Thucydides History of the Peloponnesian War 6.34

ἐβούλοντο —‘the word is here (as in Xen. Hel. III. 4, 2, and elsewhere) used not so much of will as of intention (Bloomfield). This is not accurate. Trans. ‘felt a wish.’ βούλομαι expresses a vaguer wish than διανοοῦμαι: it never means ‘make up one's mind,’ and consequently cannot, like διανοοῦμαι, be constructed with a fut. infin.

αὖθις —with ἐπὶ Σικελίαν πλεύσαντες. It is the habit of Thuc. to place the prominent word early in its clause. For the previous A. expeditions see Intr. p. x.

μείζονι παρασκευῇ —the numbers that sailed under Laches are not known. [Pythodorus and] Eurymedon took forty ships with them.

Αάχητος —in Sicily 427-426 B.C.; replaced in winter of 426 by Pythodorus. He was a supporter of Nicias in arranging the peace of 421. Plato's Laches is named after him. It has been conjectured that he is represented under Tydeus in the Supplices of Euripides (produced circ. 420 B.C.). He is the dog Labes in Aristoph. Wasps. He was attacked by Cleon.

καί —joins the names of two commanders who were not in power at the same time. Hence the full form would be τῆς μετὰ Λάχητος καὶ τῆς μετὰ Εὐρ.: but it is worth noticing how with the second of two expressions joined by καί it is possible to omit (1) the article, (2) the preposition. Such omissions are common even when the connected expressions are quite distinct.

Εὐρυμέδοντος —on returning to Athens from Sicily in 424, he had been tried on a charge of taking bribes ( γραφὴ δώρων or δωροδοκίας), and was fined. He was not στρατηγός again until 414 B.C. This long period of retirement is probably connected with his trial and condemnation.

ἐπὶ Σ. πλεύσαντες καταστρέψασθαι —it is regular to construct the common object of a partieiple and verb so as to suit the participle.

ἄπειροι οἱ πολλοί —in limiting apposition to Ἀθηναῖοι. Thuc. enlarges or contracts the subject at will.

τοῦ μεγέθους . . τοῦ πλήθους — chiasmus is so common in Thuc. as to amount to a mannerism. Cf. V. 61 τήν τε τοῦ τείχους ἀσθενείαν καὶ τοῦ στρατοῦ τὸ πλῆθος. (On μέγεθος and πλῆθος τῶν ἐνοικούντων in reference to the City see Aristot. Pol. 1326 a, with Fowler's City-State, p. 276.)

καὶ ὅτι —a clause introduced by ὅτι in either of its meanings is often co-ordinated to a noun, as in VII. 58 , 4 διὰ μέγεθός τε πόλεως καὶ ὅτι (‘because’) ἐν μεγίστῳ κινδύνῳ ἦσαν. Cf. Demosth. VIII. 71 οὐδὲν ἂν τούτων εἴτοιμι, ἀλλ) ὅτι . . οὐδὲν πολιτεύομαι. (1) A similar use of ‘and that’ is common in eighteenth-centnry English prose; as also is (2) the habit of using together two constructions after a single verb or governing expression—here τοῦ μεγέθους . . καὶ ὅτι after ἄπειροι ὄντες. Thus in VIII. 4 , 1 we have παρεσκευάζοντο δὲ . . τήν τε ναυπηγίαν καὶ Σούνιον τειχίσαντες: Addison has ‘It was his design to marry her to such a gentleman, and that her wedding should be celebrated on such a day’; ‘They believe the same of all works of art . . and that, as any one of these things perish, their souls go into another world’; Cowper has ‘The fine gentleman would find his ceilings too low, and that his casements admitted too much wind’; Johnson, ‘They think veneration gained by such appearances of wisdom, but that no ideas are annexed to the words.’ Thackeray, Carlyle, and Ruskin also indulge in this and similar constructions.

οὐ πολλῷ τινι —Hudson wrongly says ‘ τινι videtur πλεονάζειν.’ Greek has three words for our ‘very,’ ‘really,’ or ‘actually’ ( quidam with adjeetives)—(1) τις (generally with adjectives of degree); (2) πάνυ and σφόδρα (often with words other than numcrals which cannot be compared. See Class. Rev. VIII. p. 152 b). With negatives τις or πάνυ or both together can be used. (See Stein on Herod. V. 33 .)

ὑποδεἐστερον —antithesis to μεγέθους καὶ πλήθους, as in II. 89 , 6 ἐκ πολλῷ ὑποδεεστέρων . . μέγα τι τῆς διανοίας τὸ βέβαιον ἔχοντες : V. 20 ὑποδεέστερον ὂν τὰ μέγιστα τιμήσει.

ἀνῃροῦντο —the pres and imperf., especially of - γίγνομαι and - δίδωμι, often express intention or attempt; as Aristoph. Pax 408 προδίδοτον τὴν Ἑλλάδα: Eur H. F 538 καὶ τἄμ’ ἔθνῃσκε τέκν), ἀπωλλύμην δ’ ἐγώ liberi mei morituri erant, ego autem peritura.

Σικελίας —here follows a description of Sicily, in which Thuc., ‘like Herodotus, retains the spirit of the older geographers and logographers,’ and writes with something of the grace that characterises the style of Herodotus. It has been commonly supposed since Nicbuhr that Thuc. borrows from his contemporary Antiochus of Syracuse—so Goller, Wolfflin, Classen, Mahaffy,—but there is no certainty (see Freeman, Hist. Sic. I. p. 456). Thuc. probably visited Sicily during his exile.

ἔλασσον —not ἐλάσσων: the adverbs πλέον, ἔλασσον are regularly used in such cases. Cf. c. 95, 1 ἐπράθη ταλάντων οὐκ ἔλασσον πέντε καὶ εἴκοσι. The repetition of οὐ πολλῷ τινι emphasises the vastness of the undertaking.

ἡμερῶν —so II. 97 , 1 περίπλους τεσσάρων ἡμερῶν. The length of the coasts of Sicily is 512 miles. In ancient times, astronomy not being applied to navigation, distance round the coasts of a country of which the measurements were unknown, could be reckoned only by the time occupied in the voyage.

τοσαύτη οὖσα —Thuc. ‘seems to think that there is a geographical incongruity in so large an island being separated from the mainland by so narrow a channel’ (note in Jowett); or rather, he adds as a second proof of the geographical importance of the island—and consequently of the magnitude of the new undertaking—the fact that Sicily, in addition to its size, is so close to the mainland as to be almost part of the continent. Athens was in the habit of reducing islands— πλεύσαντες καταστρέψασθαι—but she had not the means for reducing a large continental country. (Stein explains similarly.)

ἐν . . μέτρῳ —a difficult use of ἑν in its quasi-instrumental sense, ‘ res in qua aliqua actio vel qualitas cernitur.’ c. 16, 5 ἔν τινος λαμπρότητι προέσχον is the same use. It is from this use that adverbial phrases like ἐν τάχει come.

τὸ μή —Soph. Phil. 1141 ἔστιν τις ἔστιν ὅς σε κωλύσει τὸ δρᾶν. M.T. 811: Wecklein on Agam. 1588. It is internal accus.

εἶναι —see crit. note. Poppo defended οὖσα here as a confusion between two constructions; but Classen is probably right in thinking that οὖσα got in from τοσαύτη οὖσα above. Among recent critics, only L. Herbst defends οὖσα: he thinks that τό does not affect the construction here and in other places, but is used as a demonstrative particle. Would μή then be possible?

ᾠκίσθη δέ —answering to περίπλους μέν above. cc. 2-5 are generally described as a digression; but the passage is perhaps rather a continuation of the description of the greatness of Sicily. ‘The greatness of Sicily,’ Freeman says, ‘was essentially a colonial greatness, the greatness of communities which did not form whole nations but only parts of nations, nations of which other parts remained in their elder homes.’

τὸ ἀρχαῖον —distinguish from κατὰ τὸ άρχαῖον (‘in the ancient manner’).

ἔσχε —sc. αὐτήν. τὰ ξύμπαντα is nom., agreeing with ἔθνη. When the art. precedes πᾶς and its compds., the whole is regarded as the sum of its component parts. (To take τὰ ξύμπαντα as accus. is wrong. A complete list of tribes is what Thuc. gives; their geographical distribution is also described, but that is already referred to in ὦδε ᾠκίσθη. Cf, the last sentence of c. 2, where the same ideas recur in inverse order.) λέγονται—λέγομαι used personally or impersonally is regularly constructed with an infin.

Κύκλωπες —Homer does not say that the Cyclopes dwelt in Sicily ( Od. IX); but the scene of his story was always localised by later writers (as by Euripides) in Sicily.

Λαιστρυγόνες —mythical beings ( Od. X. 81) like the Cyclopes, dwelling, like them, in fairy-land. The story that they lived in Sicily is the product of Greek fancy. (See Freeman l.c. pp. 100, 106.)

ποιηταῖς —esp. Homer. Observe that the perf. pass., when the subject is non-personal, regularly has the agent in dat.

ὡς ἕκαστος γιγνώσκει —so in II. 48 , of the origin of ‘the Plague.’

περὶ αὐτῶν —Classen takes αὐτῶν as neut., ‘these questions,’ i.e. γένος, ὁπόθεν ἐσῆλθον κ.τ.λ. Of this rather vague use of αὐτά Thuc. is fond. But μετ’ αὐτούς below is strongly in favour of making αὐτῶν masc.

Σικανοί —some modern critics, including Holm, think that Σικανοί and Σικελοί are ‘simply dialectal differences of the same name.’ Freeman combats this view l.c. pp. 472 fol.

ἐνοικισάμενοι —‘settled there.’ The next words mean ‘or rather ( καί = immo) before them, according to their own account.’ There is an instance of the sarcastic humour of which Thuc. is rather fond in ἐνοικισάμενοι . . αὐτόχθονες: if ‘original inhabitants,’ they could not be ‘settlers.’

ὡς μὲν αὐτοί φασι —this is placed early in order to bring out the antithesis sharply. It is a very common trick of order in Thuc.

διὰ τὸ . . εἶναι —the inf. with διὰ τό is very common in Thuc. (63 cases according to Behrendt), but διὰ τοῦ with inf. is not found. The inf. with art., commoner in Thuc. and Demosth. than in any other author, is in Thuc. found chiefly in the speeches and the loftier parts of narrative. The construction and usage of the Eng. inf. in - ing (as distinct from the verbal noun) are precisely similar to the Gk. inf. with art., except only that the Eng. inf. can be qualified, not only by the def. art., but by a pronoun and by a substantive in the possessive case.

Ἴβηρες —great value attached to a well-authenticated claim to be αὐτόχθονες: hence Thuc. marks the antithesis to διὰ τὸ αύ. εἶναι, instead of writing ὕστεροι in contrast with πρότεροι. Stein reads < ὕστεροι>, Ἴβηρες.

Σικανοῦ —has been thought to be the Sègre or even the Seine, but it is unknown. It is not certain from what quarter these Iberians really immigrated to Sicily. 14

Τρινακρία —Freeman points out that this name, derived from τρεῖς ἄκραι, is probably a mere corruption of the Homeric Θρινακίη, with which island Sicily was identified, the supposed reference being to the triangular shape of Sicily. Ov. Fast. IV. 419 Trinacris a positu nomen adepta loci.

καλουμένη —this tense of the partic. (imperf.) is invariably used when a name now obsolete is referred to. κληθείς= ‘called’ (timeless), or ‘having received the name,’ and is used of names given under some definite circumstances referred to, as in c. 4, 1 τοὺς Ὑ. κληθέντας, and c. 4, 5.

τὰ πρὸς ἑσπέραν —adverbial. For the expression cf. τὰ πρὸς βορρᾶν § 5 and τὸ πρὸς νότον III. 6 . πρὸς ἑσπέραν also means ‘towards evening,’ sub vesperum.

ἁλισκομένου —Classen makes this historic pres.; but it cannot be shown that the historic pres. is used in any mood but the indic. Stahl takes it with διαφυγόντες—‘escaped at the time of the capture.’ This is possible; but Goodwin ( M.T. § 27) classes ἁλίσκομαι with ἀδικῶ, φεύγω, νικῶ, etc., so that the pres. may here resemble a perf.: but observe (1) when the pres. indic. of ἁλ. refers to the past, it appears to he historic pres.; (2) ἁλισκόμενος is either ( a) coincident in time with the main verb, or ( b) approaches to the perf., like άδικῶ. (An imperf. partic. in gen. abs. joined to a historic pres. sometimes gives the cause of the verb; as I. 136 δεδιέναι φασκόντων Κερκυραίων ἔχειν αὐτόν, διακομίζεται ἐς τὴν ἤπειρον .)

ἀφικνοῦνται —verbs of ‘going’ and ‘sending’ are especially common in the hist. pres.

ξύμπαντες μέν —Jowett renders ‘they settled near the Sicanians, and both took the name of Elymi’; but Freeman says ‘I certainly always understood this simply to mean that the whole people were called E. . . . but that there were two separate Elymian cities.’ Freeman is clearly right. The Sicanians had given their name to the island, and they remained quite distinct from the Elymi. Also, is J.'s rendering of ξύμπαντες possible? ξ. is often contrasted with κατὰ πόλεις, whereas it never means in Thuc. ‘they with the others.’ And Thuc. is clearly giving the name and the cities of the new settlers.

Ἔρυξ —the story of the Trojan origin of Eryx is accepted and elaborated by Virgil m Aeneid V.; but Freeman shows that the older legend did not assign to it a Trojan origin.

Ἔγεστα —this is the Greek name; but the native name, retained by the Romans, was Segesta. It is the Acesta of Aen. v. 718 . To the Romans is due the tradition that it was founded by Aeneas, who named it after Acestes.

προσξυνῴκησαν δὲ . . καί —a characteristic anaphora of ὅμοροι . . οἰκήσαντες. Thuc. does not in narrative balance the clauses exactly by anaphora, whereas in Xenophon such balance is very frequent. Cp. c. 20, 4.

Φωκέων —the statement that Phocians settled in Sicily receives no support except from a single passage in Pausanias. And this testimony is really of slight value, as P. is enumerating the Greek settlers in Sicily, as distinct from the barbarians, among whom he places the Elymi (Phrygians, i.e Trojans). The correction Φρυγῶν is not really supported, because when later writers speak of Phrygians in Sicily they mean Trojans. It looks as if in τῶν Τρώων τινές above Thue. refers to that arrival which appears under a much-developed form in Dion. Hal. as the return of Acestes. Whether in Φωκέων τινές we have an early form of the legend that reappears in the story of Aeneas, is much more doubtful. Dion. Hal. assigns an Areadian origin to Aeneas: and it should be borne in mind that the Trojans are barbarians in Thuc. and Pausanias, but Hellenes in Dion. Hal. and Virgil. Dion. Hal. speaks of the Trojans under Aeneas as τὰς πόλεις συνοικίζοντες τοῖς Ἐλύμοις έν Σικελίᾳ. These faets only show how great was the confusion in the stories concerning the settlement of the Elymi, and how impossible it is to correct Φωκέων with any confidenee.

τότε —refers back to διαφυγόντες (Stahl).

ἐς Λιβύην —it is not impossible that this suggested to Virgil the bringing of Aeneas to Carthage. πρῶτον, ἔπειτα—πρῶτον without μέν is always followed by ἔπειτα without δἐ, unless καί follows ἔπειτα, when δέ is always added, as in VII. 23 τὸ μέγιστον πρῶτον, ἔπειτα δὲ καί κτλ.

ἀπ) αὐτῆς —this pronoun, referring to a preceding noun or pronoun, corresponds to is in Lat There is in Thuc. a use of αὐτά which corresponds to haec omnia, ‘our empire,’ as in Cic. pro Sul. § 28.

κατενεχθέντες —cf. IV. 120 πλέοντας δ’ άπὸ Τροίας σφῶν τοὺς πρώτους κατενεχθῆναι ἐς τὸ χωρίον τοῦτο τῷ χειμῶνι ᾧ ἐχρήσαντο Ἀχαιοί.

Σικελοί —it is generally agreed among ancient writers that the Siculi were Italian, and had been driven into Bruttium from Latium.

Ίταλίας — i.e. only the modern Calabria, in ancient times the peninsula reaching to the Laus on W., and to Metapontum on E. Dion. Hal. I. 12 defines Italy in this sense as άπὸ ἄκρας Ἰαπυγίας μέχρι πορθμοῦ Σικελικοῦ.

Ὀπικούς —identified by Strabo with the Oscans. They were enemies of the Latins, who regarded them as barbarous. Cf. Jovenal's opici mures.

ὡς μὲν εἰκός —there are two uses of εἰκός—(1) to introduce what is probable, but is incapable of proof; (2) of the reasonable conduct of persons.

ἐπὶ σχεδιῶν —cf. on c. 101, 3. In this use, the gen. with ἐπί differs from the dat. in that it expresses the means as well as the place.

τηρήσαντες = φυλάξαντες, as III. 22 , and Demosth. 28, 1 τηρήσας τὴν τελευταίαν ἡμέραν. πορθμός generally in prose= ‘strait,’ but ‘passage’ suits τηρήσαντες better ‘Watching for the passage when the wind blew,’ means that they waited till the wind blew from Italy. The danger of the πορθμὸς Σικελικός is proverbial. Cf. the mare Siculum of Roman poets.

κατιόντος —technical word. < ἐς> τὸν π. Stein.

τάχα ἄν —sc. διέβησαν, M.T. § 244. The contrast is between what they probably did and what they may possibly have done. δέ—τάχα δ’ ἄν would be more usual, but expressions like τάχ) ἄν occasionally displace δέ. Thus Andocides has δῆλον ὅτι δέ for δῆλον δ’ ὅτι.

ἀπὸ Ἰταλοῦ —this remark is of no value as history. Cf. Aen. I. 532 nunc fama, minores | Italiam dixisse, ducis de nomine, gentem.

οὕτως —referring back to ἀπὸ Ἰταλοῦ after the parenthetical remark τοὔνομα τ. ἔ.

στρατὸς πολύς —predicate, = ἦλθον πολλοί. κρατοῦντες—κρατῶ with μάχῃ or μαχόμενος—or when one of them is clearly implied—takes accus. in Thuc., otherwise gen. Cf. Demosth. 8, 32 ὃν κρατήσαντες τοῖς ὅπλοις, ib. 19, 319 Φωκέας ἐκράτησε (sc. μάχῃ). κρατῶ with gen.= κρείσσων γίγνομαι. [Demosth.] 13, 17 ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις κρατεῖν τῶν ἐχθρῶν is wrong.

τὰ κράτιστα τῆς γῆς —‘the best parts’; cf. VII. 19 τῷ πεδίῳ καὶ τῆς χώρας τοῖς κρατίστοις.

ἐπεί —‘from the time that.’ The edd. compare ἐπειδὴ ἐπαύσαντο I. 6 , and note that the sense is the same as that of ἀφ) οὗ, ἐξ οὗ. The use is characteristic of tragedy and early prose. See L. & S.; in I. 14 , 3 ὀψέ τε ἀφ) οὗ is doubtful.

τὰ μέσα καὶ τὰ πρὸς βορρᾶν —comparing τὰ μεσημβρινὰ καὶ ἑσπέρια above, we notice that τά is inserted a second time. For the repetition see note on καί in c. 1, 1. The omission is impossible when the first member is an adj.— μέσα —and the second is a participial expression— πρὸς βορρᾶν Cf. Hyperides I. xx i. 19 ἔξω τῶν βασιλικῶν καὶ τῶν παρ’ Ἀλεξάνδρου. Thuc. I. 18 οἵ τε Ἀθηναίων τύραννοι καὶ οἱ ἐκ τῆς ἄλλης Ἑλλάδος. Isocr. 3, 22 ἐν τοῖς ἐγκυκλίοις καὶ τοῖς κατὰ τὴν ἡμέραν ἑκάστην γιγνομένοις.

τὰ πρὸς βορρᾶν —c. 2 § 2 Cf. Demosth. 18, 301 οὶ πρὸς Πελοπόννησον τόποι.

ᾤκουν —it should be noticed, (1) that the object of the Phoenician settlements was trade with the Sicels; (2) that the Phoenicians were the earliest to send out colonists to Sicily.

ἐπὶ τῇ θαλάσσῃ —of points on the coast, whereas παρὰ ( τὴν ) θάλασσαν implies extent along the coast. But the distinction is not carefully observed. II. 9 Καρία ἡ ἐπὶ θαλάσσῃ: Isocr. 5, 21 ( Ἰλλυρίων) τῶν παρὰ τὸν Ἀδρίαν οἰκούντων.

ἀπολαβόντες —the constant use of participle and verb in the sentences that describe the various settlements lends a special character to these chapters. Whether or not the whole is based on Antiochus of Syracuse, the style is simple and annalistic.

ἐπικείμενα —the Aegatian Islands are meant.

ἕνεκα —MSS. ἕνεκεν, but the form in - ν is very doubtful in older Attic. The order of ἕνεκα allows of (1) τῆς πρὸς τοὺς Σ. ἕνεκα ἐμπορίας, (2) ἕνεκα τῆς πρὸς τοὺς Σ. ἐμ., (3) ἐμ. ἕνεκα τῆς πρὸς τοὺς Σ. On the other hand, ἕνεκα is not placed last in a phrase of this kind, where the epithet contains a preposition— τῆς πρὸς τ. Σ. ἐπεσέπλεον—ἐπ-, as in ἐπάγεσθαι, = insuper, Sta., who adds that κατὰ θάλασσαν lacks point. But it has often been noticed that a simple word ( πλἐω), when compounded, loses something of its force. Hence, to show that it was by sea that the Gks. came, and not by migration from their settlements—the sea being all-important in the struggle between Gk. and Phoenician — κατὰ θ is naturally added. This kind of tautology is to be met with in English: e.g. Johnson, Idler 48 ‘Mons. Le Noir is made miserable . . by every account of a privateer caught in his cruize.’ Burke, Mr. Fox's East India Bill, ‘I have been long very deeply engaged in the preliminary enquiries, which have continued without intermission for some years.’

ἐκλιπόντες . . ξυνοικήσαντες —Thuc. joins two and even three unconnected participles to a verb, provided that the participles are not absolutely parallel.

τὰ πλείω —referring to περὶ πᾶσαν τὴν Σ. This vague use of the neut. is very common.

Μοτύην —an island about five miles N. of Lilybaeum. It was joined to the mainland by a mole, which, though under water, is still used as a track. In 397 the Carthaginians were driven from Motye by Dionysius and founded Lilybaeum.

Σολόεντα —Soloeis, the Roman Soluntum, became the eastern stronghold of the Phoenicians against the Greeks. It was a fortress, not a mere trading station. The present remains go back only to Roman times.

Πάνορμον —the modern capital Palermo, ‘la felice.’ The following list gives the principal events in the history of this famous city:— 254 B.C. Taken by the Romans from the Carthaginians. 409 A.D. Sicily conquered by Alaric. Belisarius recovers Sicily and takes Palermo by siege. The Byzantine Period begins. The Saracen Period. Palermo made capital of Sicily. Conquered by Norman adventurers. The Norman Period. The Sicilian Vespers at Palermo end the dominion of the French. The Spanish Period, leading to the attachment of Sicily to the kingdom of Naples. Garibaldi takes Palermo. Sicily united with Italy.

ξυνοικήσαντες —Stahl points out that this is contrasted with ᾤκουν περὶ π. τὴν Σ. The three towns were not new settlements of the Phoenicians.

καὶ ὅτι —cf. c. 1, 1. Two causes are constantly given in different constructions by Thuc.; a clause with ὅτι is sometimes joined to a prep. ( διά, κατά, πρός) and case.

Καρχηδών —the tradition generally accepted at a later time was that Rome and Carthage were founded on the same day; but there is good evidence that Carthage was founded shortly before 800 B.C. Freeman shows that the Phoenicians were probably confined to the three towns after the Gk. settlement of Selinus, i e. after 628 B.C.

τοσοίδε —the violation of the rule that these forms refer to what follows, occurs most commonly in speeches.

Ἑλλήνων —the following tables exhibit the Gk. cities:— I. CHALCIS in Euboea ( Ionian)

Νάξον —never an important town. It was destroyed in 403 by Dionysins, who founded Tauromenium in its place. Though the site of N. is now occupied by orange-groves, there are remains of the ancient walls. Pausanias exaggerates when he says that there were no traces of the city in his day. (Such exaggeration by Pausanias is found in other cases.)

Ἀπόλλωνος —thus Naxos remained the spiritual centre of Greek Sicily, though it was not the political centre. Freeman well compares the position of Canterbury.

ὅστις —a strange use of ὅστις, the ordinary rules for which as a relative are as follows:—1. Referring to an indefinite antecedent: (a)= such that, as in οὐδεὶς οὕτως ἠλίθιος ὅστις οὔχι κἂν πρῶτος εἰσενέγκαι. (Thus ὅστις often replaces ὤστε after οὕτως.) (b)= whoever, as in ὅστις ἂν ᾖ. 2. Referring to a definite antecedent: (a)= quippe qui. (b)= of the kind that, any that. It has been supposed that Thuc. took at least this note from Antiochus of Syracuse, because Dion. Hal. I. 12 quotes from him the expression τὴν γῆν ταύτην ἥτις νῦν Ἰταλία καλεῖται, and the inference is that Antiochus used ὅστις for ὅς. On the other hand, Dion. Hal. is scarcely to be trusted in a minute linguistic point, and it is strange that Thuc., even though he may have used Antiochus, should follow him in such a use of ὅστις. Stein on Herod. IV. 8 collects exx. of ὅστις for ὅς after οὗτος in Herod. We may compare with this the use of σφῶν in Thuc. for ἑαυτῶν or σφῶν αὐτῶν, and of ὅδε, τοιόσδε, τοσόσδε referring to what precedes (cf. c. 2 end). All these uses are charaeteristic of Ionic rather than of Attic.

τῆς πόλεως —Naxos no longer existed after 403 B.C., and Tanromenium did not stand on the same site. Hence this appears to have been written before 403.

θεωροί —to festivals and to distant shrines.

Συρακούσας —the brevity of this notice of the foundation and growth of S. is in striking contrast with the prolixity of modern historians when they introduce the antagonists of ancient powers

τοῦ ἐχομένου ἔ —an unusual phrase, found only here. Thuc. generally writes τοῦ ἐπιγιγνομένου ἔ.

Ἡρακλειδῶν —of these one branch, the Bacchiadae, had recently established an oligarchy at Corinth, and it is probable that Archias was himself a Bacchiad.

νήσου —Ortygia, to which modern Syracuse is confined. Livy, XX V. 24 insula quam ipsi Nason vocant.

περικλυζομένῃ —about 540 B.C. Ortygia was joined to the mainland by a mole. Cf. the lines of Ibyeus of Rhegium quoted by the Schol. on Pind. Nem. I. 1 . . παρὰ χέρσον | λίθινον ἐκλεκτὸν παλάμαισι βροτῶν . . But in Cicero's day the mole had been replaced by a bridge. At the present day the junction is a mole. Freeman, Sicily II, Note XV.

ἡ ἔξω —Achradina, a name first found in Polybius. It probably included the ‘eastern part of the hill and the low ground between the hill and the island.’ (The precise extent of Achradina is a matter of dispute. See Freeman II. Note V. It was joined to the island by Gelon (485-478), the ‘second founder’ of Syracuse.)

προστειχισθεῖσα —‘this προστειχισμός I understaud to be the work of Gelôn. He joined Ortygia and Upper Achradina by fortifying Lower Achradina.’ Freeman II. p. 447.

πολυάνθρωπος —cf. [Demosth.] and c. Neaeram 75, a speech that contains imitations of Thuc., Θησεὺς συνῴκισεν αὐτοὺς καὶ δημοκρατίαν ἐποίησε καὶ ἡ πόλις πολυάνθρωπος ἑγένετο: Xen. Vect. 4, 50 ἰσχυρῶς γὰρ ἂν καὶ αὕτη πολυάνθρωπος γένοιτο πόλις.

Θουκλῆς δὲ καὶ οἱ Χαλκιδῆς —this passage is introduced as separate from the previous statement about Thucles. Hence the article is not required with Θ.: on the other hand, the article is always inserted with proper names when any special definiteness attaches to them, as here where a special class of Chalcidians is meant, viz. those who had founded Naxos. ὁρμηθέντες—ὁρμῶμαι, like many other verbs with pass. aorists, is really passive. See Rutherford, New Phryn. p. 188.

ἔτει πέμπτῳ —the art. is generally omitted with ἔτει and μηνί.

μετὰ Σ. οἰκ —Index S.V. μετά: this predicative use of the partic. after a prep. is much less common in Gk. than in Lat. It is generally found in expressions indicating time, and oftenest with ἐπί (gen.) or ἅμα. M.T. § 829. (See some characteristic remarks by Prof. Gildersleeve in A.J.P. July 1892, p. 358.)

Λεοντίνους —close to the modern Lentini. It was the only Gk. city of Sicily that was inland. For its opposition to Syracuse see c. 6 § 2.

Κατάνην —the modern Catania, which dates only from the earthquake of 1693. The city has survived many terrible disasters, due partly to its wars, and partly to its proximity to Aetna.

οἰκιστὴν ἐποιήσαντο —presently οἰκιστὰς ποιήσαντες, the active being used of the founders who make the appointment for a colony, the mid. of the citizens who choose for themselves ‘Some distinction,’ says Freeman, ‘is here hinted at between the foundation of Leontinoi and the foundation of Katanê. It may point to some possible dissension or secession.’

κατά —a common use of κατά, and one which is not confined to words denoting time.

τὸν αὐτὸν χ —Megara was encouraged no doubt by the reports of the foundation of Syracuse by Corinth.

ὑπὲρ Παντακύου ποταμοῦ —(1) for this use of ὑπέρ ‘on,’ ἐπί w. dat. is an alternative; (2) the rule in Attic prose is that, when ποταμός is added to the name of a river, the art. is inserted before the name. But Herod. does not use the art. in such a case, and in four passages of Thuc. it is wanting. (So also in the MSS. of Isocr. 7, 80 ἐντὸς Ἅλυος ποταμοῦ, and Xen. Anab. IV. 7 , 18 ἐπὶ Ἅρπασον π.)

Παντακύου —now the Porcari. Trotilon, Leontini, Thapsus, Megara all lay between Catana and Syracuse.

ὄνομα —cf. II. 37 καὶ ὄνομα μὲν . . δημοκρατία κέκληται. This adverb. accus. is commoner than ὀνόματι, for which see n. on c. 10, 2. χωρίον—χωρίον, πόλις, νῆσος, etc. regularly follow the proper name when they have no article. For the order of words Classen compares I. 45 , 3.

ξυμπολιτεύσας — i.e. μετοικήσας ἐς Λεοντ. καὶ ἐκεῖ ξυμπολιτεύσας τοῖς Χαλκ.

Θάψον —a low-lying peninsula, now known as Magnisi, but scarcely occupied, except for its salt-works. Freeman quotes Aen. III. 688 vivo praetervehor ostia saxo | Pantagiae Megarosque sinus Thapsumque jacentem.

ἀποθνῄσκει —the historic pres., esp. common with such verbs as τίκτω, γίγνομαι, θνῄσκω, may be co-ordinated with another tense— ᾤκισαν—which may equally well precede or follow it.

παραδόντος —Freeman says: ‘The M. were helped by a Sikel king who betrayed the place to them’; but Stahl with the older edd rightly explains τὴν χώραν as the region in which M. was situated. Bloomfield, keeping the MSS. προδόντος, renders ‘having conceded,’ and probably Hyblon granted the land because he was unable to defend it. Classen's correction παρα- is almost certain, being in accordance with the language of Thuc., whereas προ‐ τὴν χώραν is a most unusual phrase.

Μεγαρέας —the city, which was never important, was destroyed by Gelon (see c. 5, 3), but was rebuilt after the Sicilian expedition and made an outpost of Syracuse. Gelon had intervened in a civil war at Megara. (The single sentence of which this section consists illustrates the great power of the Gk. participle. οἰκίσας καὶ ξυμπολιτεύσας καὶ ἐκπεσὼν καὶ οἰκίσας expresses a succession of events that are detailed in the briefest and simplest form of words possible. The style is periodic, though the period is not worked up in the rhetorical manner. Observe that τε belongs to the first καί, the two longer participial phrases making one pair, and the two shorter a second pair. Although this cumulation of participles is of course impossible in English, yet the outline of the whole sentence resembles the modern English period, strictly so ealled, rather than the more artificial Gk. period.)

ὕστερον ἢ . . οἰκίσαι — M.T. § 655. This is the only passage in Attic in which ὕστερον ἤ is constructed like πρότερον ἤ (= πρίν). Poppo compares Plut. Luc. 5. It is well known that πρότερον ἤ is very rare outside Herod., Thuc., and Antiphon, but reappears in late authors such as Plut., Pausan., Arrian. 15

αὐπούς —the accus., in spite of the faet that the subject of κτίζουσι is the same. This is apt to happen when a contrast is implied, as here between the building of Megara and the building of Selinus. Cp. Isoer. Ep. 9, 16 οἶμαι καὶ λέγειν ἐμοὶ προσήκειν . . καὶ καλῶς βεβουλεῦσθαι πρός σε ποιούμενον τοὺς λόγους. When a plur and subject of infin. includes the subject of the main verb, the nom. and aeens. are used indifferently with the infin.

οἰκίσαι —sc. Μεγαρέας. Classen reads οἰκῆσαι, but most recent edd. follow Ullrich in reading οἰκίσαι after CG. κτίζουσι favours οἰκίσαι, for which, by a common device of composition, it is a substitute; and, though οἰκῆσαι gives good sense as ingressive aor., it is awkward after οἰκήσαντες in another sense.

Σελινοῦντα —captured by Carthaginians in 409, when the diums of columns that still lie in the quarry of S. were abandoned. At least two of the seven temples of which there are splendid remains were built soon after 628. Hermocrates of Syracuse, when exiled, refounded a city here in 407; but it was destroyed in the first Punic War, and the site has since remained deserted. 16

καὶ . . ξυγκατῴκισε —this is added by way of explanation, so that καὶ . . αὐτοῖς might have been οἷς. For the abrupt change of subject, ef. II. 2 , 4 γνώμην ἐποιοῦντο . . ( καὶ ἀνεῖπεν ὁ κῆρυξ . .), νομίζοντες . . For the explanatory καί Stahl compares IV. 52 , 3 ἐπὶ Ἄντανδρον, στρατεύσαντες . . λαμβάνουσι τὴν πόλιν. καὶ ἦν αὐτῶν ἡ διάνοια . . ἐλευθεροῦν . . τὴν Ἄντανδρον, where καὶ αὐτῶν might be ὧν. [The sequenee would be considerably improved by μεταπέμψαντες for πέμψαντες, i.e. ‘sending home for P.’ We should have expected καὶ ἐκ Μεγάρων . . to be a parenthesis, as commonly with the explanatory καί. So with et; as Livy, 23, 1 ubi fines intravit, Numidas partim in insidiis—et pleraeque cavae sunt viae sinusque occulti—quacumque apte poterat, disposuit]

αὐτοῖς —with οὔσης and ἐπελθών (Sta.). Cf. VII. 64 οἷς αὐτοὶ ἴστε οἵᾳ γνώμῃ ἐπήλθετε. ἐπελθεῖν is ‘to come to with a purpose’ either friendly or hostile.

Γέλαν —the first Gk. city founded on the south coast of Sicily. Hippocrates, its tyrant, raised it to great prosperity: see c. 5, 3. Aeschylus died there 456 B.C. Gelon moved half of its citizens to Syracuse.

Γέλα —the Gelas, so called from its coldness by the Sicels, whose language was akin to Latin.

χωρίον —Freeman says: ‘It would seem that Gela was a later, perhaps in its beginning only a popular, name. To the first spot which the Rhodian settlers occupied and fortified, the spot which became the akropolis of the later city, they gave, in memory of one of the four cities of their own island, the name of Lindioi.’ Cf. Herod. VII. 153 κτιζομένης Γέλης ὑπὸ Λινδίων τῶν ἐκ Ῥόδου.

ἡ πόλις — i.e. acropolis; but the change of meaning is awkward.

καὶ ὅ —‘ attende rariorem syntaxin,’ says Stahl. It would be more usual if ὅ were omitted. Were the pronoun in an oblique case, the ordinary form would be that of II. 4 , 5 ὁ ἦν τοῦ τείχους καὶ αἱ θύραι ἀνεῳγμέναι ἔτυχον αὐτοῦ: but even then Thuc. sometimes omits the pronoun altogether in the second clause, as in VII. 29 , 5 ὅπερ μἐγιστον ἦν αὐτόθι καὶ ἄρτι ἔτυχον οἱ παῖδες ἐσεληλυθότες, sc. ες αὐτό. If, however, the first clause be neg. and the second positive, the rel. must be repeated; as II. 43 , 2 οὐκ εν ῷ κεῖνται μᾶλλον, ἀλλ’ ἐν ᾧ ἡ δόξα αὐτῶν . . καταλείπεται . II. 44 , 2 λύπη οὐχ ὧν ἄν τις . . ἀγαθῶν οτερίσκηται, ἀλλ) οὗ ἂν . . ἀφαιρεθῇ. In Lat. the same omission of or snbstitution for the rel. is frequent in Cic.; and cf. Livy XX III. 8 cum quo . . steterat, nec eum . . patria majestas sententia depulerat. In Eng. cf. Hooker, Eccles. Pol., ‘Whom though to know be life, and joy to make mention of His name.’ Johnson, Tour in the Heb., ‘We treated her with great respect, which she received as customary and due, and was neither elated by it, nor confused.’ Macaulay, Warren Hastings, ‘He hired musicians to whom she seemed to listen, but did not hear them.’

καλεῦται —B was thought to have originally contained καλοῦνται, but this seems doubtful. Herw., in support of the plur., quotes IV. 102 τὸ χωρίον τοῦτο, ὅπερ πρότερον Ἐννέα ὁδοὶ ἐκαλοῦντο, V. 49 ἡ καταδίκη δισχίλιαι μναῖ ἦσαν But it is clear that the verb is not necessarily plur: cf. Herod. VI. 47 μεταξὺ Αἰνύρων τε χώρου καλεομένου: I. 168 ἔκτισαν πόλιν Ἄβδηρα, τὴν . . οὐκ ἀπόνητο: V. 115 τῶν πολίων ἀντέσχε . . πολιορκουμἐνη Σόλοι τὴν . . εἷλον: VII. 193 ( Παγασαὶ) ἔστι χῶρος: IV. 20 τὸ ἐμπόριον τὸ καλἐεται Κρημνοί: VII. 201 καλἐεται δὲ ὁ χῶρος . . Θερμοπύλαι.

νόμιμα Δωρικά —introduced from Crete (Aristot. Pol. II. 7 , 3 ἔχει δ’ ἀνἀλογον ἡ Κρητικὴ τάξις πρὸς τὴν Λακωνικήν), and perhaps from Rhodes, though of Dorian institutions in the latter nothing is heard elsewhere. But the Tripolis of Rhodes —Lindus, Ialysus, Cameirus—belonged to the Dorian Hexapolis, which had a common centre in the temple of Apollo at Triopium (Herod. I. 144 ). There is nothing against the assumption that before Athenian influence was felt in Rhodes, the Dorian institutions had prevailed. In later times the constitution of the island was generally democratie. The family of the Eratidae, who formed a Dorian aristocracy in Ialysus, were banished between B.C. 428 and 412.

Ἀκράγαντα — Girgenti, ‘fairest of mortal cities,’ καλλίστα βροτεᾶν πολίων, Φερσεφὀνας ἕδος (Pind. Pyth. X II. 1 ). It was destroyed by the Carthaginians in 406, but restored subsequently. The river from which the town was named is S. Biagio, the smaller of two streams that flow into the sea through one mouth.

ὀνομάσαντες . . ποιήσαντες . . δόντες —these aorists do not refer to things that occurred before the action of the main verb, ᾤκισαν, but express merely the manner of the foundation. That this is so is elear from δόντες. (Cf. Forbes, Thuc. I. 2 p. 143.) νόμιμα δέ—μέν . . δἐ . . δἐ serve rather to co-ordinate the details than to contrast them.

Ζάγκλη —now Messina, a city which, after suffering from every form of calamity in both aneient and modern times, is now second only to Palermo as a commercial centre. Thuc. gives no date for the foundation of Zancle and Himera (Freeman, Sicily, I. 586 ).

Ὀπικίᾳ =Samnium and Campania.

λῃστῶν —‘As regarded the Sikel inhabitants all Greek settlers were alike pirates. . . What is meant is that these settlers were private adventurers who were not sent forth under an aeknowledged founder, with the traditional ceremonies observed in the sending forth of a colony’ (Freeman).

ἀπὸ Κύμης —in the second and formal foundation.

Χαλκίδος —as mother-eity of Cumae.

ὄνομα —accus, according to FI. Muller, cf. II. 37 ὄνομα μὲν . . δημοκρατία κέκληται. But Kruger rightly takes it as nom.; sc. αὐτῆς from above.

ἧν . . κληθεῖσα —translate, ‘its name was at first Zancle, having received the name from the S. because . .’; i e. this is not a periphrastic form for ἐκέκλητο, but the passage is the same as Plat. Crat. 412 ἀνδρὶ ἦν ὄνομα Σοῦς: Aristoph. Av. 1293 Μενίππῳ ἦν χελιδὼν τοὔνομα: Demosth. 21, 32 ούδενὶ θεσμοθέτης ἔστ’ ὄνομα, and many others. The dat. is usual with ὄνομα ἔστι, but the gen. is also found, as in Demosth. 21, 32, after the passage above. For κληθεῖσα we might expect κληθείσης ( αὐτῆς), but, as αὐτῆς= τῆς Ζάγκλης, the attraction to Ζάγκλη is quite natural. For the partic. following ἦν in this manner, cf. II. 67 , 1 οὗ ἦν στράτευμα τῶν Ἀθηναίων πολιορκοῦν .

Σικελῶν —therefore Z. was not occupied for the first time by Gks.

δρεπανοειδές —‘The sickle-shaped peninsula is the distinguishing feature of the place; this natural breakwater has enabled the city under all changes to keep up its character as a haven of the sea’ (Freeman).

τὴν ἰδέαν —slightly pleonastic after - ειδές, but wrongly suspected by Haacke. This meaning of ἰδέα is not common.

ζάγκλον —the Etym. Mag. quotes Callimachus for ζάγκλον in the sense of δρέπανον. The coins of Z. before the name was changed bear the forms δανκ, δανκλ, δανκλη.

αὐτοί —the Chalcidians.

Σαμίων —the story is told in Herod. VI. When Miletus and Samos fell to Persia in 494, the Ionians were invited by Scythes, tyrant of Zancle, to settle in Sicily. Fugitives from Samos and Miletus adopted a suggestion of Anaxilas, tyrant of Rhegium, that they should seize Z. while Scythes and his army were absent, being occupied in the siege of some Sicel city. Cf. Aristot. Pol. 1303a Ζαγκλαῖοι Σαμίους ὑποδεξάμενοι ἐξέπεσον αὐτοί .

Ἀναξίλας —made himself tyrant of Rhegium 494 B.C., and quarrelled with Scythes of Zancle, though hitherto the two cities had been closely connected. Between 493 and 476 he drove out the Samians in turn.

ξυμμείκτων ἀνθ —taken with οἰκίσας, which is constructed like πληρώσας (Clas.). Widmann compares Eur. Hec. 875 Λῆμνον ἀρσένων ἐξῴκισαν.

Μεσσήνην —Freeman, Sicily II. Appendix IX. gives reasons for thinking that the change of name may have been later than the time of Anaxilas.

τῆς ἑαυτοῦ —Rhegium was peopled soon after Zanele by Chaleidians and by settlers from Peloponnesian Messene.

ἀντωνόμασε —Class. supports this word from Dio Cass. ( I. 55 ), from whom also Bloomfield quotes ἀντωνομάσθη, with the note that the word is extremely rare.

Εὐκλείδου —probably these founders came from Chaleis, as metropolis of Zancle.

στάσει —Aristot. Pol. 1303 b speaks of early factions in Syr. The banished clan, as Frceman points out, is strong enough in numbers to affect the dialect of Himera.

φωνὴ μεταξὺ . . ἐκράθη —this is the only place in Thuc. in which μεταξύ applies neither to place nor to time. The construction would be more regular if μεταξύ were ἐκ.

τῆς τε Χαλκιδέων καὶ Δ —it is usual to omit the 2nd art. after μεταξύ when the gender is the same. Δωρίς, Ἑλληνίς, Περσίς are the ordinary forms with γλῶσσα or φωνή.

ἐκράτησεν —this probably hints at some difficulty that arose between Ionian and Dorian settlers.

Ἄκραι —a fortified outpost of Syr. against the Sicels. It was not a separatc city. Freeman, Sicily II. p. 20 f.

Κασμέναι —the foundation of this second outpost of Syr. came but four years after that of Himera. The exact site is doubtful.

Καμάρινα —its foundation marks the extension of Syracusan power in the S.; Syr. retained some sort of control over it.

ἀναστάτων —the revolt in favour of independence occurred in 553 B.C. (Scymnus).

χρόνῳ —viz. 492 B.C. The war between Hippoerates of Gela and Syr. is mentioned by Herod VII. 154 . Syr. was defeated at the Helorus; H. restored the Syr. prisoners in return for the cession of Camarina. He then restored C. as an outpost of Gela against Syr.

Ἱπποκράτης —tyrant of Gela 498-491 B.C.

λύτρα —for the plur. form in the pred. noun, Bloomfield quotes Ov. Met. II. 695 nitidam cape pracmia vaccam.

γενόμενος —this use of the aor. partic., for which see c. 4, 4 l. 27, is not infrequently found after another partic., λαβών, so that the first partic. is in sense subordinate to the second— ‘when he had received . . he made himself founder’—and the two are accordingly not usually co-ordinated.

ὑπὸ Γέλωνος —tyrant of Gela 491-485, and of Syracuse 485-478. He seized the tyranny of Gela on the death of Hippocrates. Camarina would not accept the wrestler Glaucus, of the famous Enboean city Carystus, whom Gelon set over it, and Camarina was consequently destroyed, and its citizens transferred to Syracuse. This destruction occurred about the same time as that of Megara. See c. 4, 2.

τὸ τρίτον —this occurred about 461 B.C. The Olympic victory of Psaumis of Camarina, assigned to 452, is celebrated by Pindar, Olymp. 4 and 5. This lends point to the words of Pindar: ἀπ’ ἀμαχανίας ἄγων ἐς φάος τόνδε δᾶμον ἀστῶν, and again, αἰτήσων πόλιν εὐανορίαισι τάνδε κλυταῖς δαιδάλλειν.

Γελῴων —see critical note.

τοσαῦτα κτλ —observe the chiastic form of the summary: Ἑλλήνων=c. 3, 1; βαρβάρων=c. 2, 6; τοσαῦτα ἔθνη=c. 2, 1; τοσήνδε οὖσαν=c. 2, 1 (previous senfence). The same arrangement occurs in II. 7 , 8, 9.

προφάσει —in one other passage of Thuc. of the real motive, I. 23 , τὴν μὲν γὰρ ἀληθεστάτην πρόφασιν, ἀφανεστάτην δὲ λόγῳ. Cf. Demosth. de Cor. 201 ὅτι τὴν μὲν ἀληθῆ πρόφασιν τῶν πραγμάτων ἀπεκρύπτετο. In this use πρόφασις is the excuse which the writer gives as the true one in contrast with the alleged cxcuse. C. D. Morris quotes Bacon's ‘ the truest cause of this war, though least voiced. ’

ἄρξαι —ingressive, as often with the aor. of ἄρχω.

ἅμα — i.e. Thuc. admits this as a secondary motive, and says that it was the one avowed in order to attract ( εὐπρεπῶς ).

τοῖς ἑαυτῶν ξ — i.e. the Chalcidians of Naxos, Catana, Leontini, as Ionians.

προσγεγενημένοις —Kruger, Hude, Stein, Sitzler accept this reading against προ-. ‘The allies who had jomed them’ in addition to their kinsmen. Thus in III. 86 we have αἱ Χαλκιδικαὶ πόλεις καὶ Καμάρινα aiding Leontini in 426; in v. 5 Phaeax in 422 persuades Acragas and Camarina to join with the allies of Athens against Syr. The Sicels also had joined in 426, III. 103 . For Segesta see § 2.

τε ]—those who retain τε—Classen, Böhme, Muller, Sitzler—assume an anacolnthon, supposing the construction to be broken by ὅμοροι γάρ, and to be resumed at § 3 ὧν ἀκούοντες: so that Thuc. intended Ἐγεσταἰων τε πρὲσβξις . . καὶ οἱ ξυναγορεύοντες. But, as Stahl points out, if this were so, the parenthesis would be added from a wish to say something about Ἐγεσταίων πρὲσβεις as distinct from οἱ ξυναγορεύοντες. But, in fact, the explanation applics to both, as § 3 shows. It often happens in the MSS. of Thuc. that τε is found in some MSS. and not in others. Each passage has to be dealt with on its own merits.

προθυμότερον —‘earnestly.’

γαμικῶν τινων —‘Notwithstanding difference of origin, not withstanding frequent quarrels, a right of connubium must have existed between the Greek and the barbarian city’ (Freeman).

γῆς ἀμφισβητήτου —the Mazarus formed a boundary between the lands of the two cities.

ὥστε — quamobrem, a use of ὥστε and indic. common in Thuc. and other prose authors, and by far the commonest use of ὤστε with indic. in Soph. and Eurip.

ἐπὶ Λάχητος —see on c. 1, 1. This alliance with Segesta is not mentioned before; but an alliance is here plainly implied. [

Λεοντίνων ]—has been taken with πολὲμου, which is not a proper definition of the war of 426, and with ξυμμαχίαν, which is contrary to fact, since the alliance with Leontini—as is known from an inscription—was made in 433, not in the previous war.

ἀναμιμνῄσκοντες —with two accus., as Demosth. 45, 34 τοῦθ) ὑμᾶς άναμνήσω. αὐτῶν—τῶν Ἀθηναίων. Syr. had already destroyed Leontini in 422. The only remaining question was whether the act was to go unpunished: if it was not punished, then Syr. might proceed to destroy the other Athenian allies as well, and so get possession of all Sicily.

διαφθείραντες —this is much better than the pres. partic. (see crit. note), which would mean time concurrent with σχήσουσι. Clas. explains the pres. of the successive conquests But this use of the pres. partic. to express a process not contemporary with the time of the main verb can only be shown to exist where the time of the partic. is absolutely past (see the exx. in M. T. § 140), as in II 51 ἕτερος ἀφ) ἑτέρου θεραπείας ἀναπιμπλάμενοι ὥσπερ τὰ πρόβατα ἔθνῃσκον, whereas διαφθείροντες would refer to time absolntely future. Krüger understands ‘they will get possession of the whole power of S. while destroying’; but this is scarcely satisfactory. Moreover, the order τὴν ἅπασαν shows that the sum of all the items that make up the power is meant; and it is illogical to combine this with a distributive expression. κίνδυνον εἶναι—λέγοντες has here the infin.; cf. vii. 21 λέγων . . εἶναι: but in II. 5 λέγοντες ὅτι . . The pres. partic. with infin. is found in I. 38 ; II. 13 ; III. 70 ; IV. 22 , 70; v. 49 λέγοντες μὴ ἐπηγγέλθαι πω τὰς σπονδάς, 46; VI. 52 , 58 λέγοντες οὐδὲ ἐπαγγεῖλαι τὴν άρχήν, 79; VIII. 70 , 93. In v. 49 the μή is due to ἀντέλεγον μή . . preceding. In none of these passages does λέγω mean ‘to command.’ There are at least as many instances in Thuc. of λέγων=‘saying’ with infin. as of λέγων with ὅτι or ὡς .

Δωριῆς τε Δ —the figure called polyptoton. It is a common means of emphasising an idea both in Gk. and Lat. ἐκείνων—τῶν Ἀθηναίων, so that it applies to the same persons as αὐτῶν above. Cf. c. 61 κατέγνωσαν αὐτοῦ τε καὶ τῶν μετ’ ἐκείνου, where see n. τόν—τὸν μέλλοντα, Schol.

ἀκούοντες —the pres. is used because the partic. is influenced by ἐν ταῖς ἐκκλησίαις. There were several meetings of the Ecclesia specially held ( ξυγκλητοὶ ἐκκλησίαι) to hear the arguments. Cf. Demosth. 3, 4 πολλῶν δὲ λόγων καὶ θορύβου γιγνομένου παρ’ ὑμῖν, ἐψηφίσασθε τριήρεις καθέλκειν.

τῶν ξυναγ —Alcibiades and his followers. These gens. are absolute.

πρῶτον —before finally deciding.

τὰ τοῦ πολέμου . . πρὸς τοὺς Σελινουντίους —unless πόλεμος can be considered as ( a) a verbal noun, this order is impossible, because there is ( b) no other epithet to πολέμου than πρὸς τοὺς Σελ. Cf. ( a) II. 52 ἡ ξυγκομιδὴ (verbal noun) ἐκ τῶν ἀγρῶν: ( b) I. 110 τὰ κατὰ τὴν μεγάλην στρατείαν Ἀθηναίων.

οἱ ξυμ. πλὴν Κορινθίων —the relations between Corinth and Sparta since the Peace of Nicias, early in 421, had been somewhat complicated: Corinth stood ont of the Peace. Autnmn of 421, Corinth initiated a new leagne under Argos, v. 27 , on the ground that Sparta was arming at ‘enslaving the Peloponnese.’ In May 420 Athens concluded an alliance with Argos, Elis, and Mantinea; from this Corinth held aloof, v. 48 , and was inclined to join Sparta. In 418 Corinth joined Sparta against Argos, v. 58 . But Corinth was never a cordial ally of Sparta after 421.

τὴν Ἀργείαν —in June 417 there had been a democratic revolution at Argos, which had then again joined Athens. In the antumn of both 417 and 416 the Spartans had invaded Argos.

τινα —Stahl takes this with σῖτον, Clas. with ζεύγη. If it be genuine (see crit. note), it probably belongs to σῖτον. ζ. κομίσαντες ‘having brought waggons (for the purpose).’

Ὀρνεάς —formerly an ally of Argos, but occupied by Sparta as a fort ( ἐπιτείχισμα) from which to threaten Argos. For the capture of Orneae cf. Aristoph. Av. 395.

φυγάδας —oligarehs who fled at the time of the revolution at Argos, and had since been living at Phlius.

παρακαταλιπόντες —a ἅπαξ λεγ.

ὥστε —‘on condition that,’ a use of ὥστε and infin. common in Thuc., who uses ἐφ) ᾧ, ἐφ) ᾧτε only with fut. indie. Cf. M. T. § 110.

ἐκδιδράσκ. οἱ ἐκ —a common case of attraction of preposition. Cf. Andoe. οἱ ἐκ τῆς ἀγορᾶς ἔφευγον. If the text is sound, Cie. ad Fam. vii. 1 has ex illo cubiculo, ex quo . . tempora consumpseris.

ὡς ᾔσθοντο —a favourite substitute for αἰσθόμενοι in the vicinity of another partic.

Μεθώνην —the addition is made in order to distinguish this M. from the M. in Messenia, which was attacked by the Athenians in 431 B.C., II. 25 .

φυγάδας —they had been supporters of Perdiccas' brother Philip, whom Perdiecas had expelled from Upper Macedonia.

τὴν Περδίκκου —P. II. of Macedon, son of Alexander the Philhellene. His relations with Athens are not elearly explained by Thuc., and the omission is serious, as we cannot without such explanation understand fully the political position in the north-cast. The following table is compiled from Thuc.:— (1) Perdiecas was in alliance with Athens before 432. (2) In 432 he encouraged Potidaea to revolt. (3) 431: reconciliation with Athens. (4) 429: Athens projected an expedition against him. In 427 and 425 we know from inscriptions that Athens negotiated with him to prevent him from injuring Methone. (5) 424: he encouraged Brasidas to go to the north. (6) 424 autumn: he made terms with Athens. (7) 418: he joined Sparta after Mantinea. 417: the Athenians blockaded him ineffectually. (8) The present incident. (9) 414: he is again on good terms with Athens.

Χ. τοὺς ἐπὶ Θ —it is unknown when the truce was made between A. and the Chal., but it was probably in 417.

δεχημέρους —Clas. explains ‘renewable every ten days’; but such relations between A. and eities so distant are surcly impossible. Grote is probably right in explaining it ‘an armistice terminable at ten days' notice.’

ἐτελεύτα —the anaphora of this word is remarkable; but we have almost the same form of expression: ‘and winter ended, and with winter ended the year.’ Procopius imitates this expression of Thuc.; but for the second ἐτελεύτα he regulaily substitutes ἔληγε. The object of Thuc. in thus repeating ἐτελεύτα is doubtless to mark the fact that the end of winter and the end of the year of war coincide.

ἧκον —‘returned,’ as often.

ὡς —with μισθόν. According to the figures, each member of the crew of 200 is to receive one drachma a day, which was double the ordinary pay.

ἐκ. ποιήσαντες —cf. Andoc. I. 82 ἐκ. ποιήσαντες ἐβουλεύσασθε καὶ ἐψηφίσασθε. Technically only the πρυτάνεις could summon the Assembly, the technical phrase being προγράφειν τὴν ἐκκλησίαν. (Aristot. Ath. Pol. c. 43; Schomann de Com. Ath. p. 53; Gilbert, II. p. 269.)

πρέσβεων —this must have oceurred either at the third or the fourth Ecclesia of the seventh Prytany, in the latter part of the month Anthesterion, Ol. xcii. (Cf. Aristot. l.c.) Four meetings of the Eeclesia were held in each Prytany.

Ἀλκιβιάδην —Intr. p. xii. αὐτοκράτορας does not, as is often asserted, imply that the generals were released from the obligation to render accounts ( εὔθυναι), but only that the details were left to them. It was apparently—and quite naturally— usual to give to one or more generals such extended powers for distant and important expeditions (Gilbert, Bcitrage, p. 39). Aristot. Ath. Pol. c. 61, speaking of the Strategi gencrally, says κύριοι δέ εἰσιν, ὅταν ἡγῶνται, καὶ δῆσαί τιν’ ἀτακτοῦντα καὶ ἐκκηρῦξαι (expel) καὶ ἐπιβολὴν ἐπιβάλλειν (fine). Lys. 13, 67, says that Lamachus during the expedition executed a soldier who was deteeted signalling to the enemy. This may have been an exercise of his special powers.

ξυγκατοικίσαι —inf. of purpose, M T. § 770.

ἤν τι περιγίγνηται —observe the tense: the aor. would express the sense, but the pres. gives the meaning ‘if they should find that they were succeeding.’ M.T. § 88. τι goes with τοῦ. π. Stein renders ‘if they had anything left from.’

ἐκκλησία . . καθ’ ὅ τι —for καθ’ ὄ τι= how cf. I. 69 σκοπεῖν καθ’ ὅτι ἀμυνούμεθα.

τοῖς στρατηγοῖς —another object of the mecting. This dat. depends directly on ἐκκλησία ἐγίγνετο—cf. Andoc. I. 11 ἦν μὲν γὰρ ἐκκλησία τοῖς στρατηγοῖς τοῖς εἰς Σικελίαν—and the inf. ψηφισθῆναι, subject εἴ του προσδέοιντο, is added as an epexegcsis. (It is absurd, as Hude points out, to make ψηφισθῆναι depend on χρή, as though they were to discuss ‘how’ to vote. But the insertion of τοῦ is unnecessary.) ψηφισθῆναι is not inf. of purpose, but depends on ἐκκλησία ἐγίγνετο, which is constructed like ἔδοξε: it gives the terms of the resolution proposed.

βραχείᾳ —‘slight.’

μεγάλου ἔργου —this is taken as in apposition to Σικελίας, though in sense belonging to ἐφίεσθαι τῆς Σικ. Stahl refers to Eur. Herc. 323 ὡς μὴ τἐκν’ εἰσίδωμεν, ἀνόσιον θέαν, ψυχορραγοῦντα, which is quite different, because τέκνα ψυχορραγοῦντα= θέα α·νόσιος is possible, whereas Σικελία= ἔργον μέγα is impossible except as a brachylogy. Hence perhaps ἔργου μεγάλου was in apposition to < ἄρξαι> (ingressive) τῆς Σικελίας.

ἀποτρέψαι —on the action of Nicias see c. 14.

ἔτι —‘further.’

ἄμεινον =‘prudent.’

καὶ μὴ . . ἄρασθαι depends on χρῆναι. For the sentiment cf. Eur. Phoen. 455 οὔτοι τὸ ταχὺ τὴν δίκην ἔχει.

ἀλλοφύλοις —Segestaeans, who in c. 11, 7 are called βάρβαροι. See c. 2, 3.

καίτοι —N. might naturally desire war, for he obtains τίμη in the shape of a command ἐκ τοῦ πόλεμον ἄρασθαι.

ἧσσον ἑτέρων = minime )( μᾶλλον ἑτέρων. περὶ τῷ . . ς.—περί with dat. is rare in Attic outside Thuc.: it occurs only once in the orators, twice in the senarii of Aristophanes (once after πίπτω, once after δέδοικα). In Thuc. it often occurs with verbs of fearing, δέδοικα, φοβοῦμαι, ὀρρωδῶ: in vii. 84 we have περὶ τοῖς δορατίοις διεφθείροντο: cf. πταίειν, σφάλλεσθαι περί with dat. σώματι ‘life.’ The antithesis of σῶμα and οὐσία is common. νομίζων is concessivc: Stahl notes that these words are added because Nicias does not wish to reflect on the older men whom Alcibiades accused of fear.

ὅμως —antithesis to καίτοι.

οὔτε νῦν —sc. ἐρῶ παρὰ γνώμην. ᾗ ἂν γιγνώσκω βέλτιστα is in antithesis to παρὰ γνώμην, and βέλτιστα is an adverb; cf. ἄριστα in c. 8, 2. See crit. n.

πρὸς μὲν τοὺς τρόπους —it is generally not noticed that τρόποι is here contrasted with οὔτε ἐν καιρῷ σπεύδξτε οὔτε . . ὡρμῆσθε. ‘To produce any influence on your character, my speech would be impotent, were I to urge you . . : but that your eagerness is ill-timed and that . . I will proceed to show.’ The idea of instruction runs all through the passage. It would be impossible to persuade the A. to renounce in this instance their τρόποι,—the character proverbial for its restless energy and its light-hearted impulsiveness.

σῴζειν —this and ὑπάρχοντα, ἑτοίμοις, ἀφανῶν, μελλόντων, κινδυνεύειν, are all words that suggest business transactions. ὑπάρχοντα=‘balance in hand’; σῴζειν=‘to keep in safe deposit,’ as in Plat. Rep. 333 C παρακαταθέσθαι καὶ σῶν εἶναι: ἑτοῖμα=‘ready money’; ἀφανῆ ( not in its technical sense, ‘personal property,’ but)=‘what is merely conjectural’; κινδυνεύειν=‘to stake’ or ‘invest.’

κατασχεῖν —‘to secure.’ Kruger takes ῥᾴδια as= ῥᾴδιον: but it may be that ἐφ) ἃ= ἐκεῖνα ἐφ) ἅ, so that the trans. is ‘the objects for which you are eager are not easy of attainment,’ and so Bloomfield takes it.