used not so much of will as of intention (Bloomfield). This is not accurate. Trans. ‘felt a wish.’ βούλομαι expresses a vaguer wish than διανοοῦμαι: it never means ‘make up one's mind,’ and consequently cannot, like διανοοῦμαι, be constructed with a fut. infin.

αὖθις —with ἐπὶ Σικελίαν πλεύσαντες. It is the habit of Thuc. to place the prominent word early in its clause. For the previous A. expeditions see Intr. p. x.

μείζονι παρασκευῇ —the numbers that sailed under Laches are not known. [Pythodorus and] Eurymedon took forty ships with them.

Αάχητος —in Sicily 427-426 B.C.; replaced in winter of 426 by Pythodorus. He was a supporter of Nicias in arranging the peace of 421. Plato's Laches is named after him. It has been conjectured that he is represented under Tydeus in the Supplices of Euripides (produced circ. 420 B.C.). He is the dog Labes in Aristoph. Wasps. He was attacked by Cleon.

καί —joins the names of two commanders who were not in power at the same time. Hence the full form would be τῆς μετὰ Λάχητος καὶ τῆς μετὰ Εὐρ.: but it is worth noticing how with the second of two expressions joined by καί it is possible to omit (1) the article, (2) the preposition. Such omissions are common even when the connected expressions are quite distinct.

Εὐρυμέδοντος —on returning to Athens from Sicily in 424, he had been tried on a charge of taking bribes ( γραφὴ δώρων or δωροδοκίας), and was fined. He was not στρατηγός again until 414 B.C. This long period of retirement is probably connected with his trial and condemnation.

ἐπὶ Σ. πλεύσαντες καταστρέψασθαι —it is regular to construct the common object of a partieiple and verb so as to suit the participle.

ἄπειροι οἱ πολλοί —in limiting apposition to Ἀθηναῖοι. Thuc. enlarges or contracts the subject at will.

τοῦ μεγέθους . . τοῦ πλήθους — chiasmus is so common in Thuc. as to amount to a mannerism. Cf. V. 61 τήν τε τοῦ τείχους ἀσθενείαν καὶ τοῦ στρατοῦ τὸ πλῆθος. (On μέγεθος and πλῆθος τῶν ἐνοικούντων in reference to the City see Aristot. Pol. 1326 a, with Fowler's City-State, p. 276.)

καὶ ὅτι —a clause introduced by ὅτι in either of its meanings is often co-ordinated to a noun, as in VII. 58 , 4 διὰ μέγεθός τε πόλεως καὶ ὅτι (‘because’) ἐν μεγίστῳ κινδύνῳ ἦσαν. Cf. Demosth. VIII. 71 οὐδὲν ἂν τούτων εἴτοιμι, ἀλλ) ὅτι . . οὐδὲν πολιτεύομαι. (1) A similar use of ‘and that’ is common in eighteenth-centnry English prose; as also is (2) the habit of using together two constructions after a single verb or governing expression—here τοῦ μεγέθους . . καὶ ὅτι after ἄπειροι ὄντες. Thus in VIII. 4 , 1 we have παρεσκευάζοντο δὲ . . τήν τε ναυπηγίαν καὶ Σούνιον τειχίσαντες: Addison has ‘It was his design to marry her to such a gentleman, and that her wedding should be celebrated on such a day’; ‘They believe the same of all works of art . . and that, as any one of these things perish, their souls go into another world’; Cowper has ‘The fine gentleman would find his ceilings too low, and that his casements admitted too much wind’; Johnson, ‘They think veneration gained by such appearances of wisdom, but that no ideas are annexed to the words.’ Thackeray, Carlyle, and Ruskin also indulge in this and similar constructions.

οὐ πολλῷ τινι —Hudson wrongly says ‘ τινι videtur πλεονάζειν.’ Greek has three words for our ‘very,’ ‘really,’ or ‘actually’ ( quidam with adjeetives)—(1) τις (generally with adjectives of degree); (2) πάνυ and σφόδρα (often with words other than numcrals which cannot be compared. See Class. Rev. VIII. p. 152 b). With negatives τις or πάνυ or both together can be used. (See Stein on Herod. V. 33 .)

ὑποδεἐστερον —antithesis to μεγέθους καὶ πλήθους, as in II. 89 , 6 ἐκ πολλῷ ὑποδεεστέρων . . μέγα τι τῆς διανοίας τὸ βέβαιον ἔχοντες : V. 20 ὑποδεέστερον ὂν τὰ μέγιστα τιμήσει.

ἀνῃροῦντο —the pres and imperf., especially of - γίγνομαι and - δίδωμι, often express intention or attempt; as Aristoph. Pax 408 προδίδοτον τὴν Ἑλλάδα: Eur H. F 538 καὶ τἄμ’ ἔθνῃσκε τέκν), ἀπωλλύμην δ’ ἐγώ liberi mei morituri erant, ego autem peritura.

Σικελίας —here follows a description of Sicily, in which Thuc., ‘like Herodotus, retains the spirit of the older geographers and logographers,’ and writes with something of the grace that characterises the style of Herodotus. It has been commonly supposed since Nicbuhr that Thuc. borrows from his contemporary Antiochus of Syracuse—so Goller, Wolfflin, Classen, Mahaffy,—but there is no certainty (see Freeman, Hist. Sic. I. p. 456). Thuc. probably visited Sicily during his exile.

ἔλασσον —not ἐλάσσων: the adverbs πλέον, ἔλασσον are regularly used in such cases. Cf. c. 95, 1 ἐπράθη ταλάντων οὐκ ἔλασσον πέντε καὶ εἴκοσι. The repetition of οὐ πολλῷ τινι emphasises the vastness of the undertaking.

ἡμερῶν —so II. 97 , 1 περίπλους τεσσάρων ἡμερῶν. The length of the coasts of Sicily is 512 miles. In ancient times, astronomy not being applied to navigation, distance round the coasts of a country of which the measurements were unknown, could be reckoned only by the time occupied in the voyage.

τοσαύτη οὖσα —Thuc. ‘seems to think that there is a geographical incongruity in so large an island being separated from the mainland by so narrow a channel’ (note in Jowett); or rather, he adds as a second proof of the geographical importance of the island—and consequently of the magnitude of the new undertaking—the fact that Sicily, in addition to its size, is so close to the mainland as to be almost part of the continent. Athens was in the habit of reducing islands— πλεύσαντες καταστρέψασθαι—but she had not the means for reducing a large continental country. (Stein explains similarly.)

ἐν . . μέτρῳ —a difficult use of ἑν in its quasi-instrumental sense, ‘ res in qua aliqua actio vel qualitas cernitur.’ c. 16, 5 ἔν τινος λαμπρότητι προέσχον is the same use. It is from this use that adverbial phrases like ἐν τάχει come.

τὸ μή —Soph. Phil. 1141 ἔστιν τις ἔστιν ὅς σε κωλύσει τὸ δρᾶν. M.T. 811: Wecklein on Agam. 1588. It is internal accus.

εἶναι —see crit. note. Poppo defended οὖσα here as a confusion between two constructions; but Classen is probably right in thinking that οὖσα got in from τοσαύτη οὖσα above. Among recent critics, only L. Herbst defends οὖσα: he thinks that τό does not affect the construction here and in other places, but is used as a demonstrative particle. Would μή then be possible?

ᾠκίσθη δέ —answering to περίπλους μέν above. cc. 2-5 are generally described as a digression; but the passage is perhaps rather a continuation of the description of the greatness of Sicily. ‘The greatness of Sicily,’ Freeman says, ‘was essentially a colonial greatness, the greatness of communities which did not form whole nations but only parts of nations, nations of which other parts remained in their elder homes.’

τὸ ἀρχαῖον —distinguish from κατὰ τὸ άρχαῖον (‘in the ancient manner’).

ἔσχε —sc. αὐτήν. τὰ ξύμπαντα is nom., agreeing with ἔθνη. When the art. precedes πᾶς and its compds., the whole is regarded as the sum of its component parts. (To take τὰ ξύμπαντα as accus. is wrong. A complete list of tribes is what Thuc. gives; their geographical distribution is also described, but that is already referred to in ὦδε ᾠκίσθη. Cf, the last sentence of c. 2, where the same ideas recur in inverse order.) λέγονται—λέγομαι used personally or impersonally is regularly constructed with an infin.

Κύκλωπες —Homer does not say that the Cyclopes dwelt in Sicily ( Od. IX); but the scene of his story was always localised by later writers (as by Euripides) in Sicily.

Λαιστρυγόνες —mythical beings ( Od. X. 81) like the Cyclopes, dwelling, like them, in fairy-land. The story that they lived in Sicily is the product of Greek fancy. (See Freeman l.c. pp. 100, 106.)

ποιηταῖς —esp. Homer. Observe that the perf. pass., when the subject is non-personal, regularly has the agent in dat.

ὡς ἕκαστος γιγνώσκει —so in II. 48 , of the origin of ‘the Plague.’

περὶ αὐτῶν —Classen takes αὐτῶν as neut., ‘these questions,’ i.e. γένος, ὁπόθεν ἐσῆλθον κ.τ.λ. Of this rather vague use of αὐτά Thuc. is fond. But μετ’ αὐτούς below is strongly in favour of making αὐτῶν masc.

Σικανοί —some modern critics, including Holm, think that Σικανοί and Σικελοί are ‘simply dialectal differences of the same name.’ Freeman combats this view l.c. pp. 472 fol.

ἐνοικισάμενοι —‘settled there.’ The next words mean ‘or rather ( καί = immo) before them, according to their own account.’ There is an instance of the sarcastic humour of which Thuc. is rather fond in ἐνοικισάμενοι . . αὐτόχθονες: if ‘original inhabitants,’ they could not be ‘settlers.’

ὡς μὲν αὐτοί φασι —this is placed early in order to bring out the antithesis sharply. It is a very common trick of order in Thuc.

διὰ τὸ . . εἶναι —the inf. with διὰ τό is very common in Thuc. (63 cases according to Behrendt), but διὰ τοῦ with inf. is not found. The inf. with art., commoner in Thuc. and Demosth. than in any other author, is in Thuc. found chiefly in the speeches and the loftier parts of narrative. The construction and usage of the Eng. inf. in - ing (as distinct from the verbal noun) are precisely similar to the Gk. inf. with art., except only that the Eng. inf. can be qualified, not only by the def. art., but by a pronoun and by a substantive in the possessive case.

Ἴβηρες —great value attached to a well-authenticated claim to be αὐτόχθονες: hence Thuc. marks the antithesis to διὰ τὸ αύ. εἶναι, instead of writing ὕστεροι in contrast with πρότεροι. Stein reads < ὕστεροι>, Ἴβηρες.

Σικανοῦ —has been thought to be the Sègre or even the Seine, but it is unknown. It is not certain from what quarter these Iberians really immigrated to Sicily. 14

Τρινακρία —Freeman points out that this name, derived from τρεῖς ἄκραι, is probably a mere corruption of the Homeric Θρινακίη, with which island Sicily was identified, the supposed reference being to the triangular shape of Sicily. Ov. Fast. IV. 419 Trinacris a positu nomen adepta loci.

καλουμένη —this tense of the partic. (imperf.) is invariably used when a name now obsolete is referred to. κληθείς= ‘called’ (timeless), or ‘having received the name,’ and is used of names given under some definite circumstances referred to, as in c. 4, 1 τοὺς Ὑ. κληθέντας, and c. 4, 5.

τὰ πρὸς ἑσπέραν —adverbial. For the expression cf. τὰ πρὸς βορρᾶν § 5 and τὸ πρὸς νότον III. 6 . πρὸς ἑσπέραν also means ‘towards evening,’ sub vesperum.

ἁλισκομένου —Classen makes this historic pres.; but it cannot be shown that the historic pres. is used in any mood but the indic. Stahl takes it with διαφυγόντες—‘escaped at the time of the capture.’ This is possible; but Goodwin ( M.T. § 27) classes ἁλίσκομαι with ἀδικῶ, φεύγω, νικῶ, etc., so that the pres. may here resemble a perf.: but observe (1) when the pres. indic. of ἁλ. refers to the past, it appears to he historic pres.; (2) ἁλισκόμενος is either ( a) coincident in time with the main verb, or ( b) approaches to the perf., like άδικῶ. (An imperf. partic. in gen. abs. joined to a historic pres. sometimes gives the cause of the verb; as I. 136 δεδιέναι φασκόντων Κερκυραίων ἔχειν αὐτόν, διακομίζεται ἐς τὴν ἤπειρον .)

ἀφικνοῦνται —verbs of ‘going’ and ‘sending’ are especially common in the hist. pres.

ξύμπαντες μέν —Jowett renders ‘they settled near the Sicanians, and both took the name of Elymi’; but Freeman says ‘I certainly always understood this simply to mean that the whole people were called E. . . . but that there were two separate Elymian cities.’ Freeman is clearly right. The Sicanians had given their name to the island, and they remained quite distinct from the Elymi. Also, is J.'s rendering of ξύμπαντες possible? ξ. is often contrasted with κατὰ πόλεις, whereas it never means in Thuc. ‘they with the others.’ And Thuc. is clearly giving the name and the cities of the new settlers.

Ἔρυξ —the story of the Trojan origin of Eryx is accepted and elaborated by Virgil m Aeneid V.; but Freeman shows that the older legend did not assign to it a Trojan origin.

Ἔγεστα —this is the Greek name; but the native name, retained by the Romans, was Segesta. It is the Acesta of Aen. v. 718 . To the Romans is due the tradition that it was founded by Aeneas, who named it after Acestes.

προσξυνῴκησαν δὲ . . καί —a characteristic anaphora of ὅμοροι . . οἰκήσαντες. Thuc. does not in narrative balance the clauses exactly by anaphora, whereas in Xenophon such balance is very frequent. Cp. c. 20, 4.

Φωκέων —the statement that Phocians settled in Sicily receives no support except from a single passage in Pausanias. And this testimony is really of slight value, as P. is enumerating the Greek settlers in Sicily, as distinct from the barbarians, among whom he places the Elymi (Phrygians, i.e Trojans). The correction Φρυγῶν is not really supported, because when later writers speak of Phrygians in Sicily they mean Trojans. It looks as if in τῶν Τρώων τινές above Thue. refers to that arrival which appears under a much-developed form in Dion. Hal. as the return of Acestes. Whether in Φωκέων τινές we have an early form of the legend that reappears in the story of Aeneas, is much more doubtful. Dion. Hal. assigns an Areadian origin to Aeneas: and it should be borne in mind that the Trojans are barbarians in Thuc. and Pausanias, but Hellenes in Dion. Hal. and Virgil. Dion. Hal. speaks of the Trojans under Aeneas as τὰς πόλεις συνοικίζοντες τοῖς Ἐλύμοις έν Σικελίᾳ. These faets only show how great was the confusion in the stories concerning the settlement of the Elymi, and how impossible it is to correct Φωκέων with any confidenee.

τότε —refers back to διαφυγόντες (Stahl).

ἐς Λιβύην —it is not impossible that this suggested to Virgil the bringing of Aeneas to Carthage. πρῶτον, ἔπειτα—πρῶτον without μέν is always followed by ἔπειτα without δἐ, unless καί follows ἔπειτα, when δέ is always added, as in VII. 23 τὸ μέγιστον πρῶτον, ἔπειτα δὲ καί κτλ.

ἀπ) αὐτῆς —this pronoun, referring to a preceding noun or pronoun, corresponds to is in Lat There is in Thuc. a use of αὐτά which corresponds to haec omnia, ‘our empire,’ as in Cic. pro Sul. § 28.

κατενεχθέντες —cf. IV. 120 πλέοντας δ’ άπὸ Τροίας σφῶν τοὺς πρώτους κατενεχθῆναι ἐς τὸ χωρίον τοῦτο τῷ χειμῶνι ᾧ ἐχρήσαντο Ἀχαιοί.

Σικελοί —it is generally agreed among ancient writers that the Siculi were Italian, and had been driven into Bruttium from Latium.

Ίταλίας — i.e. only the modern Calabria, in ancient times the peninsula reaching to the Laus on W., and to Metapontum on E. Dion. Hal. I. 12 defines Italy in this sense as άπὸ ἄκρας Ἰαπυγίας μέχρι πορθμοῦ Σικελικοῦ.

Ὀπικούς —identified by Strabo with the Oscans. They were enemies of the Latins, who regarded them as barbarous. Cf. Jovenal's opici mures.

ὡς μὲν εἰκός —there are two uses of εἰκός—(1) to introduce what is probable, but is incapable of proof; (2) of the reasonable conduct of persons.

ἐπὶ σχεδιῶν —cf. on c. 101, 3. In this use, the gen. with ἐπί differs from the dat. in that it expresses the means as well as the place.

τηρήσαντες = φυλάξαντες, as III. 22 , and Demosth. 28, 1 τηρήσας τὴν τελευταίαν ἡμέραν. πορθμός generally in prose= ‘strait,’ but ‘passage’ suits τηρήσαντες better ‘Watching for the passage when the wind blew,’ means that they waited till the wind blew from Italy. The danger of the πορθμὸς Σικελικός is proverbial. Cf. the mare Siculum of Roman poets.

κατιόντος —technical word. < ἐς> τὸν π. Stein.

τάχα ἄν —sc. διέβησαν, M.T. § 244. The contrast is between what they probably did and what they may possibly have done. δέ—τάχα δ’ ἄν would be more usual, but expressions like τάχ) ἄν occasionally displace δέ. Thus Andocides has δῆλον ὅτι δέ for δῆλον δ’ ὅτι.

ἀπὸ Ἰταλοῦ —this remark is of no value as history. Cf. Aen. I. 532 nunc fama, minores | Italiam dixisse, ducis de nomine, gentem.

οὕτως —referring back to ἀπὸ Ἰταλοῦ after the parenthetical remark τοὔνομα τ. ἔ.

στρατὸς πολύς —predicate, = ἦλθον πολλοί. κρατοῦντες—κρατῶ with μάχῃ or μαχόμενος—or when one of them is clearly implied—takes accus. in Thuc., otherwise gen. Cf. Demosth. 8, 32 ὃν κρατήσαντες τοῖς ὅπλοις, ib. 19, 319 Φωκέας ἐκράτησε (sc. μάχῃ). κρατῶ with gen.= κρείσσων γίγνομαι. [Demosth.] 13, 17 ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις κρατεῖν τῶν ἐχθρῶν is wrong.

τὰ κράτιστα τῆς γῆς —‘the best parts’; cf. VII. 19 τῷ πεδίῳ καὶ τῆς χώρας τοῖς κρατίστοις.

ἐπεί —‘from the time that.’ The edd. compare ἐπειδὴ ἐπαύσαντο I. 6 , and note that the sense is the same as that of ἀφ) οὗ, ἐξ οὗ. The use is characteristic of tragedy and early prose. See L. & S.; in I. 14 , 3 ὀψέ τε ἀφ) οὗ is doubtful.

τὰ μέσα καὶ τὰ πρὸς βορρᾶν —comparing τὰ μεσημβρινὰ καὶ ἑσπέρια above, we notice that τά is inserted a second time. For the repetition see note on καί in c. 1, 1. The omission is impossible when the first member is an adj.— μέσα —and the second is a participial expression— πρὸς βορρᾶν Cf. Hyperides I. xx i. 19 ἔξω τῶν βασιλικῶν καὶ τῶν παρ’ Ἀλεξάνδρου. Thuc. I. 18 οἵ τε Ἀθηναίων τύραννοι καὶ οἱ ἐκ τῆς ἄλλης Ἑλλάδος. Isocr. 3, 22 ἐν τοῖς ἐγκυκλίοις καὶ τοῖς κατὰ τὴν ἡμέραν ἑκάστην γιγνομένοις.

τὰ πρὸς βορρᾶν —c. 2 § 2 Cf. Demosth. 18, 301 οὶ πρὸς Πελοπόννησον τόποι.

ᾤκουν —it should be noticed, (1) that the object of the Phoenician settlements was trade with the Sicels; (2) that the Phoenicians were the earliest to send out colonists to Sicily.

ἐπὶ τῇ θαλάσσῃ —of points on the coast, whereas παρὰ ( τὴν ) θάλασσαν implies extent along the coast. But the distinction is not carefully observed. II. 9 Καρία ἡ ἐπὶ θαλάσσῃ: Isocr. 5, 21 ( Ἰλλυρίων) τῶν παρὰ τὸν Ἀδρίαν οἰκούντων.

ἀπολαβόντες —the constant use of participle and verb in the sentences that describe the various settlements lends a special character to these chapters. Whether or not the whole is based on Antiochus of Syracuse, the style is simple and annalistic.

ἐπικείμενα —the Aegatian Islands are meant.

ἕνεκα —MSS. ἕνεκεν, but the form in - ν is very doubtful in older Attic. The order of ἕνεκα allows of (1) τῆς πρὸς τοὺς Σ. ἕνεκα ἐμπορίας, (2) ἕνεκα τῆς πρὸς τοὺς Σ. ἐμ., (3) ἐμ. ἕνεκα τῆς πρὸς τοὺς Σ. On the other hand, ἕνεκα is not placed last in a phrase of this kind, where the epithet contains a preposition— τῆς πρὸς τ. Σ. ἐπεσέπλεον—ἐπ-, as in ἐπάγεσθαι, = insuper, Sta., who adds that κατὰ θάλασσαν lacks point. But it has often been noticed that a simple word ( πλἐω), when compounded, loses something of its force. Hence, to show that it was by sea that the Gks. came, and not by migration from their settlements—the sea being all-important in the struggle between Gk. and Phoenician — κατὰ θ is naturally added. This kind of tautology is to be met with in English: e.g. Johnson, Idler 48 ‘Mons. Le Noir is made miserable . . by every account of a privateer caught in his cruize.’ Burke, Mr. Fox's East India Bill, ‘I have been long very deeply engaged in the preliminary enquiries, which have continued without intermission for some years.’

ἐκλιπόντες . . ξυνοικήσαντες —Thuc. joins two and even three unconnected participles to a verb, provided that the participles are not absolutely parallel.

τὰ πλείω —referring to περὶ πᾶσαν τὴν Σ. This vague use of the neut. is very common.

Μοτύην —an island about five miles N. of Lilybaeum. It was joined to the mainland by a mole, which, though under water, is still used as a track. In 397 the Carthaginians were driven from Motye by Dionysius and founded Lilybaeum.

Σολόεντα —Soloeis, the Roman Soluntum, became the eastern stronghold of the Phoenicians against the Greeks. It was a fortress, not a mere trading station. The present remains go back only to Roman times.

Πάνορμον —the modern capital Palermo, ‘la felice.’ The following list gives the principal events in the history of this famous city:— 254 B.C. Taken by the Romans from the Carthaginians. 409 A.D. Sicily conquered by Alaric. Belisarius recovers Sicily and takes Palermo by siege. The Byzantine Period begins. The Saracen Period. Palermo made capital of Sicily. Conquered by Norman adventurers. The Norman Period. The Sicilian Vespers at Palermo end the dominion of the French. The Spanish Period, leading to the attachment of Sicily to the kingdom of Naples. Garibaldi takes Palermo. Sicily united with Italy.

ξυνοικήσαντες —Stahl points out that this is contrasted with ᾤκουν περὶ π. τὴν Σ. The three towns were not new settlements of the Phoenicians.

καὶ ὅτι —cf. c. 1, 1. Two causes are constantly given in different constructions by Thuc.; a clause with ὅτι is sometimes joined to a prep. ( διά, κατά, πρός) and case.

Καρχηδών —the tradition generally accepted at a later time was that Rome and Carthage were founded on the same day; but there is good evidence that Carthage was founded shortly before 800 B.C. Freeman shows that the Phoenicians were probably confined to the three towns after the Gk. settlement of Selinus, i e. after 628 B.C.

τοσοίδε —the violation of the rule that these forms refer to what follows, occurs most commonly in speeches.

Ἑλλήνων —the following tables exhibit the Gk. cities:— I. CHALCIS in Euboea ( Ionian)

Νάξον —never an important town. It was destroyed in 403 by Dionysins, who founded Tauromenium in its place. Though the site of N. is now occupied by orange-groves, there are remains of the ancient walls. Pausanias exaggerates when he says that there were no traces of the city in his day. (Such exaggeration by Pausanias is found in other cases.)

Ἀπόλλωνος —thus Naxos remained the spiritual centre of Greek Sicily, though it was not the political centre. Freeman well compares the position of Canterbury.

ὅστις —a strange use of ὅστις, the ordinary rules for which as a relative are as follows:—1. Referring to an indefinite antecedent: (a)= such that, as in οὐδεὶς οὕτως ἠλίθιος ὅστις οὔχι κἂν πρῶτος εἰσενέγκαι. (Thus ὅστις often replaces ὤστε after οὕτως.) (b)= whoever, as in ὅστις ἂν ᾖ. 2. Referring to a definite antecedent: (a)= quippe qui. (b)= of the kind that, any that. It has been supposed that Thuc. took at least this note from Antiochus of Syracuse, because Dion. Hal. I. 12 quotes from him the expression τὴν γῆν ταύτην ἥτις νῦν Ἰταλία καλεῖται, and the inference is that Antiochus used ὅστις for ὅς. On the other hand, Dion. Hal. is scarcely to be trusted in a minute linguistic point, and it is strange that Thuc., even though he may have used Antiochus, should follow him in such a use of ὅστις. Stein on Herod. IV. 8 collects exx. of ὅστις for ὅς after οὗτος in Herod. We may compare with this the use of σφῶν in Thuc. for ἑαυτῶν or σφῶν αὐτῶν, and of ὅδε, τοιόσδε, τοσόσδε referring to what precedes (cf. c. 2 end). All these uses are charaeteristic of Ionic rather than of Attic.

τῆς πόλεως —Naxos no longer existed after 403 B.C., and Tanromenium did not stand on the same site. Hence this appears to have been written before 403.

θεωροί —to festivals and to distant shrines.

Συρακούσας —the brevity of this notice of the foundation and growth of S. is in striking contrast with the prolixity of modern historians when they introduce the antagonists of ancient powers

τοῦ ἐχομένου ἔ —an unusual phrase, found only here. Thuc. generally writes τοῦ ἐπιγιγνομένου ἔ.

Ἡρακλειδῶν —of these one branch, the Bacchiadae, had recently established an oligarchy at Corinth, and it is probable that Archias was himself a Bacchiad.

νήσου —Ortygia, to which modern Syracuse is confined. Livy, XX V. 24 insula quam ipsi Nason vocant.

περικλυζομένῃ —about 540 B.C. Ortygia was joined to the mainland by a mole. Cf. the lines of Ibyeus of Rhegium quoted by the Schol. on Pind. Nem. I. 1 . . παρὰ χέρσον | λίθινον ἐκλεκτὸν παλάμαισι βροτῶν . . But in Cicero's day the mole had been replaced by a bridge. At the present day the junction is a mole. Freeman, Sicily II, Note XV.

ἡ ἔξω —Achradina, a name first found in Polybius. It probably included the ‘eastern part of the hill and the low ground between the hill and the island.’ (The precise extent of Achradina is a matter of dispute. See Freeman II. Note V. It was joined to the island by Gelon (485-478), the ‘second founder’ of Syracuse.)

προστειχισθεῖσα —‘this προστειχισμός I understaud to be the work of Gelôn. He joined Ortygia and Upper Achradina by fortifying Lower Achradina.’ Freeman II. p. 447.

πολυάνθρωπος —cf. [Demosth.] and c. Neaeram 75, a speech that contains imitations of Thuc., Θησεὺς συνῴκισεν αὐτοὺς καὶ δημοκρατίαν ἐποίησε καὶ ἡ πόλις πολυάνθρωπος ἑγένετο: Xen. Vect. 4, 50 ἰσχυρῶς γὰρ ἂν καὶ αὕτη πολυάνθρωπος γένοιτο πόλις.

Θουκλῆς δὲ καὶ οἱ Χαλκιδῆς —this passage is introduced as separate from the previous statement about Thucles. Hence the article is not required with Θ.: on the other hand, the article is always inserted with proper names when any special definiteness attaches to them, as here where a special class of Chalcidians is meant, viz. those who had founded Naxos. ὁρμηθέντες—ὁρμῶμαι, like many other verbs with pass. aorists, is really passive. See Rutherford, New Phryn. p. 188.

ἔτει πέμπτῳ —the art. is generally omitted with ἔτει and μηνί.

μετὰ Σ. οἰκ —Index S.V. μετά: this predicative use of the partic. after a prep. is much less common in Gk. than in Lat. It is generally found in expressions indicating time, and oftenest with ἐπί (gen.) or ἅμα. M.T. § 829. (See some characteristic remarks by Prof. Gildersleeve in A.J.P. July 1892, p. 358.)

Λεοντίνους —close to the modern Lentini. It was the only Gk. city of Sicily that was inland. For its opposition to Syracuse see c. 6 § 2.

Κατάνην —the modern Catania, which dates only from the earthquake of 1693. The city has survived many terrible disasters, due partly to its wars, and partly to its proximity to Aetna.

οἰκιστὴν ἐποιήσαντο —presently οἰκιστὰς ποιήσαντες, the active being used of the founders who make the appointment for a colony, the mid. of the citizens who choose for themselves ‘Some distinction,’ says Freeman, ‘is here hinted at between the foundation of Leontinoi and the foundation of Katanê. It may point to some possible dissension or secession.’

κατά —a common use of κατά, and one which is not confined to words denoting time.

τὸν αὐτὸν χ —Megara was encouraged no doubt by the reports of the foundation of Syracuse by Corinth.

ὑπὲρ Παντακύου ποταμοῦ —(1) for this use of ὑπέρ ‘on,’ ἐπί w. dat. is an alternative; (2) the rule in Attic prose is that, when ποταμός is added to the name of a river, the art. is inserted before the name. But Herod. does not use the art. in such a case, and in four passages of Thuc. it is wanting. (So also in the MSS. of Isocr. 7, 80 ἐντὸς Ἅλυος ποταμοῦ, and Xen. Anab. IV. 7 , 18 ἐπὶ Ἅρπασον π.)

Παντακύου —now the Porcari. Trotilon, Leontini, Thapsus, Megara all lay between Catana and Syracuse.

ὄνομα —cf. II. 37 καὶ ὄνομα μὲν . . δημοκρατία κέκληται. This adverb. accus. is commoner than ὀνόματι, for which see n. on c. 10, 2. χωρίον—χωρίον, πόλις, νῆσος, etc. regularly follow the proper name when they have no article. For the order of words Classen compares I. 45 , 3.

ξυμπολιτεύσας — i.e. μετοικήσας ἐς Λεοντ. καὶ ἐκεῖ ξυμπολιτεύσας τοῖς Χαλκ.

Θάψον —a low-lying peninsula, now known as Magnisi, but scarcely occupied, except for its salt-works. Freeman quotes Aen. III. 688 vivo praetervehor ostia saxo | Pantagiae Megarosque sinus Thapsumque jacentem.

ἀποθνῄσκει —the historic pres., esp. common with such verbs as τίκτω, γίγνομαι, θνῄσκω, may be co-ordinated with another tense— ᾤκισαν—which may equally well precede or follow it.

παραδόντος —Freeman says: ‘The M. were helped by a Sikel king who betrayed the place to them’; but Stahl with the older edd rightly explains τὴν χώραν as the region in which M. was situated. Bloomfield, keeping the MSS. προδόντος, renders ‘having conceded,’ and probably Hyblon granted the land because he was unable to defend it. Classen's correction παρα- is almost certain, being in accordance with the language of Thuc., whereas προ‐ τὴν χώραν is a most unusual phrase.

Μεγαρέας —the city, which was never important, was destroyed by Gelon (see c. 5, 3), but was rebuilt after the Sicilian expedition and made an outpost of Syracuse. Gelon had intervened in a civil war at Megara. (The single sentence of which this section consists illustrates the great power of the Gk. participle. οἰκίσας καὶ ξυμπολιτεύσας καὶ ἐκπεσὼν καὶ οἰκίσας expresses a succession of events that are detailed in the briefest and simplest form of words possible. The style is periodic, though the period is not worked up in the rhetorical manner. Observe that τε belongs to the first καί, the two longer participial phrases making one pair, and the two shorter a second pair. Although this cumulation of participles is of course impossible in English, yet the outline of the whole sentence resembles the modern English period, strictly so ealled, rather than the more artificial Gk. period.)

ὕστερον ἢ . . οἰκίσαι — M.T. § 655. This is the only passage in Attic in which ὕστερον ἤ is constructed like πρότερον ἤ (= πρίν). Poppo compares Plut. Luc. 5. It is well known that πρότερον ἤ is very rare outside Herod., Thuc., and Antiphon, but reappears in late authors such as Plut., Pausan., Arrian. 15

αὐπούς —the accus., in spite of the faet that the subject of κτίζουσι is the same. This is apt to happen when a contrast is implied, as here between the building of Megara and the building of Selinus. Cp. Isoer. Ep. 9, 16 οἶμαι καὶ λέγειν ἐμοὶ προσήκειν . . καὶ καλῶς βεβουλεῦσθαι πρός σε ποιούμενον τοὺς λόγους. When a plur and subject of infin. includes the subject of the main verb, the nom. and aeens. are used indifferently with the infin.

οἰκίσαι —sc. Μεγαρέας. Classen reads οἰκῆσαι, but most recent edd. follow Ullrich in reading οἰκίσαι after CG. κτίζουσι favours οἰκίσαι, for which, by a common device of composition, it is a substitute; and, though οἰκῆσαι gives good sense as ingressive aor., it is awkward after οἰκήσαντες in another sense.

Σελινοῦντα —captured by Carthaginians in 409, when the diums of columns that still lie in the quarry of S. were abandoned. At least two of the seven temples of which there are splendid remains were built soon after 628. Hermocrates of Syracuse, when exiled, refounded a city here in 407; but it was destroyed in the first Punic War, and the site has since remained deserted. 16

καὶ . . ξυγκατῴκισε —this is added by way of explanation, so that καὶ . . αὐτοῖς might have been οἷς. For the abrupt change of subject, ef. II. 2 , 4 γνώμην ἐποιοῦντο . . ( καὶ ἀνεῖπεν ὁ κῆρυξ . .), νομίζοντες . . For the explanatory καί Stahl compares IV. 52 , 3 ἐπὶ Ἄντανδρον, στρατεύσαντες . . λαμβάνουσι τὴν πόλιν. καὶ ἦν αὐτῶν ἡ διάνοια . . ἐλευθεροῦν . . τὴν Ἄντανδρον, where καὶ αὐτῶν might be ὧν. [The sequenee would be considerably improved by μεταπέμψαντες for πέμψαντες, i.e. ‘sending home for P.’ We should have expected καὶ ἐκ Μεγάρων . . to be a parenthesis, as commonly with the explanatory καί. So with et; as Livy, 23, 1 ubi fines intravit, Numidas partim in insidiis—et pleraeque cavae sunt viae sinusque occulti—quacumque apte poterat, disposuit]

αὐτοῖς —with οὔσης and ἐπελθών (Sta.). Cf. VII. 64 οἷς αὐτοὶ ἴστε οἵᾳ γνώμῃ ἐπήλθετε. ἐπελθεῖν is ‘to come to with a purpose’ either friendly or hostile.

Γέλαν —the first Gk. city founded on the south coast of Sicily. Hippocrates, its tyrant, raised it to great prosperity: see c. 5, 3. Aeschylus died there 456 B.C. Gelon moved half of its citizens to Syracuse.

Γέλα —the Gelas, so called from its coldness by the Sicels, whose language was akin to Latin.

χωρίον —Freeman says: ‘It would seem that Gela was a later, perhaps in its beginning only a popular, name. To the first spot which the Rhodian settlers occupied and fortified, the spot which became the akropolis of the later city, they gave, in memory of one of the four cities of their own island, the name of Lindioi.’ Cf. Herod. VII. 153 κτιζομένης Γέλης ὑπὸ Λινδίων τῶν ἐκ Ῥόδου.

ἡ πόλις — i.e. acropolis; but the change of meaning is awkward.

καὶ ὅ —‘ attende rariorem syntaxin,’ says Stahl. It would be more usual if ὅ were omitted. Were the pronoun in an oblique case, the ordinary form would be that of II. 4 , 5 ὁ ἦν τοῦ τείχους καὶ αἱ θύραι ἀνεῳγμέναι ἔτυχον αὐτοῦ: but even then Thuc. sometimes omits the pronoun altogether in the second clause, as in VII. 29 , 5 ὅπερ μἐγιστον ἦν αὐτόθι καὶ ἄρτι ἔτυχον οἱ παῖδες ἐσεληλυθότες, sc. ες αὐτό. If, however, the first clause be neg. and the second positive, the rel. must be repeated; as II. 43 , 2 οὐκ εν ῷ κεῖνται μᾶλλον, ἀλλ’ ἐν ᾧ ἡ δόξα αὐτῶν . . καταλείπεται . II. 44 , 2 λύπη οὐχ ὧν ἄν τις . . ἀγαθῶν οτερίσκηται, ἀλλ) οὗ ἂν . . ἀφαιρεθῇ. In Lat. the same omission of or snbstitution for the rel. is frequent in Cic.; and cf. Livy XX III. 8 cum quo . . steterat, nec eum . . patria majestas sententia depulerat. In Eng. cf. Hooker, Eccles. Pol., ‘Whom though to know be life, and joy to make mention of His name.’ Johnson, Tour in the Heb., ‘We treated her with great respect, which she received as customary and due, and was neither elated by it, nor confused.’ Macaulay, Warren Hastings, ‘He hired musicians to whom she seemed to listen, but did not hear them.’

καλεῦται —B was thought to have originally contained καλοῦνται, but this seems doubtful. Herw., in support of the plur., quotes IV. 102 τὸ χωρίον τοῦτο, ὅπερ πρότερον Ἐννέα ὁδοὶ ἐκαλοῦντο, V. 49 ἡ καταδίκη δισχίλιαι μναῖ ἦσαν But it is clear that the verb is not necessarily plur: cf. Herod. VI. 47 μεταξὺ Αἰνύρων τε χώρου καλεομένου: I. 168 ἔκτισαν πόλιν Ἄβδηρα, τὴν . . οὐκ ἀπόνητο: V. 115 τῶν πολίων ἀντέσχε . . πολιορκουμἐνη Σόλοι τὴν . . εἷλον: VII. 193 ( Παγασαὶ) ἔστι χῶρος: IV. 20 τὸ ἐμπόριον τὸ καλἐεται Κρημνοί: VII. 201 καλἐεται δὲ ὁ χῶρος . . Θερμοπύλαι.

νόμιμα Δωρικά —introduced from Crete (Aristot. Pol. II. 7 , 3 ἔχει δ’ ἀνἀλογον ἡ Κρητικὴ τάξις πρὸς τὴν Λακωνικήν), and perhaps from Rhodes, though of Dorian institutions in the latter nothing is heard elsewhere. But the Tripolis of Rhodes —Lindus, Ialysus, Cameirus—belonged to the Dorian Hexapolis, which had a common centre in the temple of Apollo at Triopium (Herod. I. 144 ). There is nothing against the assumption that before Athenian influence was felt in Rhodes, the Dorian institutions had prevailed. In later times the constitution of the island was generally democratie. The family of the Eratidae, who formed a Dorian aristocracy in Ialysus, were banished between B.C. 428 and 412.

Ἀκράγαντα — Girgenti, ‘fairest of mortal cities,’ καλλίστα βροτεᾶν πολίων, Φερσεφὀνας ἕδος (Pind. Pyth. X II. 1 ). It was destroyed by the Carthaginians in 406, but restored subsequently. The river from which the town was named is S. Biagio, the smaller of two streams that flow into the sea through one mouth.

ὀνομάσαντες . . ποιήσαντες . . δόντες —these aorists do not refer to things that occurred before the action of the main verb, ᾤκισαν, but express merely the manner of the foundation. That this is so is elear from δόντες. (Cf. Forbes, Thuc. I. 2 p. 143.) νόμιμα δέ—μέν . . δἐ . . δἐ serve rather to co-ordinate the details than to contrast them.

Ζάγκλη —now Messina, a city which, after suffering from every form of calamity in both aneient and modern times, is now second only to Palermo as a commercial centre. Thuc. gives no date for the foundation of Zancle and Himera (Freeman, Sicily, I. 586 ).

Ὀπικίᾳ =Samnium and Campania.

λῃστῶν —‘As regarded the Sikel inhabitants all Greek settlers were alike pirates. . . What is meant is that these settlers were private adventurers who were not sent forth under an aeknowledged founder, with the traditional ceremonies observed in the sending forth of a colony’ (Freeman).

ἀπὸ Κύμης —in the second and formal foundation.

Χαλκίδος —as mother-eity of Cumae.

ὄνομα —accus, according to FI. Muller, cf. II. 37 ὄνομα μὲν . . δημοκρατία κέκληται. But Kruger rightly takes it as nom.; sc. αὐτῆς from above.

ἧν . . κληθεῖσα —translate, ‘its name was at first Zancle, having received the name from the S. because . .’; i e. this is not a periphrastic form for ἐκέκλητο, but the passage is the same as Plat. Crat. 412 ἀνδρὶ ἦν ὄνομα Σοῦς: Aristoph. Av. 1293 Μενίππῳ ἦν χελιδὼν τοὔνομα: Demosth. 21, 32 ούδενὶ θεσμοθέτης ἔστ’ ὄνομα, and many others. The dat. is usual with ὄνομα ἔστι, but the gen. is also found, as in Demosth. 21, 32, after the passage above. For κληθεῖσα we might expect κληθείσης ( αὐτῆς), but, as αὐτῆς= τῆς Ζάγκλης, the attraction to Ζάγκλη is quite natural. For the partic. following ἦν in this manner, cf. II. 67 , 1 οὗ ἦν στράτευμα τῶν Ἀθηναίων πολιορκοῦν .

Σικελῶν —therefore Z. was not occupied for the first time by Gks.

δρεπανοειδές —‘The sickle-shaped peninsula is the distinguishing feature of the place; this natural breakwater has enabled the city under all changes to keep up its character as a haven of the sea’ (Freeman).

τὴν ἰδέαν —slightly pleonastic after - ειδές, but wrongly suspected by Haacke. This meaning of ἰδέα is not common.

ζάγκλον —the Etym. Mag. quotes Callimachus for ζάγκλον in the sense of δρέπανον. The coins of Z. before the name was changed bear the forms δανκ, δανκλ, δανκλη.

αὐτοί —the Chalcidians.

Σαμίων —the story is told in Herod. VI. When Miletus and Samos fell to Persia in 494, the Ionians were invited by Scythes, tyrant of Zancle, to settle in Sicily. Fugitives from Samos and Miletus adopted a suggestion of Anaxilas, tyrant of Rhegium, that they should seize Z. while Scythes and his army were absent, being occupied in the siege of some Sicel city. Cf. Aristot. Pol. 1303a Ζαγκλαῖοι Σαμίους ὑποδεξάμενοι ἐξέπεσον αὐτοί .

Ἀναξίλας —made himself tyrant of Rhegium 494 B.C., and quarrelled with Scythes of Zancle, though hitherto the two cities had been closely connected. Between 493 and 476 he drove out the Samians in turn.

ξυμμείκτων ἀνθ —taken with οἰκίσας, which is constructed like πληρώσας (Clas.). Widmann compares Eur. Hec. 875 Λῆμνον ἀρσένων ἐξῴκισαν.

Μεσσήνην —Freeman, Sicily II. Appendix IX. gives reasons for thinking that the change of name may have been later than the time of Anaxilas.

τῆς ἑαυτοῦ —Rhegium was peopled soon after Zanele by Chaleidians and by settlers from Peloponnesian Messene.

ἀντωνόμασε —Class. supports this word from Dio Cass. ( I. 55 ), from whom also Bloomfield quotes ἀντωνομάσθη, with the note that the word is extremely rare.

Εὐκλείδου —probably these founders came from Chaleis, as metropolis of Zancle.

στάσει —Aristot. Pol. 1303 b speaks of early factions in Syr. The banished clan, as Frceman points out, is strong enough in numbers to affect the dialect of Himera.

φωνὴ μεταξὺ . . ἐκράθη —this is the only place in Thuc. in which μεταξύ applies neither to place nor to time. The construction would be more regular if μεταξύ were ἐκ.

τῆς τε Χαλκιδέων καὶ Δ —it is usual to omit the 2nd art. after μεταξύ when the gender is the same. Δωρίς, Ἑλληνίς, Περσίς are the ordinary forms with γλῶσσα or φωνή.

ἐκράτησεν —this probably hints at some difficulty that arose between Ionian and Dorian settlers.

Ἄκραι —a fortified outpost of Syr. against the Sicels. It was not a separatc city. Freeman, Sicily II. p. 20 f.

Κασμέναι —the foundation of this second outpost of Syr. came but four years after that of Himera. The exact site is doubtful.

Καμάρινα —its foundation marks the extension of Syracusan power in the S.; Syr. retained some sort of control over it.

ἀναστάτων —the revolt in favour of independence occurred in 553 B.C. (Scymnus).

χρόνῳ —viz. 492 B.C. The war between Hippoerates of Gela and Syr. is mentioned by Herod VII. 154 . Syr. was defeated at the Helorus; H. restored the Syr. prisoners in return for the cession of Camarina. He then restored C. as an outpost of Gela against Syr.

Ἱπποκράτης —tyrant of Gela 498-491 B.C.

λύτρα —for the plur. form in the pred. noun, Bloomfield quotes Ov. Met. II. 695 nitidam cape pracmia vaccam.

γενόμενος —this use of the aor. partic., for which see c. 4, 4 l. 27, is not infrequently found after another partic., λαβών, so that the first partic. is in sense subordinate to the second— ‘when he had received . . he made himself founder’—and the two are accordingly not usually co-ordinated.

ὑπὸ Γέλωνος —tyrant of Gela 491-485, and of Syracuse 485-478. He seized the tyranny of Gela on the death of Hippocrates. Camarina would not accept the wrestler Glaucus, of the famous Enboean city Carystus, whom Gelon set over it, and Camarina was consequently destroyed, and its citizens transferred to Syracuse. This destruction occurred about the same time as that of Megara. See c. 4, 2.

τὸ τρίτον —this occurred about 461 B.C. The Olympic victory of Psaumis of Camarina, assigned to 452, is celebrated by Pindar, Olymp. 4 and 5. This lends point to the words of Pindar: ἀπ’ ἀμαχανίας ἄγων ἐς φάος τόνδε δᾶμον ἀστῶν, and again, αἰτήσων πόλιν εὐανορίαισι τάνδε κλυταῖς δαιδάλλειν.

Γελῴων —see critical note.

τοσαῦτα κτλ —observe the chiastic form of the summary: Ἑλλήνων=c. 3, 1; βαρβάρων=c. 2, 6; τοσαῦτα ἔθνη=c. 2, 1; τοσήνδε οὖσαν=c. 2, 1 (previous senfence). The same arrangement occurs in II. 7 , 8, 9.

προφάσει —in one other passage of Thuc. of the real motive, I. 23 , τὴν μὲν γὰρ ἀληθεστάτην πρόφασιν, ἀφανεστάτην δὲ λόγῳ. Cf. Demosth. de Cor. 201 ὅτι τὴν μὲν ἀληθῆ πρόφασιν τῶν πραγμάτων ἀπεκρύπτετο. In this use πρόφασις is the excuse which the writer gives as the true one in contrast with the alleged cxcuse. C. D. Morris quotes Bacon's ‘ the truest cause of this war, though least voiced. ’

ἄρξαι —ingressive, as often with the aor. of ἄρχω.

ἅμα — i.e. Thuc. admits this as a secondary motive, and says that it was the one avowed in order to attract ( εὐπρεπῶς ).

τοῖς ἑαυτῶν ξ — i.e. the Chalcidians of Naxos, Catana, Leontini, as Ionians.

προσγεγενημένοις —Kruger, Hude, Stein, Sitzler accept this reading against προ-. ‘The allies who had jomed them’ in addition to their kinsmen. Thus in III. 86 we have αἱ Χαλκιδικαὶ πόλεις καὶ Καμάρινα aiding Leontini in 426; in v. 5 Phaeax in 422 persuades Acragas and Camarina to join with the allies of Athens against Syr. The Sicels also had joined in 426, III. 103 . For Segesta see § 2.

τε ]—those who retain τε—Classen, Böhme, Muller, Sitzler—assume an anacolnthon, supposing the construction to be broken by ὅμοροι γάρ, and to be resumed at § 3 ὧν ἀκούοντες: so that Thuc. intended Ἐγεσταἰων τε πρὲσβξις . . καὶ οἱ ξυναγορεύοντες. But, as Stahl points out, if this were so, the parenthesis would be added from a wish to say something about Ἐγεσταίων πρὲσβεις as distinct from οἱ ξυναγορεύοντες. But, in fact, the explanation applics to both, as § 3 shows. It often happens in the MSS. of Thuc. that τε is found in some MSS. and not in others. Each passage has to be dealt with on its own merits.

προθυμότερον —‘earnestly.’

γαμικῶν τινων —‘Notwithstanding difference of origin, not withstanding frequent quarrels, a right of connubium must have existed between the Greek and the barbarian city’ (Freeman).

γῆς ἀμφισβητήτου —the Mazarus formed a boundary between the lands of the two cities.

ὥστε — quamobrem, a use of ὥστε and indic. common in Thuc. and other prose authors, and by far the commonest use of ὤστε with indic. in Soph. and Eurip.

ἐπὶ Λάχητος —see on c. 1, 1. This alliance with Segesta is not mentioned before; but an alliance is here plainly implied. [

Λεοντίνων ]—has been taken with πολὲμου, which is not a proper definition of the war of 426, and with ξυμμαχίαν, which is contrary to fact, since the alliance with Leontini—as is known from an inscription—was made in 433, not in the previous war.

ἀναμιμνῄσκοντες —with two accus., as Demosth. 45, 34 τοῦθ) ὑμᾶς άναμνήσω. αὐτῶν—τῶν Ἀθηναίων. Syr. had already destroyed Leontini in 422. The only remaining question was whether the act was to go unpunished: if it was not punished, then Syr. might proceed to destroy the other Athenian allies as well, and so get possession of all Sicily.

διαφθείραντες —this is much better than the pres. partic. (see crit. note), which would mean time concurrent with σχήσουσι. Clas. explains the pres. of the successive conquests But this use of the pres. partic. to express a process not contemporary with the time of the main verb can only be shown to exist where the time of the partic. is absolutely past (see the exx. in M. T. § 140), as in II 51 ἕτερος ἀφ) ἑτέρου θεραπείας ἀναπιμπλάμενοι ὥσπερ τὰ πρόβατα ἔθνῃσκον, whereas διαφθείροντες would refer to time absolntely future. Krüger understands ‘they will get possession of the whole power of S. while destroying’; but this is scarcely satisfactory. Moreover, the order τὴν ἅπασαν shows that the sum of all the items that make up the power is meant; and it is illogical to combine this with a distributive expression. κίνδυνον εἶναι—λέγοντες has here the infin.; cf. vii. 21 λέγων . . εἶναι: but in II. 5 λέγοντες ὅτι . . The pres. partic. with infin. is found in I. 38 ; II. 13 ; III. 70 ; IV. 22 , 70; v. 49 λέγοντες μὴ ἐπηγγέλθαι πω τὰς σπονδάς, 46; VI. 52 , 58 λέγοντες οὐδὲ ἐπαγγεῖλαι τὴν άρχήν, 79; VIII. 70 , 93. In v. 49 the μή is due to ἀντέλεγον μή . . preceding. In none of these passages does λέγω mean ‘to command.’ There are at least as many instances in Thuc. of λέγων=‘saying’ with infin. as of λέγων with ὅτι or ὡς .

Δωριῆς τε Δ —the figure called polyptoton. It is a common means of emphasising an idea both in Gk. and Lat. ἐκείνων—τῶν Ἀθηναίων, so that it applies to the same persons as αὐτῶν above. Cf. c. 61 κατέγνωσαν αὐτοῦ τε καὶ τῶν μετ’ ἐκείνου, where see n. τόν—τὸν μέλλοντα, Schol.

ἀκούοντες —the pres. is used because the partic. is influenced by ἐν ταῖς ἐκκλησίαις. There were several meetings of the Ecclesia specially held ( ξυγκλητοὶ ἐκκλησίαι) to hear the arguments. Cf. Demosth. 3, 4 πολλῶν δὲ λόγων καὶ θορύβου γιγνομένου παρ’ ὑμῖν, ἐψηφίσασθε τριήρεις καθέλκειν.

τῶν ξυναγ —Alcibiades and his followers. These gens. are absolute.

πρῶτον —before finally deciding.

τὰ τοῦ πολέμου . . πρὸς τοὺς Σελινουντίους —unless πόλεμος can be considered as ( a) a verbal noun, this order is impossible, because there is ( b) no other epithet to πολέμου than πρὸς τοὺς Σελ. Cf. ( a) II. 52 ἡ ξυγκομιδὴ (verbal noun) ἐκ τῶν ἀγρῶν: ( b) I. 110 τὰ κατὰ τὴν μεγάλην στρατείαν Ἀθηναίων.

οἱ ξυμ. πλὴν Κορινθίων —the relations between Corinth and Sparta since the Peace of Nicias, early in 421, had been somewhat complicated: Corinth stood ont of the Peace. Autnmn of 421, Corinth initiated a new leagne under Argos, v. 27 , on the ground that Sparta was arming at ‘enslaving the Peloponnese.’ In May 420 Athens concluded an alliance with Argos, Elis, and Mantinea; from this Corinth held aloof, v. 48 , and was inclined to join Sparta. In 418 Corinth joined Sparta against Argos, v. 58 . But Corinth was never a cordial ally of Sparta after 421.

τὴν Ἀργείαν —in June 417 there had been a democratic revolution at Argos, which had then again joined Athens. In the antumn of both 417 and 416 the Spartans had invaded Argos.

τινα —Stahl takes this with σῖτον, Clas. with ζεύγη. If it be genuine (see crit. note), it probably belongs to σῖτον. ζ. κομίσαντες ‘having brought waggons (for the purpose).’

Ὀρνεάς —formerly an ally of Argos, but occupied by Sparta as a fort ( ἐπιτείχισμα) from which to threaten Argos. For the capture of Orneae cf. Aristoph. Av. 395.

φυγάδας —oligarehs who fled at the time of the revolution at Argos, and had since been living at Phlius.

παρακαταλιπόντες —a ἅπαξ λεγ.

ὥστε —‘on condition that,’ a use of ὥστε and infin. common in Thuc., who uses ἐφ) ᾧ, ἐφ) ᾧτε only with fut. indie. Cf. M. T. § 110.

ἐκδιδράσκ. οἱ ἐκ —a common case of attraction of preposition. Cf. Andoe. οἱ ἐκ τῆς ἀγορᾶς ἔφευγον. If the text is sound, Cie. ad Fam. vii. 1 has ex illo cubiculo, ex quo . . tempora consumpseris.

ὡς ᾔσθοντο —a favourite substitute for αἰσθόμενοι in the vicinity of another partic.

Μεθώνην —the addition is made in order to distinguish this M. from the M. in Messenia, which was attacked by the Athenians in 431 B.C., II. 25 .

φυγάδας —they had been supporters of Perdiccas' brother Philip, whom Perdiecas had expelled from Upper Macedonia.

τὴν Περδίκκου —P. II. of Macedon, son of Alexander the Philhellene. His relations with Athens are not elearly explained by Thuc., and the omission is serious, as we cannot without such explanation understand fully the political position in the north-cast. The following table is compiled from Thuc.:— (1) Perdiecas was in alliance with Athens before 432. (2) In 432 he encouraged Potidaea to revolt. (3) 431: reconciliation with Athens. (4) 429: Athens projected an expedition against him. In 427 and 425 we know from inscriptions that Athens negotiated with him to prevent him from injuring Methone. (5) 424: he encouraged Brasidas to go to the north. (6) 424 autumn: he made terms with Athens. (7) 418: he joined Sparta after Mantinea. 417: the Athenians blockaded him ineffectually. (8) The present incident. (9) 414: he is again on good terms with Athens.

Χ. τοὺς ἐπὶ Θ —it is unknown when the truce was made between A. and the Chal., but it was probably in 417.

δεχημέρους —Clas. explains ‘renewable every ten days’; but such relations between A. and eities so distant are surcly impossible. Grote is probably right in explaining it ‘an armistice terminable at ten days' notice.’

ἐτελεύτα —the anaphora of this word is remarkable; but we have almost the same form of expression: ‘and winter ended, and with winter ended the year.’ Procopius imitates this expression of Thuc.; but for the second ἐτελεύτα he regulaily substitutes ἔληγε. The object of Thuc. in thus repeating ἐτελεύτα is doubtless to mark the fact that the end of winter and the end of the year of war coincide.

ἧκον —‘returned,’ as often.

ὡς —with μισθόν. According to the figures, each member of the crew of 200 is to receive one drachma a day, which was double the ordinary pay.

ἐκ. ποιήσαντες —cf. Andoc. I. 82 ἐκ. ποιήσαντες ἐβουλεύσασθε καὶ ἐψηφίσασθε. Technically only the πρυτάνεις could summon the Assembly, the technical phrase being προγράφειν τὴν ἐκκλησίαν. (Aristot. Ath. Pol. c. 43; Schomann de Com. Ath. p. 53; Gilbert, II. p. 269.)

πρέσβεων —this must have oceurred either at the third or the fourth Ecclesia of the seventh Prytany, in the latter part of the month Anthesterion, Ol. xcii. (Cf. Aristot. l.c.) Four meetings of the Eeclesia were held in each Prytany.

Ἀλκιβιάδην —Intr. p. xii. αὐτοκράτορας does not, as is often asserted, imply that the generals were released from the obligation to render accounts ( εὔθυναι), but only that the details were left to them. It was apparently—and quite naturally— usual to give to one or more generals such extended powers for distant and important expeditions (Gilbert, Bcitrage, p. 39). Aristot. Ath. Pol. c. 61, speaking of the Strategi gencrally, says κύριοι δέ εἰσιν, ὅταν ἡγῶνται, καὶ δῆσαί τιν’ ἀτακτοῦντα καὶ ἐκκηρῦξαι (expel) καὶ ἐπιβολὴν ἐπιβάλλειν (fine). Lys. 13, 67, says that Lamachus during the expedition executed a soldier who was deteeted signalling to the enemy. This may have been an exercise of his special powers.

ξυγκατοικίσαι —inf. of purpose, M T. § 770.

ἤν τι περιγίγνηται —observe the tense: the aor. would express the sense, but the pres. gives the meaning ‘if they should find that they were succeeding.’ M.T. § 88. τι goes with τοῦ. π. Stein renders ‘if they had anything left from.’

ἐκκλησία . . καθ’ ὅ τι —for καθ’ ὄ τι= how cf. I. 69 σκοπεῖν καθ’ ὅτι ἀμυνούμεθα.

τοῖς στρατηγοῖς —another object of the mecting. This dat. depends directly on ἐκκλησία ἐγίγνετο—cf. Andoc. I. 11 ἦν μὲν γὰρ ἐκκλησία τοῖς στρατηγοῖς τοῖς εἰς Σικελίαν—and the inf. ψηφισθῆναι, subject εἴ του προσδέοιντο, is added as an epexegcsis. (It is absurd, as Hude points out, to make ψηφισθῆναι depend on χρή, as though they were to discuss ‘how’ to vote. But the insertion of τοῦ is unnecessary.) ψηφισθῆναι is not inf. of purpose, but depends on ἐκκλησία ἐγίγνετο, which is constructed like ἔδοξε: it gives the terms of the resolution proposed.

βραχείᾳ —‘slight.’

μεγάλου ἔργου —this is taken as in apposition to Σικελίας, though in sense belonging to ἐφίεσθαι τῆς Σικ. Stahl refers to Eur. Herc. 323 ὡς μὴ τἐκν’ εἰσίδωμεν, ἀνόσιον θέαν, ψυχορραγοῦντα, which is quite different, because τέκνα ψυχορραγοῦντα= θέα α·νόσιος is possible, whereas Σικελία= ἔργον μέγα is impossible except as a brachylogy. Hence perhaps ἔργου μεγάλου was in apposition to < ἄρξαι> (ingressive) τῆς Σικελίας.

ἀποτρέψαι —on the action of Nicias see c. 14.

ἔτι —‘further.’

ἄμεινον =‘prudent.’

καὶ μὴ . . ἄρασθαι depends on χρῆναι. For the sentiment cf. Eur. Phoen. 455 οὔτοι τὸ ταχὺ τὴν δίκην ἔχει.

ἀλλοφύλοις —Segestaeans, who in c. 11, 7 are called βάρβαροι. See c. 2, 3.

καίτοι —N. might naturally desire war, for he obtains τίμη in the shape of a command ἐκ τοῦ πόλεμον ἄρασθαι.

ἧσσον ἑτέρων = minime )( μᾶλλον ἑτέρων. περὶ τῷ . . ς.—περί with dat. is rare in Attic outside Thuc.: it occurs only once in the orators, twice in the senarii of Aristophanes (once after πίπτω, once after δέδοικα). In Thuc. it often occurs with verbs of fearing, δέδοικα, φοβοῦμαι, ὀρρωδῶ: in vii. 84 we have περὶ τοῖς δορατίοις διεφθείροντο: cf. πταίειν, σφάλλεσθαι περί with dat. σώματι ‘life.’ The antithesis of σῶμα and οὐσία is common. νομίζων is concessivc: Stahl notes that these words are added because Nicias does not wish to reflect on the older men whom Alcibiades accused of fear.

ὅμως —antithesis to καίτοι.

οὔτε νῦν —sc. ἐρῶ παρὰ γνώμην. ᾗ ἂν γιγνώσκω βέλτιστα is in antithesis to παρὰ γνώμην, and βέλτιστα is an adverb; cf. ἄριστα in c. 8, 2. See crit. n.

πρὸς μὲν τοὺς τρόπους —it is generally not noticed that τρόποι is here contrasted with οὔτε ἐν καιρῷ σπεύδξτε οὔτε . . ὡρμῆσθε. ‘To produce any influence on your character, my speech would be impotent, were I to urge you . . : but that your eagerness is ill-timed and that . . I will proceed to show.’ The idea of instruction runs all through the passage. It would be impossible to persuade the A. to renounce in this instance their τρόποι,—the character proverbial for its restless energy and its light-hearted impulsiveness.

σῴζειν —this and ὑπάρχοντα, ἑτοίμοις, ἀφανῶν, μελλόντων, κινδυνεύειν, are all words that suggest business transactions. ὑπάρχοντα=‘balance in hand’; σῴζειν=‘to keep in safe deposit,’ as in Plat. Rep. 333 C παρακαταθέσθαι καὶ σῶν εἶναι: ἑτοῖμα=‘ready money’; ἀφανῆ ( not in its technical sense, ‘personal property,’ but)=‘what is merely conjectural’; κινδυνεύειν=‘to stake’ or ‘invest.’

κατασχεῖν —‘to secure.’ Kruger takes ῥᾴδια as= ῥᾴδιον: but it may be that ἐφ) ἃ= ἐκεῖνα ἐφ) ἅ, so that the trans. is ‘the objects for which you are eager are not easy of attainment,’ and so Bloomfield takes it.

δεῦρο — i.e. you have not to think only of the enemies you will find in Sicily. Already before the Pel. war Sparta had applied for help to Sicily: now the friends of Sparta there would be provoked to send it.

ἐπαγαγέσθαι —a vox media, being used equally of inviting in good and evil.

σπονδάς —the Peace of Nicias; Thuc. has more than once pointed out that it was delusive; but considering the enthusiasm felt for Nicias at Athens in 421 when the Peace was signed, it is curious to find Nicias admitting his failure.

ἔχειν τι βέβαιον —‘afford you some security’ (Bloomf.), because, if the Spartans refused to break the peace, no enemy from Sicily could come to attack Athens.

αἵ —‘so long as you refrain from action, the treaty will last as a nominal treaty—thanks to the action of certain persons at home and on the other side.’ ἡσυχάζειν, quiesco, is often contrasted with πολεμῶ:

ὀνόματι —‘as far as the name goes’: it will not be a reality.

ἄνδρες —at Athens Alcibiades, at Sparta certain of the ephors. ἔπραξαν αὐτά—πράσσω not infrequently suggests the bad side of diplomacy, αὐτά= τὰ τῶν σπονδῶν, the matters connected with the treaty. The use of αὐτά referring to things connected with what has been mentioned is common; e.g. II. 43 , 1 τὴν δύναμιν . . αὐτά, Eur. Bacchae 202 παραδοχὰς . . αὐτά.

σφαλέντων —sc. ἡμῶν, the gen. abs. as often in spite of the proximity of another case having the same reference. This has the effect of strongly emphasising the participial clause. ἀ. δυνάμει with σφαλέντων.

ἐπιχείρησιν ποιήσονται —see Index s.vv. ποιεῖσθαι and γίγνομαι.

διὰ ξυμφορῶν —‘in a condition of’= διὰ ξ. ὄντες: cf. 34, 2; 57, 3. ὴ Λακεδαίμων, says Thuc., μάλιστα δὴ κακῶς ἤκουσε καὶ ὑπερώφθη διὰ τὰς ξυμφοράς ( v. 28 ) just after the Peace.

ἐκ τοῦ αἰσχίονος —‘in a manner more disereditable than we, that is, of necessity.’ We accepted peace voluntarily; they perforce. There is not much ground for this boast.

ἐν αὐτῇ ταύτῃ —‘while the treaty is actually in force’ we have many disputes; referring to the omission to carry out certain clauses of the treaty These disputes were concerned mainly with Amphipolis, Pylus, and Panactum.—A principal sentence is co-ordinated with a rel. clause.

οὐδὲ ταύτην —partial and unsatisfactory as it is.

οἱ μέν —the Corinthians. See c. 7, 2 n.

οἱ δὲ καί —the Boeotians and Chalcidians of Thrace. It is not uncommon to find καί thus inserted after οἰ δέ to emphasise the antithesis. καὶ αὐτοί =‘similarly.’

δίχα —part being in Sicily.

πρὸ πολλῶν —sc. ἀνθρώπων. ‘Aliter enim πρὸ πολλοῦ aut πρὸ πολλῶν χρημάτων dicendum erat’ (Stahl); cf. Andoc. 2, 21 ἐδεξάμην δ’ ἂν ἀντὶ πάντων χρημάτων. Isocr. 13, 11 has ἐγὼ δὲ πρὸ πολλῶν ἂν χρημάτων ἐτιμησάμην τηλικοῦτον δύνασθαι τὴν φιλοσοφίαν.

τινα —instead of ἡμᾶς. Cf. vii. 61 ἢν κρατήσωμεν . . ἔστι τῳ τὴν . . πόλιν ἐπιδεῖν. This use of τις increases the solemnity of a statement.

αὐτά —cf. § 2

τῇ πόλει —see crit. n.: ‘verba μετεώρῳ τῇ πόλει bene exponit Schol., dicens: τῆς πόλεως ἡμῶν οὐκ ἐν τῷ ἀσφαλεῖ ὁρμούσης μετενήνεκται δὲ τὸ ὄνομα (‘the metaphor is taken’) ἀπὸ τῶν μήπω ὡρμισμένων’ (Stahl). For the sentiment cf. Aristides 30, 35 τῆς παροιμίας οὐ πόρρω θέομεν τὸ νῦν<*> ἐπιθυμίᾳ γὰρ τῶν πλειόνων καὶ ἀπόντων—ἀλλ) ἐάσω τὸ βλάσφημον. See c. 13, 1. πρὶν . . βεβαιωσώμεθα—πρίν without ἄν appears four times in Thuc. with subjunct., but in other Attic prose writers the use is doubtful. See M.T. § 648.

ἔτη —sixteen years.

κατὰ τὰς ἠπείρους —this is purposely left vague. The subject allies showed great readiness to revolt after the disaster in Sicily.

ἐνδοιαστῶς —this word does not occur in any Attic prose writer except Thuc.

ἡμεῖς δέ —this clause does not, as Classen thought, depend on εἰ . . γε, but clearly stands in antithesis to χρὴ σκοπεῖν τινα, as Stahl explains. What we are doing is quite different from what we ought to be doing. The contrast between σκοπεῖν and ὀξέως ( μεταχειρίσαι) is repeated in c. 12, 2.

δή —with βοηθοῦμεν Ἐγεσταίοις. The verbal contrasts between οὖσι ξυμμάχοις and πάλαι ἀφεστώτων, ἀδικουμένοις and αὐτοἰ ἀδικούμεθα, βοηθοῦμεν and ἀμύνεσθαι are good examples of antithesis in the enthymeme, or rhetorical inference. The enthymeme, which is very common in the speeches of Thuc., is ‘a syllogism drawn, not from the premisses proper to any particular seience—such as medicine—but from propositions relating to contingent things in the sphere of human action’ (Jebb): thus here:— proposition 1, we aid Segesta; proposition 2, we neglect our revolted subjects. The inference is that we are neglecting the city's interest in not reducing the revolted to obedience. The most approved form of enthymeme according to later rhetoricians is this, which Cieero calls sententia ex contrariis conclusa: e.g. Cic. pro Sulla § 22 an vero clarissimum virum generis vestri ac nominis nemo reprehendit qui filium suum vita privavit . . : tu rempublicam reprehendis, quae domesticos hostes . . necavit? One of the two premisses is often omitted, in which case the enthymeme becomes a mere statement backed up with a single reason.

καίτοι . . κατεργ. κἂν κατ —the alliteration renders the assertion more incisive.

διὰ πολλοῦ καὶ πολλῶν —cf. below § 6 περὶ πλεῖστον καὶ διὰ πλείστου, and c. 87, 4 ἐν παντὶ γὰρ πᾶς χωρίῳ. The γε gives a causal force to the partic.

ὧν —common object to κρατήσας and κατασχήσει, following, as usual, the coustruction of the partic.

καὶ μή —the rel. is not repeated in this clause, but the second μή carries on its force.

μὴ ἐν τῷ ὁμοίῳ —cf. II. 60 ἐν ἴσῳ εἶναι, III. 22 ἐν ἀπόρῳ εἶναι, and many others. καὶ πρὶν ἐπι.—καί ‘as’; so after ἴσος ( e.g. III. 14 , 1) and other similar words. Failure to capture a city by assault or siege was an experience of the Athenians: it had not hitherto led to disastrous consequences. But a failure in Sicily would mean a combined attack from Sparta and their Sicilian friends, an invitation to doubtful allies to revolt, and great loss of treasure and prestige.

Σικελιῶται δ’ ἄν κτλ —this is explained in two ways: (1) After ὥς γε νῦν ἔχουσι supply οὐ δεινοὶ εἶναι by an ellipse such as Herbst thinks characteristic of Thuc. and calls ‘beautiful.’ Clas. thinks that there is a lacuna after ἔχουσι. The Schol. and others support this view. Cf. note in Jowett. (2) ‘Looking at the actual state of Sicily, I should say that the island would be even less formidable to us’: so Arnold, Bloomf., Stahl, etc. This version misses the antithesis between ὤς γε νῦν ἔχουσι and εἰ ἄρξειαν which is carried on in νῦν . . ἐκείνως. Now it is not certain that νῦν μὲν γάρ . . is epexegetic of ὤς γε νῦν ἔχουσι: for καὶ ἔτι ἂν ἧσσον may quite well= καὶ ἔτι ἂν ἧσσον ἢ νῦν εἰσι. The real difficulty is to settle the meaning of ὤς . . ἔχουσι. According to Stahl ‘the present state of the S.’ means ‘their state while they are independent.’ Much more probably ‘uninvaded as they are by us’ is the sense. Should we invade Sicily, the conditions would be altered. If we won, we should not gain: if we lost, then Syracuse might get the upper hand, and of course then would join Sparta. Cf. Class. Rev. July 1895.

ἄρξειοιν —ingressive.

ὅπερ —internal acens. to ἐκφοβοῦσι.

ἕκαστοι —‘separately.’ The statement is put vaguely, because after the experience of Sparta with regard to her Sicilian allies there could not be much ground for Athens to fear that the Siceliots, if undisturbed, would send help to Sparta. Observe that ὥς γε νῦν ἔχουσι is still implied both with νῦν μὲν γάρ and with ἐκείνως δ). ἐκείνως—εἰ ἄρξειαν αὐτῶν Συρ .

εἰκός —generally takes aor. inf., occasionally present. The argument ( πίστις) from τὸ εἰκός is common in Thuc. Antiphon, Tetral. A, α, 4 is an example of a charge resting on τὸ εἰκός, probabile.

ἀρχὴν ἐπὶ ἀρχήν —the argument is not that it is unnatural for one empire (Syracuse) to attack another (Athens); but that if the Athenian power, the common enemy of Sparta and Syracuse, were destroyed, Sparta would soon come to regard the Syracusan power as the successor of the Athenian, and would grow jealous of it.

τῶν αὐτῶν —the Peloponnesians.

σφετέραν —the (secondary) reflexive, not ἐκείνων or αὐτῶν, because the thought of the Syracusans is represented.

διὰ τοῦ αὐτοῦ —neut.=‘similar means,’ i.e. by combination with other states. For the change from the dat. ᾧ ἂν τρόπῳ to the gen. with διά, cf. Isocr. 15 τούτῳ ( τῷ λόγῳ) ἐξελέγχομεν καὶ ἐγκωμιάζομεν· διὰ τούτου παιδεύομεν καὶ δοκιμάζομεν.

ἡμᾶς δέ —after explaining that A. has nothing to fear from a Syracusan empire, Nicias proceeds to explain by what means A. may inspire the Siceliots with most fear.

ἔπειτα δὲ καί —the less desirable course.

δῑ ὀλίγου —temporal, with ἀπέλθοιμεν.

διὰ πλείστου —the edd. quote the maxim aseribed to Tiberius (Tac. An. 1, 47) major e longinquo reverentia, Virgil's minuit praesentia famam, etc. See crit. note.

πεῖραν ἥκιστα —‘and whatever affords least opportunity for testing its reputation.’ Cf. Pericles' remark, II. 41 τῶν ἔργων τὴν ὑπόνοιαν ἡ ἀλήθεια βλάψει. Nicias in making this remark is making a point against the party of Alcibiades. Cf. c. 13, 1.

διὰ τό —asyndeton after a demonstrative (which is here replaced by ὅπερ) is fairly common. Cf. II. 60 , 4 ὃ νῦν ὑμεῖς δρᾶτε· ταῖς κατ’ οἶκον κακοπραγίαις . . ἀφίεσθε.

παρὰ γνώμην = παρ’ ἐλπίδα, ‘contrary to your expectation’; contrast c. 9, 2. αὐτῶν probably belongs to περιγεγενῆσθαι, but is put early in order to contrast it with Σικελίας. Stein thinks παρὰ γ. αὐτῶν= praeter vestram ipsorum opinionem.

πρὸς ἃ ἐ. τὸ πρῶτον —this use of πρός, ‘in comparison with,’ is commoner in Thuc. than in other Attic prose writers. (These words are inserted because Nicias does not mean ‘having, contrary to your expectation, attained the mastery,’ as Bloomfield renders: but, on the contrary, that the success of Athens has been considerable if viewed in the light of her fears at the beginning of the war, in the days when Pericles strove to calm her fears)

μηδὲ Λακεδαιμονίους —the paraphrase of the Schol. is a good example of the skill with which a good scholiast imitates the diction of Thuc.: “ μὴ νομίζετε Λακεδαιμονίους ἄλλο τι σκοπεῖν ἤ, διὰ τὸ αἰσχρῶς ἐσπεῖσθαι, σπεύδειν ὅτῳ τρόπῳ δύναίντο (!) ἔτι νῦν καθελόντες ἡμᾶς ἀναμαχέσασθαι τὴν πρόσθεν ἀδοξίαν.”

εὖ θέσθαι =‘to settle satisfactorily.’

ὅσῳ —‘in so far as’: ‘a point upon which their anxiety is proportioned to their long and passionate pursuit of military glory’ (Wilkins). ὅσῳ is thus used with comparatives or superlatives, and with precisely the same freedom with regard to the presence or absence of a correlative ( τοσούτῳ), or of the comparative (or superl.) in one or the other clauses as it appears in Tacitus in the case of eo . . quo, tanto . . quanto. Cf. c. 78, 1 τοσούτῳ ἀσφαλέστερον ὅσῳ . . ἀγωνιεῖται. περὶ πλείστου =‘above everything.’ For περί see Index.

ἀρετῆς —here in its earlier sense, ‘courage,’ not in the sense that it has already in Thuc., ‘virtue.’

ὁ ἀγών —sc. ἐστί .

δῑ ὀλιγαρχίας —‘by means of an oligarchy.’ Nicias had experienced the cunning of the Spartan government in the matter of the peace. It had been reduced to a name (c. 10, 2) through Spartan diplomacy aided by those in Athens who played into the hands of Sparta. This is a direct appeal to the extreme democrats, who were eagerly supporting the expedition. Cf. Demosth. 15, 30 εἷς ἀγών ἐστιν ὁ πρὸς τοὺς προδήλους ἐχθρούς. Stein thinks δῑ ὀ.= ὀλιγαρχικῶς.

φυλαξόμεθα — M.T. § 339.

χρήμασι καὶ τοῖς σώμασιν —for the rather unusual art., cf. Demosth. 16, 12 καὶ χρήματ’ εἰσφέρειν καὶ τοῖς σώμασι κινδυνεύειν: 22, 55 εἰς χρήματα τὴν δίκην προσήκει λαμβάνειν. ὁ δὲ εἰς τὰ σώματα . . ἐποιήσατο τὰς τιμωρίας. Clas. thinks the art. is added to give prominence to the more important item.

ηὐξῆσθαι —the perf. infin. is rare after ὥστε, but it is here required to express a state in the present.

δίκαιον —sc. έστί. It is probably right to omit εἶναι after ἐνθάδε with C; for, apart from the awkwardness of construction, it is far more pointed to state dogmatically that justice (to ourselves) demands that we should use what we have recovered for ourselves, than to say that we should think it just to do so: and δίκαιόν ( ἐστι) is in antithesis to χρήσιμόν ( ἐστι) below.

ἐνθάδε —within the limits of our own empire.

ἀναλοῦν —old form of ἀναλίσκειν.

φυγάδων —an exaggeration: only the Leontines could be ealled φυγάδες. Cf. c. 6, 2.

τό τε ψεύσασθαι —‘whom it suits to lie plausibly,’ by promising help and advantage to those who would help them.

τῷ τοῦ π. κ —‘while others face danger, and they themselves provide nothing of their own but pretenees, either, if they succeed, to make no adequate return, or, if they fail at all, to involve their friends in disaster.’ χρήσιμον belongs to ξυναπολέσαι, and the sentiment that ‘there are states which it suits to involve their friends in their own failure’ is in aceordance with a maxim well known in ancient times that trouble is lighter when the burden is shared by many. It was at least recognised in the ease of individuals, and nothing is clearer than that Nicias here, as elsewhere—as he did apparently throughout his career—confuses the political attitude of states with the ethics of the individual. There is therefore nothing strange in χρήσιμον. Nor is there a zeugma in τῷ τοῦ πέλας κινδύνῳ· it belongs equally to κατορθώσαντας and to πταίσαντας —whether they succeed or fail, the danger to their friends is the same.

τις —Alcibiades, as eager to accept the command as Nieias was reluctant.

ἄρχειν —sc. στρατιᾶς, chosen from the board of ten strategi to command the army. Nicias does not mean, as is generally assumed, elected strategus. Alcibiades had held that office, (1) July 420-419, (2) July 419-418, (3) July 416-415, and had at this time been elected to hold office a fourth time, 415-414. Jokes had been made, especially by the comic poet Eupolis, about Alc.'s youth in 419. He was now about thirtysix, but was ‘young for his age.’ For ἐς sec Index.

μόνον —instead of the interests of the state. This, says N., is what Alc. is doing, and one reason is that he is too young for so responsible a post.

θαυμασθῇ μέν —from the rather strange expression we must assume N. to mean that Alc. wanted the command in order to increase his establishment and to get means to pay for it. There is nothing ‘disordeily’ in this sentence, as is sometimes said.

ἱπποτροφίας —‘so expensive was the keeping of horses in most parts of Greece (see Pind. Isth. iv. 49 , Aesch. Pr. V. 475, Aristot. Pol. VI. 7 ), that such was regarded as an evidence of ample fortune, and, when attached to any one's ancestors, of high gentility. In Hdt. vi. 35 it is mentioned as a proof of Miltiades' gentility, that he was descended οἰκίης ἀπὸ τεθριπποτρόφου’ (Bloomfield). Cf. Isocr. 16, 33 of Alc., ἱπποτροφεῖν ἐπιχειρήσας ὃ τῶν εὐδαιμονεστάτων ἔργον ἐστίν: and the νόσος ἱππική of Aristoph. Nub.

μηδὲ τούτῳ —‘do not allow him either,’ any more than Segesta.

ἐλλαμπρύνεσθαι — i.e. λαμπρύνεσθαι ἐν τῷ . . κινδύνῳ.

μὴ οἷον νεωτέρους β —‘not one for young men to decide and to carry out in a hurry.’ οἷος = τοιοῦτος ὥστε, as often.

παρακελευστούς —Goller quotes Photius s.r., οἱ ἐκ παρακελεύσεως καὶ παρακλήσεως συλλαμβάνοντες. It was deemed contrary to order ( εὐκοσμία) in the Ecclesia to appeal ( παρακελεύεσθαι) to persons, except of course while making a speech, and it appears that there were penalties for any interruption of the kind. (The evidence for this is Aeschines 1, 61, where παρακελεύηται is surely misunderstood by Schomann de Com. Ath., E T. 119.) It was the business of the πρυτάνεις, on whom see c. 14, 1, ἐπιμελεῖσθαι εὐκοσμίας .

ἀντιπαρακελεύομαι —‘appeal in turn,’ and in the regular manner, not irregularly as Alc. has done.

καταισχυνθῆναι . . ὅπως μή —‘ i.e. not to be shamed into fear lest he may seem to be weak,’ M.T. § 370.

μηδ’ . . εἶναι —co-ordinate with μὴ καταισχυνθῆναι.

αὐτοί — i.e. even without Alc. to encourage them.

δυσέρωτας —this word is found in Lysias and Xenophon; then not in prose until Lucian, Aristides, Plutarch, Dio Cass., Aelian.

μέγιστον δὴ τῶν πρίν —as I. 1 ἀξιολογώτατον τῶν προγεγενημένων, and several other cases in Thuc. There are familiar imitations in Milton. Cf. ὠκυμορώτατος ἄλλων.

ἀναρριπτούσης —Phrynichus in Bekker's Anecdota, p. 18, 1 ἀναρρῖψαι κίνδυνον, παρὰ τὸ ἀναρρῖψαι κύβον, περὶ τῶν ἀφειδῶς ἑαυτοὺς εἰς κινδύνους ἀφιέντων. After Herod. and Thuc. the phrase does not occur in Gk. prose until Aristides and Aelian.

οὐ μεμπτοῖς — we have no fault to find with legard to boundaries. This is a thrust at the envoys of Segesta; cf. περὶ γῆς ἀμφισβητήτου c. 6, 2. The boundaries are those ‘which nature has fixed’ (Freeman). Ἰόνιος κόλπος=either the whole of the Adriatic, or, as here, the southern part of it (Poppo). Σικελικὸς κόλπος=the sea S. of the Ionian, from the E. eoast of Sicily to Crete. (Horacc, however, gives to Siculum mare a different sense. See edd. on Odes II. 12 , 2. A Roman naturally understood by mare Sic. the sea between Italy and the north coast of Sicily. In Acts c. 28 Ἀδρία= Ἰόνιος κόλπος .)

διὰ πελἀγους —sc. ἤν τις πλέῃ. It was not usual to take this route to Sicily, but, as Freeman says, it is assumed as possible.

καθ) αὑτούς —a common use of κατά with reflexive pron., esp. with ἑαυτόν (- ούς). Sometimes a further definition is added, such as μόνος, ἰδίᾳ, αὐτός. Aristoph. Vesp. 786 κατ’ ἐμαυτὸν κοὐ μεθ) ἑτέρου.

τοῖς δ’ Ἐ. εἰπεῖν —depends on ἀντιπαρακελεύομαι.

ἄνευ —without consulting the Athenian Ecclesia, ἄνευ τῆς ἡμετέρας γνώμης.

καὶ ξυνῆψαν . . καὶ κατ —the double καί serves to balance the clauses.

ὠφελίας δέ —cf. on c. 11, 1.

κήδεσθαι —for the day and night during which the ἐπιστάτης was on duty, he was in charge of the state seal, and held the keys of the temples in which state funds and documents were kept,

ἐπιψήφιζε —it should be noticed that the πρύτανις was in 404 B.C. bound by law ἅπαντα τὰ λεγόμενα περὶ τῆς σωτηρίας ἐπιψηφίζειν ( Ath. Pol. c. 29); and probably N. is here urging the claim of his proposal. viz. λύειν τὰ ἐψηφισμένα to be reckoned as περὶ τῆς σωτηρίας. It is to be observed that the A. could always be persuaded to take any measure however exceptional if it could be shown that ἡ σωτηρία τῆς πόλεως requned it. See below on

γνώμας προτίθει — Ath. Pol. c. 44 ὑπὲρ ὦν δεῖ χρηματίζειν προτιθέασιν The phrase for ‘to allow a debate’ is λόγον or γνώμας προτιθέναι.

τὸ λύειν τοὺς νόμους —if right, this is subject of αἰτίαν σχεῖν The phrase αἰτίαν ἔχω is very common: it is regularly used of the persons who are blamed for any act, which is expressed by the gen., the inf., or, less commonly, τοῦ and inf. If the subject is inanimate, the meaning is that the thing is blamed, as though it were a person. If λύειν τοὺς νόμους κτλ. means, as is usually supposed, ‘to act illegally will not involve blame,’ it is extraordinary that Alc. in his reply should make no use of the most obvious argument against rescinding the decree. But N. probably only means that the president might have some doubt whether it was legal ἀναψηφίσαι, and not that he himself thought the action would be illegal. The question of legality, however, could not possibly be raised, because too many persons were witnesses that τὸ ἀναψηφίσαι was the right course. Trans. ‘that illegal action would not be blamed where there are so many witnesses to its innocence.’

βουλευσαμένης —the aor. partic. does not here denote time past relatively to γενέσθαι ἄν, but=‘in her resolution.’

τοῦτ’ εἶναι, ὃς ἄν —cf. II. 44 τὸ δ’ εὺτυχές, οἳ ἄν . .; 62, 4 καταφρόνησις ὃς ἄν . .; Hom. Il. 14, 81 βέλτερον, ὁ)ς φεύγων προφύγῃ κακὸν ἠὲ α·λώῃ; Xen. Hel. II. 3 , 51 νομίζω προστάτου ἔργον εἶναι οἵου δεῖ ὃς ἂν ὁρῶν τοὺς φίλους ἐξαπατωμένους μὴ ἐπιτρέπῃ.

ἤ —‘or at least.’

τὸ καλῶς ἄρξαι κτλ and indeed the whole of the closing passage of the speech, contains unmistakable references to the ὅρκος βουλευτικὸς (for which see Ath. Pol. c. 22, 2 with Sandys' note) ἐν ᾧ ἦν κατὰ τοὺς νόμους βουλεύσειν. The ἐπιστάτης might think that he would be violating the spirit of the oath. But βλάπτειν τὴν πὀλιν cannot be consistent with an oath τὰ βέλτιστα συμβουλεύσειν τῇ πόλει (Lys. 31, 1).

καὶ ἐς τἆλλα —since the Peaee of Nicias, which Alc. had opposed.

διαβόλως ἐμνήσθη —‘he had made a disparaging reference to him.’

στρατηγῆσαι —see c. 12, 2 n. on ἄρχειν.

δῑ αὐτοῦ = διὰ τοῦ στρατηγῆσαι.

Καρχηδόνα —according to Plutarch, Per. 20 and Alc. 17, it was already in the time of Pericles a dream of many to conquer Sicily, Etruria, and Carthage, Cf., probably, Aristoph. Eq. 174.

ἅμα —with ὠφελήσειν. εὐτυχήσας=‘by succeeding’: the word is often used of strategi.

ὢν ἐν ἀξιώματι ὑπό = τιμώμενος ὑπό: cf. πολλὴν τὴν αἰτίαν εἶχον ὑπὸ τῶν στρατιωτῶν c. 46, 5.

οὐσίαν —Alc. had recently married Hipparete, sister of Callias, son of Hipponicus, ‘the richest of the Greeks’ (Andoc. 1, 130), and by her dowry had added to his wealth, which before was computed at 100 talents. The era of Callias and Alc. is spoken of both by Andoc. and by Demosth. as ἡ εὐδαιμονία. Both of them were outrageously extravagant. Callias married a first cousin of Andocides.

ὅπερ καί —the haughtiness and extravagance of Alc. brought Athens to ruin, because they deprived Athens of the services he might have rendered and led to his joining the enemy at a critical time.

φοβηθέντες γάρ —‘fearing the greatness of the lawlessness with which he indulged his whims in private life, and of the spirit that he showed in his behaviour in whatever situation he might find himself.’

καὶ κράτιστα διαθέντι —‘and though he administered the war (in Sicily) excellently, yet the citizens became indignant with him because of his behaviour.’ (So Bohme-Widmann, rightly, I think, supposing the text be sound. Stahl takes καὶ . . ἀχθεσθέντες with πολέμιοι καθέστασαν, and explains καί as concessive. Stein reads ἀχθεσθέντες < κατέπαυσαν>. Only Stahl is satisfied. Kruger thinks that after πολέμου some word like εὖνοι has fallen out. Herbst, keeping διαθέντα, thinks that ἀφελόμενοι is lost after ἀχθεσθέντες, and that the construction is δημοσίᾳ ἀφελόμενοι τὰ τοῦ πολέμου ( αὐτὸν) κράτιστα διαθέντα.)

ἰδίᾳ —his ability as a statesman is contrasted with the disgust that he caused as an individual. Cf. Bolingbroke.

ἐπιτρέψαντες —sc. τὴν πόλιν. The Schol. says τὰ τοῦ πολέμου, but (1) this would be a charge against the other generals in Sicily such as Thuc. nowhere makes; (2) the sense is not so forcible; (3) the order of words is against it.

οὐ διὰ μακροῦ = δῑ ὀλίγου, i.e. ὕστερον of § 3. It should be noticed that Thuc. traces the ruin of Athens, not to the incapacity of Nicias, but rather to the measures taken by the Ecclesia after the departure of the Expedition.

καὶ προσήκει μοι —the speech displays with great power (1) the temperament of Alc., (2) the reckless energy of the advanced democrats. The expedition to Sicily would not have been rash had it not been for the difficulties that were unsolved in Greece. Such seems to be the view of Thuc. ( II. 65 ; VII. 28 ), who seems to think too that the forces should have been reealled when Nicias wrote home in the winter of 414. So too Isocrates, who has a long passage about the expedition (8, 85). ‘The terms προσήκει μ. and ἄξιος εἷναι are not convertible; the former having referenee to his right to the office, on the score of his birth, wealth, and lavish expenditure for the benefit of the state (in which view cf. Plato, p. 491 D τούτους προσήκει τῶν πόλεων ἄρχειν)’ (Bloomfield). Many passages (Gilbert, Bcitrage, pp. 2-5) show that in the fifth century B.C. the στρατηγία was associated with such advantages.

μᾶλλον ἑτέρων = μάλιστα.

ἄρχειν —as in c. 12, 2, though the claims of birth, etc. only cntrtled a man to hope for the office, not necessarily the command abroad.

τοῖς μὲν προγόνοις —thus he reverses the ordinary idea that a man gains δόξα from, rather than confers it on his ancestors. So Statius, Silv. 1. 4, 68 genus ipse suis, praemissaque retro | nobilitas. Nec origo latet, sed luce sequente | vincitur.

ὑπὲρ δύναμιν μείζω —‘greater even than her (real) strength warranted’; compared with the notion they had before, their respect for her was increased, and went even beyond what the facts justified. (There is no ‘mixture of constructions’ here: there is only an instance of the πολύνους βραχυλογία of Thuc.) In 420, the probable date referred to, there were not wanting ‘spiteful rumours, that A. had been so much impoverished by the war, as to be prevented from appearing with appropriate magnificence’ (Grote).

τῷ ἐμῷ δ —‘by my display as one of the embassy to O.’ There are many stories connected with this embassy and the private display of Alc. on the occasion: some of them are given by Grote. The edd. compare II. 61 , 2 τῷ ὑμετέρῳ άσθενεῖ τῆς γνώμης.

ἅρματα μὲν ἑπτά —Isocr. 16, 34 ζεύγη καθῆκε τοσαῦτα ὅσοις οὐδ’ αἱ μέγισται τῶν πόλεων ἠγωνίσαντο.

καθῆκα — demittere in certamcn.

ἐνίκησα —‘won the (first) prize.’ Pliny, N.H. 34, 19 mentions a group by Pyromachus— ‘Alcibiades driving a chariot.’ Aglaophon the artist painted two pictures to celebrate the victories (Athenaeus), and Euripides (Plut. Alc. c. 11) wrote the ode.

τἆλλα —Isocrates speaks of the magnificence of Alc. ἐν ταῖς θυσίαις καὶ ἄλλαις ταῖς περὶ τὴν ἑορτὴν δαπάναις. Athenaeus says that he gave a magnificent banquet.

νόμῳ . . ἐκ τοῦ δρωμένου —‘a new disgnise of the old opposition between λόγῳ and ἔργῳ’ (note in Jowett). ‘Custom regards such success as an honour, and what is done leads men to infer power as well.’

χορηγίαις —orators constantly claim credit for the λῃτουργίαι that they have fulfilled. The Choregia was the most important of the ordinary, or encyclic, liturgies; cf. Ath. Pol. c. 56 § 5, of the Archon, χορηγοὺς τραγῳδοῖς καθίστησι τρεῖς, ἐξ ἁπάντων Ἀθηναίων τοὺς πλουσιωτάτους. λαμπρύνομαι—ὅσα is internal accus.

καὶ αὕτη —assimilated to the complement, as often in Lat., but not when there is a definition. Thus GK. can say πάντες οὗτοι νὀμοι εἰσὶν οὓς τὸ πλῆθος ἔγραψε (Xcn.), whereas Lat. has quod ita erit gestum, id lex crit (Cic.). With αὕτη ἰσχὺς φαίνεται cf. quae apud alios iracundia dicitur, ea in imperio superbia appellatur (Sall. Cat. 51: Riemann, § 25 ).

ἥδ’ ἡ ἄνοια —sarcastic; but the description was not applied by his enemies to the λῃτουργίαι or to the display at Olympia.

ὃς ἄν —c. 14.

τέλεσι = δαπάναις .

ἐφ) ἑαυτῷ μέγα φρονοῦντα —cf. Isoer. Ep. 9, 16 οὕτως ἐπ’ ἐμαυτῷ μέγα φρονῶ, ὥστ’ οἶμαι λέγειν ἐμοὶ προσήκειν μάλιστα. ‘It is not at all unfair that he should have a high opinion of himself, and should not be on an equality, since he who is in trouble shares his adversity with no one.’ The noun to φρονοῦντα and ἴσον εἷναι is τὸν . . ὠφελοῦντα; the man who has a light to think much of himself is he who benefits the state as well as himself: such a man is entitled to indulge in the self-satisfaction of a prosperous benefactor. This is fair, says Alc., because no one shares his misfortunes with others so as to be equal with them. There is not much real value in this rather quibbling (as to ἴσος) enthymeme.

προσαγορευόμεθα — salutamur.

ἢ κτλ ‘or else let him claim equality (with the prosperous) by grauting it (to the unfortunate).’

τοὺς τοιούτους—τοὺς εὐπραγοῦντας καὶ ὅσοι ‘and in fact all who surpass others through distinction in anything.’

ἐν lit.=‘in respect of.’ Cf. Isocr. 10, 197 προέχειν ἐν τούτοις, and διαφέρειν ἐν often.

ἐν τῷ κατ’ αὐτοὺς β =lit. ‘in the life of their own time.’

τοῖς ὁμοίοις —‘their equals’ are more jealous than others who do not aspire to rival their distinctions.

ξυνόντας ‘while they are with them’

προσποίησιν ξυγ .—‘a claim to relationship even when the claim is fictitious.’ Some persons go so far as to invent a claim to descent from him. This must refer to such persons as tried in the time of Alc. to make out a relationship with the tyrants, e.g. with the Pisistratids: cf. Andoe. 2, 26. where he claims that his great-grandfather Leogoras might have married into the family of the tyrants. Alcibiades was descended on the mother's side from Cleisthenes of Sicyon.

αὔχησιν . . περί —the noun taking the construction of αὐχῶ. The partiality of Thuc. for verbal nouns in - σις has been often noticed.

καταλιπόντας — gnomic, M.T. § 159.

ἀλλοτρίων —hints at ἀτιμία in the case of certain offences against the constitution, which involved a complete loss of rights, so that the ἀ(τιμος was said οὐ μετέχειν τῆς πόλεως. Similarly ἁμαρτόντων probably refers to ostracism.

μεταχειρίζω —referring to what Nicias said in c. 12, 2. The active is an Ionic use.

τὰ δυνατώτατα —viz. Argos, Elis, and Mantiuea in 420 B.C.

ὑμῖν —belongs to ξυστήσας= ὑμῶν ξυμμάχους ἐποίησα (Isocr. 16, 15) as well as to κινδύνου κ. δ .

κινδύνου —Alc. is described v. 52 as taking with him to the Pel. only a few Ath. hoplites and archers.

ἐς μίαν ἡμέραν —‘in one day’: cf. Aristoph. Pax 366 ἐξόλωλας . . εἰς αὐτίκα μάλα, answering εἰς τίν’ ἡμέραν; to be joined with ἀγωνίσασθαι, which is governed by κατέστησα—‘I made them fight.’

ἐξ οὖ —with θαρσοῦσιν. Though they won in 418, yet even in 415 their confidenee is not fully restored. This boast is of no value.

ἡ ἐ. νεότης καὶ ἄνοια —joined also by Andoc. 2, 7.

παρὰ φ. δοκοῦσα εἶ —with ἄνοια only, which is added as an alternative for νεότης. ‘This was the way in which my . . in dealing with the power of the Pel. was associated with reasonable arguments, and by its vehemence won credence and persuaded men.’ For the readings see crit. n. The antithesis in ἄνοια and λόγοις πρέπουσι contains the chief point of the sentence.

ἐς . . δύναμιν means the hostile power of Pel., not the alliance formed by Alc.

ὀργή is ‘impulse’ rather than ‘anger.’ αὐτήν—νεότητα, which throughout is uppermost in the speaker's mind.

πεφόβησθε — M.T. § 107.

δοκεῖ εἶναι —carries us back to δοκοῦσα εἶναι, and is somewhat sarcastic. Nicias worshipped εὑτυχία.

ξυμμείκτοις —referring, not to the immigrations, but to the ehanges among the inhabitants under the Sicilian tyrants or at their fall. ‘Observers in Old Greece did not fail to contrast these constant changes with the comparative stability of things in their own cities. . . No man looked on the land in which he dwelled as really his country; each man in his schemes reckoned on the chance of having to leave the city where he lived, and of finding house and lands elscwhere’ (Freeman).

ἐπιδοχάς —the acceptance of new constitutions means really the acceptance of democracies, which in 415 were not so unstable as Alc. represents.

καὶ οὐδείς —‘the result is that no one has obtained a supply of arms for his personal equipment or of suitable ( νομίμοις = ἱκαναῖς Schol.) defences for the public property.’ κατασκευαί=permanent works, for which no proper provision has been made since the fall of the tyrants.

ἐξήρτυται —mid.

ὅ τι δέ —‘but each man seeks to get only that which either by persuasive argument or by political strife he hopes to obtain and in case of failure to settle (with it) in another land.’ The money which ought to go in ὅπλα and κατασκευαί goes instead into the pockets of individuals: the politicians there think only of providing themselves with funds in view of the chance that they may be driven out. ταῦτα after ὅ τι is a slight anacoluthon of a common kind.

ἐκ τοῦ λέγων πείθειν —an allusion to the rise of rhetoric and oratory in Sicily. Diodorus 11, 87 speaks of the number of demagogues at Syracuse, circ. 450 B.C., καὶ λόγου δεινότης ὑπὸ τῶν νεωτέρων ἠσκεῖτο. If the pieture as given in Diod. is at all accurate, the deseription of Alc. contains much truth, at least as applied to the Syracuse of a somewhat earher time.

στασιάζων = ἐκ τοῦ στασιάζειν. Diod. l.c. στάσεων γιγνομένων πάλιν . . ἡ πόλις εἰς συνεχεῖς καὶ μεγάλας ἐνέπιπτε ταραχάς.

ὅμιλον —this word is confined to poetry, to Herod., Thuc., and late authors.

ὡς with ἕκαστος and ἑκάτερος without a verb, after Herod. and Thuc., first reappears in Aristotle.

καθ) ἡδονήν — i.e. would be ready to join any one who could show by argument that he could serve them.

οὔτε οἱ ἄλλοι Ἕλληνες —‘neither did the rest of . . prove to be so numerous as the forces of the several states reckoned themselves to be; on the eontrary G., finding she was greatly deceived about their number, was with difficulty provided with an adequate force of hoplites in this war.’ As Alc. is not referring only to Athens and Sparta, and there were certainly hostilities in the Peloponnese, there is no difficulty in τῷδε, nor is there any ground for rejecting καὶ μὴν . . ὡπλίσθη as spurious with Classen. Alc. himself was no believer in the Peace of Nicias.

κομπῶ —is an Ionie word.

βαρβάρους γάρ —explaining εὐπορώτερα. The Sicels did in fact join the A. in large numbers.

οἱ γὰρ πατέρες — i e. from 478 to 449 B.C.

ἀνέλπιστοι —active, ‘despondent.’

νῦν is aecommodated to εἴ τε . . ἔρρωνται, where τε corresponds to οὔτε, ‘even if they are ever so confident, to invade us is in their power.’

τὸ μὲν ἐσβάλλειν is aecus. of ‘respect,’ as in II. 53 τὸ μὲν προσταλαιπωρεῖν οὐδεὶς πρόθυμος ἦν ( M.T. § 795).

βλάπτειν —the real question is, Would Athens still have a fleet large enough to retaliate on the Pel. in ease of an invasion by making effective deseents on the coast of Pel.? ἐστιν means after subtracting the fleet for Sicily: but ἀντίπαλον begs the question.

τί ἂν λέγοντες —‘by what reasonable assertion can we hold back ourselves or make excuse to our allies there for refusing to aid them?’ Thus τί ἂν εἰκός belongs to both clauses. αὐτά is somewhat artificially contrasted with πρὸς τοὺς ἐκεῖ ξυμ .

μὴ βοηθοῖμεν —the μή because prevention is implied ( M. T. § 292).

καὶ ξυνωμόσαμεν —‘we actually exchanged oaths with them.’ Classen says this refers to the παλαιὰ ξυμμαχία, for which see on c. 6, 2. The A. cannot have bound themselves by any oath which was unconditional, and they would be false to their oath only if they could not show that it was impossible for them to send help.

ἀντιτιθέναι —this sense of the verb may be compared with its noun ἀντίθεσις, Quintihan's contrapositum. ἡμῖν sc. ἐπήμυναν. Muller notes that Thuc. is very fond of compounds of ἀντί, which are well adapted to his style.

προσεθέμεθα —se. πρὸς τὴν ξυμμαχίαν.

ἐχθροῖς —Sparta had applied for ships from her allies in Sicily at the beginning of the war, but without result.

οὕτως —explained by παραγιγνόμενοι.

ἦρξαν is ‘ingressive’ aor.

ἡσυχάξοιεν —like quiescere, often opposed to armed intervention.

φυλοκρινοῖεν —this rare verb, besides being explained by Hesychius and Pollux and in Bekker's Anecdota, is used twice by Aristides, and, according to Bloomfield, by other late authors.

βραχὺ ἄν τι —‘while making only a small addition to the empire, we should be more likely to lose what we have already’; i.e. we, the Athenians, οἱ προύχοντες, should soon find ourselves isolated if all Athenians were to act on the prineiples re commended by Nicias; and thus in any undertaking, however slight, we should be more likely to lose than to gain. (This sentence is generally wrongly rendered.)

τὸν γὰρ προύχοντα —‘for against a superior power men not only defend themselves when attacked, but to eseape being attacked take action beforehand’; i.e. against a promincnt state which is isolated, smaller states can combine, and do so from fear of an attack, when they see that the superior power is bent on increasing its influence.

ταμιεύεσθαι —Bloomfield quotes three instances of this verb used in this metaphorical sense by Xen. ‘We cannot regulate at will the limits that we choose for our empire, but being established in the position we occupy ( i.e. as a ruling state) . . and not relax our hold on others.’

ἀνιέναι with personal object, though not found elsewhere in Thuc., is common.

διὰ τὸ ἀρχθῆναι ἄν —either we must retain our own rule or fall under the rule of others. This statement is true of the ancient city-states, but would not hold nowadays.

ἐκ τοῦ αὐτοῦ —with τοῖς ἄλλοις= ὁμοίως ὥσπερ τοῖς ἄλλοις: ‘you cannot regard inaction from the same point of view as others, unless you mean to alter your methods to the pattern of theirs.’

τὸ ἥσυχον is the general conception of ἡσυχία apart from special circumstances; but much more often the neut. adj. expresses the idea of the corresponding noun under special circumstances, the noun being the universal concept.

ἐπιτηδεύματα are the concrete outcomes of ἐπιτήδευσις .

στορέσωμεν —met. from quelling a storm at sea. The edd. quote Aeseh. P.V. 190 τὴν δ’ ἀτέραμνον στορέσας ὀργήν, and Bloomfield compares the same use of sternere, as in Aen. VI. 858 sternet Poenos Gallumque rebellem.

ὑπεριδόντες — i.e. that we stand in no need of the present rest from hostilities.

τῶν ἐκεῖ —neut.

ἐν ᾦ =‘while,’ as often.

τὸ δ’ ἀσφαλές —obj. to παρέξουσι, καὶ μένειν καὶ ἀπ. being epexegetic of ἀσφαλές. M.T. § 749. The suppression of the alternative to ἤν τι προσχωρῇ is in accordance with the Gk. love of avoiding distinct allusions to misfortune.

καὶ ξυμπάντων — i e. all the Siceliots together. This is an answer to the argument of Nicias, c. 11, 4, that in case of any reverse the Siceliots would despise them.

Νικίου —depends on τῶν λόγων: the speech of N. was characterised by or contains (1) ἀπραγμοσύνη, (2) διάστασις τοῖς νέοις ἐς τοὺς π. This is one of the passages in Thuc. that prove that not only the possessive gen. is placed between the art. and noun. See e. 62, 5 n. The dat. τοῖς νέοις is somewhat unusual: ‘the difference for the young with the old’ is the lit. meaning; for there is no ground for taking διάστασις as causal. ἀπραγμοσύνη= ‘avoidance of trouble’ for all the citizens, and διάστασις, ‘a dispute for the young,’ are the two jarring notes of the speech. ‘Let not the avoidance of effort and the dispute . . which N. sets out in his speech . .’

ὥσπερ καὶ οἱ πατέρες —Classen notes that these words recall sentiments expressed by Pericles.

ἐς τάδε —deictie.

αὐτα· applies to the matter being discussed, as in c. 10, 2.

τό τε φαῦλον —‘Bauer says there is reference to the three ages of man—the juvenilc, the virile, and the senile; thus understanding φαῦλον to denote the first. . . There is an allusion to the position they may be thought to occupy in the exercise of counsel—the raw, the mature, and the quite consummate judgments’ (Bloomfield). It is supposed that Alc. is speaking sarcastically, himself meaning rather the old by φαῦλον. But all this ingenuity is needless. Alc. only means that it is wrong to imply, as N. did, that only the old are fit to settle the matter. The right way is for all—young or old— whether their ability be ‘inferior,’ ‘average,’ or ‘consummate,’ to take part in affairs. The best result is obtained by this fusion of abilities.

ξυγκραθέν is conditional. Cf. VIII. 97 μετρία ἤ τε ἐς τοὺς ὀλίγους καὶ ἐς τοὺς πολλοὺς ξύγκρασις.

τρίψεσθαι —passive, also in VII. 42 , 5 αύτοὺς περὶ ἑαυτούς occurs in the same sense in VIII. 46 . Poppo, I. 1 , 192 gives a collection of fut. mid. used by Thuc. in pass. sense; cf. ἀδικήσομαι c. 87, βλάψομαι c. 64. Alc. argues as though Athens had not already enough to occupy her energy in counteracting the infiuence of Sparta within her empire: ἐὰν μὲν ἡσυχάζῃ begs the question. Kr.'s ἐάν is probably right.

πάντων τὴν ἐπιστήμην ἐγγηράσεσθαι —the position of τε after τρίψεσθαι and προσλήψεσθαι shows that τὴν πόλιν is the subject of all the infinitives. Hence trans. ‘as regards her knowledge of everything, she will grow old therein.’ πάντων is neut.; ἐγγηράσεσθαι= γηράσεσθαι ἐν ( τῇ ἐπιστήμῃ), the compound being one of several compounds of έν that require a personal or quasi-personal subject. The construction is the same as in Eur. Bacchae 508 ἐνδυστυχῆσαι τοὔνομ’ ἐπιτήδειος εἶ. See Sandys' note. According to Stahl ἐγγηράσεσθαι= γηρά‐ σεσθαι ἐν τῷ τρίβεσθαι; but this construction cannot be got out of the passage.

καὶ τὸ ἀμύνεσθαι —‘and will be more accustomed to defend herself by action rather than by mere words.’ οὐ λόγῳ ἀλλ) ἔργῳ belongs to τὸ ἀμύνεσθαι, the policy of Nicias being described as τὸ λόγῳ ἀμύνεσθαι.

γιγνώσκω . . μοι δοκεῖν —‘on the whole I judge that in my opinion a state accustomed to activity would quickly be ruined by a change to inactivity.’ For γιγνώσκω with infin, see M.T. § 915. μοι δοκεῖν is not superfluons, but is intended to emphasise the contrast between the views of Alc. and Nic.

καὶ τῶν ἀνθρώπων κτλ —this sentiment has become a commonplace, but is capable of being variously applied. The datives go with διαφόρως.

φυγάδων —this and the rel. clause belong to Αεοντίνων only.

ὁρκίων —see e. 6, 2.

σφίσι —being the indirect reflexivc, this refers to the subject of ἱκέτευον.

εἰ πολλὴν ἐ —this hope of N. was, as Freeman says, ‘not quite honest.’ It is strange that he did not resign.

αὐτοῖς αὖθις —with παρελθών.

ἐπὶ τῷ παρόντι —‘under the circumstances.’ Cf. ἐπὶ τούτοις c. 45.

οὔθ) ὑπηκόους . . οὐδὲ δεομένας —their internal freedom is here insisted on. It is not possible for Athens to raise the cry of ἐλευθερία in Sicily as Sparta had done in Greece. With one or two exceptions, says Freeman, such as that of the relations between Syr. and Leontini, ‘this is a perfectly true description of the politieal states of the Greeks of Sicily at the time. Since the fall of the tyrants, the great body of the Siceliot cities had been truly free and independent.’

ἐς . . χωροίη —expressing eagerness, as in ἐχώρησαν ἐπὶ τὴν ἄντικρυς ἐλευθερίαν VIII. 64 .

οὔτ’ ἂν τὴν ἀρχήν —their foreign relations are now contrasted with their internal condition.

τό τε πλῆθος —‘as for their number, the cities of Greek origin are many for a single island.’ τὰς Ἑλληνίδας is added emphatically at the end. πόλις is the only noun with which Thuc. uses the adj. Ἑλληνίς.

ἑπτά —Selinus, Syracuse, Gela, Acragas, Messene, Himera, Carnarina. Acrae and Casmenae are not reckoned, as being merely outposts of Syracuse, using the same coinage and possessing no separate history.

τοῖς πᾶσιν —cf. II. 36 τὴν πόλιν τοῖς πᾶσι παρεσκευάσαμεν.

ὁμοιοτρόπως μάλιστα —‘so as to closely resemble our own power.’

δυνάμει is not ‘the armanent’ that is to be sent out, but includes all the details that make up the power of A., in the same sense as δύναμιν of c. 21. Cf. VII. 55 πόλεσι . . ὁμοιοτρόποις ἐπελθόντες, δημοκρατουμέναις τε ὤσπερ καὶ αὐτοὶ καὶ ναῦς καὶ ἵππους καὶ μεγέθη ἐχούσαις.

ἔνεισι — i.e. in Selinus and Syracuse.

ὁ πληρώσων — M.T. § 826; II. 51 , 5 ἀπορίᾳ τοῦ θεραπεύσοντος. 20

ἐν τοῖς ἱεροῖς —public money stored in temples and the sacred treasures of the temples themselves.

ἔστι Σελινουντίοις, Συρακοσίοις δὲ καί —the first clause refers specially to Selinus; but the καί of the next shows that Syracuse is not excluded from the statement. ‘Selinus has money . .: Syracuse receives in addition . .’

ἀπαρχὴ ἐσφέρεται —‘first-fruits are contributed.’ Some of the Sicels were dependent on Syracuse, and lived on their land on sufferance, paying a rent in kind. Hence in c. 45 to the dependent Sicels φύλακες are seut by Syr. to seeure them ou the coming of the Athenians. Some Sicels had even become serfs at Syracuse in the earliest times of the city, under the title καλλύριοι (Freeman, Sic. II. Appendix II.) For the variant ἀπ’ ἀρχῆς φέρεται see not, crit.

ἵππους —cf. Pindar, Pyth. II. 1 Μεγαλαπόλιες ὦ Συράκοσαι, βαθυπολέμου τέμενος Ἄρεος, ἀνδρῶν ἵππων τε σιδαροχαρμᾶν δαιμόνιαι τροφοί. Soph. O.C. 507 γυναῖχ’ ὁρῶ | στείχουσαν ἠμῶν ἆσσον, Αἰτναίας ἐπὶ | πώλου βεβῶσαν. Athens, on the contrary, had to buy her horses from Boeotia and elsewhere.

σίτῳ —Sicily has always been famed for its corn. (See Freeman, Sic I. pp. 67, 91.) On the contrary, Athens had to import corn, mainly from the ports of the Euxine, also from Euboea, and shortly after this time from Cyprus. She was on several occasions in great straits on this account when an enemy controlled the sea.

φαύλου —the sense cannot be ‘mean,’ ‘poor,’ as L. & S. say, since N. would appear to be disparaging the A. naval power by the connexiou with ναυτικῆς. ὁ δῆμός ἐστιν ὁ ἐλαύνων τἀς ναῦς καὶ ὁ τὴν δύναμιν περιτιθεὶς τῇ πόλει ([Xen.] Ath. Pol. init.). φαῦλος στρατία is the ordinary or conventional force required for a naval expedition. It is a feature of the Sic. expedition that there were soldiers in unusual numbers on board.

δεῖ —constructed with infin. in the clauses that follow. It is a recognised principle that a verb that admits of two constrnctions may appear in the same sentence with both: e.g. VIII. 4 παρεσκευάζοντο . . τήν τε ναυπηγίαν . . καὶ Σούνιον τειχίσαντες, where we have παρασκευάζομαι constructed first with the accus. and theu with the partic.

εἴπερ —‘that is if,’ or ‘assuming that.’ Cf. Xen. Oec. 1, 8 οὐ χρήματ’ αὐτῷ ἐστιν ὁ ἵππος; Οὔκ, εἴπερ τὰ χρήματά γ’ ἐστὶν ἀγαθόν. ὁ πεζός = ὁ π. στρατός is Ionic.

ἄξιον . . δρᾶν —equivalent to ἄξιόν τι δρᾶν. Cf. II. 91 ἀξύμφορον δρῶντες.

ὑπὸ ἱππέων —N. ‘fears that the eities will combine, and that Segesta alone will be left to give auy help against the horsemen. But he says nothing about bringing together auy force of cavalry on the A. side. That Segesta was likely to supply horse appears from c. 37, 1; 62, 9; 98, 1’ (Freeman).

ἄλλως τε κἂν ξυστῶσιν —all the good MSS. give εἰ with subj. here only in Thuc. It occurs occasionally in tragedy, and is frequent in Lucian. Probably ἄλλως τε κἄν should be read, as in I. 141 .

ᾧ ἀμυνούμεθα —final rel. sentence: sc. ἱππέας πολλούς.

αὐτόθεν —‘at once,’ at the start, instead of waiting to send for reinforcements.

οὐκ ἐν τῷ ὁ. στρατευσόμενοι —co-ordinate with ἀπὸ τῆς ἡμετέρας αὐτῶν. Hence to στρατευσόμενοι supply μέλλομεν πλεῖν. The lit. rendering is ‘we are about to make a voyage to serve in a campaign not as you served, where among your subjects here you attacked any one as allies.’ The contrast is between an offensive alliance near home and an offensive alliance in a distant country; and the difference lies in the placc. When the neighbourhood is friendly, there is no such difficulty as will be encountered in Sicily. ξύμμαχοι does not mean that A. was in the habit of making an alliance specially to attack a place (as Aruold thought), but is used for the sake of the antithesis of the ordinary relation existing between A. and her ὑπήκοοι, which is ξυμμαχία, with the unusual ξυμμαχία in Sicily.

καί —‘as,’ so that ἐστρατεύσασθε is implied from στρατευσόμενοι. On the readings see crit. n.

ὅθεν —sc. ἦσαν. The copula is frequently omitted after rel. words, esp. after ὅσος. In Lat. prose the corresponding omission is rare before the silver period.

προσέδει —necessary in addition to what had been taken αὐτόθεν .

ἀπαρτήσαντες —sc. στρατευσόμενοι. The word is explained by the Schol.: ἀπαρτηθέντες, ἀπελθόντες, καὶ πολὺ τῆς οἰκείας χωρισθέντες. The only passage that supports the supposed intrans. use of the act. is Dio Cass. 51, 4, 2 quoted by Pape and Clas. Now to ἀπαρτήσαντες supply ἀπὸ τῆς ἡμετέρας αὐτῶν from above—the main point being that the armament is separated from, cut off from home, and transferred to a distant land. Thus ἐς . . ἀπαρτήσαντες repeats with an addition πολὺ . . μέλλομεν πλεῖν. The object of ἀπαρτήσαντες ( τὴν παρασκευήν) is implied in the preceding words, and its omission is no more than the ordinary omission of an object with military words. The phrase ἐς γῆν ἀπαρτᾶν is a brachylogy for ‘to cut off (and place) in a country.’

οὐδέ —misplaced, if the sense is—what it is always assumed to be—‘from which not even a messenger can easily come in the four winter months.’ But what no onc can tell is why N., if he means this, should say ‘from which not even within four months, I mean in the winter months, is it easy for a messenger to come.’ Surely N. means what he says. He puts the case in its worst light. Should it be required to send at beginning of winter, it would be difficult for a messenger to go, and he might have to wait for spring, or put into an Italian or even a Libyan port for refuge. The months are Maimacteriou, Posideon, Gamelion, Anthesterion, corresponding roughly to November, December, January, and February, and they are taken not singly, but as together making up the time when voyaging was dangerous.

τῶν χειμερινῶν —by no means a gloss on τεσσάρων, as some have supposed, but absolutely necessary; for without them the statement made by N. would be a manifest absurdity. With them the statement is a debater's argument of a quibbling character.

ὁπλίτας τε —answered by καὶ τοξότας.

ξυμμάχων —these are divided into (1) τῶν ὑπηκόων, (2) ἤν τινα κτλ.

πεῖσαι —the Argives and Mantineans joined thus. See on c. 29, 3 n. The Areadians joined μισθῷ, being in the habit of serving as mercenaries ( VII. 57 ).

ναυσί τε — τε adds the third particular, as often in Thuc.

τὸν δέ —Stahl renders ‘and take other supplies from home,’ as though we had above σῖτον τὸν μὲν ἐσκομίζεσθαι. This rendering accounts satisfactorily for the order of καὶ αὐτόθεν, which belongs to ἄγειν, and appears to be right. Stahl quotes several parallels. ἐπιτήδεια and σῖτον mean the same thing; and ναυσί, ships in general, is contrasted with ἐν ὁλκάσι.

πρὸς μέρος —with ἐκ τῶν μυλώνων, i.e. in proportion to the number of bakers in the several mills These slaves are to be requisitioned by the state ( ἠναγκασμένοι); but, as they belong to private owners, they are to receive pay for their services, like state slaves.

πολλὴ γὰρ οὖσα —with the personal construction used here Fr. Muller well compares II. 36 αὐτὰ οὐκ ἂν ἀπρεπῆ εἶναι λεχθῆναι. Cf. Soph. O.T. 393 τό γ’ αἴνιγμ’ οὐχὶ τοὐπιόντος ἦν | ἀνδρὸς διειπεῖν.

τὰ παρ’ Ἐ. . . ἑτοῖμα εἶναι —as in I. 69 τὰ παρ’ ὑμῶν ἀξίως προαπαντῆσαι. ‘The support of Segesta’ is that promised in c. 8, 2.

λέγεται —the passive is used both personally and impersonally, and regularly with infiu.

καὶ λόγῳ —there is a play on the double meaning of λέγω, λόγος — statement and pretence.

αὐτοί —belougs in seuse to ἀντίπαλον παρασκευασάμενοι: ‘with a force of our own not merely equal to that of the enemy’ (Jowett).

πλήν γε —if τὸ ὁπλιτικόν is made part of the parenthesis, the meauing is open to grave doubt. ( a) The note in Jowett explains: ‘While exhorting the A., he is secretly discouraging them. “You must do all you can to be a match for your opponents” is the general drift of the previous chapter, and yet he throws in by the way, “but in the great arm of war [the hoplites] you caunot be a match for them.”’ But (1) Nicias nowhere introduces this disparity of hoplites, of which so much might have been made as an argument against the expedition. (2) How, after an exception so vital, could he add ὑπερβάλλοντες τοῖς πᾶσι? (3) How in c. 31 could Thuc. say of the A. force that its superiority over that of the euemy was conspicuous, if in the great arm of war N. can assert that it will of course be inferior? Would not such a statement from a responsible general be ridiculous? ( b) Classen makes τὸ ὁπλιτικόν refer to the A. hoplites, and makes the sense ‘except as regards our hoplites as compared with their whole fighting force’; but Stahl rightly objects that the comparison should then be between part and part, not between part and whole, of the rival forces. The remedy is not to read τὸ ἱππικόν with Urlichs,—for N. had proposed to take a force of σφενδονῆται and τοξόται which should be ἀντίπαλον to the enemy's cavalry,—but to make τὸ ὁπλιτικόν the object of παρας κευασάμενοι. Hence trans. ‘not only with a force of hoplites a match for them, except when compared with their fighting strength (i e. with our hoplites equal to their hoplites), but actually surpassing them in every point.

τὸ μάχιμον αὐτῶν —this is the whole of the enemy's forces. The A. were in the habit of relying on their hoplites in the field: N. reminds them that there are other kinds of troops to be reckoned with besides hoplites. He is referring back to his remark in c. 22, 1. Not only must the hoplites be a match for them (excluding of course their cavalry), but hoplites and light-armed troops must be more than a match for their whole fighting force, and even thus it will be hard to deal with them. τὸ ὁπλιτικόν is in an emphatic position, because it is contrasted with τὸ ἐκείνων ὶππικόν, as in c. 22.

ὑπερβάλλοντες —the antithesis between this and ἀντίπαλον παρασκευασάμενοι τὸ ὁπλιτικὸν πλήν γε πρὸς τὸ μάχιμον αὐτῶν is more formal than real: for the former words already imply that the A. hoplite force taken separately will be superior to the enemy's hoplite force taken separately.

τοῖς πᾶσι — omnibus rebus. Of course A. cavalry are excepted after what has been said in c. 22. τῶν μὲν κρατεῖν, τὰ δὲ καὶ διασῶσαι—τῶν μέν is neut.; but different explanations are given of the meaning. ( a) Stahl renders ‘aliis potiri, alia (quibus potiti erimus) etiam in tuto locare,’ thus referring both τῶν μέν and τὰ δέ to the enemy; ‘to seize on some positions and to hold permanently others’ (Wilkins). ( b) Classen accepts the Scholiast's note: τῶν μέν = τῶν ἐκεῖ πραγμάτων, τὰ δέ= τὰ οἰκεῖα; ‘to conquer Sicily, or indeed to preserve ourselves’ (Jowett). That ( b) is right is shown by the sentence that follows. It will be hard, says N., to conquer what we require to conquer, and even to preserve what we require to preserve: we should consider ourselves to be men who have to found a city in a hostile land—who have to fight for the soil— τῶν μὲν κρατεῖν—and to protect what we bring— τὰ δὲ καὶ διασῶσαι.

διασῶσαι — not ingressive, but giving the result,=‘to bring safe through.’

πόλιν τε —‘and (further developing the previous idea) we must consider that it is a city among an alien and hostile population that our men are setting out to found.’ The warning that in setting out to make new conquests one runs the risk of losing what he has already in case of failure, is common in Thuc. To

ἰέναι supply τούτους.

κατάσχωσιν —sc. τὰς ναῦς: appulerint.

κρατεῖν τῆς γῆς —explains τῶν μὲν κρατεῖν above, while πάντα πολέμια ἕξουσιν is a rcason for saying μόλις οἷοι τ’ ἐσόμεθα τὰ δὲ διασῶσαι.

χαλεπὸν δέ —sc. πολλὰ εὐτυχῆσαι. The edd. make χαλεπόν depend on εἰδώς, sc. ὄν; but it is better to supply ἐστί, and to regard the sentence as a parenthesis. This remark is very characteristic of N., who made εὐτυχία the chief object of life. Observe the personal tone of this section. N. betrays a fear that his spell of ευ·τυχία may be broken.

παρασκευῇ . . ἀσφαλής —antithesis to τῇ τύχῃ παραδούς. So in VII. 67 παρασκευῆς πίστις is coutrasted with τύχης π .

ἀπὸ τῶν εἰκότων — i.e. so far as human calculation can ensure safety. Human γνώμη is always liable to be crossed by divine τύχη .

ταῦτα γὰρ . . βεβαιότατα . . σωτήρια —see Index II. fines, τελικὰ κεφάλαια, i.e. the points on which a speaker insists in order to persuade. Here they are τὸ βέβαιον and τὸ σωτήριον, and these may be considered varieties of τὸ συμφέρον.

εἰ δέ τῳ — i.e. if any of the ten strategi not appointed to the command takes a different view. It is indeed probable that other members of the board besides Nicias, Alcibiades, and Lamachus were going to Sicily, but with powers subordinate to theirs. Thus an inscription (Hicks, Gr. Ins. p. 96), referring to the official year July 416-July 415, mentions Antimachus among the strategi sent to Sicily along with Lamachus and Alcibiades.

τῶν πραγμάτων —‘by the scale of the requirements’: cf. c. 19, 2 παρασκευῆς πλήθει. The second ἢ = εἰ δὲ μή: the first is probably spurious.

εἰ ἀναγκάξοιτο —if nobody would take the command instead.

ἀσφαλῶς —another of N.'s catch-words, to which there is a sarcastic reference below.

τὸ μὲν ἐπιθυμοῦν —the partic. used as a noun occurs fairly often in Thuc., especially in the speeches. Like thc articular infin., and the frequent use of nouns in ‐σις and ‐τής, it is a mark of the σεμνότης, ‘dignity,’ of Thuc. Very similar is Dr. Johnson's use of long nouns of Latin origin.

τοῦ πλοῦ —this is not the geu. usually employed with the noun-participle: in the ordinary type the partic. expresses a quality belonging to the substantive, as in τὸ ἡσύχαζον τῆς νυκτός VII. 83 ; τὸ θυμούμενον τῆς γνώμης VII. 68 . ἀσφάλεια—δοκῶ, ‘seem,’ usually has thc personal construction. Goodwin, M.T. § 754.

νῦν δή —‘now there would be no risk,’ since N. had explained the measures by which even he admitted it could be avoided.

ἔρως ἐνέπεσε —cf. Aesch. Agam. 332 ἔρως δὲ μή τις πρότερον ἐμπίπτῃ στρατῷ | πορθεῖν ἃ μὴ χρή.

τοῖς μὲν γάρ —sc. ἔρως ἐνέπεσε.

καταστρεψομένοις ἐφ) ἃ ἔπλεον —cf. VII. 11 κρατήσαντας Συρακοσίους ἐφ) οὓς ἐπέμφθημεν.

ἢ (ὡς) οὐδὲν ἂν σφαλεῖσαν μεγ. δύναμιν —the accus. abs., which with personal verbs requires ὡς or ὥσπερ. Goodwin, M.T. § 853.

ἡλικίᾳ — i.e. the age for military service.

τῆς ἀπούσης κτλ = ποθοῦντες ἰδεῖν καὶ θεωρεῖν τὰ ἄποντα, the expression being, as Bohme says, poetical. ὄψεως καὶ θ. = ‘sights and wonders,’ being passive in sense.

εὐέλπιδες ὄντες —anacoluthon, as though οἱ δὲ ἐπόθουν had preceded. Cf. II. 53 , 4 θεῶν φόβος . . οὐδεὶς α·πεῖργε, τὸ μὲν κρίνοντες : III. 36 ἔδοξεν αὐτοῖς . . ἐπικαλοῦντες: Eur. Hec. 971 αἰδώς μ’ ἔχει . . τυγχανοῦσα.

ὁ δὲ πολὺς ὅμιλος —sc. εὔελπις ὤν.

καὶ στρατιώτης —Kruger quotes Plut. Per. 12 τὸν θητικὸν ὄχλον καὶ ἰδιώτην, and στρατ. is best taken as an adj., so that the phrase = οἱ πολλοὶ καὶ στρατιῶται. Classen and Bohme object that this leaves καί unexplained, and take καὶ στρατ. as part of the pred. with Dobree. But ὁ πολὺς ὄμιλος = that part of the ὄμιλος which was not so far στρατιώτης—had not, for whatever reason, served before. Thuc. makes two distinct points in the section: (1) all alike were eager to go, both young and old, and were confident; (2) the multitude and all those who had served before hoped to make money. These points would be much clearer if he had begun a new sentence after θεωρίας .

ἀίδιον μισθοφοράν —this is explained by editors to mean that the addition of Sicily to the empire would lead to continual campaigns; but Gilbert rightly paraphrases: ‘they hoped to get permanent employment out of the acquisition somehow’: μισθοφορά is used loosely for pay for any services.

ὑπάρξειν —the attraction of short rel. clauses into infin. in reported speech is less rare in Gk. than in Lat. Thuc. has nine instances.

κακόνους . . τῇ πόλει —the application of the phrase here reminds us of Dr. Johnson's description of Patriotism as ‘the last refuge of a scoundrel.’

παρελθών τις —Plutarch, Nic. c 12 says this was Demostratus the demagogue. He is attacked by Aristoph. in the Lysistrata 387 f as an eager supporter of the Sicilian expedition.

διαμέλλειν —Aristoph. Av. 639 οὐχὶ νυστάζειν γ’ ἔτι | ὤρα ’στὶν ἡμῖν οὐδὲ μελλονικιᾶν. Plut. Nic. 16 calls him τολμῆσαι μελλήτης.

ψηφίσωνται —deliberative: the recta being τίνα π. Ἀθηναῖοι ψηφίσωνται; M.T. § 289. The 3rd person is rare, except with τις .

ἄκων μέν —sc. εἶπε δέ. Cf. the formula ἐγὼ μὲν οἶμαι without a δέ clause following.

καθ) ἡσυχίαν μᾶλλον —‘where there would be less interruption’ than in the assembly.

ὅσα . . δοκεῖν —this is not the attracted infin. of c. 24, 3; the recta is ὅσα δοκεῖν ( M.T. § 759), and the infin. depends on the idea of sufficiency in ὅσα. See also M.T. § 778, where similar expressions with ὡς and ὅσον are collected.

ἔλασσον —see c. 1, 2.

ἑκατόν —a fleet of this number had been sent out by Athens in the first two years of the war to make descents on the coasts of the Peloponnese, and again in 428 for the same purpose.

πλευστέα —the plur. form of the impers. verbal, as in c. 50, 5.

αὐτῶν δ’ Ἀθηναίων —‘of the vessels belonging to Athens herself as many as they thought necessary would be transports, and they must send to the allies for more ships.’ For the ὁπλιταγωγοί or στρατιωτίδες see c. 43, 2.

ἢν δέ τι δύνωνται —‘if they find any means of doing so.’

ὡς κατὰ λόγον —two explanations are given of this phrase: (1) Classen and Stahl say it is the same as ὡς ἕκαστος (in Herod. and Thuc.) without a verb, so that the full form is ὡς κατὰ λόγον ἑτοιμάσαιντο ἄν: (2) Kruger compares ὡς with numerals, so that the sense is ‘ about in proportion.’ The former is apparently right, because the number of the hoplites is left uncertam, and the other numbers are to depend on the number of hoplites ultimately fixed.

ἑτοιμασάμενοι —when a plural subj. of infin. includes the subject of the main verb as here, whether in whole or in part, it is put in the nom. or accus. at will. Cf. VII. 48 , 1 ὁ Νικίας ἐνόμιζε . . λαθεῖν ἂν . . ποιοῦντες .

καὶ περὶ στρατιᾶς πλήθους κτλ —this vote shows how chary the Ecclesia was of delegating its authority even to the Strategi. Even this did not excuse them from their responsibility: they would still have to render an account ( εὔθυνα) on laying down their office, and might be prosecuted if they made mistakes ( VII. 48 ). Gardner and Jevons, Manual p. 470.

ἐγίγνετο —see Index s. γίγνομαι.

καταλόγους —the men were selected by means of κατάλογοι χρηστοί (c. 31, 3)— i.e. the generals made out lists of the best men from the lists of all those liable to service, which were engraved on the forty-two bronze στῆλαι that stood before the Council chamber ( Ath. Pol. c. 53; cf. Gardner and Jevons, p. 637). The κατάλογοι or lists so formed were also set up in public. (The explanation of Gilbert that κατάλογος means a list kept by the taxiarch of each tribe can no longer be maintained. κατάλογος is simply the list of men who are to serve on a campaign, however formed.) In the present case both the number and the selection of the names were left to the Strategi.

τοῦ ξυνεχοῦς πολέμου — i.e. from 431-421; cf. II. 1 καταστάντες ξυνεχῶς ἐπολέμουν : v. 24 ταῦτα τὰ δέκα έτη ὁ πρῶτος πόλεμος ξυνεχῶς γενόμενος.

ἐς —‘with regard to,’ as often.

χρημάτων —7000 talents had been stored in the Treasury during the Peace of Nicias, if Andocides and Aeschines are to be trusted.

ἄθροισιν —cf. Ath. Pol. c. 24 χρημάτων ἠθροισμένων πολλῶν.

ὅσοι Ἑρμαῖ ἦσαν —Plutarch says τῶν Ἑρμῶν οἱ πρεσβύτεροι ἄχειρες καὶ ἄποδες. See Mayor on Juv. VIII. 53 . Grote's account of the mutilation should be read.

ἐν τῇ πόλει —Plutarch says that Hipparchus the Pisistratid set up several of these figures. They were also put up from time to time by tribes, magistrates, and individuals, especially abont the Agora, through which ran the street of Hermes.

ἡ τετράγωνος ἐργασία —‘the well-known square figures,’

οἱ πλεῖστοι —according to Andocides ( de Myst. § 62) the bust before his house was the only one that escaped, and this is repeated by Nepos, Alcib. 3 ; perhaps also by Philochorus (280 B.C.) ap. Schol. on Aristoph. Lys. 1094 τὴν δ’ αἰτίαν οἱ μὲν τοῖς περὶ Ἀλκιβιάδην προσέγραφον, ὡς Θουκυδίδης, οἱ δὲ Κορινθίοις ὡς Φιλόχορος μόνον δέ [ leg. δ’ οὔ] φησι περικοπῆναι τὸν Ἀνδοκίδου Ἑρμῆν.

μεγάλοις μηνύτροις —the reward was 100 minae according to a proposal of Pisander, 1000 drachmae according to a proposal of Cleonymus. The sums were snbsequently awarded to two informers by the Thesmothetae (Andoc. § 27).

ἐψηφίσαντο —from Andoc. we learn that the Ecclesia delegated the duty of investigating the outrage to the Council— ψηφισαμένης τῆς βουλῆς, ἦν γὰρ αὐτοκράτωρ. The Council appointed ( Andoc. 1.10 ) special commissioners ( ζητηταί) to receive and examine the evidence. μηνύειν—μήνυσις is an information given privately by a slave, metic, woman, or by a citizen who preferred not to raise an εἰσαγγελία (‘impeachment’) because he was implicated. It could be given either εἰς τὴν βουλην or ἐν τῷ δήμῳ. The matter, if serious, was settled in a court of heliasts. The μηνυτής often received a reward if the accused person was convicted, and if a slave received freedom. If his information was proved to be false, he was put to death. εἰσαγγελία = delatio: μήνυσις = indicium.

ἀδεῶς —the ἄδεια , i.e. impunitas, exempted a μηνυτής from punishment in case he incriminated himself. Ordmarily the Ecclesia alone was competent to give the ἄδεια: but the Conncil, when as here it was αὐτοκράτωρ, could confer it on each individual μηνυτής. (Cf. Goldstaub, De ἀδείας Notione et Usu p. 99.)

τὸν βουλόμενον —stereotyped phrase, as also καὶ ἀστῶν καἱ ξένων .

μειζόνως —the form is found in Herod., Plato, Eur., and Xenophon, often in Aristides. For

λαμβάνειν cf. c. 53, 3; 61, 1.

οἰωνός —ominous of evil, because it was a gross insult to the protecting deity of market and home.

ἐπὶ ξυνωμοσίᾳ —cf. c. 60, 1.

δήμου κατάλυσις is one of the crimes to which the νόμος εἰσαγγελτικός applied. The crime was first dealt with by Solon, and is often alluded to.

ἀπό —cf. c. 45, 1 ἀπὸ τῶν κατασκόπων σαφῆ ἠγ‐ γέλλετο : I. 20 ἐκ τῶν ξυνειδότων μεμηνῦσθαι: c. 36, 2.

μετοίκων . . καὶ ἀκολούθων —the informations were preceded by an εἰσαγγελία made in the Ecclesia by Pythonicus against Alcibiades, who produced a slave prepared to give information about the profanation of the Mysteries (Andoc. § 11). The other slaves and the metics here alluded to must have given information περὶ ἄλλων ἀγαλμάτων περικοπῶν. Nothing further is heard of these latter.

τὰ μυστήρια —‘the memorable instance of Alcibiades shows how deeply the Athenian people resented any attempt to desecrate their much-loved Mysteries’ (Gardner and Jevons, p. 276).

ἐφ) ὕβρει —‘in mockery’; cf Eur. Orest. 1581 κἀφ) ὕβρει λέγεις τάδε.

καὶ τὸν Ἀλκιβιάδην —‘A. among others.’ Andromachus gave ten names in his μήνυσις .

αὐτά —applying generally, as often, to what has been said before.

οἱ . . ἀχθόμενοι —foremost among these was Androcles the demagogue, who was put to death in 411.

οὐδὲν εἴη αὐτῶν —it is generally agreed among modern writers that Alc. had nothing to do with the mutilation of the Hermae. The authors of the mutilation remain unknown, and various views are held; the most probable being that the outrage was the work of oligarchs, undertaken with a view to rnin Alcibiades, and used with the same purpose by some of the extreme democrats. In none of the lists of Hermocopids furnished by informers did Alcibiades's name occur.

οὐ δημοτικήν —‘unconstitutional.’

ἑτοῖμος ἦν . . κρίνεσθαι — i.e. he wished the εἰσαγγελία of Pythonicus to be tried in a court at once. But (by a vote of the Assembly) the case was postponed, everything being ready for the expedition to depart. [ εἴ τι τούτων εἰρ. ἦν] —this ἦν ought to be ἐστί, since the clause would necessarily be an indirect question. On the other hand εἰ μὲν . . εἴργαστο below is an unusual form of condition, representing εἰ μὲν . . εἴργασμαι (compare M.T. § 701).

τὰ τῆς π —‘the details of the armament.’

ἄρχειν —‘retain his command.’

ἐπεμαρτύρετο —(1) with infin. = ‘beseech’; (2) with ὅτι = ‘urge.’ ἀπόντος πέρι αὐτοῦ—ἀπόντος is placed first because it is emphatic.

πρὶν διαγνῶσι — M.T. § 648; cf. c. 10, 5.

ἐπὶ τοσούτῳ ς —‘in command of so large an army.’ This is the only instance of this use in Thuc.; but cf. Dinarchus I. 74 ἐπὶ τοῖς ξένοις . . ἐγένετο: Demosth. 54, 3 ἕωσπερ ἦμεν ἐπὶ τῇ φρουρᾷ.

τό τε στράτευμα . . ὅ τε δῆμος —cf. II. 22 ἐκκλησίαν τε οὐκ ἐποίει . . τήν τε πόλιν ἐφύλασσε. The double τε is often thus used to introduce the details.

μὴ εὔνουν ἔχῃ — i.e. the case would not be decided on its merits. There is no doubt that Alcibiades was guilty of profaning the Mysteries, but he trusted to the support of his political club ( ἑταιρεία) and of the army to gain a victory over the extreme democrats. Many of the oligarchs were doubtless as guilty as he.

δῑ ἐκεῖνον —c. 16, 6.

ἀπέτρεπον καὶ ἀπέσπευδον —imperf. of attempt. Bloomfield quotes Herod. VII. 17 ὸ ἀποσπεύδων Ξέρξην στρατεύεσθαι . . ἀποτράπων τὸ χρεὸν γενέσθαι .

ἐνιέντες = subornantes, not found elsewhere in Attic in this sense.

ἔλεγον = suadebant.

ἐλθόντα = ‘on his return.’

ἐν ήμέραις ῥηταῖς —‘within a fixed time after his return’; cf. Demosth. 23, 72 τί οὖν ὁ νόμος κελεύει; . . ἔν τισιν είρημένοις χρόνοις ἀπελθεῖν. Aeschines II. 109 βουλεύσασθαι τὸν δῆμον ὑπὲρ είρήνης ἐν τακταῖς ἡμέραις.

ἐκ μείζονος διαβολῆς . . ἀγωνίσασθαι —as in Lys. 3, 48 ἐκ τοιούτων πραγμάτων εἰς τοιούτους ἀγῶνας καταστῆναι.

θέρους μεσοῦντος ἤδη —cf. Isaeus 6, 14 τῇ στρατιᾳ ἀφ) οὗ ἐξέπλευσαν είς Σικελίαν ἤδη ἐστὶ δύο καὶ πεντήκοντα ἔτη, ἀπὸ Ἀρειμνήστου ἄρχοντος. With this date the Schol. on Aristoph. Birds hypoth. 11 agrees. Arimnestus went out of office on the last day of Scirophorion (June-July) 415. Hence the date of the departure is about the end of June.

εἴρητο —often used of military instructions.

Κέρκυραν . . Ἰαπυγίαν —the regular route from Greece to Italy (see on c. 13 § 1) in the time of Thuc. The Durazzo (Epidamnus)-Brindisi route dates from about 200 B.C.

διαβαλοῦσιν —found only in Herod., Thuc., and tragedy in this sense, and in late anthors.

ξυγκατέβη —anaphora of καταβάντες above. Cf. I. 115 ἐπανέστης αν . . άπέστησαν . . ξυναπέστησαν. It is most frequent with compounds of ἀντι‐, as in I. 30 ἐστρατοπεδεύοντο . . άντεστρατοπεδεύοντο.

ἄπας ὡς εἰπεῖν —‘almost all,’ the regular use of ὡς ( ἔπος) εἰπεῖν being to limit a general statement.

οἱ μὲν ἐπιχώριοι —answered by οἱ δὲ ξένοι κτλ. in c. 31, 1.

προπέμπειν = prosequi.

μετ’ ἐλπίδος . . ἰόντες —cf. VII. 57 παιάνων μεθ) ὧν ἐξέπλεον. It is strange that Xenophon almost always uses σύν in this particular sense. as λέγεται σὺν πολλοῖς δακρύοις ἀποχωρῆσαι ( Cyrop. I. 4 , 26), except with abstract nouns in ‐ια, with which he always writes μετά.

τὰ μὲν ὡς κτήσοιντο —‘(hoping) that they might gain Sicily.’ M.T. §§ 128, 136

τοὺς δ’ εἴ ποτε —‘(lamenting) that they might never see their friends again.’ This is the same use of εἰ as appears after verbs of fearing, M.T. § 376; Eur. Med. 184 ἀτὰρ φόβος εἰ πείσω. But metus si = ‘fear lest,’ Tac. An. 1, 11 quibus unus metus si intellegere viderentur.

ὄψοιντο —this and c. 34, 5 εἰ ὑποδέξοιντο, are the only two examples of εἰ with fut. opt. in Thuc., and they may both be regarded as interrogative uses of εἰ. In conditional sentences Thuc. almost invariably retains the indic. after εἰ in O.O.

μετὰ κινδύνων —c. 72, 4; ‘in dangerous circuinstances.’

αὐτοὺς ἐσῄει —‘ in mentem venit periculorum.’

τὰ δεινά is commonly used of danger.

τῇ παρούσῃ ῥώμῃ . . τῇ ὄψει —cf. VII. 71 ἀπὸ τῶν δρωμένων τῆς ὄψεως καἱ τὴν γνώμην . ἐδουλοῦντο: ib. 75 τῇ τε ὄψει ἑκάστῳ ἀλγεινὰ καὶ τῇ γνώμῃ αἰσθέσθαι. In διὰ τὸ πλῆθος . . ἑώρων, which explains ῥώμῃ, we have the cause of the θάρσος in a material form: ‘owing to the strength in which they were present, through the vastness of the forces that they saw, they were cheered by the sight.’ The addition of διὰ . . ἑώρων is due to the fact that ῥώμη is not wholly a concrete word, but means ‘spirit’ as well as ‘strength’ and suggests high nervous tension. This inserted clause enables Thuc. to proceed naturally from τῇ ῥώμῃ to τῇ ὄψει.

ἑκάστων ὧν ἑώρων —cf. II. 59 αἴτιον πάντων ὧν ἔτυχον. The adj. is not often inserted before such noun-relative sentences.

οἱ δὲ ξένοι —strictly speaking, a participle parallel to προπέμποντες above ought to follow. Such an auacoluthon is not uncommon, and is to be found in Tacitus: e.g. Hist. IV. 2 nondum ad curas intentus, sed . . filium principem agebat.

κατὰ θέαν ἧκεν —as in v. 7 , 3; cf. Isocr. 7, 32 ἐκπέμπειν κατ’ ἐμπορίαν.

διάνοιαν —‘enterprisc’; cf. c. 21, 1.

παρασκευὴ γὰρ αὕτη κτλ —‘this was the first expedition that sailed out from a single city with a Greek force that eclipsed all that had ever been sent out in costlmess and magnificence.’ For πολυτελεστάτη δὴ . . τῶν ἐς ἐκεῖνον τὸν χρόνον cf. c. 13, 1. See on this passage Intr. p. XXXII.

ἡ ἐς Ἐπίδαυρον —this expedition was sent out in 430 B.C., and Epidaurus was the most important place the Athenians attacked. It lay on the route to Argos, which was then neutral. The attack failed. The fleet was then sent on to Potidaea, where the Athenians wished to concentrate a force large enough to carry the place by assault. But Hagnon was compelled to return because the plague broke out among the crews.

αὐτῶν Ἀθηναίων —comparing the numbers of the two forces, we get—(1) 430 B C, 4000 Athenian hoplites and 100 triremes, with large forees from the allies in addition; (2) 415 B.C., 51,000 hoplites inclusive of all contributions from allies, and 134 triremes, also inclusive. Hence the numbers of the earlier expedition must have been the greater.

φαύλῃ —‘ordinary,’ as in c. 21, 1.

οὗτος δέ —sc. ὡρμήθη. Then τὸ μὲν ναυτικόν and τὸ δὲ πεζόν are in apposition to στόλος

κατ’ ἀμφότερα —explained by καὶ ναυσὶ καὶ πεζῷ. The phrase means, not ‘on both elements,’ but ‘in both ways,’ ‘in both respects,’ as in κατὰ πολλοὺς τρόπους, κατὰ πάντα, κατὰ πολλά. Cf. Aristoph. Birds 451 δολερὸν κατὰ πάντα δὴ τρόπον. Dinarchus 1, 50 κατὰ δύο τρόπους ποιεῖσθαι τὰς ἀποφάσεις.

οὗ ἂν δέῃ —Poppo takes this with ἐξαρτυθείς = ‘equipped with whatever was necessary’; but οὗ is better explained as local, ‘wherever they might be needed.’ The point is that the army and the fleet could operate separately, though in experience Nieias found that the absence of cavalry prevented his employing the army away from the fleet. The Athenians had not in previous expeditions contemplated the independent action of army and fleet.

μεγάλαις δαπάναις —Gardner and Jevons, p. 659. The trierarchs were selected by the Strategi. The expense to the trierarch came in the extras—the ornamentation of the ship and the comforts and extra pay of the crew.

δραχμήν —this is double the ordinary wage, and is the same as that paid at the siege of Potidaea.

ὑπηρεσίαις —see Gardner and Jevons on the trireme, p. 650.

θρανίταις —(1) they rowed with the longest oars; (2) they were exposed to greater danger than the other sailors.

σημείοις —‘he either means standards strictly, as in the case of armies, or, as some say, the figures outside the vessels’ (Schol.). There were also the σημεῖα, figures of Athena as guardian of the ship, that stood at the stern. Such figures are often referred to; and cf Ovid, Met. X V. 697 Deus eminet alte, | Impositaque premens puppim cervice recurvam | Caeiuleas despectat aquas. See Conington on Vergil, Aen. X. 166. (Cf. Aristoph. Frogs 933.) The outside figures, properly παράσημα, were at the prow. Surely all of these σημεῖα are meant, the ornamentations being unusually elaborate. (Bloomfield misunderstands the Schol.) In the first explanation the Schol. probably alludes to flags, though the exaet meaning of the σημεῖα placed on the general's tent and on certain public buildings is, I believe, unknown.

κατασκευαῖς —‘fittings.’

ἐς τὰ μακρότατα = ἐπὶ τὸ πλεῖστον (Schol.).

αὐτῷ τινι go together and = ‘each for himself.’

καταλόγοις χρηστοῖς —see on c. 26, 2. The Strategi were careful to select the most efficient men from the names on the στῆλαι. The lit, rendering is ‘by honest enrolments,’ for κατάλογος = both ‘list’ and ‘levy.’ χρηστοῖς = ἀληθέσι (Schol.). The lists were not always drawn up χρηστῶς: Aristoph. Eq. 1369 ὁπλίτης ἐντεθεὶς ἐν καταλόγῳ | οὐδεὶς κατὰ σπουδὰς (through influence) μετεγγραφήσεται (get his name placed lower on the list, with the hope of eseaping service), ἀλλ) ὥσπερ ἦν τὸ πρῶτον ἐγγραφήσεται (see Kock's note). Cf. Pax 1179 τοὺς μὲν ἐγγράφοντες ἡμῶν, τοὺς δ’ ἄνω τε καὶ κάτω | ἐξαλείφοντες δὶς ἢ τρίς, of the taxiarehs, who acted for the Strategi. Aelian 13, 12 has a story that Meton, the astronomer, was on the κατάλογος for Sieily, and tried to get off by feigning madness. (On κατάλογος H. Schwartz, ad Athen. rem militarem c. 1.) ἐκκριθέν—δοκιμασθἑν καὶ προκριθέν (Schol.).

σκευῶν —‘clothing,’ or ‘uniform,’ σκευή being used for an official dress, as of soldiers or priests.

ἁμιλληθέν —the verb occurs only here in Thuc.: ‘vying with one another.’ The aor. is more commonly middle in form.

ᾦ τις ἕ. προσετάχθη —‘in their several stations.’ See next note

ἐς τοὺς ἄλλους Ἕ —Jowett renders: ‘While at home the Athenians were thus competing with one another in the performance of their several duties, to the rest of Hellas the expedition seemed to be a grand display of their power and greatness’; and the note says: ‘Thuc. presents the expedition under two aspects, of which the connection is not obvious.’ This is all wrong. With both γενέσθαι and εἰκασθῆναι we must supply τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις, and the sense is τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις πρός τε σφᾶς αὐτοὺς ἔρις ἐγένετο ἅμα καὶ ἐς τοὺς ἄλλους Ἕλληνας ἐπίδειξις ᾐκάσθη: ‘The result was that among themselves they fell to quarrelling over the expedition at their posts (as to who was best equipped), while to the Greeks at large (through the splendour of the equipment) a display was portrayed of their (internal) power and (external) influence, rather than a force equipped against an enemy.’ The edd. are mistaken in supplying a subject τοῦτο or τὸν στόλον to εἰκασθῆναι. See Intr. p. xxxiii.

εἰ γάρ τις —the reason of the statement ( τοῖς Ἀθηναἰοις ) ἐπίδειξις ᾐκάσθη κτλ. is now given. The explanation of the previous clause— ἔρις ἐγένετο—had been already given in what preeeded.

προετετελέκει — i.e. in the preparations, before the expedition was ready.

καὶ τριήραρχος —sc. τις, ‘and, if a trierarch.’

χωρὶς δ) —‘and besides’; cf. II. 97 χωρὶς δὲ ὅσα ὑφαντά τε καὶ λεῖα. ἄνευ, ‘apart from,’ ‘beside,’ opposite of ξύν, which = ‘including.’

ἐφόδιον — viaticum. μεταβολῇ—ὠνήσεως δή (Schol.), ‘for barter’: ‘not a few looked to profit in the distant land by trade as well as by warfare’ (Freeman). Nicias refers to this fact in VII. 13 .

τὰ πάντα —more commonly τὰ ξύμπαντα in this sense.

καί —‘in fact,’ giving the general result.

οὐχ ἧσσον τόλμης τε θάμβει —‘no less through astonishment at its boldness, and through the splendour of its appearance, than the superiority of the foree in eomparison with those against whom they went.’ Cf. II. 65 of this expedition οὐ τοσοῦτον γνώμης ἁμάρτημα ἧν πρὸς οὓς ἐπῆσαν. The τόλμα is the courage shown in undertaking a new war before the Peloponnesian war was done with, as Thuc. explains in VII. 28 that the A. παράλογον ποιῆσαι τοῖς Ελλησι τῆς δυνάμεως καὶ τόλμης.

καὶ ὅτι —see on c. 1, 1.

μέγιστος διάπλους —‘this is said because, though Egypt (against which they had formerly gone [460 B.C.] was farther in direct distance, yet the circuitous navigation to Sieily made a greater distance’ (Bloomfield).

ἐπὶ μεγίστῃ ἐ. πρός —‘with the greatest hopes in comparison with their present position.’ The note in Jowett misses the point, which is that they looked forward to an enormous extension of empire: ‘Had Athens succeeded . . she would soon have added to her dominions part of Italy, and perhaps Carthage—the whole of Greece, and perhaps Maeedonia and Thrace’ (Bloomfield). See c. 90, 2.

τὰς νομιζομένας πρὸ τῆς ἀναγωγῆς —‘that were customary before the start.’ What is unusual is that the prayers were offered in common, and not by each ship independently.

ὑπὸ κήρυκος —‘ praecone verba praeeunte.’

παρ’ ἅπαν —Diodorus says ὁ κύκλος ἅπας ἔγεμε θυμιατηρίων καὶ κρατήρων. On ordinary occasions it seems that the Strategus alone poured libations before the start of a fleet. Here ‘cups were first filled and drunk round, and then the officers and seamen made the libation’ (Bloomfield).

ξυνεπηύχοντο . . σφίσι —the σφίσι ought to refer to the subject of ξυνεπηύχοντο, but it goes back to the subject which is throughout the prominent one— i.e. those taking part in the expedition. It is best therefore to regard the sentenee as parenthetical.

ἐπὶ κέρως —‘in single file,’ opposite of μετωπηδόν or ἐπὶ μετώπον. Cf. κατὰ μίαν and ἐπὶ μίαν, ‘one behind another.’ When outside the harbour, they began raeing.

τοιοίδε —it is plain, as Stahl says, that the views expressed by Hermoerates differed from those generally put forward. But ‘speeches like this’ (of Hermoerates) need not mean more than speeches that expressed views on the situation and offered adviee.

Ἑρμοκράτης —leader of the aristocratie party, and ranked by later writers with Timoleon. His chief doctrine, compared by Freeman to the Monroe doctrine, was Sicily for the Siceliots. He had persuaded the Greek cities of Sieily to make peacc in 424, and thus had already dealt a heavy blow to Athenian designs in the island. Dionysius I. married his daughter.

ὥσπερ καὶ ἄλλοι τινες —referring to others who had spoken before him.

τοῦ ἐπίπλου τῆς ἀ —Thuc. often places the objective gen. first when it is specially emphatic. In other authors, except Herod, and Hippocrates, it is rarely found. Andoc. 1, 15 περὶ τῶν Ἑρμῶν τῆς περικοπῆς .

λέγοντες — i.e. what they judge to be the case, as distinct from the information they have received. καταφοβηθεὶς ἐπισχήσω—ἐπέχω is often used absolutely. In VII. 33 ἐπέσχον τὸ ἐπιχειρεῖν = ‘refrained from attacking.’ πείθων γε—γε gives a causal sense to a partic. Cf. Andoc. 1, 70 ὥς γ’ ἐμαυτὸν πείθω. The phrase occurs several times in Plato and the orators.

ἑτέρου —often used with a compar. of an exceptional case. Cf. the common phrase μᾶλλον ἑτέρων. Here ἑτέρων would have applied rather to those who had already spoken.

πάνυ —gives a superlative force to θαυμάζετε = δ θαῦμα μέγιστον ἐμποιεῖ.

πρόφασιν —the accus. also in III. 111 . The dat. is also used. ξυμμαχίᾳ . . κατοικίσει—ξ. is dat. of cause, κ. of purpose.

εἰ σχοῖεν . . ἕξειν —as this follows a principal tense, it must represent εἰ σχοῖμεν . . ἕξομεν of the O.R., as e.g. in Antiphon Γα 4 εἰ τοὺς ἀναιτίους διώκοιμεν, δεινοὺς ἀλιτηρίους ἕξομεν. (This passage is wrongly explained by F. Roth, Oratio Obliqua bei Thuk. p. 16.) Cf. M.T. § 499.

ἀπὸ τῶν ὑπαρχόντων —with άμυνεῖσθε, ‘with the means at hand.’

ἄφαρκτοι —not ἄοπλοι (Schol.), but ‘insufficiently protected.’

ληφθήσεσθε = ‘be caught.’

πιστά —refers to ἀπιστήσαντες: ‘ monet ne ex summa incuria in extremum terrorem irruant’ (Oehler, In Herm. Orationem). Sc. αὐτά ἐστι.

ἢ πάσχειν —‘they will not be in a position to inflict more on us than they suffer.’

ἀνωφελές —‘is it disadvantageous.’ See crit. note.

ἢν ἄρα —‘if in the issue’ (Wilkins).

δὴ . . γε —these particles, as Herbst shows, are added to οὐ γάρ or μὴ γάρ to increase their force.

κάλλιστον ἔργον — II. 42 κινδύνων κάλλιστος, VII. 68 κινσπανιὠτατοι.

κάλλιστον δὴ ἔργον ἡμῖν —the same number of syllables follows ξυμβήσεται καί: this is called παρίσωσις .

ὀλίγοι γὰρ δή — e.g. the expedition of Cimon to the Thracian coast in 469, and to Egypt in 460.

πάντα γάρ — i.e. not only ἐνοικοῦντες but ἀστυγείτονες as well. The whole of this passage is general down to καταλείπουσιν. Hence it is wrong to explain ἐπιβουλευθεῖσιν = ἡμῖν, as Classen does.

κἂν περὶ σφίσιν αὐτοῖς — I. 69 τὸν βάρβαρον αὐτὸν περὶ αὐτῷ τὰ πλείω σφαλέντα. Soph. Ajax 828 πεπτῶτα τῷδε περὶ νεορράντῳ ξίφει. Herod. 9, 101 μὴ περὶ Μαρδονίῳ. Aristoph. Pax 905 περὶ ταῖσι καμπαῖς . . πεπτωκότες. The other ordinary prose use of περί with dat. is after verbs of fearing, as usually in Thuc. (cf. Aristoph. Eq. 27 περὶ τῷ δέρματι δέδοικα). ‘As examples of a striking deviation from his usual construction may be mentioned III. 102 δείσας περἰ αὐτῆς . . VIII. 93 ἐφοβεῖτο περὶ τοῦ πολιτικοῦ, for elsewhere Thuc. has περί with dat, after verbs of fearing, according to the usual Attic construction (cf. Phrynichus in B.A.G. p. 37 δέδοικα περὶ τῷδε, κατὰ δοτικὴν ὠς ἐπὶ τὸ πολὺ οἱ Ἀττικοί)’ (Prof. C. F Smith). But Phrynichus speaks too strongly: the construction occurs but once in Aristoph., never in the orators, unless in Antiphon, Fr. 77 we should alter δεῖσθαι περὶ τοῦ. But it is wrong to pronounce περί with dat. ‘poetical and Ionic’ with Du Mesml. (There is great variety in the use of prepositions in Attic, and in the dictum of the Alexandrine grammarians there is some truth: παρὰ Θουκυδίδῃ ἐνηλλαγμένως πάσας εὑρήσεις τὰς προθέσεις κειμένας .)

ὅπερ . . ηὐξήθησαν = ἥνπερ αὔξησιν ηὐξήθησαν (Poppo).

ἐπὶ τῷ ὀ — VII. 64 τὸ μέγα ὄνομα τῶν Ἀθηνῶν: ‘owing to their reputation as the city that he had attacked.’ That ὄνομα does not mean ‘fiction’ or ‘mere statement’ here is shown by καὶ ἡμῖν τὸ τοιοῦτο: it has the same sense as ὄνομα above. To have been the object of the Persian attack constituted that glory of Athens that led to her rise. ᾔει, which is in O.O., represents ᾔει of O.R.: men said, after the war, “ ἐπ’ Ἀθήνας ᾔει ὁ Μῆδος.” Syraeuse too will grow great έπὶ τῷ ὀνόματι ὡς ἐφ) ἡμᾶς ᾕει ὁ Ἀθηναῖος. See Index s.v. ἐπί .

τοὺς μέν — i.e. τοὺς ὑπηκόους :

τοῖς δέ — i.e. τοῖς αὐτονόμοις ‘The difference is clearly marked between the Sikels of the east coast, familiar to Syr. as subjects, neighbours, or enemies, and the Sikel towns of the interior, now fast beginning to advance in power and in Hellenic culture’ (Freeman).

τὴν ἄλλην Σ — i.e. the Siceliots.

ἢξυμμαχίαν ποιώμεθα ἡμῖν —Stephanus reads ποιῶνται and Classen revives the reading. If we keep the MSS. reading we must make ἡμῖν = ἡμῖν αὐτοῖς ‘for ourselves,’ as Thuc. sometimes uses σφίσιν for σφίσιν αὐτοῖς: cf. II. 71 οὐ δίκαια ποιεῖτε οὔτε ὑμῶν οὔτε πατέρων. The phrase is, however, very unusnal.

ἄμεινον —e. 19, 1.

ἀνέλπιστον —taken in two ways: (1) ἄφοβον (Schol., Kruger), se. μή ποτε . . ἔλθωσιν, i.e. they are expeeting an attack on Carthage; (2) ‘the invasion of Sicily will not surprise them’ (Poppo, etc.). But (3) surely the key to the passage is in ἄμεινον εἶναι πέμψαι? To ἀνέλπιστον supply τὸ πέμψαι ἡμᾶς. ‘Our mission will not surprise them.’

διὰ φόβου εἰσί —c. 59, 2. The construction is frequent with εχειν, γίγνεσθαι, ἰέναι, εἶναι.

τάδε —‘our cause.’ προήσονται, κἂν . . εῖναι: O.R. προησόμεθα, κἂν . . εἶμεν. M.T. § 505.

ἤτοι . . γε . . ἤ —in Thuc. the more certain but less important alternative is put first when these particles are used. But this does not seem to be the case in other authors.

ἢ ἐξ ἑνός γέ του τ —‘or by some means or other’; the Schol. remarks that ἤ is superfluous, there being no other way except either κρύφα or φανερῶς. But the addition is not an unnatural inaccuracy, and the removal of ἤ by no means improves the sense. Aesch. Septem 202 ἤκουσας ἢ οὐκ ἤκουσας ἢ κωφῇ λέγω: Plat. Laches 199 B οὐ γὰρ μελλόντων μόνον πέρι ἐπαίει, ἀλλὰ καὶ γιγνομένων καὶ γεγονότων καὶ πάντως ἐχόντων, where καὶ πάντως ἐχόντων is equally superfluous.

εὐπορεῖ —‘by which war . . prospers’; cf. I. 83 δαπάνης, δῑ ἣν τὰ ὅπλα ὠφελεῖ. Nothing further is heard of this proposal of H. to send to Carthage. (Freeman, Sicily III. Append. vii.)

ἐς τὴν Λ. καὶ ἐς Κ —Thuc. repeats the preposition where different things are elearly opposed to one another, omits it when they are thought of together. Contrast § 4.

τὸν ἐκεῖ πόλεμον —cf. c. 36, 4. Freeman remarks that we should have looked for some more marked reference to Corinth, as metropolis of Syr.

διὰ τὸ ξύνηθες ἥσυχον — v. 68 τὸ ἀνθρώπειον κομπῶδες: and c. 55, 3 τὸ πρότερον ξύνηθες φοβερόν. ‘I will now tell you what I think would be most advantageous, though you with your habitual lack of cnterprise would by no means readily aceede to it.’ Cf. Plat. Laws p. 918 D γελοῖον μὲν εἰπεῖν ὅμως δ’ εἰρήσεται: Demosth. 14, 24 παράδοξον μὲν οἶδα λέγων, ὅμως δ’ εἰρήσεται .

περὶ τῆς Σικελίας —it appears necessary to read the gen. here, because ὁ ἀγών, ἀγωνίζεσθαι, μάχεσθαι, πολεμεῖν in Thuc. always take περί τινος not περί τινι elsewhere; and it certainly does appear that τοῦ περαιωθῆναι is also governed by περί here Thomas Magister connects ὁ άγών direetly with τοῦ περαιωθῆναι, for which ef. Eur Sup. 665 νεκροὺς ὄπισθεν θέμενοι, ὧν ἔκειτ’ ἀγών. (The MSS. reading is defended by Herbst, and by C. F. Smith in A.J.P. 25 p. 67.)

ἐς λογισμὸν καταστήσαιμεν —cf. Isocr. 15. 169 εἰσέπεσον εἰς τὸ λογίζεσθαι. The substance of the refleetions is given in all that follows down to the end of § 5.

ἐκ φιλίας χώρας —viz. Tarentum, as explained by the parenthesis— i.e. ‘we have the friendly haven of Taras as a base of operations and a place of shelter in case of need’ (Freeman).

φύλακες —of Sicily. Notice

αὐτοῖς and

ἐκείνους

τὸ δὲ πέλαγος κτλ —‘whereas they have before them a passage which is long for the whole of their armament, and it would be difficult owing to the length of the voyage to keep in line, and consequently their forees would be exposed to our attack, as they would come up with us slowly and in divisions.’ πολύ ( ἐστι ) περαιοῦσθαι, as c. 42 ῥᾴους ἄρχειν. Most edd. regard χαλεπὸν δὲ . . μεῖναι as a parenthesis; but the clause leads up to καὶ ἡμῖν . . εἴη, and the whole = χαλεπὸν ( ἂν εἴη τῆ παρασκευῇ) ἐν τάξει μεῖναι, καὶ εὐεπἰθετος ἂν εἴη ἡ παρασκευή.

εἰ δ’ αὖ —‘on the other hand, if they transfer their baggage (to the transports), and attack us with their fast ships in a body’— i.e. if they leave behind the transports and do not attempt to cross from Corcyra μετὰ πάσης τῆς παρασκευῆς .

εἰ δὲ μὴ δοκοίη —se. ὴμῖν ἐπιθέσθαι, if we found that they had not been rowing hard, and so decided not to attack them.

ἔστι —so the Athenians would reflect when the Syr. were off Tarentum. ἔστι ὑποχωρῆσαι is equivalent to ὑποχωροῖμεν ἂν εἰ βουλοίμεθα.

μετ’ ὀ. ἐφοδίων —the result of κουφίσαντες ὡς ἐπὶ ναυμαχίᾳ .

κατὰ χωρία ἐρῆμα —‘the enemy,’ says Freeman, ‘will have to shift for himself how he can along desert or unfriendly coasts, where the Sikeliots will be able to attack, or harass, or bloekade him at pleasure.’ By χωρία ἐρῆμα Bloomfield rightly says that the eoast from Tarentum to Rhegium is meant: ‘the country itself was doubtless then, what it is now described as being, alike uncultivated and savage.’ Finding themselves ἐν ἀπορίᾳ κατὰ χωρία ἐρῆμα, they will have to choose between two eourses: (1) waiting for their transports, (2) trying to gain admission to eities—Thurii, Croton, Locri, Rhegium.

πολιορκοῖντο ἄν —se. ὑφ) ἡμῶν. The Syr. would of course not remain inaetive in the harbour of Tarentum if the Athenians lay off the coast awaiting the arrival of their transports. ‘The sanguine orator does not stop to discuss how or where the Athenian fleet is to be blockaded by any force which the Sieiliaus could bring against it’ (note in Jowett).

πειρώμενοι παραπλεῖν —if, instead of waiting for the rest of the fleet, they try to continue their voyage along the coast (of the Gulf of Tarentum, it being necessary for them to get supplies, if not by waiting, then by sailing along the coast and seeking them), they would be disheartened by the uncertainty whether the cities along the coast would receive them.

οὐκ ἂν κτλ = οὐκ ἃν βέβαια ἔχοιεν καὶ ἀθυμοῖεν ( ἄν). “ οὐκ εἰδότες βεβαίως εἰ αἱ πόλεις ὑποδἐξονται” (Schol.).

τούτῳ τῷ λ —with ἀποκλῃομένους: ‘hampered by these eonsiderations.’ Cf. Plat. Rep. p. 487 B in the sense ‘to receive a cheek’ in playing.

ἐξωσθῆναι ἄν —Arnold compares Herod. I. 31 ἐκκληιόμενοι τῇ ὤρῃ: cf. ἐξανάγκεσθαι, ἐξείργεσθαι. Caes. B.G. v. 24 anni tempore excludi; cf. in annum excedere. ‘Through spending time in prolonged indecision and in sending scouts to recon noitre our numbers and our position, they would be overtaken by winter.’ The aorist partic, does not express time past, relative to χρώμενοι, but is timeless. There is no reason why χρώμενοι should not have been χρησάμενοι, other than that with verbs like πέμπω the pres. partic. is much affected.

πρόφασιν —sc. του— καραλυ—σαι τὸν π.

ἀξιόχρεων —‘some considerable action on our part.’

ἀγγελλοίμεθα —personal,= ἀγγελλοίμεθα πλείους εἶναι, ‘our numbers would be exaggerated by report’; cf. I. 10 ἐπὶ τὸ μεῖζον κος μῆσαι.

πρὸς τὰ λεγόμενα . . ἵστανται —metaphor from sails set in any direetion. ‘Men's minds veer in the direction of what they hear.’

ἢ . . γε —‘or at least.’

ἰσοκινδύνους — discrimini pares, Haase; and so recent edd. The Schol. says ‘either ἐν ὁμοίῳ κινδύνῳ καταστήσοντας αὐτούς, or ἰσοπαλεῖς’: in II. 39 we have ἡμεῖς ἀνειμένως διαιτώμενοι οὐδὲν ἧσσον ἐπὶ τοὺς ἰσοπαλεῖς κινδύνους χωροῦμεν, where some edd. explain ‘dangers as great as they face,’ others ‘struggles in which equal but not superior forces oppose us’; probably the first is right and here the sense is ‘equally ready to face danger.’ If so, ef. ἰσοτελής, contrast ἰσάργυρος.

κατεγνωκότες —‘looking down upon us because we did not support the attempt of the L.’ In 431 Sparta had appealed to Italy and Sicily for ships, but none had been sent, II. 7 . Stein thinks the obj. to κατ. is lost. παρὰ γνώμην—παρὰ τὴν δόξαν αὐτῶν (Schol.).

ἀπὸ τοῦ ἀ = ἀληθεῖ. Such phrases are used as adjectives with nouns, or as adverbs with verbs. Cf. ἀπὸ τοῦ ἴσου, τοῦ προφανοῦς, τοῦ ἀδοκήτου . III. 43 τἀγαθὰ ἀπὸ τοῦ εὐθέος λεγόμενα, ‘the best advice when offered in plain terms.’

πείθεσθε . . τολμήσαντες —‘follow my advice, if possible, by taking this bold step.’ The aor. is ingressive; by entering upon this τόλμα. Again the time of the partic. is independent of the verb.

ταῦτα which some edd. construe as object of πείθεσθε, goes with the partic., because of the order.

τἆλλα . . ἑτοιμάζειν —sc. πείθεσθε: it is not unusual to find two constructions after a verb in this way. Cf. note on c. 1, 1.

παραστῆναι παντί —this infin. is by some explained as= an imperative, but it is more natural to supply πείθεσθε, which in passing through ἑτοιμάζειν has assumed a somewhat different meaning. ( παραστῆναι often has this sense: c. 68, 3; 95, 2. Andoc. I. 54 εἴ τῳ παρέστηκε γνώμη τοιαύτη) Cf. II. 39 περιγίγνεται ἡμῖν . . μὴ προκάμνειν, καὶ .μὴ ἀτολμοτέρους . . φαίνεσθαι, καὶ ἔν τε τούτοις τὴν πόλιν ἀξίαν εἶναι θαυμάζεσθαι καὶ ἔτι ἐν ἄλλοις, where also, when εἶναι is reached, the meaning of περιγίγνεται is lost. This is a good example of thuc.'s πολύνους βραχυλογία.

καταφρονεῖν τοὺς ἐπιόντας —Thomas Magister quotes this passage for καταφρονεῖν with accus. In only one place has Thuc. the gen. of direct objeet with καταφρ.—viz. VII. 63 καταφρονἠσαντες Κορινθίων.

ἐν τῶν ἔργων τῇ ἀλκῇ —ef. Herod. VII. 49 ἀνὴρ οὕτω ἂν εἴη ἄριστος εἰ βουλευόμενος μὲν ἀρρωδέοι ἐν δὲ τῷ ἔργῳ θρασὺς εἴη: ‘resistance in action’; ἀλκή, robur, is found in Herod. and Xen., but not elsewhere in prose.

τὸ δ’ ἤδη —take τὸ δ’ ἤδη ὡς ἐπὶ κινδύνου πράσσειν together, ‘to act at present as in time of danger.’

ἐν πλῷ . . εἰσί —cf. ἐν ὁδῷ εἶναι, ἐν τειχισμῷ, ἐν παρασκευῇ, ἐν κινήσει, ἐν στάσει, etc.

ἐν πολλῇ ἔριδι ἦσαν, ὡς —cf. II. 54 ἐγένετο ἔρις τοῖς ἀνθρώποις μὴ λοιμὸν ὠνομάσθαι.

οὐδ’ ἀληθῆ ἐστιν ἃ λέγοιτο —for the dependent verb in opt. in O.O. when the leading verb retains the indic., M T. § 690. See crit. note, and Intr. p. xxiii.

οἱ δέ —the sentenee proceeds as if ἔλεγον in place of έν ἕριδι ἦσαν were the verb. On the MSS. reading τοῖς δέ Stahl notes that whereas there are examples of a passing from an oblique case into the nom. ( e.g. c 24, 3 n.; and not unfrequent in tragedy), there are no other examples of a passing from the nom. into an oblique ease. The difference ean be appreciated by comparing Eur. Phoen. 1474 (Poppo) ἦν δ’ ἔρις στρατηλάταις, | οἱ μὲν πατάξαι πρόσθε Πολυνείκην δορί, | οἱ δ’ ὡς θανόντων οὐδαμοῦ νίκη πέλοι.

εἰ καὶ ἕλθοιεν —the brevity of the form finely expresses the keenness of the ἔρις .

αὐτούς —more regularly σφᾶς.

ἐς γέλωτα ἔτρεπον —Aristoph. Wasps 1253 εἰς γέλων τὸ πρᾶγμ) ἔτρεψας.

τὸ πιστεῦον —the neut. is often so used by Thuc colleetively for the masc. plur.; cf. c. 69, 3 τὸ ὑπηκοον τῶν ξυμμάχων, and with adverb without partic. τὸ μὴ ἐκποδὼν τετίμηται II. 45 ; πᾶν τὸ ἐξ ἐναντίας, καὶ εἰ φίλιον εἴη τῶν φευγόντων VII. 44 .

Ἀθηναγόρας —nothing more is heard of him, but, from the mention of his name and the description given of him, he must have been famous. He would, however, as leader of the popular party and opposed to Hermocrates, be promment only in time of peace.

δήμου προστάτης —cf. c. 28, 2 δήμου προεστάναι. The phrase is often applied to unofficial leaders of a popular party, and in Ath. Pol. is interchanged with δημαγωγός, and is contrasted with τῶν γνωρίμων, εὐπόρων, ἐπιφανῶν, προστάτης. He was ‘the man whom the multitude expected to come forward as their champion— ἐν τῷ παρόντι, as long as they eontinued to trust him’ (Freeman). Of course he might be a στρατηγός, as Pericles, but was not necessarily in any official position. The speech that follows is very remarkable; like the Funeral Oration ( II. 35 ), it does not apply only to the matter immediately under consideration, but has a wider range as illustrating the politics of Syracuse, and indeed of all democracies. It shows how ‘it is much easier to draw up a democratic constitution than to work it, when drawn up, in a democratic spirit’ (Freeman).

τοὺς μὲν κτλ —a chance hexameter.

οὕτω —as my opponents describe.

τόλμης — i e. their boldness in trying to raise such scares, οἵπερ ἀεὶ τάδε κινοῦσι. (The word is not sarcastic here, as some edd. think.)

δεδιότες ἰδίᾳ τι —‘those who have some private anxiety of their own’— i.e. as explained in c. 38, 2 βουλόμενοι καταπλήξαντες τὸ ὑμέτερον πλῆθος αὑτοὶ τῆς πόλεως ἄρχειν: they are afraid that unless they raise a scare they cannot conceal their designs.

τὸ σφέτερον —not ‘their fear,’ but ‘their design to get the control of things,’ ‘their secret.’ See crit. note. ἐπηλυγάζομαι—ἠλύγη= σκότος: and see L. & S. under λύγη.

τοῦτο δύνανται —Classen makes this apply to what precedes, and is therefore obliged to insert αἵ after δύνανται. But all that preceded was a general statement: at καὶ νῦν begins the application to the particular case. ‘So ( καί) now these reports mean this: they are . . the work of men who are always trying to disturb us’ (with ulterior motives). For

τάδε cf. c. 34, 3.

ἐκ before ἀνδρῶν is for ὑπό, an Ionic and poetical use.

ἐξ ὧν = ἐκ τούτων ἃ . .

ὥσπερ . . ἀξιῶ —sc. δρᾶσαι ἄν, and άξιῶ= νομίζω .

ἀγαπᾶν . . ὅτι —so with εἰ, ἐἀν.

αὐτοὺς . . ἐκείνους —apply to the same persons, as often; cf. c. 61 κατέγνωσαν αὐτοῦ καὶ τῶν μετ’ ἐκείνου. Sometimes ἐκεῖνος is first, as Plat. Resp. p. 343 C εὐδαίμονα ἐκεῖνον ποιοῦσιν ὑπηρετοῦντες αὐτῷ.

τῆς . . ἐπιούσης = τῆς νῦν ἐπιούσης ς. Thuc. often places an attributive partic. after a noun when there are other modifications.

οἷς γε —antecedent στρατιᾶς.

οὔθ) . . οὐδ’ . . οὔθ) ὁπλίτας . . τήν τε ἄλλην —this series really consists of οὔτε . . οὔτε . . τε, with an οὐδέ clause inserted as a climax to the first.

ὁπλίτας —sc. άκολουθήσοντας. They will not have a large force of hoplites, as the hoplites will have come by sea.

αὐταῖς —‘alone’;

κούφαις ‘without lading.’

παρὰ τοσοῦτον γιγνώσκω —the Schol. explains ‘So much do I differ from my opponents.’ But lit. ‘to such an extent I know,’ i.e. ‘so confident am I’ that they are inferior to us. Cf. § 1 ἱκανωτέραν ἡγοῦμαι Σικελίαν κτλ., and below τοσούτῳ τὴν ἡμετέραν παρασκευὴν κρείσσω νομίζω.

μόλις ἄν —with οὐκ ἂν διαφθαρῆναι.

εἰ πόλιν . . ἔλθοιεν ἔχοντες —‘if they brought with them a city great as Syracuse, and set it up upon our borders, and carried on the war from it, scarcely so could they escape utter ruin.’ By πόλις he means, of course, the men and the things necessary to make a permanent hostile settlement.

οἰκίσαντες for οἰκήσαντες is necessary, because the sense required is not ‘settle in’ a place already existing, hut ‘found’ a new settlement. With this change there is no need to bracket ἔλθοιεν or ἔ. ἔχοντες.

ἦ πού γε δὴ κτλ —(the γε only adds further emphasis to ἦ που δή—‘of course, then’;) sc. μόλις δοκοῦσιν οὐκ ἂν διαφθαρῆναι.

ἐν πάσῃ πολεμίᾳ —cf. c. 21, 2 ἐς άλλοτρίαν πᾶσαν.

ξυστήσεται γάρ —‘for Sieily will unite’ against them.

στρατοπέδῳ τε —‘and in (sc. ἐν from above) a camp which they form with what their ships bring.’ στρατοπέδῳ is in contrast with πόλιν above, ἱδρυθέντι with οἰκίσαντες. Stahl gets into endless difficulties (1) by supplying εἰ πόλεμον ποιοῖντο to ἐν πάσῃ π. Σικελίᾳ, (2) by rendering τε ‘both’ instead of ‘and,’ (3) by totally misunderstanding ἐκ νεῶν ἱδρυθέντι .

καὶ ἐκ σκηνιδίων κτλ —‘and when they depend on mere tents and supplies of the barest, while our cavalry prevents them from moving for any distance.’

τό τε ξύμπαν —sums up the whole argument.

κρατῆσαι . . τῆς γῆς — i.e. obtain possession of so much land as is necessary for the στρατόπεδον. Cf. c. 23, 2 εὐθὺς κρατεῖν τῆς γῆς.

ἄνδρες — quidam, hinting, as that word sometimes does, at definite opponents.

ἤτοι . . ἤ —c. 34, 2.

καὶ δέδοικα μέντοι —‘and I really fear lest their repeated efforts may at last be crowned with success’ (Wilkins). This is the affirmative μέντοι, as in answers of assent.

ἡμεῖς δὲ κακοί —‘we show no spirit in taking precautions before we suffer, or in stopping such men when we detect them.’

αἰσθόμενοι is opposed to πρὶν ἐν τῷ παθεῖν ὦμεν—for which see c. 10, 5.

δῑ αὐτά —going back to τάδε κινοῦσι e. 36, 2. ‘Hence it is that such sehemes allow our state but seldom to rest.’

τυρραννίδας —such as Gelon and Hieron:

δυναστείας — such as the power of the aristocratic party of Hermocrates.

ὧν —with τι below.

περιιδεῖν γενέσθαι —the infin. after περιορᾶν occurs only in Herod. and Thuc.; the verb then= ἐᾶν . M.T. § 903, 6.

ὑμᾶς μὲν τοὺς πολλούς —contrasted with τοὺς δ’ αὖ ὀλίγους, who are also meant in τοὺς . . . μηχανωμένους. Weil's conjecture (see crit. note) is necessary because there is no distinction between the plotters and the oligarchs, and because only the people can be said κολάζειν.

αὐτοφώρους —correspouds to αἰσθόμενοι ἐπεζελθεῖν above, and ὧν βούλονται μὲν κτλ. to προφυλάζασθαι.

ὧν βούλονται —after κολάζειν. Cf. II. 74 , 3 τῆς ἀδικίας κολάζεσθαι. So

ὧν δρᾷ and

διανοίας depend on προαμύνεσθαι.

εἴπερ καί —‘inasmuch as.’

τὰ μὲν ἐλέγχων —‘now by convicting them (when they have formed a design), now by watching them (to keep them from forming one), now by counselling them (to change their methods).’

καὶ δῆτα —he proceeds to give an instance τοῦ διδάσκειν. The use of δῆτα is in emphatic statements, questions, and appeals.

νεώτεροι —the younger members of the oligarchic party.

πότερον —there follows an example of ὑποφορά, altercatio, in which an orator puts words into an opponent's mouth and supplies the answer.

ἀτιμάζειν —infin. of purpose, ‘to keep out of office.’

ἰσονομεῖσθαι — liberty and equality, ἐλευθερία and ἰσονομία, were the cardinal principles of Greek democracy.

τοὺς αὐτούς —members of the same state.

φήσει τις κτλ —‘I shall be told that democracy is neither a wise nor a fair principle, that the owners of property are at the same time the best qualified to govern well. But I answer first that a whole community is termed a people, whereas only a section bears the name oligarchy; further, that though the rich are the best guardians of property, the wise are the best counsellors, and the many after hearing arguments are the best judges, and that these (three) classes, whether they act in parts or as a whole, have under democracy an equal share.’

βουλεῦσαι δ’ ἂν κτλ —cf. II. 40 ἤτοι κρίνομέν γε ἢ ἐνθυμούμεθα ὀρθῶς τὰ πράγματα

καὶ κατὰ μέρη καὶ ζύμπαντα —‘these whether in seetions or together,’ i.e. as separate μέρη of the δῆμος and as together making it up. The words are introduced for the sake of the reference to ζυμπαν and μέρος above—a point missed by edd.

τῶν δ’ ὠφελίμων —‘of the advantages it not merely claims an excessive share, but appropriates them all.’

ἀφελομένη ἔχει —cf. I. 38 ἑλόντες βίᾳ ἔχουσι, and c. 76, 2. ‘From this use of ἔχειν it comes to be employed with the partic aor or perf. as a periphrasis for those tenses, but expressing strongly the maintenance of the result attained . . frequent in the tragic poets, particularly Soph.’ (Morris).

ὑμῶν . . προθυμοῦνται —with ‘partitive’ gen. 1st or 2nd pers., the verb is generally in the 3rd person.

οἵ τε δυνάμενοι = οἱ ὀλιγαρχικοί (Schol.).

ἀδύνατα —sc. ὄντα, ‘whereas it is impossible to attain such hopes.’

ἀλλ) —repeated below in ἀλλ) ἤτοι, on account of the long parenthetie vocative ὦ άζυνετώτατοι . . ἢ ἀδικώτατοι.

τὸ τῆς πόλεως ζύμπασι κοινόν —‘the interests of the state that are shared by all’; still referring to his definition of democracy above.

τοῦτο μἐν — i.e. τὸ αὔζειν τὸ τῆς πόλεως κοινόν, as Stahl; not τὸ τῆς πόλεως κοινόν merely, because εἰ δ’ ἄλλα βουλήσεσθε clearly means ἢ τὸ αὔζειν τὸ τῆς π. κ. ‘That this share which the good citizens among you will receive will be equal or even greater’ than that borne by others. τοῦτο is internal aceus. to μετα‐ σχεῖν, as in οὐδὲν τῶνδε μετέχω II. 40 , οὐκ ἔλασσον . . πολὺ πλεῖον μετείχετε VII. 63 . [ ἤπερ . . πλῆθος] —see crit. note.

ὡς πρὸς αἰσθομένους —‘assured that you are dealing with men who . .’

ἔρχονται —‘are on the way.’

αὐτἀ —‘the matter,’ i.e. the details of the defence.

καί —‘and,’ not ‘even.’

αὐτῶν = τῶν άγγελιῶν. With

πρός cf. II. 64 , 6 πρὸς τὰς ζυμφορὰς λυποῦνται.

δουλείαν —here the bondage incurred in democracy by giving power to a dangerous person. In c. 78 of political dependence of one state upon another.

αὐτὴ δ’ ἐφ) αὑτῆς —‘without reference to others,’

ἀφ) ὑμῶν —‘words that come from you.’ The art. is not necessarily repeated with prepositional phrases after verbal nouns. Cf. on c. 6, 3.

ἀκούειν —sc. τοὺς λόγους άφ) ὑμῶν.

ἐκ τοῦ ἔργῳ κτλ —‘by taking precautions in action not to permit that,’ i.e. τὸ ἀφαιρεθῆναι τὴν ἐλευθερίαν. Thus she will take notice of the words ‘as if they were deeds’; and the ‘deeds’ meant are of course efforts to obtain control of the government; c. 36, 2.

τῶν δὲ στρατηγῶν —presumably that one of the (15) Syr. generals who was presiding over the assembly.

πρὸς τὰ παρόντα —‘with reference to the situation’

τινάς —masc.

κοσμηθῆναι . . ἀγάλλεται —both metaphors from bright clothes. II. 42 αὶ τῶνδε ἀρεταὶ ἐκόσμησαν ( τὴν πόλιν): II. 44 αἷς ( εὐτυχίαις ) ποτε καὶ αὐτοὶ ἠγάλλεσθε. Much the same is λαμπρύνομαι c. 12, 2. Cf. ἐγκαλλώπισμα πλούτου II. 62 . (Corstens de Translationibus p. 38.)

ἡμεῖς —sc. οἱ στρατηγοί.

διαπομπῶν —still depending on οὐδεμία βλάβη. The art. alludes to the recommendations of Hermocrates.

ἔς τε κατασκοπήν —‘to collect information’ as to the feeling and resources of the cities. (Valla wrongly understands it qui explorent hostium adventum et consilium. The information is such as may prove useful if the enemy are not coming, ἢν μηδὲν δεήσῃ sc. παρασκευάζεσθαι ἀμύνεσθαι.)

ἤν τι ἄλλο = ἐς ἄλλο τι ὃ ἄν, such as the arrangement of alliances.

τὰ δὲ καὶ ἐπιμεμελήμεθα —‘some precautions of that nature we have already taken.’ τὰ δέ is internal accus.; cf. c. 40, 1.

ἐς ὑμᾶς οἴσομεν —a common meaning of φέρωin tragedy, but rare in prose. Eur. Phoen. 1086 ἦ που ξυμφορὰν ἥκεις φέρων.

ἐπεξέτασιν —‘a final muster’ of all the contingents.

ὁρμιεῖσθαί τε καὶ στρατ —See crit. note. The two tenses recur with μέλλω in c. 99, 2 ἔμελλον ἄξειν καὶ . . γίγνεσθαι: but there the infins. are separated, and γίγνομαι is in its nature inceptive, and can appropriately be combined with a fut. infin. In Demosth. 21, 55, quoted by Stahl, we have ὅ τε μέλλων νικᾶν καὶ ὁ πάντων ὕστατος ὁρμιεῖσθαι: but again the infins. are much more distinct than here. Hence, unless it be possible to draw a distinction between μέλλω with pres. and fut., it is best to read στρατοπεδεύσεσθαι.

τρία μέρη —internal accus., ‘into three parts.’

ἐν ταῖς καταγωγαῖς —‘whenever they landed.’

προαπαντᾶν —before the main body put into any port.

Ῥοδίοιν —almost all MSS. give the ‐οιν form for fem. here. Yet in c. 104, 1 all have the ‐αιν form twice. The form δύο is joined with plural far more often than with dual in Thuc.; it is used several times as gen. or dat., always with plur. (Hasse, Dual in Thuc. and Xen. p. 17). Though δύο, δυοῖν is generally added to a dual (see Rutherford, New Phryn. p. 290), it is omitted when a pair is referred to (Meisterhaus, p. 163).

πεντηκοντόροιν —on these things see Gardner and Jevons, p. 652.

αἱ μὲν ἑξ —article with numerals designates them as parts of a total.

ταχεῖαι —see c. 31, 3.

Χίων —only Chios and Methymna among the ξύμμαχοι ὑπήκοοι were αὐτόνομοι and still furnished contingents to the fleet. Probably Corcyra also sent some ships. She was άπὸ ξυμμαχίας αὐτόνομος.

ὁπλίταις δὲ κτλ —the numbers are as follows: (1) Hoplites, 1500 Athenian, 500 Argives, 250 Mautinean and (other) mercenaries, 700 marines, and (therefore) 2150 subject allies, total 5100, (2) Archers, 480. (3) Slingers, 700. (4) Miscellaneo)us, 150.

ἐκ καταλόγου —see on c. 26, 2.

ἑπτακόσιοι —of these, 600 would be required for the 60 A. fast triremes. Hence, among the 24 triremes supplied by the allies, 10—requiring the remaining 100 marines—must have been fast.

θῆτες —their names never appeared in the κατάλογος. The marines were usually θῆτες.

Ἀργείων —the alliance between Athens and Argos had been renewed in June 417. καὶ < ἄλλων > μισθοφόροι Stein.

Μαντινέων —in VII. 57 Thuc. speaks of Μαντινῆς καὶ ἄλλοι Ἀρκάδων μισθοφόροι among the forces. The Arcadians are heard of as mercenaries in the Persian wars. Herod. VIII. 26 .

Μεγαρεῦσι —expelled in the party struggle of 424 B.C., when Brasidas saved Megara from falling into the hands of Athens.

ἱππέας —they are not again heard of.

πρώτη —for in 414 στρατιὰν ἄλλην ἐψηφίσαντο πἐμπειν.

ὁλκάδες μὲν . . πλοῖα δὲ ἐξ ἀνάγκης —transports and smaller vessels requisitioned from private owners. Cf. c. 22.

ξυνδιέβαλλε —see c. 30, 1 n.

ηὐπόρησαν —sc. προσβαλεῖν.

ἀγορᾷ οὐδὲ ἄστει —‘not admitting them to a market, nor even into the citv, but only granting water and anchorage.’

Ῥήγιον —Athens had made a treaty with R. in 433 B.C. On the meaning of ‘Italy’ see c. 2, 4n. The modern name, Reggio di Calabria, curiously illustrates Ῥήγιον τῆς Ἰτ.

λόγους ἐποιήσαντο —‘made overtures to.’

Χαλκιδεῦσι —see c. 3, 3. The refusal of Rhegium was the greatest blow, as it had supported Athens before in Sicily.

πρὸς τά —with προσοίσονται.

ὡς ἐπὶ τούτοις —cf. VII. 45 ὡς ἐπὶ τούτοις παρεσκευά‐ ζοντο, ‘under these circumstances.’

ἔνθα μέν = πρὸς τοὺς ὑπηκόους.

πρὸς δὲ τούς = πρὸς τοὺς αὑτονόμους. Cf. Isocr. 2, 18 ἵνα τὰς μὲν φεὑγωσι, πρὸς δὲ τὰς προθυμότερον ἔχωσιν. The δέ generally follows the preposition.

περιπόλια in Italy and Sicily= φρούρια in Attica.

ἐν τῇ χώρᾳ — i.e. in the territory belonging to Syracuse

ἐκ τῆς Ἐγέστης —attraction of the preposition to the verb.

φαίνεται —‘are forthcoming’)( ἀφανὴς εἷναι.

οἱ Ῥ. οὐκ ἐθελήσαντες —sc. ἀντεκεκρούκεσαν. Cf. IV. 26 αἴτιον δὲ ἦν οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι προειπόντες ἐσάγειν σῖτον.

πρῶτον ἤρξαντο —often combined to emphasise the moment of beginning.

πείθειν —of attempt.

εἰκὸς ἦν —sc. ξυστρατεύειν, as also with πείθειν .

προσδεχομένῳ ἦν —this idiom is found also with γίγνομαι. The same in Lat. with volenti esse, and once with other words, viz. Tac. An. I. 59 ut quibusque bellum invitis aut cupientibus erat.

καὶ ἀλογώτερα —‘even more incomprehensible’ than it was unexpected. The antithesis clearly implies οὐ προσδεχομἐνοις ἦν. (These words are explained in various ways: (1) ‘even more incomprehensible than the defection of the Rhegians,’ Stahl, Jowett; (2) ‘even more unexpected than it was expected by Nicias,’ Fr. Muller, etc.; (3) ‘upset their calculations all the more because they had believed the reports of the envoys,’ Classen; (4) ‘somewhat disconcerting,’ Hertland, Journ. Philol. XXIV.) Stein reads άπορώτερα .

τότε ὅτε —both this and τότε ὅταν are fairly frequent.

οἱ πρῶτοι π —c. 6, 3; 8, 1.

ἔς τε —answered by καὶ ἰδίᾳ.

τὸ ἐν Ἔρυκι —founded, according to legend, by Aeneas. Aen. V. 759 .

ὄντα ἀργυρᾶ —Grote and Freeman understand ‘silver-gilt,’ but this can hardly be right, unless ἐπάργυρα ‘overlaid with silver,’ or ὑπάργυρα ‘silver overlaid with gold,’ be read. With άργυρᾶ the sense must be that, being silver, the number was imposing, though the value was comparatively small.

αἰτησάμενοι —‘borrowing.’ Lys. 24 § 12 after ἀλλοτρίοις ἵπποις χρῆσθαι speaks of οἱ ᾐτημένοι ἵπποι.

παρεῖχε —sc. αὐτά, the spectacle, the gen. abs. being used in conjunction with πάντων . . χρωμένων, though strictly πολλὰ φαινόμενα is required. The substitution of the gen. abs. for a dat. is not very rare, but the substitution for a nom. is unusual; cf. VII. 48 , 2 χρημάτων άπορίᾳ ἐκτρυχώσειν, ἄλλως τε καὶ . . θαλασσοκρατούντων (for ‐ες). Livy XX III. 24 pontem fluminis petentes, obsesso ante ab hostibus ponte.

αἰτίαν εἶχον ὑπό —see c. 14, 1 n.

Νικίου . γνώμη —(1) to reconcile Selinus and Segesta, (2) then to sail round the coast—but to risk nothing.

ἐφ) ὅπερ —‘for which object.’ Thuc. often uses the neut. thus in a parenthesis.

μάλιστα —the primary object, at least nominally. In VII. 11 Nicias says Συρακοσίονς ἐφ) οὒς ἐπέμφθημεν . ἠτήσαντο—Ἐγεσταῖοι. See c. 8, 1.

δἰ ὀλίγου —of time; c. 11, 4.

τῇ πόλει —with κινδυνεύειν, which depends on ἦν γνώμη.

Ἀλκιβιάδης —(1) to form alliances with the Siceliots and Sieels, and encourage the subjects of Syracuse to revolt; (2) then attack Syracuse and Selmus, unless they complied with the demands made of them.

ἔχωσι —‘obtain’ from them. See crit. note. ?σχῶσι.

Μεσσηνίους —c. 4, 6.

πόρῳ ‘passage,’

προσβολῇ ‘approach.’

ἐφόρμησιν —a point from which to watch the enemy.

κατοικίζειν —subject ‘the Athenians.’ Observe that the plan of Alcibiades would afford him great opportunities for the employment of diplomacy, in which he excelled.

Λάμαχος —it is generally agreed that his advice ought to have been followed: (1) to attack Syracuse at once, (2) to make the site of Hyblaean Megara their head-quarters.

ἄντικρυς —with πλεῖν. 2

πρὸς τῇ πόλει —‘to fight the battle under the walls of the city.’

ἢν δὲ χρονίσῃ —‘if it delay before making itself seen, men gradually recover their spirit, and when they actually see it, are inclined to despise it.’

τῇ ὄψει is dat. of circumstance.

σφεῖς —that σφᾶς (see crit. note) is equally correct is certain: when a plur. subj. of infin. includes the subj. of the main verb, whether in whole or part, it is put either in nom. or accus. at will. But πλεῖστοι below makes σφᾶς mtolerable.

εἰκὸς δὲ εἶναι —‘Many, not fully believing that the Athenians were coming, would not yet have sought shelter in the city. They would be made prisoners in the open country, and their property would be useful’ (Freeman). Stahl makes ε·σκομιζομένων αὐτῶν apply to the Syr. in general, placing εἰκὸς . . ἥζειν in parenthesis, but the difficulty is imaginary.

ἢν πρὸς κτλ —this is the plan for the army: they would win a victory under the walls, and then take up a strong position there. The superfluous men with the ships would seek the nearest convenient harbour, and Megara would be a better site than Alcibiades's Messene for this ἐφόρμησις .

Μέγαρα —see c. 4, 2. On Lamachus see Intr. p. xiv.

διαπλεύσας —from Rhegium.

ἂν οὐ —unusual order.

πασῶν —the fleet had previously been in three divisions, c. 42, 1.

δεξαμένων —thus they gained their first ally.

Τηρίαν —north of Leontini.

τὸν μέγαν λιμένα —it contained docks, probably built by Gelon.

ἀπιέναι —for the change from ὅτι to infin., where the infin. contains an exhortation, cf. Andoc. 1, 41 εἰπεῖν ὴμᾶς ὅτι δεδογμένον εἴη . . ἕνα αὐτὸν ἡμῶν εἷναι, ‘he was to be one of us.’ Thuc. IV. 50 πέμψαι = mitterent. This use of the infin. is also common in O.R. in the terms of laws, prayers, and the like, the subject being accus.: this must be distinguished from the rare use of the infin. as imper. with nom. subject, as in v. 9 σὺ . . ἐπεκθεῖν. It must probably be admitted that this infin. with accus. depends in O.R. and O.O. alike on the general idea of an order, or agreement, or prayer, and is identical with the infin. after λέγω in the sense of ‘order’; cf. II. 2 ἀνεῖπεν ὀ κῆρυξ . . τίθεσθαι. But with the nom the infin. is independent, as in our own use on notices. άπιέναι here is clearly connected with κηρῦξαι, as ἐπεὶ ἐκηρύχθη shows.

τοὺς λιμένας —the Great, the Little, and Trogilus.

πολεμητέα —the construction with the plur. verbal is ‘essentially Ionic and poetical’ (C. F. Smith). It occurs several times in Thuc., but seldom in other Attic prose.

πρὸς τὴν ἐ. τετραμμένων —‘had their attention oc cupied with’; τρέπεσθαι πρός of persons is ‘to concentrate one's attention on,’ or ‘to appeal to the help of,’ ‘resort to.’ The aor. is ἐτραπόμην, ἐτρεψάμην being trans.

ἐνῳκοδομημένην κακῶς —sc. τῷτείχει: ‘not built firmly into the wall.’ The meaning is explained by Eur. Phoen. 114 ἆρα πύλαι, κλῄθροις χαλκόδετ’ ἔμβολα, λαινέοισιν Ἀμφίονος ὀργάνοις τείχεος ἥρμοσται ;— i.e., according to Bernadakis, ‘are the gates, the brass-bound barriers ( ἔμβολα) in the gate-ways ( κλῄθροις), fitted firm in the holes ( ὀργάνοις) in the stone of Amphion's wall?’ so that ὄργανα are the dowels into which the bar ( μόχλος) was fitted. Now in the present case the ὄργανα were so worn, or badly made, that though the bar was across the gate and was fastened, it could be removed without the key ( βαλανάγρα).

ἠγόραζον = ἐν άγορᾷ διέτριβον (Schol.), ‘to learn what was going on’ (Arnold), just as at Athens it was customary to loiter there, especially before and after a meeting of the Ecclesia. The people coming from the Ecclesia would find the army in the Agora.

οὐ πολλοί τινες —c. 1, 1 n.

καὶ ὅτι —instead of καὶ ἐκ Συρακουσῶν ὁ)τι.

αὖθις —as before from Catana to Syr., so now from Syr. to Camarina.

σχόντες —Livy's tenere.

αἰγιαλός is Ionic.

τὰ ὅρκια —probably the reference is to the treaty of Gela arranged by Hermocrates in 424. Camarina became an ally of Syracuse.

μιᾷ νηί —so that there could be no possibility of hostile action.

κατά τι —some point in Syr. land.

ἱππέων —the difficulty that Nicias had expected.

τὴν Σαλαμινίαν —one of the two state ships. Aristoph. Birds 147 refers to this mission: ἀνακύψεται | κλητῇρ’ ἄγουσ’ ἕωθεν ἡ Σαλαμινία. A third state ship, the Delias, is mentioned in inscriptions.

κελεύσοντας — i.e. τοὺς ἐν τῇ νηί .

μετ’ αὐτοὓ —the order clearly implies that Alc. had not even now been accused of mutilating the Hermae.

ζήτησιν —alluding to the ζητηταί: see c. 29. A metic named Teucrus had, after the departure of the armament, given information about both Mysteries and Hermae. He received the reward of 1000 drachmae. Plut. Alc. 20 quotes Phrynichus Com. (Hermes loq.) φυλάξομαι· Τεύκρῳ γὰρ οὐχὶ βούλομαι | μήνυτρα δοῦναι τῷ παλαμναίῳ ξένῳ. After his information the Commissioners judged that the crimes ‘were due to a large number, ἐπὶ δήμου καταλύσει, καὶ χρῆναι ἐπιζητεῖν καὶ μὴ παύσασθαι’ (Andoc. 1, 36).

οὐ δοκιμάζοντες τοὺς μ —the action of the Commissioners encouraged one Dioclides to give false information about the Hermae, saying that he saw a crowd of about 300 on the night, and he denonnced 42 persons, among whom were the orator Andocides and several of his relatives. Dioclides subsequently admitted that he had given false information, and was put to death. Plut. Alc. 20 quotes Phryn. Com. ὦ φίλταθ) Ἑρμῆ, καὶ φυλάσσου μὴ πεσὼν | αὑτὸν παρακρούσῃ καὶ παράσχῃς διαβολὴν | ἑτέρῳ Διοκλείδᾳ βουλομένῳ κακόν τι δρᾶν. About the same time a woman named Agariste and Lydus gave information about the Mysteries, inculpating Alcibiades.

τινά —masc.

ὑπὸ Λακεδαιμονίων —in 510 B.C. under K. Cleomenes. Herod. vi. 123 ; Ath. Pol. c. 19.

τὸ γάρ —the introduction of this episode causes great surprise to modern critics. There are discrepancies in the account of the affair as given here and in the Ath. Pol.: ‘we cannot tell which story is the truer, and the probabilities which may be alleged on either side are not decisive’ (Forbes, Thuc. i.). Thuc. makes reference to the story in I. 20 . We must remember that the matter was of first-rate historical and political interest to the Athenians, and that Thuc. writes for students.

τόλμημα —the conspiracy was in 514, but H. and A. were popularly regarded as heroes who had actually destroyed the tyranny. The famous scholium of Callistratus quoted by Athenaeus ( ἐν μύρτου κλαδὶ τὸ ξίφος φορήσω κτλ.) is earlier than Thuc.

ξυντυχία =‘adventure.’

τελευτήσαντος —527 B C

οἱ πολλοί —as distinguished from students.

ἔσχε —‘received.’ Thuc. does not use

ἀστός sing. 12

μέσος πολίτης —belonging to the middle class, like Solon.

Ἱππάρχου —the Ath. Pol. makes Thessalus, younger brother of Hipparchus, the cause of the dispute.

ὡς ἀπὸ τῆς ὑ. ἀ —‘as best he could with such influence as he had,’ μέσος ὤν.

παρεσκευάζετο προπηλακιῶν —the omission of ὡς with παρασκευάζομαι is very rare except in Thuc., who has it several times. Xen. Hel. IV. 1 , 41 παρεσκευάζετο πορευσόμενος.

τὴν ἄλλην ἀρχήν —‘his rule generally was mild’; he was not tyrant, but, as Ath. Pol. c. 18 says, both he and Hippias ἦσαν κύριοι τῶν πραγμάτων διὰ τὰ άξιώματα .

ἀνεπιφθόνως κατεστήσατο —sc. τὴν ἀρχήν, ‘he maintained it without exciting ill-feeling.’

καὶ ἐπετήδευσαν κτλ —‘and as tyrants they for the longest time displayed virtnous principles and good sense,’ i.e. πολιτικὴ ἀρετή such as Plato speaks of.

εἰκοστήν —Pisistratus had levied a tax of 10 per cent on produce: Ath. Pol. c. 15 συνέβαινεν αὐτῷ καὶ τὰς προσόδους γίγνεσθαι μείζους ἑργαζομένης τῆς χώρας· ἐπράττετο γὰρ ἀπὸ τῶν γιγνομένων δεκατήν. The tax was thus rednced by his sons.

καλῶς διεκόσμησαν — e.g. they are said to have adorned with columns the spring Callirhoe, and to have set up Hermae. No doubt they continued the building of the Olympieium, begun by Pisistratus; and they greatly added to the importance of the worship of Apollo, Athena, and Dionysus.

διέφερον . . ἔθυον —two of the most important duties of the sovereign: they carried through their wars and attended the temples to offer sacrifice. With the brachylogy ἐς τἀ ἱερά cf. II. 4 ἔκλῃσε στυρακίῳ . . χρησάμενος ἐς τὸν μοχλόν, and II. 49 ἔδρασαν ἐς φρεατα. Aristoph. Plut. 741 ἠφάνισεν αὑτὸν εἰς τὸν νέων.

αὐτή — i.e. without interference from the tyrants.

τοῖς πρὶν κειμένοις —the Solonian constitution. The phrase ὁ ἐπὶ Κρόνου βίος, Golden Age, was applied to the period both of Pisistratus and of Hippias. What Thuc. says of the sons the Ath. Pol. says of the father, and of the sons συνέβη διαδεξαμένων τῶν υἱέων πολλῷ γενέσθαι τραχυτέραν τὴν άρχήν.

ἀρχαῖς —especially the archons. Cf. Aristoph. Wasps 682 ἐν άρχαῖς εἶναι.

Ἀθηναίοις —the dat. is frequent, and does not imply inferiority like the gen. It is official.

τῶν δώδεκα θεῶν βωμόν —this altar stood in the new Agora, as instituted by the Pisistratids, who made the Cerameicus the centre of Athens instead of Cydathenaeon (S. of the Acropolis). The altar marked the completion of their changes (Curtius, Stadtgeschichte von Athen, pp. 79 f.).

τὸν ἐν . . Πυθίου —‘in the precinct of the Pythian Apollo,’ i.e. the Pythium (close to the Olympieium), which was the work of the Pisistratids. As archou, Pisistratus celebrated the Thargelia in honour of Apollo.

νῦν —the inscription was discovered in 1877 near Callirhoe ( C.I.A. IV. 373 ).

ἀμυδροῖς —Classen remarks that the letters are mostly clear enough at the present day. But it is very likely that the inscription was restored later.

ἀκριβέστερον —that this alludes to some tradition in the family of Thuc. is clear, but it is not certain that he was related to the Pisistratids, as stated by Hermippus (3rd cent. B.C.) ap. Marcellin. 3

αὐτῷ τούτῳ —the arguments are: (1) on a certain monument only Hippias's children are mentioned; (2) on the same the name of H. immediately follows that of the father; (3) it is unlikely that if Hipparchus had been tyrant Hippias could have secured the power on the day of the murder. The tyranny would have come to an end. (This evidence does not amount to much, but it scarcely deserves the contempt Junghahn pours on it)

τῶν γνησίων ἀδελφῶν —apparently Hippias, Hipparchus, and Thessalus, also named Hegesistratus ( Ath. Pol. c. 17; cf. Herod. v. 94 ). Thessalus is called νόθος by Herod., because he was son of a ξένη. The Ath. Pol. mentions a fourth son, Iophon (Plut. Cat. m. c. 24, and so the Schol. on Wasps l. 502), but nothing is known of him.

ἡ στήλη —one of the pillars on which were inscribed the names of criminals condemned to death or banishment.

πρεσβεύειν —‘was the eldest next to him and became tyrant.’

αὐτὸς δὲ . . καθίστατο —‘and he had attempted to make himself ruler,’ sc. ἐς τὴν ἀρχήν.

τὸ πρότερον ξύνηθες . . φοβερόν —c. 34, 4: ‘but on the one hand ( καί), partly because the citizens had become accustomed beforehand to fear him, and partly becanse of the strict discipline he had enforced on his body-guard, he retained his power with abundant security, whereas on the other hand he was not at a loss, as he would have been had he been a younger brother so circumstanced that he had not constantly been used to govern.’ πρότερον is adverb, and διὰ τὸ πρότερον ξύνηθες goes both with the μέν and the δέ clause. Cf. II. 44 τὸ δ’ εὐτυχές, οἳ ἃν τῆς εὐπρεπεστάτης λάχωσιν, ὥσπερ οἵδε μὲν νῦν τελευτῆς, ὑμεῖς δὲ λύπης, where the epithet belongs to both nouns.

ἐπικούρους —is specially used of mercenaries and bodyguards. Pisistratus had instituted a body called κορυνηφόροι. Cf. Plat. Rcp. p. 566 τὸ δὴ τυραννικὸν αἴτημα . . αἰτεῖν τὸν δῆμον φύλακάς τινας τοῦ σώματος .

πολλῷ τῷ περιόντι —‘with a superabundance.’

οὐχ . . ἠπόρησεν ἐν ᾧ κτλ —‘was not in difficulties in-asituation-in-which he had not previously grown accustomed to rule.’ The phrase ἐν ᾧ , quo statu, has at times a vague reference to what precedes, and here=‘(in the sitnation of a younger brother) in which.’ Cf. c. 92 n. τό τε φιλόπολι οὐκ ἐν ᾧ ἀδικοῦμαι ἔχω. For ἀπορεῖν ἐν=‘to be in difficulties in circumstances,’ cf. Aeschin. 1, 159 ἀπορεῖν ἐν τῷ λόγῳ. (Most edd. connect ἐν ᾧ ... ὡμιλήκει with οὐχ ὡς ἀδελφὸς νεώτερος ὤν, but then Stein's ὡς < ἄν> would be necessary; and the above explanation is simpler than taking ἐν ᾧ as for ἐν τούτῳ ὅτι or ὅτι ἐν τούτῳ, as some propose.)

τοῦ πάθους τῇ δυστυχίᾳ —‘through his tragic fate.’

ὀνομασθέντα = ὀνομαστὸν γενόμενον (Schol.). The accus. when a dat. ( Ἱππάρχῳ) or gen. precedes is very common, though it is not necessary.

τὸν δ’ οὖν —return to the story.

πείρασιν —for πεῖραν, Thuc. being fond of abstracts in ‐σις.

ἐπαγγείλαντες —subject, Hippias and Hipparchus.

κανοῦν οἴσουσαν —cf. Ath. Pol. c. 18 μέλλουσαν αὐτοῦ τὴν ἀδελφὴν κανηφοροῦν Παναθηναίοις ἐκώλυσεν. The two authorities thus disagree about the occasion of the insult, which in the Ath. Pol is immediately followed by the revenge, whereas in Thuc. there is an interval.

μὴ ἀξίαν —the κανηφόροι were, according to Philochorns ap. Harpocration, αἱ ἐν ἀξιώματι παρθένοι τῶν ἀστῶν καὶ τῶν εὐγενῶν.

Παναθἡναια —Gardner and Jevons, p. 287. ἐν ὅπλοις—ξὺν ὅπλοις is often used in this sense. According to Ath. Pol. this story about the arms is wrong, οὐ γὰρ ἔπεμπον τότε μεθ) ὅπλων, ἀλλ) ὕστερον τοῦτο κατεσκεύασεν ὀ δῆμος .

αὐτούς —Harmodius and A. )(

ἐκείνους ‘their confederates.’

τὰ πρὸς τοὺς δ —accus. of respect.

ἔχοντάς γε —causal.

ἐπῆλθεν —cf. Aeschin. 2, 62 ἐπῄει χρόνος.

ἔξω —outside the gates, i.e. in the (afterwards) outer Cerameicus, outside the Thriasian gate, later Dipylon, or double gateway through which the Sacred Way passed. At a later time the Pompeium, a building in which the things used in the Panathenaic procession were kept, stood just inside the gate. There seems to be no distinction between ‘outer’ and ‘inner’ Cerameicus before the walls of Themistocles were built. Thuc. describes Hippias as marshalling the procession outside; the conspirators rush inside and kill Hipparchus. The Ath. Pol, however, says that Hippias was waiting to receive the procession on the Acropolis. Thuc. in 1, 21 says that Hipparchus was marshalling the procession when he was killed, and with that account the Ath. Pol. agrees. The route of the procession was from the gate through the inner Cerameicus to the temple of Athena Polias.

ἕκαστα —‘the details.’

τῶν ξυνωμοτῶν σφίσι = τῶν ξυνομοσάντων ς.

διαλεγόμενον οἰκείως — Ath. Pol. l.c. φιλανθρὠπως ἐντυγχἁνοντα.

ὥσπερ εἶχον —‘forthwith’: several times in Thuc.; but later Attics use οὕτως Stein reads < τὰ > πάντα ἐκιν.

ὥρμησαν —the proper use of the act. of this word, ‘to rush.’

παρὰ τὸ Λεωκόριον —a verb of motion is not necessary with παρά in this use. It denotes what one sees when one goes past a place. The use is not common, but well established. τὸ Λεωκόριον—ἐν μέσῳ τῷ Κεραμεικῷ (Harpocration). The story was that the three daughters of King Leos were sacrificed to avert famine from Athens. The chapel is connected with the worship of A pollo as god of purification.

ὡς ἄν —sc. προσπέσοιεν.

ἔτυπτον καὶ ἀποκτείνουσιν —the historic pres. is often combined with imperfect. < ἐς > τὸ αὐτίκα Stem.

οὐ ῥᾳδίως διετέθη —a characteristic instance of the manner of Thuc., who never dwells on the details of outrages. In Ath. Pol. the story of Aristogeiton's torture and stabbing by Hippias is given at length. Thuc. says only ‘he was harshly treated.’

τὸ γενόμενον —‘the scene of the act.’

τοὺς π. τοὺς ὁπλίτας — i.e. those in the procession who were armed.

πρότερον ἤ —for πρότερον . . πρίν, a very rare construction, except in Herod., Thuc., and Antiphon.

αἰσθέσθαι —sc. τὸ γενόμενον.

ἀδήλως τῇ ὄψει πλας —‘he assumed an air of mystery with his expression, i.e. let them see that something had occurred, but without giving any hint of its nature. (The Schol.'s explanation ὑποκρινάμενος φαιδρὸς εἶναι, ἤγουν ἀσύγχυτον τὴν ἑαυτοῦ ὄψιν τηρήσας, though generally accepted, appears erroneous. The men thought he would give some reason for the sudden interruption of the preparations.)

πρὸς τὴν ξ —‘with reference to the disaster.’

οἰόμενοί τι ἐρεῖν —the arms were piled when an address was given.

ἡ ἀλόγιστος τόλμα —‘the reckless venture,’ in con trast with the ἀρχὴ τῆς ἐπιβουλῆς which had been carefully planned. With this only goes ἐκ τοῦ παραχρῆμα περιδεοῦς: it was only the reckless venture ‘which arose out of the sudden alarm’ that the conspiracy had been revealed.

χαλεπωτέρα —Herod. and Ath. Pol. agree.

πολλοὺς ἔκτεινε — Ath. Pol. c. 19 διὰ τὸ πολλοὺς ἀνῃ ρηκέναι . . πᾶσιν ἦν ἄπιστος.

πρὸς τὰ ἔξω — i.e. for a safe refuge abroad.

μεταβολῆς —the word is common in the sense of a political change. The gen. abs. goes with ὑπάρχουσαν ‘ready in the event of . .’ For οἱ see Index.

γοῦν —‘at least,’ ‘certainly,’ giving the reason in support of the previous remark.

δύνασθαι —infin. is rare after αἰσθάνομαι. M. T. § 914. The epitaph is ascribed by Aristotle, Rhet. I. 9 to Simonides of Ceos. Ath. Pol. c. 18 says that Hipparchus was an admirer of Simonides.

ὑπὸ Αακ —see c. 53, 3.

Σίγειον —Pisistratus had placed Hegesistratus in charge of it (Herod. v. 94 ).

ὧν —neut.

μιμνῄσκομαι here takes accus. neut., ( ἐκεῖνα) ὅσα: otherwise the relative would be ὅσων, attracted as always in a rel. sentence replacing a noun.

ὡς αὐτῶν κτλ —cf. Andoc. 1, 48 ἐπειδὴ ἐδεδέμεθα πάντες ἐν τῷ αὐτῷ.

ἐφαίνετο —sc. τὸ πρᾶγμα. Andoc. l.c. τὴν πόλιν ἐν κακοῖς οὖσαν τοῖς μεγίστοις καὶ ὑποψίαν εἰς ἀλλήλους ἔχοντας .

εἷς —viz. Andocides. He was persuaded by a cousin named Charmides to give information. See crit. n.

εἴτε . . καὶ τὰ ὄντα . . εἴτε καὶ οὔ —a remark thrown in by Thuc., ‘which may equally well have been true or false.’ The double καί only serves to balance the two phrases.

ἐπ’ άμφότερα —‘both opinions are held conjecturally.’ With

τότε supply εἷχεν: so I. 86 , 2; III. 40 The speech of Andocides de Mysteriis was not delivered till 399 B.C.; and it looks as if the account of Thuc. had been written before that event.

εἰ μὴ καὶ δέδρακεν —‘if he is not really guilty.’ Cf. II. 11 εἰ μὴ καὶ νῦν ὥρμηνται=‘if they have not started already.’ It is generally assumed that καί is out of place; but there is no need for this, since καὶ δέδρακεν is properly contrasted with αὑτὸν ἄδειαν ποιησάμενον σῶσαι, which clearly implies αὑτοῦ κατηγορεῖν.

ἄδειαν ποιησάμενον —‘obtaining for himself a free pardon.’ See c. 27, 2. According to Andocides the ἄδεια was afterwards cancelled in his case.

βεβαιοτέραν κτλ —so Andoc.: τοῖς μὲν οὐδέπω βέβαιος ἦν ἡ σωτηρία . . εἰ μή τις ἐρεῖ Ἀθηναίοις τὰ γενόμενα.

ὁμολογήσαντι —this cannot belong to διὰ δίκης ἑλθεῖν because Andocides was immediately released. Hence strictly either ὁμολογῆσαι or ἐλθόντι is required.

καθ) ἑαυτοῦ —that Andocides did inculpate himself is clear from the speech de Reditu, and is shown by implication even in the de Mysteriis.

κατ’ ἄλλων applies, if Andoc. speaks the truth, to four persons only who had not been included in Teucrus's list.

ὡς ᾤετο —with τὸ σαφές.

δεινὸν ποιούμενοι —imperf. partic.; cf. οὐκ ἀνάσχετον ποιεῖσθαι. δεινὰ ποιεῖν is to declare a thing intolerable)( δ. ποιεῖσθαι to think it so.

κρίσεις ποιήσαντες —this no doubt is a brief statement to imply that the persons informed against generally were tried, excepting the victims of Dioclides. Cf. [Lys.] 6, 23. They were not all tried as the result of Andocides's information. The proceedings were under the νόμος εἰσαγγελτικός, and the trials were before the heliasts

ἐπανεῖπον ἀργύριον —their goods were confiscated, C.I.A. I. 274 ; Hicks n. 55; [Lys.] 6, 18 τοὐς φεύγοντας ζητεῖτε συλλαμβάνειν, ἐπικηρύττοντες τάλαντον ἀργυρίου δώσειν τῷ ἀπαγόντι ἢ ἀποκτείναντι. So Philochorus ap. Schol. on Aristoph. Birds 766.

περιφανῶς —antithesis to ἀδήλως. He means because the panic was allayed. The rewards to informers were then distributed at the Panathenaea.

ἐναγόντων —esp. Androcles and Thessalus, son of Cimon.

μετὰ τοῦ αὐτοῦ λόγου . . δήμῳ —the edd. who retain the text explain καὶ τῆς ξυν. (1) as hendiadys with τοῦ αὐτοῦ λόγου, (2) ‘with the same plan as the conspiracy,’ which supposes an unparalleled attraction of case in τῆς ξυνωμοσίας, (3) καί explanatory, ‘that is to say’; and repeat μετά. It is, however, better to take καὶ τῆς ξυν. ἐπὶ τῷ δήμῳ together= τῶν ξυνωμοτῶν ἑπὶ τῷ δ.: the outrage is done (1) with the same object, viz. the destruction of the constitution, (2) in collusion with the conspirators. The omission of the second μετά is not without parallel, VII. 60 , 4 ἐξ ἀναγκαίου τε καὶ τοιαύτης διανοίας, and c. 37, 2 ἐκ σκηνιδίων καὶ ἀναγκαίας παρασκευῆς, where the two nouns are dissimilar. ἐπί ‘against’ w. dat. is poetical.

καὶ γάρ τις —Andoc. 1, 45 also says that the Boeotians were astir on the frontier. What was feared was a concerted attempt to subvert the democracy by force. The proximity of hostile forces was no doubt due to a wish to know the meaning and extent of the Athenian preparations, and had nothing to do with the outrages.

ἔτυχε . . παρελθοῦσα —‘happened to come.’

πρός —‘with,’ of negotiation.

ἥκειν —often used of coming by appointment. According to Andoc. this scare happened before he gave his information.

τινα μίαν —c. 31, 4.

ἐν Θησείῳ —Andoc. says ἀνακαλέσαντες τοὺς στρατηγοὺς ἀνειπεῖν ἐκέλευσαν (1) τοὺς μὲν ἐν ἄστει οἰκοῦντας ἰέναι εἰς τὴν ἀγορὰν τὰ ὅπλα λαβόντας, (2) τοὺς δ’ ἐν μακρῷ τείχει εἰς τὸ Θησεῖον. The Theseum alluded to by Thuc. contained the relics of Theseus; κεῖται ἐν μέσῃ τῇ πόλει παρὰ τὸ νῦν γυμνάσιον (Plut. Thes. 36), that is, in the Agora near the Gymnasium of Ptolemy, now Stoa of Attalus. But the Theseum alluded to by Andoc. (2) is not this building, but another by the Long Walls. It must therefore be assumed that Andoc. (1) alludes to τὸ Θησεῖον τὸ ἐν πόλει. It is well known that the Theseum of Thuc. was used as a place for mustering in arms. Ath. Pol. c. 14 speaks of Pisistratus ἐξοπλισίαν ἐν τῷ Θησείῳ ποιησάμενος. (The famous building now called the Theseum is now believed not to be a temple of Theseus.)

οἵ τε ξένοι —friends whom he had made during his expedition to the Peloponnese.

ὑπωπτεύθησαν . . ἐπιτίθεσθαι —personal construction: lit. ‘were suspected to be making an attack on.’ This pres. inf. is usually explained as being used for the fut.; but the verb is used in its metaphorical sense, not meaning that the political action was more than begun.

τοὺς ὁμήρους —300 Argives belonging to the oligarchs had been placed by the Athenians under Alcibiades himself in various islauds in 416.

διὰ ταῦτα —because of their supposed connexion with Alcibiades's friends.

περιειστήκει . . ἐς —‘gathered round.’ With the construction ἐς, which is unusual, cf. τρέπειν τὴν ὀργὴν εἴς τινα. The same construction is used in I. 78 .

οὕτω —‘with this intention.’

ὧν πέρι ἄλλων = ἐπὶ τοὺς ἄλλους περὶ ὧν.

θεραπεύοντες —as though εἰρήκεσαν preceded. See II. 53 , 2. For θεραπεύω= ἐπιμέλομαι with inf. cf. VII. 70 ἐθεράπευον . . μὴ λείπεσθαι. τό goes with πρὸς τοὺς ἐν τῇ Σ.· μὴ θορυβεῖν is final: the length of the sentence accounts for

βουλόμενοι instead of a new object to θεραπεύοντες: ‘being anxious not to cause a disturbance among their troops and their enemies in Sicily.’ Before πολεμίους (noun) repeat πρὸς τοὺς ἐν Σικελίᾳ . It is less well, as in Intr. p. xxiv., to take τό with θορυβεῖν. The above trans, is in agreement with Stein.

Μαντινέας —see c. 43, 2.

τὴν ἑαυτοῦ ναῦν —apparently his private property. It does not seem to be a pecuhar circumstance. Plut. Per. 35 τοῦ Περικλέους ἀναβεβηκότος ἐπὶ τὴν ἑαυτοῦ τριήρη.

Θουρίοις —the name of the people, as often, for the name of the place. The town was on the site of Sybaris, and was colonised by the Athenians in 443.

οὐ φανεροί —‘could not be found.’ They hid until the state ship departed.

ἐπὶ διαβολῇ —‘with a prejudice against him,’ ἐπί giving the condition under which he would return.

ἤδη —‘from that time.’

ἐρήμῃ δίκῃ —‘by default.’ The trial had been instituted already before the Salaminia left, by Thessalus.

θάνατον —his goods were confiscated, and the Eumolpidae, in which family the pricsthood of the Mysteries was hereditary, invoked a curse upon him. His goods were confiscated.

ἔπλεον —it was a grave blunder after showing them selves at Syracuse to sail away to Segesta. Nicias now took np his own plan of action, for which see c. 47.

ἐπὶ Σελινοῦντος —they would come first to Segesta; but Stahl wrongly doubts the reading, for places are not uncommonly mentioned in Greek in the reverse order, the ultimate destination being given first: II. 7 , 3; 93, 1. The opening lines of the Bacchae (13 f.) proceed on the same principle.

τὰ διάφορα —‘the points of difference.’ Thuc. says nothing further about this matter.

παραπλέοντες δ’ ἐν ἀριστέρα —‘coasting along S. on the left,’ i e. along the north coast. Usually ἐν ἀριστέρᾳ ( δεξίᾳ) ἔχοντες, or λαβόντες, but Stahl, followed by Classen, notices that the partie. would mean that they were sailing with some other destination in view than the north coast itself.

Ἑλλὰς πόλις —for Ἑλληνίς: for this, and not Ἑλληνική, is Thuc.'s ordinary adj. with πόλις. The form Ἕλλην as an adj. can probably only be used with persons, Ἕλλην πόλεμος in II. 36 being open to doubt. The use of these forms as adj. is poetical and Ionic.

αἱροῦσιν Ὕκκαρα —‘by this time some horsemen from Segesta had come . . It was from them, doubtless, that the A. learned that the people of H. were enemies of Segesta’ (Freeman). Thuc. ‘subjoins πόλισμα Σικανικόν etc., because, from the circumstance of the town heing of Sicanian origin, it might be expected that the Hyccarines should be on friendly terms with Egesta, which was of the same origin, or nearly such’ (Bloomfield). See c. 2, 3.

αὐτοὶ δέ —the army now marches back through the heart of Sicily to Catana. They thus left room in the ships for the prisoners.

αἱ δὲ νῆες —the fleet is for a very short time divided, Nicias going on with part to the harbour of Segesta, while the other part prepares to sail for Catana. Nieias then rejoins the rest of the fleet, and with it παρῆν ἐς τὸ στράτευμα, joins the army at Catana.

περιέπλευσαν —sc. ἐς Κατάνην.

εὐθύς —without waiting for the prisoners to be got on board and for the army to start; possibly also without waiting for the fall of Hyccara. (The narrative is obscure here.)

ἀπέδοσαν —the act. (see crit. note) certainly cannot= ‘sold,’ but must mean ‘gave back’ or ‘paid’ or ‘delivered.’ Grote says it ‘seems to mean that the prisoners were handed over to their fellow-countrymen, the natural persons to negotiate for their release, upon private contract of a definite sum,’ but this does not suit παρῆν ἐς τὸ στράτευμα. Bloomfield thinks ‘exposed for sale’is a possible meaning of the active. The difficulty really comes from the obscurity of the passage that precedes. If Nicias left Hyccara before it fell, and rejoined the main fleet on the way back to Catana, ἀπέδοσαν may mean ‘they delivered the prisoners to Nicias.’ ἐγένοντο ἐξ αὐτῶν is enough to show that they were then sold.

ἐγένοντο —the plur. verb with neut. subject, not persons, appears in all MSS. only in v. 75 Καρνεῖα ἑτυγχανον όντα, v. 26 ἁμαρτήματα ἐγένοντο, and here. In I. 126 ἐπῆλθον Ὀλύμπια CEG read ἐπῆλθεν, and in II. 8 λόγια ἐγένοντο CG read ἐγένετο. ἀπέλυσαν for ἀπέδοσαν Argyriades.

τοὺς τῶν Σικελῶν ξυμμάχους —the gen. here is elearly partitive, and this is the only passage in Thuc. in which the partitive gen. is placed between art. and substantive: in all other passages that resemble this the last word is either a partic or an adj.; cf. cc. 87, 2; 102, 1. In Herod. the same order is found, almost always with adj. or partic.; the order is not found in Attic. (This passage is defended by H. Kleist, N. Jahrb. 143 p. 110, O. Diener de sermone Thuc. p. 77, and by Darpe de verb. ap. Thuc. collocat. p. 25.)

περιέπλευσαν —if this is the right word, the meaning is that the fleet again sailed along the north coast, as Freeman and Holm explain. (It is strange that apparently the whole fleet should go on such a mission. But see Intr. p. xxiii.)

Ὕβλαν —see c. 2, 5. They attempt to take the city by storm.

παρεσκευάζοντο —has a double construction here, as also in VIII. 4 .

ἰόντες —the moods of εἶμι are generally present, except in O.O.

πρός —‘in accordance with,’ ‘as they had at first feared and as they expected.’

κατὰ τὴν ἡ. ἑ —the art. is either inserted or omitted at will. The insertion makes the expression more formal: ‘as each day passed.’ The addition of the partie. is unusual.

πλέοντές τε —answered by καὶ . . ἐλθόντες. See crit. n.

τὰ ἐπ’ ἐκεῖνα —Classen makes this adverbial; others internal accus. to πλέοντες = πλέοντες τὸν ἐπ’ ἐκεῖνα πλοῦν. τὰ ἐπ’ ἐκεῖνα ‘on the far side’)( τὰ ἐπὶ τάδε ‘on the near side.’

πειράσαντες —sc. αὐτῆς, an Ionic use of the act. of πειρῶ in this sense.

κατεφρόνησαν —‘came to despise them,’ ingressive. So θαρσήσας .

ἐκεῖνοι —often used of the enemy.

ἐφύβριζον = μεθ) ὕβρεως ἠρώτων.

εἰ . . ἤ —‘whether . . or,’ and

μᾶλλον =‘by prefcrence.’

σφίσιν =the Syraeusans, who are contrasted with the Leontines. It is possible that Plutarch read ξυνηκήσοντες αυ·τοῖς μᾶλλον, as he has εἰ Καταναίοις συνοικήσοντες ἢ Λεοντίνους κατοικιοῦντες ἥκουσι.

ἄγειν . . ὅτι πλεῖστον —‘draw them as far as possible.’

ἐν τοσούτῳ —‘in the interval gained’: here of a considerable time; in Aristoph. Eq. 420 of a short time. Demosth. 4, 37 ἐν ὅσῳ ταῦτα μέλλεται.

ἐν ἐπιτηδείῳ —‘in some suitable spot.’

καθ) ἡσυχίαν —‘undisturbed,’ as often.

οὐκ ἂν ὁμοίως —Thuc. often nses οὐχ ὁμοίως as a meiosis for an absolute negative.

καθίσαι —see erit. note; sc. τὸ στράτευμα, as with ἐκβιβάζοιεν.

τοὺς γὰρ . . ὄχλον —object of βλάπτειν, τῶν Σ. τοὺς ἱππέας being subject. ὄχλον =camp-followers, turbam castrensem. The ground between Catana and Syraeuse is mostly flat, so that cavalry would have a great opportunity.

οὕτω δέ — i.e. by the method proposed.

ὅθεν —Stahl regards this as an instance of the rare attraction of the adverb,= ἐκεῖθεν ὅπου. Rather ὅθεν= ὅθεν ὸρμώμενοι.

βλάψονται (pass.).

ἄξια —‘will not suffer any considerable injury.’ The neut. plur. is very common with βλάπτω.

πρὸς τῷ Ὀλυμπιείῳ —the temple of Zeus and its precincts south of the city. Two pillars still stand. See plan.

ὅπερ καὶ κατέλαβον —there could not be attraction of the rel. here, as the remark is parenthetic.

Συρακοσίων φυγάδες —political exiles. For the party in Catana favourable to Syracuse see cc. 50, 3; 51, 2.

οὖν —resuming after the parenthesis, as in e.g. VII. 6 , 1. So igitur, sed, autem.

πρὸς ἃ ἐ —‘in order to realise their wish.’

πέμπουσιν —asyndeton after the demonstrative τοιόνδε. VII. 73 , 3 is a very similar instance.

τῇ δοκήσει —‘as they thought.’

καὶ ἠπίσταντο —the relative not repeated. Cf. c. 4, 3 n.

ἀπὸ τῶν ὅπλων —‘“apart from their place of arms, or encampment” . . as at I. 111 . This name was given because it was, as Dr. Arnold observes, the place where the spears and shields were kept piled’ (Bloomfield). ὅπλα is used for one or more camping stations as distinct from the fortifications— τὰ τείχη—whether the stations are inside or outside a town. The word might be applied to such buildings at Athens as the Theseum and the Anaceum (see c. 61, 2 n.).

ἐπὶ τὸ στράτευμα —esp. that part of the army which was not sleeping in the city. This must have been represented as considerable, else it would have been absurd to suggest that they should come πανδημεί. Still the prospect put before Syr. is that of capturing the whole army. The σταύρωμα round the ὅπλα must be on the side of Catana away from the sea, and the ships are represented by the messenger to be drawn up on shore, as would be natural in winter.

αὐτοί —for the case see nn. on cc. 4, 2; 48, 2.

τὸ στράτευμα . . αἱρήσειν —‘would capture the (whole) army,’ including those in the city ( τοὺς παρὰ σφίσι)—for the gates would be shut and the ships would be burnt—‘after attacking the palisade’ that surrounded the camp.

ἡτοιμάσθαι κτλ = ἑτοίμους εἶναι τοὺς ἄνδρας παρ’ ὧν αὐτὸς ἥκει (Schol.).

μετὰ τοῦ —‘with the confidence that they otherwise felt, and the resolve even without this message to attack C., believed the man far more inconsiderately (than they would have done otherwise).’ μετά with infin. is rare: it occurs only in I. 6 , II. 43 , both gen., and here. Demosth. 5, 5 μετὰ τοῦ προσοφλεῖν αἰσχύνην . . ἔγνωτε τὴν τῶν ταῦτα πεισάντων κακίαν.

καὶ αὐτοί —edd. do not agree about αὐτοί: (1) Classen says it is contrasted with the Catanaeans, of whose help they were confident; (2) Stahl says it is contrasted with the allies referred to in the parenthesis. Both explanations are poor. αὐτοί means οἱ στρατηγοὶ τῶν Σ., and in c. 63, 2 we have read ἠξίουν τοὺς στρατηγοὺς . . ἄγειν σφᾶς ἐπὶ Κατάνην. But now, after the message, the generals no longer need to be urged, but of their own accord order the whole force to be ready to march out, being further encouraged thereto by the arrival of allies.

καὶ τῶν ξ —‘some of their allies too.’

ἐπεὶ δὲ ἑτοῖμα αὐτοῖς —this now resumes from c. 63, 1 οἰ Συρακόσιοι παρεσκευάζοντο ὼς ἐπ’ ἐκείνους ἰόντες, all that has intervened being an explanation. 11

αἱ ἡμέραι —‘the time.’ The affair was to occupy more than one day.

Συμαίθῳ —the largest river in Sicily, the Giaretta. Being in Leontine territory, it is in the hands of Syracuse.

Σικελῶν —see c. 62, 5. The Syr. had been utterly ignorant of the A. preparations to attack them.

ἐξέβαινον ἐς —‘landed in the district near the O.,’ the temple remaining in the hands of Syr.

τὸ στρατόπεδον —the camp referred to in c. 64, 1.

ἀποτρεπόμενοι —imperf. representing the time taken.

αὐτοῖς —the Syr.

καθῖσαν —notice the angment of καθίζω as it is used in old Attic.

ἐς χωρίον ἐπιτήδειον —the position is determined by the description, and recent authorities are in substantial agreement. South of the Anapus lies a plateau, bounded on the west by the marsh round the Cyane, on the east by the harbour. The camp lay on this plateau, SE. of the Olympieium. On one side —the west and north-west—it was covered by the marsh round the Cyane and the trees and buildings that intervened between the camp and the temple, which was held by the Syracusans; north, it was protected by the cliffs running from the temple to the sea.

μάχης ἄρξειν —‘be the first to fight,’ i.e. give battle only when he chose.

ἐν τῷ ἔργῳ —‘during the engagement.’

παρὰ δὲ τό —see c. 45 πρὸς δὲ τούς.

σταύρωμα —a palisade stretching out from the shore into the water.

ἔρυμα —somewhat SE. of the camp.

εὐεφοδώτατον — i.e. open to an attack by sea and land.

λίθοις λογάδην = ἐπιλελεγμένοις λίθοις (Schol.): the adv. does not occur in other Attic writers, and the adj. λογάδες for prose only in Herod., Thuc., and in late writers, Thuc. has a way of placing an adv. next a noun so that it belongs to it rather than to the verb, as in VII. 7 ὅπως στρατιὰ ἔτι περαιωθῇ, ‘remforcements.’ The same occurs in Tacitus and in Lat. poetry.

γέφυραν —the Helorine road crossed the Anapus ( Alfeo) by this bridge.

παρασκευαζόμενων —sc. αὐτῶν, the subject often being omitted when it can easily be supplied in the gen. abs. The same occurs in Tac. in the abl. abs. frequently.

ἔπειτα δὲ ὕστερον —frequently used together. So μετὰ ταῦθ) ὔστερον several times in Demosth.

διαβάντες —‘that is, they withdrew into the precinet of the temple, or at least into its immediate neighbourhood’ (Freeman). The Syr. must have previously erossed the road to get at the A.

ὡς ἐς μάχην —the site of the following battle was somewhere S. of the Anapus and E. of the Helorine road.

τὸ μὲν ἥμισν —half the army is in front, eight deep, half behind, covering the camp, in a hollow square, the baggage being inside the square. The A. face E., the Syr. W.

πονῇ —the word is used also of disabled ships.

ἐφορῶντας —‘watching.’

τῶν ἐπιτάκτων —cf. § 2.

εὐναί =‘sleeping-places.’

ἐποιήσαντο —the usual phrase is ἐντὸς ποιεῖσθαι, but ἐντὸς ποιεῖν ( τάξιν) is also found, used of the general.

ἐφ) ἑκκαίδεκα —sixteen deep.

μάλιστα —prob. a numeral has fallen out after this word.

ἐπὶ τῷ δεξιῷ —because here the ground was smooth, being on the platean. Nicias had no force to oppose to the eavalry.

προτέροις ἐπιχειρἡσειν = ἄρξειν τῆς μάχης.

ἐπιπαριών —‘passing along the lines.’ ἕκαστα is direct obj. to this, while κατὰ ἔθνη and ξύμπασι are objects to παρεκελεύετο.

οἵ —‘seeing that we.’

ἐπὶ τὸν αὐτόν —contrasted with πολλῇ παραινέσεἰ. The same remarks will do for all, and they need not be long.

καλῶς λεχθέντες —‘plausible,’ not without a side reference to the Sicilian rhetoric. It is the habit of Thuc. to represent a general as answering the arguments of the enemy's leader, as though they were contending in an assembly.

πανδημεί —whereas the A are chosen καταλόγοις χρηστοῖς (c. 31, 3). πανδημεί is the contrary of ἐκ καταλόγου.

ὥσπερ καὶ ἡμᾶς —attraction with ὥσπερ, as in I. 69 , etc Cf. the attraction of οἷος as in VII. 21 πρὸς ἄνδρας τολμηροὺς οἵους καὶ Ἁθηναίους.

ὑπερφρονοῦσι . . ὑπομενοῦσι —paronomasia. ὑπομένειν is the regular word of soldiers who stand their ground.

διὰ τό . . —‘because they have less knowledge than courage.’ Their ἐπιστήμη is small because they are not pieked men.

παραστήτω δέ τινι —‘one should remember too that we are far from our own home and in the neighbourhood of no friendly country, unless indeed you mean to gain one by the sword.’ Stein thinks

οὐδεμιᾷ φ = πάσῃ ἀλλοτρίᾳ.

καί —‘in fact.’

τοὐναντίον . . ἤ —Herod. IX. 56 ἤισαν τὰ ἔμπαλιν ἢ Λακεδαιμόνιοι: Thuc. VII. 80 ἀπάγειν . . τοὐναντίον ἢ οἱ Συρακόσιοι ἐτήρουν.

ὑπομιμνῄσκω —‘suggest’: ‘I offer you a suggestion which is the reverse of the encouragement that the enemy are without doubt offering to one another.’

οἱ μὲν γάρ —sc. παρακελεύονται. ἐλὼ δέ—sc. ὑπομιμνῄσκω ὅτι ἔσται ὀ ἀγὡν.

οὐκ ἐν πατρίδι = ἐν γῇ οὐ πατρίδι οὔσῃ. This order of the neg. is common with prepositions. ἐξ ἧς κρατεῖν δεῖ ἢ μὴ ῥ. ἀποχωρεῖν—ἐξ ἦς really depends on ἀποχωρεῖν, ‘from which it is difficult to retreat unless we win.’ Cf. II. 88 αἰεὶ αὐτοῖς ἔλεγε ( καὶ προπαρεσκεύαζε τὰς γνώμας) ὡς οὐδὲν αὐτοῖς πλῆθος ἃν ἐπιπλέοι. Livy 21, 18 nostra haec quaestio (atque animadversio) in civem nostrum est, nostra an suo fecerit arbitrio.

πολλοί —sc. ὄντες.

ἀξίας = ἀξιώματος .

προθύμως . . καὶ ἡγησάμενοι —the partic. and adv. are combined, as elsewhere.

τὴν παροῦσαν ἀνάγκην — i.e. the obligation to win; whereas ἀπορίαν is ‘the dilemma’—victory or a difficult retreat.

στρατόπεδον —often used for an army stationed in a permanent camp.

ἀπροσδόκητοι —active: ‘were not at this moment expecting an immediate engagement.’

ἀπεληλύθεσαν —sc. ἐς τὴν πόλιν.

οἱ δέ —‘others,’ who were returning from Cataua (c. 65, 3), or coming from Syracuse. There was no time to form up regularly.

ἐς ὅσον . . ἀντέχοι —iterative opt., referring to several battles ( οὔτ’ ἐν ταὐτῃ οὕτ’ ἐν ταῖς ἅλλαις).

τῷ δὲ ἐλλείποντι αὐτῆς —‘owing to its short-comings they unwillingly abandoned their inteutions as well.’

ὅμως δέ —answering ἀπροσδόκητοι μἐν. οὐκ ἂν οἰόμενοι . . ἀμύνασθαι is concessive, the ἄν belonging both to ἐπελθεῖν and ἀμύνασθαι: ‘though they did not think that the A. would make an attack on them and that they would suddenly be forced to defend themselves.’ (According to this version οἰόμενοι ἂν ἀμύνασθαι ἀναγκαζόμενοι is the construction. The edd. make ἀναγκαζόμενοι govern ἀμύνασθαι, and Stahl, seeing that by that construction ἀναγκαζόμενοι ἀμύνασθαι ought to be causal, not concessive, is reduced to bracketing οὐκ ἂν οἰόμενοι . . καί as spurious.)

ἀναγκαζόμενοι —‘by compulsion.’ They had thought to choose their own time

οἱ λιθοβόλοι —Wasse and Bloomfield quote several passages to show that these men threw stones and are therefore distinct from slingers.

οἷα —sc. ποιεῖν. Cf. II. 54 οἷα εἰκὸς ἀνεμνήσθησαν, and ὡς εἰκός .

ἐποίουν τροπάς —‘put one another to flight.’ ποιεῖν τροπήν is to ‘cause a flight’ where the enemy returns to fight; ποιεῖσθαι τ. is ‘to defeat’ outright.

μάντεις —some are known to have gone with the A. to Sicily.

ὀτρύνω and its cmpds. are Ionic.

τῆς ἰδίας —governed by περί, and applying to σωτηρίας and ἐλευθερίας. See II. 44 , quoted on c. 55, 3.

τὸ μὲν αὐτίκα, τὸ δὲ μέλλον —‘present . . future.’ With τὸ μέλλον cf. τὸ ἀρχαῖον, τὸ παλαιόν, τὸ λοιπόν.

περί τε τῆς ἀλλοτρίας —sc. μαχούμενοι, on which also depends σχεῖν, the addition being due to the contrast with τὴν οἰκείαν μὴ βλάψαι. Cf. I. 50 πρὸς τοὺς ἀνθρώπους ἐτράποντο φονεύειν μᾶλλον ἢ ζωγρεῖν.

οἱ αὐτόνομοι —see c. 68, 2. The force of the distinction between the independent and dependent allies is this: for the former love of country was a principal object; for the latter the chief object was safety at the moment, and it might be that by a victory their country would become more worth living in.

ἀνελπίστου = ἣ ἀνέλπιστος ἦν.

ἔπειτα δέ κτλ —‘and a secondary motive was the possibility that by helping to subdue others they might find their subjeetion to Athens ( αὐτοῖς) less oppressive.’

ἄλλο τι is object to ξυγκαταστρεψάμενον, to which supply τὸ ὑπήκοον. The return to the neut. sing. is influenced by τι ἄλλο, which stands for τινας ἄλλους.

γενομένης ἐν χερσί —so ἐν χερσὶ γενόμενοι. In Lat. too both ad manus veniunt and ad manus pugna venit are found.

τοῖς μἐν — dat. incommodi.

καὶ τοῦτο —as well as their inexperience. ξυνεπιλαβέσθαι—αἴτιον φόβου γενέσθαι (Schol.).

καὶ ὥρα ἔτους —‘merely the result of the season,’ which was late in the autumn. ὥρα ἔτους may refer to any season, but is most often used of the hot season.

τοὺς δὲ ἀνθεστῶτας —‘the circumstance that the enemy did not give way.’ Cf. c. 46, 2.

τὸ κατὰ σφᾶς αὐτούς —viz. τὸ μέσον, c. 67, 1. For the κατά cf. Demosth. 57, 2 πρὸς τὴν κατ’ ἐκείνων αἰτίαν, οὐ πρὸς τὸ καθ) αὑτὸν ἕκαστος ἀγωνιζόμεθα.

ὅσον ἀσφαλῶς εἶχε —with ἐπακολουθήσαντες. πάλιν =back to their lines.

ὡς ἐκ τῶν π —‘as well as they could.’

ὅμως —‘though defeated.’

σφῶν αὐτῶν . . τῶν χρημάτων —partitive gen.

τὸ ἱερόν —Plutarch says that the A. army was anxious to seize the spoils of the temple, and that Nieias prevented the sacrilege, and purposely permitted the Syr. to occupy the Olympieum.

ξυγκομίσαντες —to burn them. νεκροὺς συγκομίζειν is the regular phrase for preparing the dead.

ἐπὶ πυρὰν ἐπιθέντες —it was the custom to burn the bodies on the field of battle, then to collect the bones and send them to Athens to be buried in the outer Cerameicus. In the case of Marathon, however, the bones were buried on the field of battle, this being regarded as a special honour. It is noticeable that Thuc. in describing this first battle of the expedition puts down the occurrences—such as the preliminary sacrifices and the details of burial—that are a part of all battles.

αὐτοῦ —on the battle-field.

ἀπέπλευσαν ἐς Κατάνην —a strange thing to do after gaining a victory. Nicias surely ought to have attacked Syracuse: for this purpose cavalry would not have been needed.

αὐτόθεν ποιεῖσθαι — i.e. from the position which they now occupied. But it is strange that they did not discover all this before taking up the position.

ἱππέας τε . . καὶ χρήματα δέ —here τε is answered by δέ, for καί strictly=‘as well.’ τε . . δέ is quite common, esp. in tragedy. καὶ . . δέ occurs several times in Thuc. Notice the chiasnius in ἐκ τῶν Ἀθηνῶν . . ἐκ τῶν αὐτόθεν . . αὐτόθεν . . καὶ παρ’ Ἀθηναίων. Chiasmus is very common in Thuc.

μεταπέμψωσιν —the act. means to summon to one's aid. Cf. c. 52, 1.

χρήματα —serves as object of one verb and subject of another.

καὶ σῖτον — explanation of τὰ ἄλλα, so that καί = ‘both.’

ἐς τὸ ἔαρ —expressing the time in the fnt. when the thing is to occur. Frequent in Aristophanes.

ἐς τὴν Νάξον καὶ Κατάνην —the order is the same as in c. 61, 2, the more remote place being mentioned first. For the stay of the fleet at Naxos see c. 74, 1. Thuc. here gives in summary the action of the A. during the rest of the winter before passing to the action of the Syr. during the same time.

ἐποίουν —‘called,’ of the authorities.

ἀνὴρ κτλ —as this is the third interposition of Hermocrates ( IV. 58 and VI. 32 ), it is rather strange to find him lishered in with this eulogy; but Thuc. means to mark the increase of his reputation κατὰ τὸν πόλεμον.

ξύνεσιν —the dat. is commoner.

ἐμπειρίᾳ — i.e. the experience he had gained in previous wars was of service to him in this war.

κατὰ τὸν πόλεμον is not general, but refers to this particular war.

οὐκ εἴα —‘urged them not to take the result seriously.’

γνώμην —‘spirit,’ virtus.

εἶναι —attraction of rel. sentenee in O.O.; cf. c. 24, 3. See crit. note.

χειροτέχναις —sc. μάχης, the contrast being between skilled and unskilled workmen—veterans chosen καταλόγοις χρηστοῖς and new levies.

μέγα δὲ βλάψαι καὶ τῶν ς. τὴν π —‘they were greatly hampered too by the number of generals in command . . . and the disorganised confusion of the rank and file.’

παρασκευάσωσι κτλ —‘improve the hoplites, by providing arms for those who had none ( i.e. because they were too poor to huy them) . . and by enforcing a thorough system of training.’

ἄλλῃ means the other details besides the use of arms.

εὐταξίας δέ —‘and since they would acquire discipline in action’

προσγενομένης is equivalent to a fut. perf.

ἀμφότερα — i.e. τὴν ἀνδρίαν (= εὐψυχίαν) καὶ τὴν εὐταξίαν.

αὐτά —‘naturally,’ ‘automatically,’ since ‘by association with danger their discipline would be called into practice, and their courage would be bolder than ever by association with the confidence that knowledge gives.’ Cf. II. 40 τὸ πιστὸν τῆς έλευθερίας. In

ἔσεσθαι there is an anacoluthon, ἐσομένην being strictly required to match μελετωμένην. Cf. c. 35, 1.

ὀμόσαι αὐτοῖς —the whole people were to take this oath. It was not to be confined to the troops

ἀπροφασίστως —‘with resolution,’ without having to offer reasons for their conduct.

καί —‘accordingly.’

τούτους τρεῖς —‘only these three.’

ξυμμαχία = ξύμμαχοι.

τὸν πόλεμον βεβαιότερον π —‘give to the war a more decided and open character.’

ἀπαγάγωσιν —sc. οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι.

ὠφελίαν ἄλλην —‘reinforcements.’

ἐπιπέμπειν is contrasted with μεταπέμπειν in VII. 15 .

ἃ μὲν ἐπράσσετο —‘the design failed, because Alc. . . knowing that he would be banished, gave information about the plot, of which he had knowledge.’

τούς τε ἄνδρας — i.e. τοὺς μηνυθέντας .

πρότερον —before the Athentans arrived.

ἐπεκράτουν —the subject is suddenly narrowed down from the Messenians at large ( οἱ δέ) to the party favourable to Syr. ( οἱ ταῦτα βουλόμενοι).

περί —as in I. 117 ἡμέρας περὶ τεσσάρας καὶ δέκα. But this use of περί to denote the appioximate period is not common. It does not occur in the orators, nor in Aristoph.

προυχώρει —a favourite word with Thue. for ‘to succeed.’

ὅρια καί —on the MSS. Θρᾳκας see crit. note. ὅρια are, according to Stahl, protected places for the storage of arms and baggage. Hesych. explains ὅρια as τείχισμα, φραγμός. Others understand ὅρια as ‘docks,’ νεώρια.

τὸν Τεμενἰτην —(1) the wall was built so as to en close the T., or precinct of Apollo's temple, which was part of the Neapolis; (2) it was πρὸς τῇ πόλει, adjoining the city wall; (3) it was παρὰ πᾶν τὸ πρὸς τὰς Ἐπιπολὰς ὁρῶν, ‘running all along the ground that looks towards Epipolae.’ This is not clear; but it implies ( a) a wall of considerable length, ( b) a wall that did not project far to the west. 3

ἐντὸς ποιησάμενοι —‘taking into it.’

δῑ ἐλάσσονος —‘that the shorter distance (at which the A. would otherwise be able to build) might not render it easy to invest them in case of a defeat’; i.e. the object of the new outwork was to increase the length of wall that the A. would have to build if they attempted to invest Syr. With δῑ ἐλάσσονος ‘at a less distance’ cf. διὰ πολλοῦ, δῑ ὀλίγου, διὰ τοσούτου. It was esp. from the cliff to the harbour that the distance was increased; and from c. 103, 1 it appears that the A. had to cover a distance of some eight stadia in this direction.

τὰ Μέγαρα φρούριον —‘as an ontpost,’ sc. ἐτείχιζον. Cf. II. 32 ἐτειχίσθη Ἀταλάντη φρούριον. Megara was before deserted; see c. 49, 4 and c. 4, 1 n. It now becomes a northern outpost of Syr.: Poppo explains that the object was to prevent the A. from making Megara a naval station.

ἐν τῷ Ὀ .—see c. 70, 4. The palisades were not constructed at Leon and Thapsus (c. 97, 1), and so must have been chiefly for the great harbour (Poppo).

τὴν ἐπὶ Λάχητος —sec c. 1, 1 n., and cf. c. 6, 1. From c. 52, 1 it appears that Camarina held that this treaty had been superseded by the treaty of Gela in 424 B.C., and in c. 67, 2 we hear of Camarina sending some slight help to Syr. But now Camarina acts with caution. The treaty of 424 was only σπονδαί ( IV. 65 ), a cessation of hostilities, whereas the treaty of 427 between Cam. and Athens was ξυμμαχία. In 422 Cam. had sided with Athens. In c. 78, 4 Hermocrates exaggerates the importance of the σπονδαί of 424 in the words μὴ μαλακῶς ὥσπερ νῦν ξυμμαχεῖν: and in c. 79, 1 he mmimises the importance of the ξυμμαχία of 427 by treating it as an ἐπιμαχία, or defensive alliance—which it was not. The resnlt of the debate that follows is that Cam. remains nentral. She joined Syr. in 413 ( VII. 33 ).

πέμψαι ἂ ἔπεμψαν —expressive of blame or contempt; cf. Herod. II. 49 ποιεῦσι τὰ ποιεῦσι. μὴ οὐκέτι β.—ὕποπτοι has the construction of a verb of fearing, as also have ὑποτοπῆσαι, ὑποπτεύειν, ὑπόνοια .

προσχωρῶσι —sc. μή. κατά = ‘owing to.’

προδιαβάλλειν —‘prejudice them against the A.’

τὴν π. δύναμιν —obj. of δείσαντες, while αὐτήν is obj. of καταπλαγῆτε.

καταπλαγῆτε — i.e. that fear may induce Camarina to join the A.

τοὺς . . λόγους —depends on δείσαντες. μέλλοντας is contrasted with παροῦσαν, λόγους with δύναμιν. ‘We sent out our cmbassy, not from a fear that . . but from a fear that the words that they intended to address to you before you could hear what we have to say, might persuade you.’ Notice that πρίν τι . . ἀκοῦσαι precedes μή, and consequently belongs to τοὺς μέλλοντας, not to πείσωσιν.

ᾗ πυνθάνεσθε —sc. ἥκειν: but ἥν is direct obj. of ὑπονοοῦμεν. (So Classen; Kruger and others explain ᾗ as attracted for ἥν, and ἥν as left unattracted for the sake of variety, but this is scaicely probable.)

κατοικίσαι . . ἐξοικἰσαι —paronomasia, adnominatio; cf. c. 76, 4 ἀξυνετωτέρου, κακοξυνετωτέρου: 79, 2 ἀλόγως . . εὐλόγῳ. It is very common in Thuc. See c. 72, 4.

τὰς μὲν ἐκει = πόλεις —Aegina, Scione, and Melos are especially referred to.

Χαλκιδέων —see c. 3, 3. The Chalcidians of Euboea are said to be ‘enslaved’ because their independence is gone. δουλεία often denotes the opposite of αὐτονομία .

δουλωσαμένους ἔχειν —cf. c. 39, 2 n. There is again an enthymeme here. See on c. 10, 5.

ἰδέᾳ —‘method.’

ἐκεῖνα — i.e. τὰ ἐκεῖ, their possessions in Greece.

ἔσχον , ‘obtamed.’ With

πειρῶνται supply σχεῖν, the infin. or partic. being often omitted with verbs that require the completion: e.g. v. 80 οὐ μέντοι εὐθύς γε ἀπέστη ἀλλὰ διενοεῖτο (sc. ἀποστῆναι) ὅτι καὶ τοὺς Ἀργείους ἑώρα (sc. ἀποστάντας).

ἡγεμόνες γάρ —the likelihood that the view expressed is correct is shown by an example from previous events. This is the argument known as τὸ εἰκός supported by παραδείγματα. There is another instance in c. 79, 1.

ἑκόντων τῶν τε Ἰώνων —cf. I. 95 ἐν τῇδε τῇ ἡγεμονίᾳ ἤδη βιαίου ὄντος (sc. Pausanias) . . οὐχ ἤκιστα οἱ Ἴωνες . . φοιτῶντες πρὸς τοὺς Ἀθηναίους ἠξίουν αὐτοὺς ἡγεμόνας σφῶν γενέσθαι. Herod. VIII. 3 ἀπείλοντο τὴν ἡγεμονἰαν τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους. Ath. Pol. c. 23 ἐπὶ τὴν ἀπόστασιν τὴν τῶν Ἰώνων ἀπὸ τῆς τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων συμμαχίας Ἀριστείδης ἦν ὁ προτρέψας. This was in 478-477 B.C. ἀπὸ σφῶν—τῶν Ἀθηναίων, i.e. ὅσοι ἄποικοι αὐτῶν ἦσαν (Schol.). Poppo quotes I. 12 Ἴωνας Ἀθηναῖοι καὶ νησιωτῶν τοὺς πολλοὺς ᾤκισαν (Ionia and the Cyclades).

ὡς ἐπὶ τοῦ Μ. τιμωρίᾳ —this was the primary object of the new confederacy.

τοὺς μέν —depends on κατεστρέψαντο. λιποστρατίαν is obj. to ἐπενεγκόντες. Plut. Cim. c. 11 of the allies, ἄνδρας καὶ ναῦς ὡς ἐτάχθησαν οὐ παρεῖχον .

ἐπ) ἀλλήλους στρατεύειν —sc. ἐπενεγκόντες: others were charged with making war on one another. This occurred in the case of Samos and Miletus ( I. 115 ).

τοῖς δέ —governed by ἐπενεγκόντες, in accordance with custom where a common object of a partic. and verb is near the partic. Cf. c. 77, 2.

εἶχον —sc. ἐπενεγκεῖν. Cf. I. 99 αἰτίαι ἄλλαι τε ἦσαν τῶν ἀποστάσεων καὶ μέγισται αἱ τῶν φόρων καὶ νεῶν ἔκδειαι .

κατεστρέψαντο —cf. Ath. Pol. c. 24 λαβόντες τὴν ἀρχὴν τοῖς συμμάχοις δεσποτικωτέρως ἐχρῶντο.

καὶ οὐ περὶ κτλ — ‘so, it seems ( ἄρα ironical), Athens was not contending for the freedom of Greece nor Greece for her own when they resisted the Persians: Athens resisted them in order to substitute dependence on herself for dependence on them; Greece resisted to secure a change to a new master, who had not less sense, but made a worse use of his cleverness’; i.e., as Freeman says, ‘the other Gks. had simply exchanged the Mede for a master of greater understand ing, but of understanding used only for mischief,’ as they found afterwaids.

οἱ δ’ ἐπί —strictly this should be οἱ δὲ δ. μεταβολῆς, still depending on περὶ δέ.

δεσπότου μ .—cf. c. 18, 7 n. The artificiality of this passage is censured by Dion. Hal.

ἔχοντες παραδείγματα —the ‘examples’ are of two kinds: there aie (1) the experience of the subjects of Athens; (2) the repetition of the deception. Both of these demonstrate the folly of not combining. Hence τῶν τε ἐκεῖ Ἑ. is answered by καὶ . . σοφίσματα, in apposition to παραδείγματα. Then κατοικίσεις and ἐπικουρίας are the explanation of σοφίσματα— ‘tricks such as the restoration of L.,’ etc.

ξυστραφέντες —‘combining’; cf. Demosth. 9, 60 συστραφἐντες ἄνθρωποι πολλοί.

οὐκ Ἴωνες τάδε —‘here are no Iouians.’ τάδε ‘usitatum ubi dicere volunt: haec quae hic vides circum te jacentia’ (Goller). είσίν is constructed to suit the complement.

Ἴωνες . . Ἑλλησπόντιοι . . νησιῶται —three of the districts into which the citics of the Athenian Empire were grouped. Cf. I. 89 οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι καὶ οἱ ἀπὸ Ἰωνίας καὶ Ἑλλης πόντου ξύμμαχοι. For the νησιῶται see c. 76, 3.

αἰεὶ μεταβάλλοντες —‘with occasional changes.’ The middle is usual. So Thuc. has μεταχειρίζειν for μεταχειρίζεσθαι, πειρᾶν = πειρᾶσθαι, προιέναι = προίεσθαι.

δουλοῦνται —‘are dependent upon.’

Δωριῆς —they affected to despise the Ionians.

Σικελίαν —Freeman points out that Sicily is here dealt with as ἤπειρος (cf. on c. 1, 2), and is contrasted with νησιῶται.

ἢ μένομεν —‘what, are we waiting?’ So in colloquial Latin quid ago? is more lively than quid agam?

εἶδος —the ‘method’ that is explained in what follows.

ἡμῶν —depends on τοὺς μέν.

ξυμμάχων ἐλπίδι —‘hy the hope of obtaining allies’— i.e. alliance with the Athenians is the temptation offered.

ἐκπολεμοῦν πρὸς ἀλλήλους —cf. c. 91, 6 τὰ ἐνθάδε χρὴ . . ἐκπολεμοῦν ‘stir up to war.’

τοῖς δὲ κτλ —this depends on λέγοντες, being attracted to the dat. by ἑκάστοις. Hence the sentence = τοῖς δὲ ὡς ἑκάστοις . . λέγοντες δύνανται ( κακουργεῖν ), κακουργεῖν ( αὐτούς), ‘and to injure others in any way they can while using smooth words suited to the case.’ Hermocrates detects three designs on the part of the A.: (1) to sow dissension by reviving the differences that had been suppressed in the treaty of Gela 424 B.C.; (2) to invite the cities to join Athens against the Dorian states; (3) most insidious of all, to speak fair and play foul. Two examples of the last had occurred already: ( a) the entrance into Catana, e. 51; ( b) the false message from Catana to Syracnse, c. 64. For

προσηνές see Index s. v.

καὶοἰόμεθα κτλ —‘and while our countryman at a distance is perishing do we imagine that the danger will not extend to every one of us?’ The distant countryman is Syracuse; the subject of οἰόμεθα still the Siceliots at large (§ 1 ἡμᾶς αὐτούς). προαπολλυμένου is temporal, coincident in time with οἰόμεθα.

οὐ καὶ ἐς αὐτόν τινα —this is the inclusive use of τις often found close to a plur., as in VII. 39 ὅσα τις ἔχει, πάντας ἀναγκάσαι πωλεῖν. For ἥκειν ἐς ‘penetrate to’ cf. II. 48 καὶ ἐς τὴν ἄνω πόλιν ἀφίκετο ( ἡ νόσος), and for the opinion, I. 120 κἂν μέχρι σφῶν τὸ δεινὸν προελθεῖν.

πρὸ δὲ αὐτοῦ κτλ —this stands for μᾶλλον δὲ τὸν πρὸ αὐτοῦ πάσχοντα καθ) αὑτὸν δ., ‘but rather that he who suffers before one confines the trouble to himself,’ i.e. isolates it, prevents it from spreading. For the order, which is due to the emphasis laid on πρὸ αὐτοῦ, cf. II. 7 ἐξ Ἰταλίας τοῖς ἑλομἐνοις for τοῖς ἐξ Ἰ. ἑ.

καὶ εἴ τῳ ἄρα —‘now if by chance it has occurred to any one.’ The sing. is used throughout this section where the plur. would be commoner.

ἑαυτὸν δέ —for the accus. in a contrast where the subject is the same as that of the main verb, cf. Andoc. i. 64 εἶπον αὐτοῖς . . οὐκ ἐμὲ δεινὸν εἶναι, ἀλλὰ μᾶλλον αὐτὸ τὸ ἔργον: ib. 113 ὑπ) αὐτοῖν με φημὶ σεσῶσθαι.

ὑπέρ γε . . περὶ τῆς ἐμῆς —this variation of ὑπέρ and περί is very common.

ἐν ἴσῳ —‘equally’; so ἐν ὀμοίῳ.

τῆς ἑαυτοῦ —sc. περί.

ἐρῆμος —the opposite of ξύμμαχον ἔχων.

τόν τε Ἀθηναῖον κτλ —‘let him reflect too that the A. do not wish to punish Syr. for her hostility so much as to use nic as a pretext in order to confirm her friendship with him.’ Poppo (see crit. note) objected to this rendering on the ground that there is nothing in the design τὴν ἐκείνου φιλίαν βεβαιώσασθαι to cause Camarina ( τὸν δεινὸν ἡγούμενον ὑπὲρ τῶν Συρακουσῶν κινδυνεύειν) to suspect Athens. But (1) three courses that are open to Camarina are dealt with here: ( a) alliance with Syracuse ( καὶ τῆς ἑαυτοῦ . . ἀγωνιεῖται); ( b) friendship, i.e. alliance with Athens ( τόν τε Ἀ. . . βούλεσθαι); ( c) neutrality (all of § 2). What ( b) entails, in the speaker's opinion, has been clearly explained in c. 76, 3. (2) Euphemus in reply repeatedly refers to this φιλία and what it entails in the opinion of Athens; c. 83, 4 τὰ ἐνθάδε ἥκομεν μετὰ τῶν φίλων ἀσφαλῶς καταστησόμενοι, c. 84, 3 ( ξύμφοροι) τὰ ἐνθάδε . . οἱ φίλοι . . αὐτονομούμενοι, and c. 85, 1 throughout. (I do not see that there is irony here in φιλίαν, as some edd. say.) τῇ δ’ ἐμῇ προφάσει—τῇ προφάσει τῆς ἐμῆς ἔχθρας.

οὐχ ἧσσον = μᾶλλον.

ἀμφότερα —sc. φθόνον καὶ φόβον which are meant by αὐτά below.

τὰ μείζω —‘greatness.’ The argument is well put by Freeman: ‘It was vain to say that it was the interest of any other cities that Syr. should be, not destioyed, but so far weakened as no longer to be dangerous to her neighbours. That was not the way in which human affails could be managed; none of them conld undertake that Syr. should lose just as much strength as suited him, and no more.’ σωφρονισθῶμεν—ταπεινωθῶμεν (Schol.).

οὐκ ἀνθρωπίνης κτλ —‘his desire is a wish that it is beyond the power of man to realise.’ βούλησιν is internal accus.

οὐ γὰρ οἷόν τε κτλ —‘it is not possible for one and the same man to be at once arbiter of his wishes and of fortune alike’ — i.e., as Bloomfield explains, a man cannot regulate his own wishes and at the same time the event of the actions resulting from those wishes. ‘You may,’ says H., ‘prefer to remain neutral in the hope that we may suffer a moderate blow: but how are you to regulate the sevcrity of the blow? Your design will perhaps be frustrated by τύχη, which crosses the purpose of man.’ With ταμίαν γενέσθαι cf. ταμιεύεσθαι, c. 18, 3.

ὀλοφυρθείς —the rendering of this as middle, ‘having come to sorrow through his own troubles’ (Schol.), is open to the objection that the middle form is used elsewhere by Thuc., as by other authors. Henee Classen and Stahl, following Elmsley, render ‘brought into a lamentable condition through his troubles.’ II. 46 has ἁπολοφυράμενοι, VII. 30 ὀλοφυράσθαι. But the form ὠλοφύρθην occurs nowhere else, so that it is impossible to settle the qnestion, and the evidence of the Schol. ἐπὶ ταῖς ἰδίαις συμφοραῖς ὀλοφυρόμενος is all that we have.

τάχ) ἂν ἴσως —cf. c. 10, 4; 34, 2. The tendency to redundancy in the use of adverbs is noticeable both in Gk. and Lat.— e.g. unde domo , πόθεν οἰκόθεν, αὐτοῦ ἐκεῖ. In Lat. comedy it is very common.

καὶ τοῖς ἐμοῖς ἀγαθοῖς — i.e. he may wish that Syr. still had power to defend him in his trouble, may have reason to regret that she has no longer prosperity for him to envy. ‘In τάχ) ἂν ἴσως . . φθονῆς αι we have a refined turn occasionally resorted to by thetoricians, of which the purpose is to set forth the value of anything present by adverting to its absence or loss’ (Bloomfield).

ἀδύνατον δὲ κτλ —sc. τοῖς ἐμοῖς ἀγαθοῖς αὖθις φθονῆσαι. The speaker employs the argnment from τὸ δύνατον: cf. Intr. p. xlviii. and Index under fines. ‘That is impossible if he abandons us and refuses to take his share of the common dangers, in which are involved not allegations but realities.’

οὐ περὶ τῶν ὀνομάτων . . ἔργων —this depends on κινδύνους, and κίνδυνος περὶ τῶν ὀνομάτων = a danger in which are concerned the phrases (that will be used); as we say ‘to fight for a name.’ The ὀνόματα which they would not be fighting for, but which would naturally be used, are instanced in ἡ τῶν Συρακουσῶν δύναμις: the ἔργα for which they would be fighting are instanced in ἡ αὑτῶν σωτηρία. Hence the whole = τοὺς αὐτοὺς κινδύνους οὐ περὶ τῆς ἡμετέρας δυνάμεως ἀλλὰ περὶ τῆς ἑαυτῶν σωτηρίας. Cf. II. 42 μὴ περὶ ἴσου ἡμῖν εἶναι τὸν ἀγῶνα. ὑπέρ and ἕνεκα are also used with such words. The use of the plur. ὀνομάτων . . ἔργων is rhetorical, and is a very common device of language, being found even with proper names.

λόγῳ μὲν γὰρ κτλ —this explains οὐ περὶ . . ἔργων.

τὰ δεύτερα κινδυνεύς οντας = τὸν δεύτερον κίνδυνον κ.: cf. c. 57, 3.

αὐτά —‘the facts’; cf. c. 40, 2.

ξυμμαχεῖν —see note on c. 75, 3.

αὐτούς —‘of your own accord.’ In

ἅπερ κτλ the order is φαίνεσθαι παρακελευομένους ταῦτα ἅπερ δεόμενοι ἂν ἐπικαλεῖσθε, ‘you ought to be openly encouraging us, so that we may not give way, exactly as you would have appealed to us and called for our help.’ ταῦτα is obj. of παρακελευομένους, ἅπερ of δεόμενοι.

ἐπεκαλεῖσθε —‘to call to one's aid,’ as often.

ἐκ τοῦ ὁμοἰου = ὁμοἰως, adverbial phrases with ἐκ being very common in Thue.—as ἐκ τοῦ προφανοῦς, τοῦ φανεροῦ, τοῦ εὐθέος, τοῦ εἰκότος, τοῦ εὐπρεποῦς, τοῦ δικαίου, etc.

ὅπως μηδὲν ἐνδώσομεν —this explains ἅπερ and ταῦτα, and the construction is on the analogy of that which follows verbs of precaution, ὁρῶ, ἐπιμελοῦμαι, etc. The note in Jowett says that ‘there is a slight flaw in the double reference of the words, which apply better to the actual than to the supposed case.’ But in the supposed case—that Athens had attacked Camarina instead of Syracuse—it would still have been in point for Camarina, while calling in the aid of Syr., to urge her not to give way before Athens, viz. for the sake of the other Siceliot cities. To refrain from supporting Camarina would have been a surrender to Athens. There is, in fact, only a different nuance in the meaning of ἐνδώσομεν as applied to the two cases. Precisely the same happens in VII. 61 , where the one word πατρίδος is applied to the Athenians and Syracusans with a different implication.

δειλίᾳ δὲ κτλ —‘perhaps from cowardice you will regard your duty in relation to us and to the invaders by saying.’ Stahl and Fr. Muller think τὸ δίκαιον is ironical, since the plea of ξυμμαχία with Athens would not be justice to Syr. But Meyer points out that it would be just to both sides for Camarina to nrge ‘we have a ξυμμαχία with Athens, and only σπονδαί with Syr.’ See n. on c. 75, 3. The speaker contemplates Camarina supporting Athens on this ground of duty.

ἥν γε —restrictive: ‘you only entered into it.’

ἐπὶ τοῖς φίλοις = κατὰ τῶν φ.: cf. c. 61, 1.

τῶν δὲ ἐχθρῶν ἤν τις —‘but in case an enemy,’ the order being due to the antithesis. τοῖς γε Ἀ.—γε restrictive; βοηθεῖν of purpose: ‘to help the A. only when.’ The order is again modified to bring τοῖς Ἀ. into contrast with τοῖς φίλοις: otherwise ὅταν γε ὑπ) ἄλλων ἀδικῶνται βοηθεῖν τοῖς Ἀ .

ὅταν ὑφ) ἄλλων —sc. ἀδικῶνται from the ἀδικῶσιν following. Bauer compares II. 11 τὴν τῶν πέλας δῃοῦν μᾶλλον ἢ τὴν ἑαυτῶν ὁρᾶν, sc. δῃουμένην.

Ῥηγῖνοι —see c. 44, 3.

καὶ δεινὸν εἰ ἐκεῖνοι μὲν . . ὑμεῖς δέ —the two inconsistent thoughts are frequently so placed after δεινόν, αἱσχρόν, δεινὸν ἂν εἴη, δεινὸν ἄν μοι δοκεῖ εἶναι, etc. The tense and mood are not necessarily the same in the two clauses as they are here — σωφρονοῦσιν . . βούλεσθε—and when a neg. is required either οὐ or μή can be used in the εἰ clauses. (Cf. Shilleto on I. 121 ; Gentsch in Com. Phil. Jcn. iv. p. 299.) The former clause must be made subordinate with ‘whereas.’

τὸ ἔργον τοῦ καλοῦ δ. ὑποπτεύοντες —‘suspecting the real meaning of the specious claim’ to their help on the ground of kinship. καλοῦ is ironical. δικαίωμα is a claim just in the eyes of those who put it forward, δικαίωσις the act of putting it forward. Cf. ἐπιτήδευμα, ἐπιτήδευσις : ἀξίωμα, ἀξίωσις.

ἀλόγως —‘without reasonable cause,’ ‘show an unreasonable prudence,’ because abstract reason would require that as kinsmen they should help the Athemans.

εὐλόγῳ προφάσει —‘urging a logical pretext,’ viz. that you have a ξυμμαχία with Athens. εὐλόγῳ, like ἀλόγως, is ironical, the contrast throughout being between logic and prudence.

φύσει πολεμίους —they are only λόγῳ or ξυμμαχίᾳ φίλοι.

ἔτι μᾶλλον —becanse besides being Dorians they were also close neighbours.

ἀλλ) οὐ δίκαιον —sc. διαφθεῖραι κτλ. Notice the commonplace argument from τὸ δίκαιον .

ἀμύνειν δέ —sc. δίκαιον τοῖς φύσει ξυγγενέσι.

ὅπερ οὗτοὶ ς —cf. c. 10, 4.

τάναντία is adverbial.

πρὸς ἡμᾶς μόνους —alluding to the previous battle, c. 65 ff.

ἁθρόους —sc. ἡμᾶς, both Syr. and Camarina, which are also meant in ἰέναι ἐς τὴν ξυμμαχίαν.

ἰέναι δὲ ἐς τὴν ξ —this describes entering into a ncw relation (cf. v. 30 , 5); it shows that the σπονδαί are to be changed into a ξυμμαχία.

προθυμότερον —this applies strictly only to Camarina (cf. c. 67, 2); but it is quite necdless to assume a change of subject between ἀθυμεῖν and ἰἐναι as some edd. do, explaining ἀθυμεῖν sc. ἠμᾶς, ἰέναι sc. ὑμᾶς.

οἴ —the plur. after ἀπὸ Πελοποννήσου: cf. cc. 32, 2; 35, 1; 94, 1.

τὰ πολέμια = τὰ πολεμικά, an Ionie use.

ἐκείνην τὴν προμηθίαν κτλ —sc. εἰκός: ‘nor should any one think that that caution which consists in refusing to help either side, on the ground that you are allies of both sides, is alike fair to us and safe for you.’ (Why many edd. say that ἐκείνην τὴν προμηθίαν = ‘that boasted prudence of yours’ is not clear. The speaker deals with the third plan that Camarina may adopt. In c. 78, 4 he developed the first coursc which C. ought to have adopted already— εἰκὸς ἦν ὑμᾶς κτλ. In c. 79 he deals with the second course—a resolution to help Athens. In c. 80 he discusses the third course—neutrality.)

δή —explanatory. (Many explain this, after Bauer, as ironical.)

οὐ γὰρ ἔργῳ ἴσον —‘this course is not in reality fair. as the plea of justice represents it.’

δἰ ὑμᾶς μὴ ξυμμαχήσαντας —for this construction see on c. 3, 3. It is amusing to notice how the inaccurate use of the word ξυμμαχία in this speech—see on c. 75, 3 n.—leads to a confusion here between ξυμμάχους, used in the loose sense above to include σπονδαί, and ξυμμαχήσαντας, used in the strict sense here. μὴ ξυμμαχήσαντας ( μηδετέροις) is here substituted for μηδετέροις βοηθήσαντας.

ὅ τε παθών = the Syracusans. The aor. has the force of the fut. perf., = qui victus fuerit (Baner).

οὐκ ἠμύνατε . . οὐκ ἐκωλύσατε —the aor. is here substituted for the fut. for the sake of bringing the inevitable result vividly before the hearers. M.T. § 61. The speaker looks forward to the time when the defeat has actually taken place. Cf. St. James Epistle c. v. ἐθησαυρίσατε ἐν ἐσχάταις ἡμέραις, with Mayor's note. For the perf. so used see II. 8 , 4.

σωθῆναι —inf. of purpose, in which the use of the pass. is somewhat rare.

καίτοι —‘and surely,’ resuming the main thought that the right course is to aid Syr.

κάλλιον —than neutrality, with its consequences. Observe the argument from τὸ καλόν.

τὴν κοινὴν ὠφελίαν —‘the common welfare,’ = τὴν ἐλευθερίαν τῶν Σικελιωτῶν (Schol.).

φίλους δή —ironical, ‘your good friends.’

οὐδὲν ἔργον —‘no need,’ used also with a genitive.

δεόμεθα δέ —answering ἐκδιδάσκειν μέν, ‘we entreat you’ to act on your knowledge, that being more to the purpose than ἐκδιδάσκειν.

καὶ μαρτυρόμεθα ἅμα . . ὅτι —‘we solemnly declare, if we fail to persuade you (by our speech), that while the Ionians our inveterate enemies are plotting against us, you our fellow Dorians are betraying us.’

εἰ μὴ πείσομεν —it is difficult to say whether this is protasis to μαρτυρόμεθα or to έπιβουλευόμεθα μὲν . . προδιδόμεθα δέ. (1) We might understand προδιδόμεθα ὑπὸ ὑμῶν εἰ μὴ πείσομεν, the pres. being used—as esp. often with δίδωμι and γίγνομαι and compounds—for an action only beginning. (The clause ἐπιβουλευόμεθα μέν is in sense subordinate to προδιδόμεθα δέ.) (2) But it is better to understand μαρτυρόμεθα εἰ μὴ πείσομεν. For the syntax cf. Lysias 24, 13 εἰ τοῦτο πείσει, τὶ με κωλύει κληροῦσθαι; (where Frohberger reads κωλύσει, as Hude πείθομεν here), and esp. Andoc. 3, 21 εἴ τις ὑμῶν ἀχθεσθήσεται, παραιτοῦμαι, where the pres. is exactly parallel to μαρτυρόμεθα.

καὶ εἰ καταστρέψονται —Classen thinks that the whole section depends still on μαρτυρόμεθα. But Stahl is probably right in regarding the sentence as a transition to the O.R. Thus κρατήσουσι is parallel to μαρτυρόμεθα, and we have to supply εἰ μὴ πεἰσομεν. ‘(If we fail to persuade you, then,) in case they conquer us, their victory will be due to your decision’ ( γνώμαις, like sententiis vestris, the resolution resulting from the votes).

τῷ δ’ αὑτῶν ὀ —‘the honour will fall to their own name,’ not to yours. For this use of ὄνομα cf. VII. 64 τὸ μέγα ὄνομα τῶν Ἀθηνῶν.

τιμηθήσονται —rare for τιμήσονται. So ὠφεληθής ομαι is rarer than ὠφελήσομαι .

ἆθλον —‘prize,’ neut., predicate to ἄλλον τινά.

τῆς αἰτίας κτλ —lit. ‘you will equally pay the penalty of being the cause of our dangers.’ Edd. do not agree on the meaning of these words. ( a) Recent edd. follow Portus and take τῆς αἰτίας as the charge for which the penalty will be exacted— i.e. ‘we shall punish you for having caused our dangers.’ ( b) Arnold and Bloomfield understand τῆς αἰτίας as defining the τιμωρία, ‘you will suffer the penalty of (having been) the cause of our dangers,’ by refusing to help us; and of course that position would be an unpleasant one. According to ( a) the woids convey a threat; according to ( b), only a hint of unpleasantness.

ἤδη —‘without hesitation.’

τὴν αὐτίκα ἀ. δουλείαν —Wilkins, following Bauer, renders ‘slavery with its temporary immunity from danger,’ so that αὐτἰκα qualifies ἀκινδύνως. But the sense is ‘immediate (and certain) dependence which involves no risk,’ in contrast with the hope of avoiding subjection to Athens by facing the risk involved in fighting with Syracuse. ‘If you refuse to join, you escape danger but accept dependence: if you consent, you accept danger but escape dependence.’ Hence both αὐτίκα and ἀκινδύνως qualify δουλεία. Cf. I. 22 ἡ ἄντικρυς ἐλευθερία, VIII. 64 ἡ ἄντικρυς ἐλευθερία, and perhaps στρατιὰ ἔτι = ‘remforcements,’ though when no art. is present the adv. belongs in some measure to the verb.

δουλείαν —opposed to μὴ δεσπότας λαβεῖν below. The speaker in this section talks as though only two courses were open— either to join the Athenians (= δουλεία), or to join Syr. He adroitly leaves out the third course—neutrality, which accord ing to § 4 is out of the question. On δουλεία and δεσπόται see c. 77, 1.

ἢ κἂν κτλ —lit. ‘or else (choose) not to submit disgracefully to these men and to avoid our enmity—which would not be small—in which case you would share in our victory.’ I agree with Stahl that κἄν belongs to περιγενόμενοι only, and that λαβεῖν and διαφυγεῖν depend directly on αἱρεῖσθε: there is nothing hypothetical about the choice; it is immediate ( ἤδη) and fiual, being either δουλεία or μὴ λαβεῖν τι καὶ διαφυγεῖν τι. περιγενόμενοι ἄν is in apodosis, implying εἰ αἱροῖσθε, περιγένοισθε ἄν. Others take ἄν either with the infins. only or with the partic. and the infins. The placing of ἄν before a partic. frequently produces difficulty.

τὴν πρὸς ἡμᾶς ἔχθραν —‘enmity with us’; cf. φανερὰν ἔχθραν πρὸς Κορινθίους κτήσασθαι I. 42 .

μὴ ἄν —with γενομένην only = ἣ μὴ ἂν βραχεῖα γένοιτο, i.e. the generic or characteristic μή piobably. We might, however, say that the passage implies a warning or command; it is solemn and emphatic. Cf. c. 102 νομίσαντες μὴ ἂν ἔτι ἱκανοὶ γενέσθαι. (There is difference of opinion about this μή. Goodwin ( M. T. § 688) views it as an ‘irregularity’; Bohme-Widmann say that ‘ μή with potential inf. or partic. after verbs of saying and thinking is common’; Fr. Muller says the μή is ‘under the influence of the inf. διαφυγεῖν.’ This lends point to Prof. Gildersleeve's remark that ‘to understand οὐ and μή a certain mobility is necessary.’ A.J.P. July 1892, p. 259.)

βραχεῖαν —probably ‘small,’ a common meaning in Thuc., though some passages are certainly ambiguous. In VII. 14 βραχεῖα ἀκμὴ πληρώματος, the Schol. and Plutarch understood βραχεῖα as ‘short-lived,’ whereas modern edd. render ‘the efficient part of a crew is small.’

ἀφικόμεθα —our intention when we came was to renew the treaty (see c. 75, 3), but we now find it necessary to defend the imperial policy of Athens.

ἐπὶ τῆς πρότερον . . ἀνανεώσει —cf. c. 33, 1 περὶ τοῦ ἐπίπλου τῆς ἀληθείας. The art. is often omitted with the governing noun.

ἔχομεν —sc. αὐτήν.

μαρτύριον —sc. ὡς εἰκότως ἄρχομεν. It is necessary for us, as hereditary enemies of the Dorians, to secure ourselves.

ἔχει δὲ καὶ οὕτως —‘moreover the case stands exactly as follows.’ Classen and others explain this οὕτως as referring to what precedes, which is further dealt with in what follows. But the δέ forms an antithesis to what precedes. The general principle, says the speaker, is enough to justify us; but there is besides the following special circumstance. οὕτως ἔχειν often refers to what follows.

Ἴωνες ὄντες Πελοποννησίοις —‘being Ionians in the eyes of the P., while they were Dorians and superior in numbers and near neighbours of ours.’ In § 2 he has said οί Ἴωνες πολέμιοι τοῖς Δωριεῦσίν εἰσιν. So now, instead of saying πολέμιοι ὄντες Πελοποννησίοις, he ingeniously says Ἴωνες (= πολέμιοι) ὄντες Πελοποννησίοις. (The edd. have, I believe, missed the meaning of this sentence. For the alterations of the text see the crit. note. The old explanation, that αὐτῶν is a repetition of Πελοποννησίοις in a different case by anacoluthon, is quite untenable. Herbst believes there is an ellipse of πολέμιοι, but I do not see the need of this.) This sentence admirably expresses the contempt of the Dorians for the Ionians (cf. c. 68), who were only fit in their view to be their subjects.

vαῦς κτησάμενοι —this refers to the building of a fleet, which was due to the advice of Themistocles, probably in 483. Hence μετὰ τὰ Μηδικά belongs to ἀπηλλάγημεν rather than to κτησάμενοι.

τῆς μὲν Λακεδαιμονίων κτλ —the speaker has to represent Athens as an upholder of liberty, and yet he cannot say that she strove to get free from a δουλεἰα, as that word has been used against her. He therefore admits that Sparta, so long as she was superior in power, had justly led the confederacy ( ἡγεμονἰα) and exercised dominion ( ἀρχή).

πλὴν καθ) ὅσον —cf. c. 54, 6.

ἐν τῷ παρόντι —‘for the time being.’

οἰκοῦμεν —the edd. explain this as intrans., meaning either ‘live’ (for ἐσμέν, διάγομεν) in the position of ἡγέμονες, or ‘find ourselves’ in that position. For the conjectures see crit. note. It is much more likely that the verb is trans., sc. τὰ ὑπὸ β. πρότερον ὄντα= ‘manage their (external) affairs,’ as though he said οἰκοῦμεν τὰ τῶν ξυμμάχων, the word being used here metaphorically, like ταμιεύεσθαι and ταμίας (cc. 18, 3; 78 2). This forms a good antithesis to ἀπηλλάγημεν τῆς Α. ἀρχῆς, and is in keeping with the context. It also contrasts well with ἐπιτάσσειν. See Intr. § 21. < ἀσφαλῶς> οἰκοῦμεν Stein.

οὕτως — i.e. οἰκοῦντες τοὺς . . ὄντας.

ἐς τὸ ἀκριβές —‘accurately.’ Cf. c. 104, 2 n. ἐς τὰ μάλιστα.

εἰπεῖν —absolute: M.T. § 777.

ἐφ) ἡμᾶς —‘that is against us.’ The prep. is not often repeated before an apposition.

οὐκ ἐτόλμησαν κτλ —‘conld not bring themselves to revolt (sc. τοῦ Μήδου) and sacrifice their property, abandoning their city as we did,’ or ‘ whereas we abandoned our city.’ This sort of attraction with οὐχ ὤσπερ is very common (see e g. Shilleto on Thuc. II. 42 , Kock on Aristoph. Eq. 784, or DeuschleCron on Plat. Gorg. 522 A). δουλείαν δὲ . . ἐβούλοντο—βούλομαι only here with a subst. as obj.: Bohme-Widmann compare τὴν αὐτὴν δύναται δούλωσιν I. 141 . We should also expect ἐβουλήθησαν, if the sense is ‘they chose slavery.’ Heibst understands ἐνεγκεῖν to ἐβούλοντο from ἐπενεγκεῖν, but such an ellipse is surely impossible. δουλεύειν of the inferior MSS. is very tempting. See crit. note.

τὸ αὐτό —after the fem. δουλείαν, by a common change. With ἐπενεγκεῖν supply ἐβούλοντο

ἄξιοί τε —this is answered not by καί but by ἅμα δέ below; cf. I. 25 κατά τε τὸ δίκαιον . . άμα δὲ καὶ μίσει: VII. 81 θᾶσσόν τε γὰρ ὁ Νικίας ἦγε . . ὁ δὲ Δημοσθένης. Generally where τε is not answered by καί there are many intervening words, sometimes a parenthesis.

ἐς —‘towards,’ the prep being accommodated to προθυμίαν: cf. Hyperid. 4, 14, 42 ἀνδραγαθίαν παρασχέσθαι εἰς τὴν τῆς πόλεως ἐλευθερίαν, Andoc. 1, 50 προθυμότατος εἰς σέ.

καὶ διότι καί —‘and also because.’

τοῦτο δρῶντες —sc. ναυτικὸν καὶ προθυμίαν παρεχόμενοι. It is the regular phrase for referring to an action just described.

τῷ Μήδῳ is accommodated to the construction of the original verb, παρεχόμενοι, exactly as in II. 49 πολλοὶ τοῦτο ἔδρασαν ( i.e. σφὰς αὐτοὺς ἔρριψαν) ἐς φρέατα.

οὗτοι — i.e. οἵ τε Ἴωνες καὶ νησιῶται.

ἅμα δὲ . . ὀρεγόμενοι —having disposed of the right, he now comes to ‘the inducement by which they were to he led to take the dominion, and now hold it—namely, their own security’ (Bloomfield).

οὐ καλλιεπούμεθα —‘we do not use fine words.’ Plat. Apol. p. 17 B contrasts λόγοι κεκαλλιεπημένοι with τὰ ἐπιτυχόντα ὀνόματα, and Aristoph. Thesm. 48 applies καλλιεπής to the tragic poet Agathon, who, we know, was extremely fond of using the figures of language ( σχήματα λέξεως), especially antithesis. As these ‘fignres’ were associated with the name of Gorgias, Euphemus is meant to contrast the plain, even blunt, language in which the Athenian defends his right to rule with the studied subtleties of Sicihan objectors, esp. of Hermocrates. Then he states two grounds on which Athens does not claim empire over the Ionians and islanders.

μόνοι καθελόντες —this is dealt with at length in I. 73 ff., not that the Athenians claim even there to have overthrown the Persians μόνοι.

τῶνδε —Ionians and islanders.

πᾶσι δὲ ἀνεπίφθονον —‘no man can be reproached if he provides for his security as circumstances require.’ ἡ προσήκουσα ς. is the safety that suits the character of a man and the circumstances in which he finds himself, and requires different measures at different times. ‘It was σωτηρία that obliged us to reduce the Ionians, etc. to subjection: it is σωτηρία that brings us here.’ προσήκουσαν means something more than δέουσαν: it means what suits the character as well as the circumstances.

καὶ νῦν κτλ —‘so now it is regard for our safety ( ἀσφαλεἰας = σωτηρίας) that brings us here, and we see that you have just the same interests as we. We base this statement on the calumnies that they utter against us, and which you with excessive anxiety regard with suspicion—in that we know that when men are anxious and suspicious they are pleased for a moment by statements that humour their feelings, but afterwards when they take action they follow their interests.’

ἐξ ὧν διαβάλλουσι — i.e. we admit the statement that we reduced the Ionians: that was required by our σωτηρία then. But now our σωτηρία requires that we help our friends here, and so our interests are identical with yours.

ἐπὶ τὸ φοβερώτερον = ὤστε φοβερώτερα ὑμῖν φαίνεσθαι. Cf. on c. 34, 7 init.

εἰδότες —causal: we know that it is easy for Syracuse to use the fact that we reduced the Ionians to prejudice and alarm you; but when it comes to taking action you will consider your interests, and will realise that the same motive that led ns to reduce the Ionians leads us now to protect you.

λόγου μὲν ἡδονῇ — i.e. words skilfully used to encourage suspicion and fear of opponents. Here the argument was that Athens would act in Sicily as she had done in Greece.

τῇ δ’ ἐγχειρήσει —a good example of a quasi-temporal word used without ἐν, as τῇ ἐσβολῇ, τῇ μάχῃ, τῷ πολέμῳ.

τήν τε γὰρ κτλ —‘we have told you (c. 82, 3) that apprehension causes us to keep our empire in Greece, and (c. 82 ἀφικόμεθα . . ἀνανεώσει) that the same motive (viz. apprehension that Syracuse may obtain Sicily and then threaten our empire) has brought us to settle matters here,’ etc.

γάρ —explains the reason for grounding the assertion ( ἀποφαίνομεν) of identity of interests on the διαβολή of the Syracusans.

ἥκειν —see crit. note. This without φαμέν is not an accurate reference to the statement with which the speech opened. But ξυμμαχίας ἀνανέωσις possibly implies what is here stated.

ἀσφαλῶς —‘for our safety.’

δουλωσόμενοι —sc. τὰ ἐνθάδε.

ὑπολάβῃ δὲ κτλ —‘let no one suppose that care for you is not our concern.’

γνούς —‘when he reflects.’

σῳζομένων —the partic. is parallel to διὰ τὸ . . ἀντέχειν .

μὴ ἀσθενεῖς ὄντας —‘with a strong resistance,’ circumstantial partic. to ἀντέχειν .

ἧσσον ἂν κτλ —‘we should be less likely to suffer by their sending a force to aid the Pel.’; ἧσσον ἄν belong both to πεμψάντων and to βλαπτοίμεθα. The argument is that it is the interest of Athens to support the independence of Camarina as a rival power to Syracuse. But, as Freeman asks, what would happen if Athens reduced Syr. to subjection? Would it then be to her interest to maintain the independence of her friends in Sicily?

καὶ ἐν τούτῳ . . ἤδη —‘and it is just in this that we are closely concerned in your affairs.’

διόπερ καί —‘this is the reason too why it is logical that we should restore the L., not as subjects.’

τοὺς ξυγγενεῖς —attracted to the case of ὑπηκόους. τοῖσδε = the Syracusans.

τὰ μὲν γάρ —‘in Greece’)( τὰ δὲ ἐνθάδε below.

καὶ αὐτοί —‘even without aid.’

δν κτλ — i.e. δν δουλώσασθαι καὶ τοὺς ἐνθάδε ἐλευθεροῦν ἄλογον εἶναί φησι.

ξύμφορος — i.e. to maintain the dominion of Athens, it was needful that the Euboean Chalcis should be unarmed and tributary (Freeman), and should not contribute ships.

καὶ Λεοντῖνοι —sc. ξύμφοροί εἰσιν.

ἀνδρὶ δὲ τυράννῳ —Sicily was intimately acquainted with the ways of despots. Here the frankest description of the Athenian ἀρχή is given, as by Cleon in III. 37 τυραννίδα ἔχετε τὴν ἀρχήν. 2

οὐδὲν ἄλογον ὅ τι ξυμφέρον —this statement could not be made by a modern imperial power, but it is none the less the principle on which under diplomatic disguises modern states frequently act.

οὐδ’ οἰκεῖον —‘there is no tie of blood unless there is eonfidence.’ The Chalcidians of Euboea are kinsmen of Athens, but they are distrusted.

πρὸς ἕκαστα κτλ —‘in each case a hostile or friendly attitude must accord with circumstances.’

καὶ ἠμᾶς —applying the previous doctrine to the present case. ‘Now in our case our interest here is furthered, not by injuring our friends, but if we reduce our enemies to impotence through the strength of our friends.’

τοῦτο applies to what follows.

ἀπιστεῖν —referring back to πιστόν above. ‘You must not distrust us,’ and we will then trust you, and those that we trust we treat as friends. τοὺς ἐκεῖ ξυμμάχους—ἐξηγοῦμαι takes either accus. or dat., but the sudden change from dat. (see crit, note) to accus. ( Χίους) is scarcely probable. αὐτονόμους < ἔχοντες> Stein.

Μηθυμναίους —the only Lesbians who retained their autonomy after Lesbos revolted from Athens in 428.

νεῶν παροκωχῇ —in VII. 57 the Chians are described as οὐχ ὑποτελεῖς φόρου, ναῦς δὲ παρέχοντες, and the Methymnaeans in the same way.

βιαιότερον —sc. ἐξηγούμεθα. Cf. I. 141 αἱ βίαιοι ἐσφοραἰ.

ἐλευθέρως ξυμμαχοῦντας —those who in VII. 57 are called οἱ ἀπὸ ξυμμαχίας αὐτόνομοι, like Corcyra, Zaeynthus, Cephallenia.

πρὸς τὸ λυσιτελοῦν —‘in accordance with our interest and with the fear of Syr. of which we speak’ (c. 83, 4). With δέος ἐς Συρακοσίους cf. Eur. Her. Fur. 66 ἔρωτι σώματ εἰς εὐδαίμονα.

ὑμῶν —referring to all the Sicilian cities, as opposed to Syr.

ἐπὶ τῷ ἡ. ὑπόπτῳ —‘on the ground of the suspicion we excite.’

ξυστήσαντες = ξυμμάχους ποιήσαντες, as in c. 16, 6.

βίᾳ ἢ καὶ κατ’ ἐρημίαν —with ἄρξαι, ‘to acquire empire for themselves over Sicily by force or else through mere lack of resistance.’ Jowett renders ‘first they must unite you in a common suspicion of us, and then, either by force or through your isolation when we have failed and retired, they will dominate Sicily.’ But (1) βίᾳ refers not to ἀπράκτων ἡμῶν ἀπελθόντων, but to ἐπὶ τῷ ἡ. ξυστήσαντες ὑπόπτῳ: they want to unite your forces with their own, only that they may force themselves into the position of head of a Sicilian alliance, which they will turn into empire. (2) Only ἢ καὶ κατ’ ἐρημίαν refers to ἀπράκτων ἡμῶν ἀπελθόντων. If they fail to seeure empire while we are still in Sicily, nevertheless they will secure it when we are no longer here to resist them. (3) That this is so is shown by οὔτε γὰρ κτλ., where the ἰσχὺς τοσαύτη refers to the means by which Syr. would assure herself of empire βίᾳ, and ὴμῶν μὴ παρόντων means that Syr. would turn against the Siceliots when the Athenians were gone, and would acquire empire κατ’ ἐρημίαν, through laek of resistance. Thus (4) there is no reference to a struggle with the Siceliots in βίᾳ, but only to the struggle between a Sicilian confederation and Athens, in the course of whieh Syr. might assure herself of empire.

κατ’ ἐρημίαν —se. τῶν κωλυσόντων (Stahl).

ἀνάγκη δέ —sc. αὐτοὺς ἄρξαι τῆς Σικελίας. (H. Kleist points out that this ehapter is an example of the ἐπιχείρημα, or conclusion based on a major and a minor premiss: ( a) major premiss — propositio— ἀνδρὶ δὲ τυράννῳ . . γίγνεσθαι: ( b) minor premiss — assumptio— καὶ ἡμᾶς τοῦτο ὠφελεῖ. This is supported by a proof— assumptionis probatio—in ἀπιστεῖν δὲ . . Πελοποννησίοις: ( c) conclusion— complexio— ὤστε καὶ τἀνθάδε . . καθίστασθαι. The ἐπιχείρημα differs from the syllogism essentially in that neither of the premisses need be true.)

τὸ ἔργον — i.e. the fact mentioned immediately afterwards.

τὸ γὰρ πρότερον —in 427.

προσείοντες φόβον —the metaphor is from shaking swords or spears at an enemy to alarm him (Bloomfield). Cf. Eur. Her. Fur. 1189 τί μοι προσείων χεῖρα σημαίνεις φόβον; and V. 17 ἤδη παρασκευή τε προεπανεσείσθη ἀπὸ τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων. (The other meaning of προσείειν, ‘to entice animals’ with food, is not in keeping with the present passage)

μείζονι πρὸς τὴν τῶνδε ἰσχύν —most edd. render ‘with a force larger (than necessary) in comparison with the strength of S.’ But in the note in Jowett it is pointed out that the speaker's objeet is to minimise the power of Athens in Sieily. Henee μείζονι=‘greater’ than before, viz. in 427, and πρός=‘with a view to,’ ‘so as to cope with.’

ὑποπτεύεσθαι —sc. ἡμᾶς. ἀπιστεῖν —sc. ὑμᾶς.

ἡμεῖς μέν γε —‘we at least’ are powerless in any case to keep possession of Sieily, or even to obtain a footing in it without your aid.

οὔτε is answered by τε. μὴ μεθ) ὑμῶν= ἄνευ ὑμῶν.

κατεργασαίμεθα —sc. ὑμᾶς. This is an answer to the argument of cc. 76, 77.

ἀπορίᾳ φυλακῆς πόλεων κτλ —‘through the difficulty of garrisoning large eities that possess the forces of a continental power’— i.e. cavalry and infantry as opposed to a fleet.

οὐ στρατοπέδῳ —sc. ὥσπερ ἡμεῖς.

τῆς ἡμετέρας παρουσίας —‘than the force we have here.’

ἐποικοῦντες —the proximity of Syr. is as bad as a permanent hostile settlement.

καιρὸν . . ἑκάστου —‘an opportunity for any particular attempt.’ ἑκάστου is best taken as nent., and not as masc., ‘an opportunity for attacking each of you.’

ἄλλα —internal accns., ‘in other cases.’

τολμῶσιν κτλ —‘they have the boldness to ask for your aid against the men who try to prevent this and hitherto have saved Sicily from falling into their power—as though you were blind’ and could not see through their design. From Athens really proceeds the opposition ( κωλύοντας) that saves Sicily from being subject to Syracuse.

τὴν ὑπάρχουσαν κτλ —‘the safety that we and you alike gain from each other.’ ἀμφοτέροις belongs to ὑπάρχουσαν. ‘Nous ne pouvons sauver les uns sans les autres’ (Tanaquil Faber).

παρασχήσειν —impersonal, commonest in the form παρασχόν: an Ionic use of παρέχει.

τῷ ὑπόπτῳ —‘through suspicion.’ ἔτι βουλήσεσθε—ἔτι is often so used in threats and prophecies.

ὅτε —‘at a time when.’ ὅτε is the regular particle for introducing a reference to a date.

ἐν κεφαλαίοις —such a recapitulation is especially appropriate to the peroration.

ὑπ’ αὐτῶν βλαπτώμεθα —for the result of their joining Syr. see c. 84, 1.

πολλὰ δ’ ἀναγκάζεσθαι —‘the expression here, πολλὰ πράσσειν, is susceptible of both a bad and a good sense: and such is its use in Eur. Sup. 576, where the Theban herald says to Theseus πράσσειν σὺ πόλλ’ εἴωθας ἥ τε σὴ πόλις, and Theseus replies τοίγαρ πονοῦσα πολλὰ πόλλ) εὐδαιμονεῖ’ (Bloomfield). πολυπραγμοσύνη was characteristic of Athenians and was thought a reproach to them. In II. 40 Pericles says that at Athens ὁ ἀπράγμων, the man who held aloof from public affairs, was thought ἀχρεῖος—of no use to the state.

πολλὰ φυλασσόμεθα —‘we have to guard against many dangers.’

οὐκ ἄκλητοι, παρακληθέντες δέ —Bloomfield quotes Aesch. Choeph. 825 ἥκω μὲν οὐκ ἄκλητος, ἀλλ’ ὑπάγγελος. The figure is a common one. Cf. Lys. 13, 19 ἄκοντα . . καὶ μὴ ἑκόντα μηνύειν.

δ χαλεπόν —refers to ἀποτρέπειν, which does not mean, as is usually thought, ‘to divert us from our scheme’ or enterprise, but ‘to divert us from our fixed, settled course of action’— i.e. τῶν ἡμῖν ποιουμένων, as in c. 38, 4 ἀποτρέπειν τῆς κακουργίας. See below on τρόπου. We are not submitting our general conduct to your judgment, but are claiming your votes in this particular case. In δικασταί and σωφρονισταί there is a reference to the coming division, which Hermocrates wished to make a vote of censure on Athenian poliey and charaeter. As for the construetion τὰ ἡμῖν ποιούμενα, Thuc. by no means confines the dat. of the agent to perf. pass.: he is as free as the poets in the matter. In the orators any other tenses than perf. very rarely has the dat. See on c. 1, 2.

τῆς ἡ. πολυπραγμοσύνης καὶ τρόπου —depending on τι. ‘as far as any phase of our intermeddling, or rather our character, is of service to you as to us ( ὑμῖν . . τὸ αὐτό, lit. ‘to you in the same way’), avail yourselves of that phase, to the exclusion of the rest.’ The τι refers to the intervention in Sieily, which Camarina may turn to aceount. πολυπραγμοσύνης refers to πολλὰ πράσσειν above.

καὶ τρόπου —sc. τοῦ ἡμετέρου. It refers to the personal characteristics of a people, and the mention of it here is to show that it may be substituted for πολυπραγμοσύνη, so that καί = immo. There is also a reference baek to ἀποτρέπειν ( τῶν ποιουμένων) above, which is thus ἀποτρέπειν τοῦ τρόπου. The τρόποι of the Athenians are fully dealt with by Pericles in the Funeral Oration. τούτῳ ἀπολαβόντες χρήσασθε—τοῦτο would be the more ordinary construction; see c 46, 3, but cf. VIII. 87 ὄπως μηδετέρους προσθέμενος ἰσχυροτάτους ποιήσῃ. The partic. in such cases may be regarded as absolute.

αὐτά —se. τὴν πολυπραγμοσύνην καὶ τρόπον, subject of βλάπτειν.

ἐν παντὶ γὰρ κτλ —‘in every place, even where we are not at hand, the man who thinks that he will suffer wrong and he who plots mischief—because they have a lively expecta tion, the one of obtaining from us a return in the form of help, the other that if we come he will be in danger of suffering for his wrong—are both alike compelled, the one to restram himself against his will, the other to accept safety without taking action.’ In this extremely difficult passage the speaker explains the effect of Athenian prestige —that prestige which arises from her πολυπραγμοσύνη. It is a guarantee of tranquillity in states in which Athens has no footing. And how? Because the certainty of her intervention on behalf of the oppressed prevents attempts at oppression. This theory is similar to the modern theory that great armaments are a guarantee of peace.

ἐν παντὶ γὰρ πᾶς — traductio; see c. 11, 2 n.

ὑπεῖναι — i.e. present in his mind.

ἐλπίδα — hope as applied to the one, fear as applied to the other. ἀντιτυχεῖν—ἀντι‐, as a return for joining our alliance, for frankly accepting our interference. (This is better than Haack's explanation, adopted by Stahl, that ἀντι‐ =‘in redress of the wrong,’ because it is more in accordance with the advice that is being given to Camarina χρήσασθαι τῇ πολυπραγμοσύνῃ .)

μὴ ἀδεεῖ εἶναι κινδυνεύειν —on the reading see crit. note. ( a) κινδυνεύειν depending on μὴ ἀδεεῖ. Stahl rightly objects to Classen's rendering ‘that he will have to fear a conflict with us,’ on the ground that the inf. κινδυνεύειν is most unusual in the sense μὴ κινδυνεύῃ, and that ἀδεής does not mean ‘liable to fear’ but actually ‘afraid.’ Others render ‘that they will not be without fear of danger’; but Stahl says this puts the point very feebly: not the chance that they may be in danger, but only the certainty of danger if the Athenians intervene, would deter men from plotting; κινδυνεύειν greatly weakens the passage. ( b) μὴ ἀδεεῖ εἶναι depending on κινδυν εύειν. Then the rendering given by edd. is ‘will be likely to have reason for fear.’ But (1) nowhere else in Thuc. does κινδυνεύειν=‘to be likely’; (2) the sense given to ἀδεής is weak. It remains to give to ἀδεής its legal meaning, ‘exempt from punishment,’ ‘privileged, though guilty,’ for which see c. 27, 2. This suits ἀδικήσεσθαι and ἐπιβουλεύειν, and gives a forcible meaning to the passage. See Intr. § 23.

ἀναγκάζονται —both parties are compelled to abstain from action; and thus to the stronger comes σωφροσύνη, and to the weaker σωτηρία. There is a certain humour in applying ἀναγκἀζονται to the side that obtains σωτηρία. The force in both cases is moral.

ὁ μέν —corresponding to ὁ ἐπιβουλεύων, ὁ δέ to ὁ οἰόμενος ἀδικής εσθαι, by chiasmus.

ἀπραγμόνως —a verbal reference back to Athenian πολυπραγμοσύνη, which means ἀπραγμοσύνη for others.

ταύτην οὖν κτλ —‘do not reject the gift of safety open without exception to any who ask it and to yourselves.’

ἐξισώσαντες —sc. ταύτην τὴν ἀσφἀλειαν τὴν ὑμῖν παροῦσαν: while τοῖς ἄλλοις is a brachylogy for τῇ τῶν ἄλλων. Hence lit. ‘making this safety that is open to you equal to that of the rest,’ i.e. ‘availing yourselves of this gift as others do.’ In τοῖς ἄλλοις he alludes especially to Segesta and Leontini. (All edd. previous to Stahl explain ἐξισώσαντες as intrans.; but there is no need for this, and the passages cited in its support are very doubtful parallels. Stahl, however, takes τοῖς ἄλλοις with ἀντεπιβουλεῦσαι, and brackets τοῖς Συρακοσίοις as a gloss upon τοῖς ἄλλοις.) Stein reads δεομένῳ < ἀεὶ> above.

καὶ ἀντεπιβουλεῦσαί ποτε —‘at length change your plan and resolve to plot against the S. likewise in return.’ ἐκ τοῦ ὁμοίου, ‘as they plot against you.’ ἀντεπιβουλεῦσαι is object of ( μετα) λἀβετε, and τοῖς Σ. of ἀντεπιβουλεῦσαι .

ἐπεπόνθεσαν —‘the feeling was as follows,’ already before the speeches.

πλὴν καθ( ὅσον —‘except in so far as.’ Classen defends εἰ after καθ’ ὅσον, but subsequent edd. rightly reject it.

κατὰ τὸ ὅμορον διάφοροι —‘border enemies’ (Freeman).

τοὺς ὀλίγους ἱππέας —see c. 67, 2.

καὶ τὸ λοιπόν —the policy adopted is to continue to render slight help to Syr., but to answer that they were neutral.

μᾶλλον —lather than the Athenians.

ἔργῳ —contrasts the actual intention with the diplomatic answer ἐν τῷ παρόντι μηδετέροις ἀμύνειν.

μετριώτατα —of amount. ὡς < δ’ > ἂν Stein.

ἔλασσον δοκῶσι νεῖμαι —‘appear to have shown less respect to.’

καὶ οὕτω βουλευσάμενοι —‘accordingly after considering the matter in this light.’

ἀμφοτἐροις οὖσι ξυμμάχοις —cf. c. 78, 4. Remember that Camarina really has with Syr. only an ἐπιμαχία—a defensive alliance, ἀλλήλοις βοηθεῖν, ξυνεπιστρατεύειν δὲ μηδενί ( v. 48 ); but with Athens a full ξυμμαχία. But Hermocrates in his speech adroitly exaggerated the ἐπιμαχία into a ξυμμαχία, and (c. 79, 1) minimised the ξυμμαχία into an ἐπιμαχία. These two treaties are both, however, ‘treaties of guarantee’ of some kind; and in all history it has been difficult to secure the fulfilment of such guarantees, especially where there are conflicting treaties, as in the present case.

εὔορκον —refers to the oaths taken when the treaties were made.

τὰ καθ’ ἑαυτοὺς ἐξ = ἑαυτοὺς ἐξηρτύοντο. τὰ πρὸς τοὺς Σ. ἔπρασσον refers to cc. 48 and 71, 2; cf. Intr. p. XV.

ἐν τῇ Νάξῳ —see c. 74, 2.

πρὸς τὰ πεδία μᾶλλον —‘the plains’ near the sea ‘rather than’ the inland parts.

ἀφειστήκεσαν —from Syracuse. See crit. note.

αὐτόνομοι οὖσαι κτλ —‘their settlements, being independent from time immemorial, with but few exceptions immediately joined the A.’

οἰκήσεις = oppidula, κῶμαι. πλήν is here constructed as an adverb, and ὀλίγοι is masc. κατὰ σύνεσιν. Freeman thinks οἰκήσεις a strange word to apply to the Sicels of the interior, who had under Ducetius (died 440 B.C.) reached a high degree of unity. In 451 he had even defeated the combined forces of Syr. and Acragas (Diod. x i. 91 ). He was aided by another chief, Archonides, against whom Syr. declared war when Ducetius died. Ducetins built Menaenum, still called Mineo; and this was doubtless among the towns that joined Athens. No doubt Thuc. uses οἰκήσεις in contrast with the larger cities of the Siceliots.

κατεκόμιζον —to the coast from the interior.

εἰσὶν οἵ —in the oblique cases Thuc. much more often uses ἔστιν ( ὧν, οἷς, etc.); but cf. VII. 25 ἦσαν τῶν σταυρῶν οὕς.

τοὺς δέ —sc. προσαναγκάζειν, depending on ἀπεκωλύοντο.

τόν τε χειμῶνα κτλ —‘for all these purposes Katanê was a better centre than Naxos. They therefore came back to their old quarters for the rest of the winter’ (Freeman).

ὃ κατεκαύθη —see c. 75, 2.

ἔπεμψαν μὲν . . ἔπεμψαν δέ —cf. I. 85 πέμπετε μὲν . . πέμπετε δέ. The examples of epanaphora in Thuc. are not very numerous; the μέν is sometimes omitted.

ἐς Καρχηδόνα —nothing came of this embassy This shows that at least Athens hoped to gain some influence at Carthage. See c. 34, where Hermocrates suggests the possibility of an alliance between Carthage and Syr. against Athens.

Τυρσηνίαν —Etruria, north of the Tiber, the south being Ὀπική (c. 4, 5) (Arnold). In 415 the Etruscans were still powerful. They carried on trade with Athens and Sicily. In 480 they with the Carthaginians had been defeated by Syr. with Agrigentum at the great battle of Himera. They actually sent help, and are included among the allies of Athens in VII. 57 Τυρσηνῶν τινες κατὰ (‘owing to’) διαφορὰν Συρακοσίων.

καὶ αὐτῶν —‘of their own accord.’

τὸν περιτειχισμόν —cf. c. 71, 2 init.

ὅσα ἔδει —sc. ἑτοιμάζειν.

ἀποσταλέντες —see c. 73, 2.

ἐκείνοις . . ἐπιβουλευόμενα —‘that the plots were directed equally against them,’ both ταῦτα ἐπιβουλεύεταί μοι and ἐπιβουλεύομαι being used. Nothing seems to have come of these appeals.

λόγους ἐποιοῦντο —‘made overtures.’

ὥστε — M.T. § 588.

τὸν αὐτοῦ πόλεμον —cf. c. 34, 2: ‘to put an end to the uncertain state of things at home by making open war upon Athens’ (Freeman).

μετὰ τῶν ξυμφυγάδων —see c. 61, 6. τότ’ εὐθύς—τότε is often used to refer back to events already mentioned. See c. 61, 7.

ἔπειτα ὕστερον —often used together.

τὴν περὶ τῶν Μαντινικῶν πρᾶξιν —see cc. 16, 6; 17, 1; 61, 5. The reference is to the events of 418 B.C. τὰ Μαντινικἀ alludes to the fact that the Athenians and Mantineans attacked and took Orchomenus, and attempted to take Tegea.

τῶν ἐν τέλει ὄντων —‘the other officials.’ καί joins part to whole.

κωλύοντας —the pres. partic. is very common with verbs of ‘sending.’ The partic. is placed either in nom. or accus. at will— ἔπεμπον ἀγγέλλοντες or ἔπεμπον πρέσβεις ἀγγέλλοντας.

παρώξυνε . . ἐξώρμησε —‘stimulated their passions and their energies.’

ἀναγκαῖον —the abruptness of the opening is a fine touch. On the dispositio of the speech see Appendix.

περὶ τῆς ἐμῆς δ —‘about the prejudice against me,’ i.e. of being an enemy of Sparta. The pron. is objective gen. ἐς ὑμᾶς—ἐς is often used with λέγω in the sense ‘to address an assembly.’

χεῖρον τὰ κοινὰ κτλ —‘listen with less impartiality to what concerns the public interest because you suspect me.’ χεῖρον is ‘with a bias.’ Lacuna after ἀκροάσησθε Stein.

τῶν δ’ ἐμῶν —‘now,’ etc.; δέ marks the transition to the details. The grandfather of Alcibiades had dropped the office of πρόξενος, circa 508, and the family was closely connected with the Alcmaeonidae, Alcibiades' mother being granddaughter of Cleisthenes. This connexion throws light on κατά τι ἔγκλημα. The complaint doubtless arose out of the visit of King Cleomenes to Athens to support Isagoras against Cleisthenes.

τὴν προξενίαν —Gardner and Jevons, p. 599.

αὐτὸς ἐγώ —‘I of my own accord offered to resume it.’ The offer was declined

τὴν ἐκ Πύλου ξυμφοράν —he refers to the Spartan prisoners taken at Pylus in 425. Cf. v. 43 of Alc τοὺς ἐκ τῆς νήσου αὐτῶν αἰχμαλώτους θεραπεύων. Aristoph. Eq. 1201 τοὺς ἐκ Πύλου. Alc. no doubt exaggerates his services.

διατελοῦντος —the only instance of διατελῶ with partie. in Thuc. is παρασκευαζόμενοι . . διετέλεσαν VIII. 38 . διατελῶ, τυγχἀνω, and φαίνομαι are often constructed with adj. only.

τοῖς μὲν ἐμοῖς ἐχθροῖς — i.e. Nicias and Laches. The former became very popular in 421 as the result of the Peace that he had promoted. Since Cleon's death in 422 Alc. had opposed peace. In 420 he brought about the alliance between Athens, Argos, Mantinea, and Elis.

ἀτιμίαν περιέθετε —esp. by declining his offer to become πρόξενος .

πρός τε κτλ —the construction is ὑπ’ ἐμοῦ πρός τε . . τραπομένου ἐβλἀπτεσθε καὶ ἐβλἀπτεσθε ὅσα ἄλλα ἐνηντιούμην, ‘you deserved all that you suffered from me when I looked for help to Argos and Mantinea and opposed you in many other ways’— e.g. by attacking the Peace of Nicias and by invading Epidaurus, an ally of Sparta, to force it to join the new league.

οὐκ εἰκότως —‘unreasonably,’ because my opposition was deserved.

μετὰ τοῦ ἀληθοῦς —so μετ’ ἀληθείας, occasionally μετὰ τῆς ἀ. Here μ. τοῦ ἀληθοῦς σκοπῶν is contrasted with οὐκ εἰκότως.

διότι καί —in addition to opposing you.

τῷ δήμῳ προσεκείμην —‘I inclined to the popular party’ rather than to the oligarchs. His idea was to draw together all the democratic elements at home and in the Peloponnese against Sparta. But the battle of Mantinea was fatal to the scheme.

οὕτως —‘on that ground.’

τυράννοις —an ingenious point, because Sparta also opposed the tyranny.

διάφοροί ἐσμεν — i.e. the Alcmaeonid family, by which Pisistratus and Cylon had been opposed.

πᾶν τὸ ἐναντιούμενον —‘any power that opposes despotism is called democracy.’ This alludes to popular opinion at Athens, where the opponents of the tyrants were by tradition regarded as δημοτικοί, since Cleisthenes was the great προστάτης of the δῆμος. Ath. Pol. c. 20. Cf. Andoc. 2, 26, where the orator boasts that he is a democrat by descent on this very ground.

τῷ δυναστεύοντι is neut.

ἀπ’ ἐκείνου — i.e. owing to the fact that the family opposed the tyrants, and that the Athenians regarded that opposition, followed as it was by Cleisthenes’ ‘settlement of the democracy,’ as bestowing a hereditary connexion with the people.

ξυμπαρέμεινεν — i.e. has remained along with the traditional opposition to tyranny.

ἡ προστασία — i.e. since the days of Cleisthenes.

τὰ πολλά —with ἕπεσθαι. τοῖς παροῦσιν=‘the existing conditions.’

τῆς ὑπαρχούσης ἀκολασίας —‘we ( i.e. the whole family) tried to show a moderation in political life that contrasted with the prevailing license.’

ἄλλοι δ’ ἦσαν —the extreme democrats are meant, including the demagogues of his own day—Cleon, Hyperbolus, and Androcles. As for ἐπὶ τῶν πάλαι, this contrast being a mere assertion of Alc., it is hardly necessary to look for a precise reference; but in the Ath. Pol. c. 24 stress is laid on the influence of Aristides in this direction.

πονηρότερα —see Index.

ἐξῆγον —see Index.

τοῦ ξύμπαντος —not merely τοῦ δήμου: they were for the constitution, and were no mere party leaders. In the case of some of the Alcmaeonidae there is truth in this, but Alc. was not a party leader only because he pursued a purely selfish policy. He is not even mentioned in the Ath. Pol., where the statesmen who held a commanding position are enumerated.

ὅπερ ἐδεξατό τις κτλ —‘to help to preserve what he had inherited.’

δικαιῶ is Ionic.

ἐπεὶ δημοκρατίαν γε κτλ —‘though, to be sure, the nature of democracy was quite well understood by every man of insight.’ The

καί implies ‘in addition to having received it as an inheritance,’ and the words are sarcastic, meaning ‘we knew too much about it to approve of it.’

καὶ αἰτὸς ἂν κτλ — i.e. καὶ αὐτὸς οὐδενὸς ἂν χεῖρον φρονοίην, ὅσῳ κἂν λοιδορήσαιμι, ‘and the superiority of my insight (the insight that you would attribute to me) would be measured by the amount of abuse I might pour on it’; only, he continues, it is impossible to say anything new of a constitution of which the folly is admitted. (It is usual to assume that the text of this much-disputed passage is corrupt. See crit. note. Only Herbst among lecent clities defends it; and he understands οὐδενὸς ἂν χεῖρον ( γιγνώσκοιμι) ὅσῳ καὶ ( οὐδενὸς ἂν χεῖρον ) λοιδορήσαιμι: but the sense so obtained is by no means clear. The rendering of Wilkins, ‘perhaps, indeed, it was better known to me than any one, as I have had more reason to complain of it than any one,’ does not correspond to the Greek, and is itself obscure.) Alcibiades says ‘I might exhibit the extent of my insight by the amount of knowledge I might show of the nature of democracy, i.e. by abusing it’; but, he says, the task is superfluous. Then, by a common rhetorical trick, he throws in a specimen of abuse ( ὁμολογουμένη ἄνοια). Thus λοιδορἡσαιμι corresponds with ἐγιγνώσκομεν: the knowledge would be extensive and peculiar, being gathered from experience of the tyranny of democracy, and it would be expressed in a λοιδορία. The Scholium is αὐτὸς ἂν ἐγὼ οὐδενὸς χεῖρον λοιδορήσαιμι, ὅσῳ καὶ μέγιστα ὑπ’ αὐτῆς ἠδίκημαι, which gives in a paraphrase the trne meaning, but is incomplete.

ὅσῳ καί —see on c. 11, 6.

λοιδορήσαιμι —this would not have been seemly in a public address at this time. Cf. Ath. Pol. c. 28, of Cleon, πρῶτος ἐπὶ τοῦ βήματος ἀνέκραγε καὶ έλοιδορήσατο . . τῶν ἄλλων ἐν κόσμῳ λεγόντων.

ὁμολογουμένης ἀνοίας —a phrase made to please his audience. Theognis l. 847 λὰξ ἐπίβα δήμῳ κενεόφρονι.

καὶ τὸ μεθιστάναι —goes back to δικαιοῦντες . . τοῦτο ( τὸ σχῆμα) ξυνδιασῴζειν. αύτήν= τὴν δημοκρατίαν. Wilkins quotes Napoleon III.'s Julius Caesar, ‘All political change is fatal in the presence of a foreigner invading the soil of a fatherland.’ And even the desire for political change vanishes in the presence of a war—as the same Napoleon well knew.

τὰ μὲν κτλ — i.e. all this explains how I came to support democracy: lit. ‘this is how the circumstances came about that bear on the prejudices aroused against me.’

εἴ τι πλέον οἶδα —this is subject of εἰσηγητέον, concerning which ‘I must bring to your notice whatever information I have that is new to you.’

ἐπλεύσαμεν —Alc. proceeds to speak of his own schemes as though they were the schemes of the Athenians at large.

αὐτῶν —as distinct from their possessions in Sicily, Corsica, Sardinia, etc. ( ἀρχῆς).

καὶ ἄλλους κτλ — i.e. καὶ ἄλλους ὁμολογουμένως νῦν μαχιμωτἀτους τῶν ἐκεὶ βαρβἀρων, though the position of βαρβἀρων is awkward.

καὶ Ἴβηρας καὶ ἄλλους is epexegetic of πολλοὺς βαρβάρους. 17

πέριξ πολιορκοῦντες —the fleet would blockade the coasts, while the army would invade the Pel. by land. Athens did not herself possess a large enough army to invade the Pel. effectually, and Pericles had taught that she must be content with making descents upon the coasts.

ἐκ γῆς ἐφορμαῖς —‘by attacks on the land side.’ ἐφορμή, which is rare, is explained by Hesychius as ὅθεν ἄν τις πολέμῳ ἐφορμήσειεν.

ἐντειχισάμενοι = περιτειχίσαντες.

εὐπορώτερον —adverb: cf. c. 92, 1; VII. 4 ῥᾷον αὐτῳ ἐφαίνετο ἡ ἐσκομιδὴ τῶν ἐπιτηδείων ἔσεσθαι. ‘So that they should in every case be forthcoming in abundance.’ τι gives a distributive force, and αὐτῶν refers to χρήματα καὶ σῖτον. (So Classen and Sitzler. Others understand by τι αὐτῶν ‘our various projects.’)

διαρκῆ —pred. to χρήματα καὶ σῖτον. ἄνευ ‘without touching.’

ἐνθένδε = ἐκ τῆς Ἑλλἀδος.

ὅσοι —the edd. all say that Nicias and Lamachus are meant, and Reiske even proposed ὼς οἱ as a correction; but ὅσοι ὑπόλοιποι means ‘all those who remain now I am withdrawn,’ ‘all the generals left behind, including those who have not gone to Sicily,’ and not ‘those whom I have left in Sicily.’ That this is so is shown by the following facts: (1) the use of ὑπόλοιπος in Thuc.: I. 105 τὸ πρὸς Αἰγίνῃ στρἀτευμα is contrasted with οἱ ἐκ τῆς πόλεως ὑπόλοιποι: IV. 2 στρατηγοὶ οἱ ὑπόλοιποι are contrasted with ὁ ἤδη προαφιγμένος ἐς Σικελίαν: VII. 64 τοὺς ἐκεῖ ( i.e. at home) ἡμῶν ὑπολοίπους: cf. also ib. ἡ ὑπόλοιπος πόλις and c. 17 ὑπόλοιπον ἡμῖν ἐστὶν ἀντίπαλον ναυτικόν: (2) in c. 62, 1 the generals left in Sicily are called οἱ λοιποὶ τῶν Ἀθηναίων στρατηγοὶ ἐν τῇ Σικελίᾳ: (3) in II. 65 Thuc. speaks of the support given to the expedition at home after it sailed out; and of course the στρατηγοί in Athens would have to advise about this, and some of them might be sent out to replace Alcibiades: (4) αὐτἀ = all the schemes including the καταπολέμησις of Peloponnese. It would be absurd to attribute the whole of this work to Nicias and Lamachus alone.

ὁμοίως — i.e. ‘though I have withdrawn.’ οὐ περιέσται τἀκεῖ—οὐ σωθήσεται τὰ ἐν τῇ Σικελίᾳ.

ἀπειρότεροι —sc. τῶν Ἀθηναιῶν. ξυστραφέντες—c. 77, 1.

πανδημεί —c. 68, 2.

ἔχεται —‘is in their power.’ The pres. denotes the certainty of the event. Stahl, Q.G.2 p. 12

κίνδυνον ἐκεῖθεν —‘danger from that quarter.’

οὐκ belongs to μακροῦ: cf. c. 15, 4.

ὥστε —‘and thus’; M.T. § 602.

εἰ μὴ ποιήσετε —‘unless you mean to do this.’ With the construction οἰέσθω βουλεύειν, εἰ μὴ ποιήσετε cf. Lys. 13, 93 εἰ γὰρ ἀποψηφιεῖσθε . . τῇ αὐτῇ ψήφῳ καταψηφίζεσθε, and § 3 above.

στρατίαν τε πέμψετε —epexegesis of τἀδε ποιήσετε. For

οἵτινες cf. ἀπὸ Πελοποννήσου . . οἵ c. 80, 1. ὡς ἂν . . ξυντάξῃ—ὡς ἄν only here in Thuc.; M.T. § 326. The construction is poetical, ὄς with fut. indic. being the ordinary prose form of expression. Several constructions that are familiar in Thuc. are found on examination to be poetical: e.g. the dat. with verbs of motion, expressing interest or the goal, as ἦλθον αὐτοῖς c. 46, 3; ἐπί with dat.= against c. 61, 1; and others already noticed. (See C. F. Smith, Trans. of Am. Phil. Association 1894 p. 61 ff.)

ξυντάξη —‘organise.’

τοὺς μὴ θέλοντας , sc. παρεῖναι. The form θέλειν for ἐθέλειν is regular after μή .

οἱ ἐνδοιάζοντες —such as Camarina. An Ionic word.

τὰ ἐνθάδε —this may be either adverbial, ‘in Greece,’ or direct object of ἐκπολεμοῦν, ‘the Greek states.’

ἧσσον . . πέμπωσι —‘may be prevented from sending.’

τειχίζειν δὲ χρή —the passage that follows is written with a knowledge of later events. The chief results of the occupation are to be: (1) the capture or surrender of most of the property, (2) the loss to Athens of the revenue from the mines, (3) the tribute from the allies will not be paid. These are the results that in VII. 27 are actually stated to have followed (Jebb, Hellenica p. 290).

Δεκέλειαν —it commands the road from Athens to Oropus, and thus the route to Euboea, whence came a great part of the corn supplies of Athens. The fort built there overlooked the richest parts of Attica.

ὅπερ — i.e. τὸ τειχίζειν. For

αὐτοῦ in place of οὗ see c. 4, 3 n.

τῶν ἐν τῷ πολέμῳ —the A. had adopted this plan against Sparta at Pylus. ‘The only suffering incidental to the war of which they have not had a thorough experience.’

βεβαιότατα δ’ ἂν κτλ —‘the surest way of injuring an enemy is to bring on him that which one ascertains from clear in formation that he fears most.’

εἰκὸς γάρ —‘it is natural that every one should have the most accurate knowledge of the particular dangers that he fears,’ i.e. he realises best the nature and extent of the danger he is in.

κωλύσετε —sc. ὠφελεῖσθαι.

αὐτόματα —this refers to ‘the desertion of slaves, included in the κατασκευαί as household chattels or “live stock”’ (Jebb).

ἥξει πρὸς ὑμᾶς —‘will come into your hands.’

τῶν ἀγυρείων μ. —Aesch. Persae 237 ἀργύρου πηγήτις αὐτοῖς ἐστὶ θησαυρὸς χθονός. They were farmed out on hereditary leases. τὰς < ἀπὸ> τοῦ Λ. Stein.

ἀπὸ γῆς —produce to the tenant and the rent paid to the state.

δικαστηρίων —fees and fines to the state and pay to the dicasts. The business of the courts would be at an end. This may be somewhat exaggerated. In VII. 28 it is explained that all citizens were required for military duty. (The conjecture δεκατευτηρίων—see crit. note—is too technical to be satisfactory; and the tithes and taxes on land are included in ἀπὸ γῆς.) For the omission of the prep. with δικαστηρίων cf. ce. 6, 2; 26, 2.

τῆς . . προσόδου —the most important source of revenue. For the change from accus. to gen. with ἀποστερήσονται ef. c. 85, 2 n.

ἧσσον διαφορουμένης =‘less regularly transmitted.’ There is no other instance of this sense of διαφορεῖν, the nearest being in c. 100, 3, where it=‘to transfer.’

τὰ παρ’ ὑμῶν . . πολεμεῖσθαι —‘that the war is being condueted on your part.’ τὰ πὰρ’ ὐμῶν is prob. subject, not adverbial.

ὀλιγωρήσουσι sc. τοῦ διαφορεῖν τὴν π.

γίγνεσθαι δὲ κτλ. —‘the prompt and efficient execu tion of these plans rests with you.’

οὐδὲ ὑποπτεύεσθαι κτλ. —‘nor do I think suspieion should be cast upon my words on the ground that I display the zeal of an exile.’ For ἐς the edd. quote VIII. 88 βουλόμενος αὐτὸν ἐς τὴν φιλίαν διαβάλλειν. The gen. μοῦ separated from τὸν λόγον has the force of an ethic dat., as often in Thuc.

φυγάς τε γὰρ κτλ. —‘an exile, indeed, I am from the villainy of those who banished me, but not from the power of aiding you’ (Wilkins). This refers to ἐς τὴν φυγαδικὴν π., but the extreme artificiality of the expression is not redeemed by its ingenuity. φυγάς is used in two senses.

καὶ πολεμιώτεροι κτλ. —referring to μετὰ τῶν πολεμιωτάτων above. Enemies within are more dangerous (to Athens) than enemies without.

ἤ —strictly ἀλλά is required, as οὐχ follows πολεμιώτεροι. For the opposite, ἀλλἀ in place of ἤ. cf. II. 43 οὐκ ἐν ᾧ κεῖνται μᾶλλον, ἀλλ’ ἐν ᾧ ἡ δόξα . . καταλείπεται. (The Scholiast is wrong in saying οὐχ οὕτως ὑμᾶς πολεμίους ἡγοῦμαι, ὡς Ἁθηναίους .)

οἱ . . ἀναγκάσαντες —referring to his own enemies at Athens.

τό τε φιλόπολι κτλ. —‘love of country consists for me not in suffering injustice, as I now am doing, but in the feeling that I once lived securely as a citizen’ (Hampke, Studien p. 11). ἐν ᾧ= ἐν τούτῳ ὅτι. Cf c. 55, 4. Classen wrongly supplies εἶχον to ἐν ᾧ . . ἑπολιτεύθην. Alc. ‘is not saying that he was once a patriot and had now ceased to be one, but he claims or pretends to be still a patriot’ (note in Jowett), as is shown by what follows.

οὐδ’ ἐπὶ πατρίδα οὖσαν κτλ. —‘nor yet do I think that I am now attacking (a city) that is still my country, but rather that I am trying to recover one that is not my country.’ by helping you to defeat Athens, to destroy her power, and to start a new hegemony founded on good will and independence (§ 5).

καὶ φιλόπολις κτλ. —Jebb suggests that in these words, written after the end of the war, Thuc. may have been thinking of Thrasy bulus and the downfall of the Thirty. ‘Just after the restoration of the democracy the point would have been peculiarly effective.’ Cf. Isocrates 16, 14, where the comparison between Alc. and the patriots under Thrasybulus is made.

ἀπολέσας , ‘lost.’

διὰ τὸ ἐπιθυμεῖν —cf. Andoc. 2, 10 εἰσῆλθέ μοι ἐπιθυμία τῆς μεθ’ ὑμῶν πολιτείας. ‘The true patriot is not he who abstains from moving against the country from which he has been unjustly banished, but he who, in his passionate love for her, strives by all means to regain her’ (Jebb). The whole of §§ 3 and 4 is sophistry.

ἐμοί τε —answered by καὶ αὐτούς. ταλαιπωρία often means the suffering that war or disease brings

προβαλλόμενον —‘put forward’; cf. I. 73 τὰ δὲ Μηδικὰ . . αἰεὶ προβαλλομένοις (mid.) ἀνἀγκη λέγειν (a passage which is, I think, misundcrstood by the edd.).

εἰ πολέμιός γε κτλ. —we should expect rather to have a general statement: the plea is ‘just as I injured you greatly as an enemy, so I should help you effectually as a friend.’

ὅσῳ —‘inasmuch as’ (oftener with compar. or superl. following). ‘I only conjectured your intentions, whereas I know those of the Athenians.’

διαφερόντων —‘interests.’

βραχεῖ μορίῳ —‘with a small part of your forces.’

μεγάλα is considered by Poppo predicative, by Classen proleptic; but perhaps the order is only due to the antithesis between βραχεῖ and μεγάλα—‘a slender aid to secure great interests’ (Bloomfield’).

τὴν μέλλουσαν —referring to the Athenian designs as he had foreshadowed them.

τῆς ἁπάσης Ἑλλάδος —he contrasts the mildness of the coming Spartan hegemony with the oppression of the present Athenian Empire. The contrast is of course imaginary.

κατ’ εὔνοιαν —‘in virtue of their goodwill.’

καὶ αὐτοί —‘even unasked’ they were thinking of sending an expedition against Athens, but were ‘hesitating and looking about them.’

ἐπερρώσθησαν is opposite of ἀρρωστεῖν: cf. VII. 7 ἐς τἆλλα πολὺ ἐπέρρωντο: the ἐπ‐ denotes addition.

διδάξαντος . . καὶ νομίσαντες —the participles are timeless. They were encouraged ‘by his explanation and by the thought that he knew.’

προσεῖχον ἤδη τὸν νοῦν —‘from this moment they set their minds on it.’ The plan was not carried out until March 413. The Peace of Nicias was still nominally observed: Sparta shrank from violating it openly.

καὶ τὸ παραυτίκα —with πέμπειν. which depends on προσεῖχον τὸν νοῦν in a slightly different meaning.

τιμωρίαν = βοήθειαν (Schol.), Ionic. No troops were sent immediately.

Γύλιππον —see Freeman, Hist. Sic. III. p. 201. His arrival in Sicily was the turning-point of the war. His father, exiled for taking bribes from Athens, had settled at Thurii in 445 B.C.

προστάξαντες ἄρχοντα —Thucydidean expression for the appointment of a commander.

τοῖς Συρ . is dat. commodi.

μετ’ ἐκείνων —sc. the Syracusans, though only the envoys are meant, as also in Κορινθίων.

ποιεῖν ὅπῃ . . ἤξει —‘to devise how help may reach their friends in Sicily most effectually and speedily.’

ἐκ τῶν παρόντων —‘under the circumstances,’ viz. those explained by Alc. in c. 91, 2.

οἱ —the only case of the sing. of this pron. at all frequent in prose.

Ἀσίνην —in Messenia, mentioned also in IV. 13 . It is strange that it is not more clearly defined, esp. as there is a place of the same name in Laconia. The further movements of Gylippus are recorded in c. 104.

ὅταν καιρὸς ᾖ —it was now winter, and so not time to sail.

ἡ . . τριήρης —see c. 74, 2. τροφήν is money to pay the troops. The sum is 300 talents (c. 94, 4). Cf. the inscription given in Hicks, p. 79 ‘ επὶ τῆς Ἀντιοχίδος ὀγδόης πρυτανευούσης τρίτῃ ἡμέρᾳ (this date would be somewhere in March, which fits in with the text here) τῆς πρυτανείας’: a sum of 300 talents is paid as a loan from the treasure of Athena (cf. II. 13 ) to Aristocrates, Euonymus, and the other strategi, who pay it over for the army in Sicily. Then follows an account of a further loan of 4 talents, 2000 drachmas, for the ships that were to convey the money to Sicily.

ἐτελεύτα —see on c. 7, 4.

Μεγάρων, οὕς —for the change from place-name to inhabitants, which is very common, cf. cc. 48; 74, 1; 75, 2. Observe that unless gender and number are in agreement with the antecedent, attraction of rel. is impossible. Cf. c. 20, 3 Νάξου καὶ Κατάνης, ἂς ἤλπιζον .

ὥσπερ καὶ κτλ —at c. 4, 2.

ἐδῄωσαν τούς [τε] ἀγρούς —for the wrong insertion of τε see on c. 6, 2. It is improbable that Thuc. would write such a sentence as ἐδῄωσαν τούς τε ἀγροὺς καὶ . . τὸ πεδίον ἐδῄουν for ἐδῄωσάν τε τοὺς ἀ. καὶ ἐδῄουν τὸ πέδιον, for in all other places where τε is misplaced the verb in the second clause is different; the second clause refers to the return journey and should not be joined to the first by τε . . καί: if so joined τὸ πεδίον ought to refer to a plain at Megara. Herbst, who brackets τοὺς ἀγρούς as well, says that there is no passage in Thuc. in which τε is a real parallel to this. His objections to τοὺς ἀγρούς are, however, less forcible. By these words we are to understand estates about Megara that were held by Syracusans; cf. II. 13 τοὺς ἀγροὺς τοὺς αὑτοῦ, of Pericles' estates.

ἔρυμα —‘Thuc. had already twice mentioned Megara as a φρούριον of Syr. in cc. 49, 75. . . This ἔρυμα is surely something smaller than τὰ Μἐγαρα φρούριον in c. 75’ (Freeman).

αὖθις —refers to ἐδῄουν, in the sense of ‘next’; cf. c. 90, 2.

παρακομισθέντες —this goes with πεζῇ and ναυσί: all returned along the coast, some by sea, some by land. The Terias forms the boundary between Syracusan and Catanean territory.

τό τε πεδίον — i.e. τὸ τοῦ Τηρίου πεδίον. ἀναβάντες applies only to the land forces. Notice the three participles, ἑλόντες, παρακομισθέντες, ἀναβάντες. Cf. c. 97, 4.

Κεντόριπα — Centorbi, one of the Sicel towns that refused to join the A. It is close to Inessa and Geleatic Hybla.

τῶν Ἰνησσαίων —the exact site of Inessa is unknown. In III. 103 it is τὸ Σικελικὸν πόλισμα. In 426 the Athenians tried to take it and failed. For the attempt to take Hybla see c. 62, 5. Both were overlooked by Centuripa. Freeman notices that the article is wanting to Centuripa, as also to Hyccara c. 62, 3, and thinks that they were much less well-known places than Inessa, which was a famous place in the time of Ducetius.

τοὺς ἱππέας —see c. 93, 4.

τῶν ἵππων —‘the required horses’ were to be got in Sicily.

ἐπ’ Ἄργος —an ally of Athens. Classen thinks that the purpose was to make a hostile settlement at Cleonae.

σεισμοῦ —always a source of great alarm at Sparta.

Θυρεᾶτιν —this region was a cause of frequent dispute between Argolis and Sparta. It had been in the possession of Sparta since 495 B.C.

ἔλασσον —for the adverb see c. 1, 2 n. The omission of ἤ after it is not very common, but occurs in IV. 72 , 2.

ὁ Θεσπιέων δῆμος —Thespiae, like Plataea, refused to submit to the Persians. It was always suspected by Thebes of leaning towards Athens, and in 423 Thebes destroyed its walls. No doubt the government was administered in the interests of Thebes.

οὐ κατέσχεν —intrans., ‘did not attain their object’; cf. c. 11, 3.

Ἀθήναζε —it was part of the tradition of Athens, often alluded to in tragedy, to afford shelter to exiles.

τε ]—cf. c. 94, 2 n. As Stahl says, there is no parallel in Thuc. to such a ‘trajection’ of τε as this for τοὺς ὶππἐας ἥκοντάς τε.

Ἐπιπολῶν —Epipolae includes all the high ground west of Achradina which was not within the fortifications of the city.

σφᾶς —should strictly speaking be σφεῖς: but the accus. marks the contrast—here with Ἀθηναῖοι—more strongly when the pronoun is far from the subject to which it refers.

τὰς προσβάσεις —i.e. the approaches at the western end. It is strange that the Syr. had not posted a guard here before; but still stranger that the A. afterwards, when they gained Epipolae, left the approaches open.

αὐτῶν = τῶν Ἐπιπολῶν. κατὰ ταῦτα= ‘by this road.’

δυνηθῆναι —sc. λαθεῖν ἀναβάντες. The reason for this confidenee is given in what follows.

ἐξήρτηται κτλ —‘the rest of Epipolae (with the exception of the western extremity) is elevated and slopes down to the city, and inwards ( i.e. ab urbe, as Bauer explains) it is exposed to view,’ because it rises gently. (1) ἐξήρτηται= suspensa est. Stahl and others read ἐξῆρται, arguing that the Schol. read it, for his note begins μὴ ἐπὶ τοῦ ἐξῆρθαι καὶ μετεωρίσθαι ὰκουέσθω. But, as Classen says, this does not settle the reading. (2) μέχρι τῆς πόλεως and ἔσω are the opposite one of the other; for ἔσω=landwards from the city.

ἐπιπολῆς —‘above.’

τὸν λειμῶνα —north of the confluence of the Anapus and Cyane.

ἐτύγχανον . . παρειληφότες — with the tenses here contrast ἔλαθον σχόντες in c. 97, 1, and φθάνει (historic pres.= ἔφθασεν ) ἀναβάς. See M. T. §§ 144, 146, 147, 887. The aor. partic. expresses time coineident with the aor. of these verbs.

οἱ περὶ τὸν Ἑρμοκράτη —see cc 72, 5, 73, 1. Freeman thinks that Thuc. gives the names prematurely in c. 73, 1, and that the election had only just taken place. But Thuc. means that the election took place in the winter, and the new generals only entered on office in the spring, with the beginning of the new campaign.

λογάδας —see on c. 66, 2. In c. 100 λογάδες and ἐκλεκτοί occur together.

ὅπως . . εἶεν . . παραγίγνωνται —cf. VII. 17 ὅπως . . ἀποπειράσωσι . . κωλύοιεν. ‘As the two forms are equally correct, we sometimes find both in the same sense.’ M.T. § 321.

ταύτης τῆς νυκτὸς κτλ —as the passage stands in the MSS., the construe is ‘on the day that followed this night the A. held a review,’ i.e. on the day following the night that preceded the Syracusan review, they having sailed from Catana to Leon during the night. But serious objections to this are the intolerable harshness of the sentence, the absence of καὶ αὐτοί after ἐξητάζοντο, and above all the absurdity of supposing that the A. would hold a review at Leou while the Syr. were doing the same on the Anapus, instead of making the best of their way to Euryelus, their whole object being to seize the height unknown to the Syr., as the night voyage shows. And § 2 below, ἐχώρει εὐθύς δρόμῳ, is inconsistent with the supposition. Again, the review cannot have been held at Catana, as then the voyage must have been made when day was well advanced. The choiee lies between inserting ᾗ with Poppo before τῇ and striking out καί with Madvig, so as to refer ἐξητάζοντο to the Syr.; and with Kruger regarding τῇ ἐπιγιγνομένῃ . . ἐξητάζοντο as an adscript on ταύτης τῆς νυκτός, intended to explain its meaning. This has then been attached to the text by καί.

τὸν Λέοντα —the site is not known. All that is certain is that it was within a nule of the point of ascent σχεῖν κατά, as distinct from ἐξέβαινον ἐς τὸ κατά in c. 65, probably shows that it was on the coast, though Arnold, Grote, and Freeman thought not. Holm points out that the A. would land at a point south of Thapsus.

Θάψον —now Magnisi. The naval force protected itself by a stockade across the narrow isthmus.

ἐν στενῷ ἰσθμῷ —cf. IV. 45 ἰσθμὸν . . ἐν ῷ ἡ Μεθώνη ἐστί: IV. 113 , 2.

κατὰ τὸν Εὐρύηλον —the ‘Broad Nail’ extends in its widest sense from Mongibellisi, where stands the Dionysian Castle, to the Belvedere Hill, which forms the head of the nail and is the western extremity of the hill. The point meant here is the former, where the northern wall of Dionysus springs from his castle. The same path was used by Gylippus afterwards, and again by the A. general Demosthenes in the night attack on Epipolae. For

πεζός see Index.

ἐκ τοῦ λειμῶνος καὶ τῆς ἐ —with παραγενέσθαι.

τάχους —the gen. denotes the sphere in which lay their power.

προσμεῖζαι —sc. τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις. The Syr. of course ascended Euryelus by the south side.

ἐπικαταβάντες —the A. march down the hill and then back again. For the succession of participles cf. c. 4, 1.

ἐπὶ τῷ Λαβδάλῳ —east of the point of ascent, on the north brink of the cliff, ‘on the extremity’ ( ἀκροῖς). This site would be convenient with the fleet stationed at Thapsus. Its disadvantage was that it was not visible from the κύκλος which the A. presently built. It was subsequently taken by Gylippus. When he took it there were apparently no stores there; these were apparently removed to the κύκλος: cf. c. 102, 2. (See Heitland in Jour. of Phil. '94 p. 57.) ‘A safe place was needed for their money and stuff, while they themselves went forth to fight with the enemy, or to hem in his city by a wall across the height which was now their own’ (Freeman).

καὶ οὐ πολλῷ κτλ —though expressed paratactically, the section consists of two causes and a result—each introduced by καί—so that καὶ ξύμπαντες=‘and thus in all.’

Συκῆν —this name is found only in Thuc., and the position is unknown. Arnold, Grote, Stahl, Holm, and Freeman place it on the middle of the slope of Epipolae. But Leake and Conradt place it farther south, and this view is probably correct. See c. 101, 1 on ἐτείχιζον τὸν κρημνόν.

ἐτείχισαν τὸν κύκλον —recent authorities agree that this means ‘built (and completed) the (necessary, cf. c. 100, 1) fort,’ and not ‘built the (whole) circle of walls,’ which was never completed. This fort was to be the central point of walls running north to Trogilus and south to the Great Harbour, and from it the A. subsequently established communication with the harbour. (The only recent writer who supports the sense ‘circumvallation’ is Conradt in N. Jahrb. fur Phil. '84 p. 534. The passages in which the κύκλος is referred to are cc. 99, 1, 3; 101, 1; 102, 2; VII. 2 , 4. Conradt's only strong point is that in VII. 2 τῷ δὲ ἄλλῳ τοῦ κύκλου πρὸς τὸν Τρώγιλον the sense ‘on the other side of the fortress’ or ‘for the other portion running from the fortress’ cannot be got from the Greek. I read there τῷ δὲ ἄλλῳ < ἄνω> τοῦ κύκλου. But in all the other passages ‘fortress’ is much more suitable. Heitland shows that the sense ‘circumvallation’ belongs to κύκλος when it is used either ( a) of defences. ( b) offensive works that run all round a place. The reasons appended to Jowett's translation for preferring ‘circumvallation’ have been refuted by Freeman and Heitland.)

ἀντιπαρατασσομένων —with ἑώρων. διεσπασμένον, opposite of ξυντασσόμενον.

μακροτέραν —sc. ὁδόν. All degrees of μακρός are found thus in the fem. accus.

σκίδνασθαι is an Ionic form

φυλή = τάξις. Gardner and Jevons, p. 637. ἓν τάγμα ἀπὸ φυλῆς μιᾶς, Schol.

τὸ πρὸς βορέαν τοῦ κύκλου τεῖχος —either ‘a wall to wards the north of the fort,’ or ‘the wall north of the fort.’ It is not clear whether τὸ πρὸς β. agrees with τεῖχος or not. Thuc. distinguishes κύκλος from ἀποτείχισμα.

αἰεί —with παρέβαλλον.

βραχύτατον —the distance from the κύκλος to Trogilus ( ἐπὶ τὴν ἐτέραν θάλασσαν) would be about a mile and a half, and the same from the κύκλος to the harbour.

ἐγίγνετο = ἔμελλον ἔσεσθαι, Schol.

ὑποτειχίζειν —‘build an intercepting wall’; cf. ὑπομόσαι . ἀποκλῄσεις γίγνεσθαι—ἀποκλῄσεις is subject of ( ἔμελλον). The plur. may allude to the fact that, as the A. were building two walls, Syr. would be shut in in two directions.

ἐπιβοηθοῖεν —sc. οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι. ‘If they sent to prevent them while they were building.’

ἀντιπέμπειν αὐτοῖς —sc. ἐδόκει ἄμεινον εἶναι. At καὶ φθάνειν ἄν the passage is continued in O.O.

τὰς ἐφόδους —either ‘attacks’ on the wall which would be ‘checked’ by a stockade, or else the ‘approaches’ which would be ‘occupied’ before the wall itself was built. In either case the sense is the same: the σταυροί are to protect the builders, and are a temporary shelter.

ἀπὸ τῆς ς. πόλεως —from some point in the wall of Temenites.

κάτωθεν τοῦ κύκλου —‘south of the fort.’ The reasons for the choice were—(1) the A. would be prevented from reaching the Great Harbour, (2) the north was unsuitable, because the A. fleet was at Thapsus, and a counterwork there would be exposed on two sides to an attack, (3) the A. were busy at the north, and their attention was withdrawn from the south. (Leake, Arnold, Grote, Holm, and Classen place the wall at the south. But Göller, Dunbar, Didot, and Stahl place it north of the κύκλος, rendering κάτωθεν ‘on lower ground than.’ But (1) c. 100, 2 κατέφνγον ἐς τὸ προτείχισμα τὸ περὶ τὃν Τεμενίτην is against this. (2) If the wall was north of the κύκλος, why did the A. leave off building at the north wall after destroying the counterwork? They would have pressed on in that direction to prevent the Syr. from repeating their attempt to traverse the north wall. But if the Syr. built south, between the κύκλος and κρημνός, Nicias had a good reason for building at once across this space, instead of continuing on the northern wall. (3) As κάτωθεν can mean ‘south of,’ it is unlikely that Thuc. would have used it to describe a wall north of the κύκλος, as such a description would certainly mislead.)

ἐγκάρσιον —at right angles to the A. wall.

τοῦ τεμένους — i.e. in the Temenites, for which see c. 75, 1.

πύργους ξυλίνους —probably on the south side of the wall.

αἱ δὲ νῆες κτλ —this explains on the one hand how it was that the Syr. were not open to attack from the harbour, on the other why the A. were able to get provisions in spite of the Syr. counterwork and possession of the harbour.

ὅσα τε ἐσταυρώθη καὶ ᾠκοδομήθη — i.e. the ὑποτείχισμα consisted partly of palisading and partly of stone-work. The exact relations between the σταύρωμα and οἰκοδόμημα cannot be determined. Thuc. himself is not clear, for he speaks presently of φύλακα τοῦ οἰκοδήματος, and farther on alludes to part of the same people as οἱ ἐν τῷ σταυρώματι φυλάσσοντες. Observe that τε is misplaced.

μάχωνται —sc. οἱ Συρακόσιοι. τὴν καθ) αὑτούς—at the north.

τούς τε ὀχετοὺς . . διέφθειραν —the elaborate aqueducts of Syr., of which there are many remains, were partly open, partly underground.

ποτοῦ ὕδατος —belongs to ὀχετούς, but is attracted into the rel. clause.

τούς τε ἄλλους — i.e. those of the φυλή who were not ἐν τῷ σταυρώματι φυλάσσοντες.

ἐξαπιναίως —this and ἐξαπίνης, for ἐξαίφνης and αἰφνιδίως, are Ionic. For

εἰ ἐπιβοηθοῖεν see Index s. εἰ.

ἡ δὲ . . τὸ παρὰ τὴν πυλίδα —while a body of 300 picked men was making for the ὑποτείχισμα, or that portion of it that consisted only of palisading, a division of the army marched to another σταύρωμα—viz. ‘that by the postern gate’; but whether this πυλίς was in the walls of the city or in the ὑποτείχισμα is not stated. On the one hand there may well have been a gate in the ὑποτείχισμα to admit from one side to the other, and this may be one of the ἔφοδοι alluded to in c. 99, 2. But the 300 picked men would be sufficient to attack this, and it ought to be some gate through which help might come to those at the counterwork. Hence most probably it is a gate in the wall of Temenites, south of the point where the counterwork sprang from the wall; so that one division of the A. army marched north, the other south of the ὑποτείχισμα.

τὸ σταύρωμα —sc. τοῦ ὑποτειχίσματος. CavallariHolm seem to identify this wrongly with τὸ σταύρωμα τὸ παρὰ τἡν πυλίδα .

τὸ προτείχισμα —see c. 75, 1. The Syr. probably rushed through the πυλίς, and the pursuers ran in after them, accompanied by some of the division that was marching on the σταύρωμα there. Among these last were some Argives (§ 3), who, being hoplites (c. 43, 2), were not among the ἐκλεκτοί of § 1.

τὴν . . ὑποτείχισιν = τὁ οἰκοδόμημα of § 1. On

διεφόρησαν see c. 91, 7

ἐτείχιζον τὸν κρημνόν —‘they proceeded to build a wall on the cliff,’ not ‘built a wall along the cliff,’ as Classen. This is the short piece of wall that ran from the κύκλος to the Portella del Fusco, and is more accurately described in § 3 as τὸ πρὸς τὸν κρημνόν. (Arnold, Grote, and Freeman understand ‘they fortified a point on the cliff,’ and assume that Nicias subsequently filled in the space between this new fort and the κύκλος with a wall which Thuc. does not mention. They increase the difficulty by placing the κύκλος too far north. Lupus, Stahl, and Fr. Muller read < ἐς> τὸν κρημνόν, but this is not necessary when the κύκλος is rightly placed, the distance now built being so short that the wall ‘ to the cliff’ can be fairly called a wall ‘ on the cliff.’)

ὑπὲρ τοῦ ἕλους —Lysimeleia, now Pantanelli.

τῶν Ἐπιπολῶν depends on ταύτῃ.

διὰ τοῦ ὁμαλοῦ —a lower level than Epipolae, but not so low as the marsh.

αὖθις —again they built out westward, and made another effort to prevent the A. from reaching the harbour, but this time on the lowest level. Probably the palisade and ditch were not completed.

τὸ πρὸς τὸν κρημνόν —see on § 2.

ἐκ τῆς Θάψου — it was a mistake to abandon Thapsus altogether.

περὶ ὄρθρον —cf. IV. 110 νυκτὸς ἔτι καὶ περὶ ὄρθρον. Phrynichus says ὄρθρος ἐστιν ἡ ὥρα τῆς νυκτὸς καθ) ἣν ἀλεκτρύονες ἄδουσιν. ἄρχεται δὲ ἐνάτης ὥρας καὶ τελευτᾷ εἰς διαγελῶσαν ἡμέραν .

καὶ διὰ τοῦ ἕλους —Classen takes this with διαβαδίσαντες, so that ᾗ πηλῶδες . . ἐπιθέντες is parenthetical; whereas Krüger joins it with ἐπιθέντες, which makes an awkward expression. Stahl renders ‘in fact over the marsh,’ apparently regarding it as an explanation of ἐς τὸ ὁμαλόν: but τὸ ὁμαλόν and τὸ ἕλος are different levels. Classen is probably right.

τὸ δεξιὸν κέρας —the Syr. line was facing towards the north, so that the right wing made for the city, the left ran along the left bank of the Anapus to the bridge by which the Helorine road crossed it (the Syr. had restored it since the incident mentioned in c. 66, 2); they hoped to reach Polichna, which was in the hands of the Syr.

οἱ . . λογάδες —see c. 100, 1.

ἦσαν γὰρ κτλ —this gives the reason for what follows, not for what preeedes.

αὐτοῖς =the Syr.

ξυνεφοβήθη —‘was also put to confusion,’ like the 300. Observe the correction φυλή for φυλακή of the MSS. In Xen. Hel. IV. 2 , 19 there is a false variant, φυλακαί for φυλαί.

Λάμαχος —see Intr. p. xiv.

ἑαυτῶν —the plur. is often so used where one general among several is mentioned.

εὐθὺς κατὰ τάχος — an instance of the tendency to multiply words, esp. adverbs, in order to obtain emphasis— e.g. πόθεν οἰκόθεν· αὐτοῦ ἐκεῖ. The same tendency is seen in Latin, esp. in comedy.

αὐτῶν —depends on οἱ καταφυγόντες. See c. 62, 5 n.

τοὺς κατὰ σφᾶς —means the left wing of the A.

τὸ μὲν δεκάπλεθρον προτείχισμα —this outwork, 1000 feet long, is probably a curving wall in front of the portion of the κύκλος that faced towards the city. It may also have run in front of the short piece of wall that joined the κύκλος to the κρημνός (see c. 101, 1 n.), the effect of which arrangement would be that ultimately all the lines from the κύκλος to the Great Harbour, including the κύκλος itself, were double. The προτείχισμα was probably rebuilt afterwards. (Conradt thinks that the προτείχισμα is a fort at the north end of the line of circumvallation; but what could be the object of a fort there, when the A. were occupied in building at the north and meant to continue to Trogilus?)

διεκώλυσεν —sc. ἑλεῖν καὶ διαπορθῆσαι. Nicias had only the soldiers' servants with him.

κάτωθεν — from Anapus.

ὥσπερ εἴρητο —‘in accordance with instructions.’ See c. 101, 3.

καὶ ἡ ξύμπασα — i.e. not only the two divisions that had advanced from the city, but the left wing also that had fled to the bridge, returned. For

μή see M.T. § 685.

αὐτόν —‘the general.’ The A. now stopped build ing north of the κύκλος, and built a double wall from Portella del Fusco towards the Great Harbour. Now that the fleet was in the harbour, it was necessary to secure communication with the κύκλος. The object of the wall being double was partly that provisions might come safely from the harbour, and partly to guard against an attack from two sides, as Polichna was in the possession of Syr.

περιεωρῶντο —as in c. 93, 1. For

Τυρσηνίας see c. 88, 6.

καὶ τἆλλα κτλ —the next sentences consist of a telling contrast between the prospects of the two sides just before the arrival of Gylippus. Then come the progress and arrival of the latter, the passage lasting down to the end of VII. 2 . The whole passage is one of the finest examples of the sombre pathos of which Thuc. is such a master.

προυχώρει ἐς ἐλπίδας —‘the progress was such as to rouse hopes’ of success. Cf. VIII. 81 ἐς ἐλπίδας αὐτοὺς τῶν μελλόντων καθίστη, though the resemblance is more apparent than real. This use of ἐς is to express the end or consequence towards which the action of the verb is directed. Cf. πράσσειν τι ἐς ἀναβολάς VII. 15 , ‘to act so as to produce delays.’ (Classen reads ἐς ἐλπίδα with the Vatican,=‘according to their hope.’)

οὐδέ —from Peloponnese they had especially looked for help, because of their tie with Corinth and the Spartan hatred of Athens.

τοὺς δὲ λόγους —‘the proposals they made whether among themselves or to Nicias were for peace.’ These proposals must have come from persons opposed to Hermoerates, and are a violation of the oath taken a few months before (c. 75, 2). They are the outcome of the vigorous prosecution of the siege.

οἷα —sc. λέγεσθαι

ὑπό —‘under the weight of.’

Ἡρακλείδην —not the same as the one mentioned in c. 73, 1.

Γύλιππος —see c. 93, 2. He assumes, in accordance with the statements of Alcibiades, that the A., having secured Sicily, will proceed to attack Italy.

τὴν δὲ Ἰταλίαν —for the meaning of this see on c. 2, 4. For

τὸν Ἰόνιον ( κόλπον) see on c. 13, 1.

Θουρίαν —see on c. 61, 6.

πρεσβευσάμενος —not ‘went on a mission,’ but ‘sent an embassy,’ and ‘renewed the citizenship that his father Cleandridas had enjoyed there.’ See c. 92, 3.

αὐτούς —the people for the place, as constantly. 20

κατὰ τὸν Τεριναῖον κόλπον — as this gulf, now di S. Eufemia, is on the north-west side of the Bruttii, this seems to be a mistake: he ought to have said the Scyllacian gulf ( di Squillace), which is opposite to it on the south-east, the land being here at its narrowest.

μέγας κτλ —‘stiffly when it sets at north.’

πάλιν χειμασθείς —‘being driven by a violent storm.’

ἐς τὰ μάλιστα —as in Demosth. 21, 212 εἰσὶν εἰς τὰ μάλιστα πλούσιοι.

ὑπερεῖδε —‘despised the small number.’

φυλακήν — sc. νεῶν. He presently sent out four ships, but they failed to intercept Gylippus.

Λακεδαιμόνιοι —see c. 95. The A. now openly break the Peace of Nicias and the alliance that followed by attacking places in Laconia.

ἐκ Πύλου —the A. had occupied Pylus in 425 B.C. They had formed an alliance with Argos and Mantinea in 420.

ὅσον κτλ —‘only just to land on L. territory in arms.’ For ὅσον μόν ον cf. Aristoph. Vesp. 1288 ὅσον δὲ μόνον εἰδέναι: IV. 16 ὅσα μὴ ἀποβαίνοντας, ‘except disembarking.’ The phrase

ξὺν ὅπλοις is an old military expression, this and ξὺν ( τοῖς) θεοῖς being the only phrases with ξύν that are common in Attic, except Xenophou.

Ἐπίδαυρον —ravaged by the A. in 424, and again in 413.

Πρασιάς —P. had already suffered severely in the war. Aristoph. Pax 242 ἰὼ Πρασιαὶ τρισάθλιαι καὶ πεντάκις.

εὐπροφάσιστον κτλ —‘brought it about that the L. had a better excuse for alleging against the A. that they were defending themselves.’

Φλειασίαν —Phlius was in alliance with Sparta.