Search the Perseus Catalog for:

View: By Section

← Previous Next →

lulianus C. castellorum ad Rhenum quae receperat moenia reparat; Rhenum transit, et hostili Alamanniae parte vastata, V Alamannorum reges ad pacem petendam et captivos reddendos compellit.

[1] Egressurus autem ad procinctum urgentem, cum Alamannorum pagos aliquos esse reputaret hostiles, et ausuros immania, ni ipsi quoque ad ceterorum sternerentur exempla, haerebat anxius qua vi qua celeritate, cum primum ratio copiam tribuisset, rumore praecurso, terras eorum invaderet repentinus.

[2] Seditque tandem multa et varia cogitanti, id temptare quod utile probavit eventus. Hariobaudem vacantem tribunum, fidei fortitudinisque notae, nullo conscio legationis specie ad Hortarium miserat regem iam pacatum, ut exinde facile ad collimitia progressus eorum, in quos erant arma protinus commovenda, scitari possit quid molirentur, sermonis barbarici perquam gnarus.

[3] Quo fidenter ad haec patranda digresso, ipse anni tempore opportuno, ad expeditionem undique milite convocato, profectus, id inter potissima mature duxit implendum, ut ante proeliorum fervorem, civitates multo ante excisas ac vacuas¹ introiret, receptasque communiret, horrea quin etiam exstrueret pro incensis, ubi condi possit annona, a Britanniis sueta transferri.

[4] Et utrumque perfectum est spe omnium citius. Nam et horrea veloci opere surrexerunt, alimentorumque in eisdem satias condita, et civitates occupatae sunt septem: Castra Herculis Quadriburgium Tricensima et Novesium, Bonna Antennacum et Vingo, ubi laeto quodam eventu, etiam Florentius praefectus apparuit subito, partem militum ducens, et commeatuum perferens copiam, sufficientem usibus longis.

[5] Post haec impetrata, restabat adigente necessitatum articulo, receptarum urbium moenia reparari, nullo etiam tum interturbante; idque² claris indiciis apparet, ea tempestate utilitati publicae metu barbaros oboedisse, rectoris amore Romanos.

[6] Reges ex pacto superioris anni aedificiis habilia multa suis misere carpentis, et auxiliarii milites semper munia spernentes huius modi, ad obsequendi sedulitatem Iuliani blanditiis deflexi, quinquagenarias longioresque materias vexere cervicibus ingravate, et fabricandi ministeriis opem maximam contulerunt.

[7] Quae dum diligenti maturantur effectu, Hariobaudes exploratis omnibus rediit, docuitque comperta. Post cuius adventum incitatis viribus omnes venere Mogontiacum, ubi Florentio et Lupicino (Severi successore) destinate certantibus, per pontem illic constitutum transiri debere, renitebatur firmissime Caesar, asserens pacatorum terras non debere calcari, ne (ut saepe contigit) per incivilitatem³ militis⁴ occurrentia vastitantis, abrupte foedera frangerentur.

[8] Alamanni tamen omnes quos petebat exercitus, confine periculum cogitantes, Suomarium regem amicum nobis ex pactione praeterita monuerunt minaciter, ut a transitu Romanos arceret. Eius enim pagi Rheni ripis ulterioribus adhaerebant. Quo testante resistere solum non posse, in unum coacta barbara multitude venit prope Mogontiacum, prohibitura viribus magnis exercitum, ne transmitteret flumen.

[9] Gemina itaque ratione visum est habile quod suaserat Caesar, ne pacatorum terrae corrumperentur, neve renitente pugnacissima plebe, pons cum multorum discrimine iungeretur iri⁵ in locum ad compaginandum pontem aptissimum.

[10] Quod hostes sollertissime contemplati, per contrarias ripas leniter incedentes, ubi nostros figere tentoria, procul cernebant, ipsi quoque noctes agebant exsomnes, custodientes pervigili studio, ne transitus temptaretur.

[11] Verum cum nostri locum adventarent provisum, vallo fossaque quievere circumdati, et asscito Lupicino in consilium, Caesar certis imperavit tribunis, ut trecentenos pararent cum sudibus milites expedites, quid agi quove iri deberet penitus ignorantes.

[12] Et collecti nocte provecta, impositique omnes quos lusoriae naves quadraginta quae tune aderant solae, ceperunt, decurrere iubentur per flumen, adeo taciti, ut etiam remi suspenderentur, ne barbaros sonitus excitaret undarum, atque mentis agilitate et corporum, dum hostes nostrorum ignes observant, adversas perrumpere milites⁶ ripas.

[13] Dum haec celerantur, Hortarius rex nobis antea foederatus, non novaturus quaedam, sed amicus finitimis quoque suis, reges omnes et regales et regulos ad convivium corrogatos retinuit, epulis ad usque vigiliam tertiam gentili more extentis; quos discedentes inde casu nostri ex improviso adorti, nec interficere nec corripere ullo genere potuerunt, tenebrarum equorumque adiumento, quo dubius impetus trusit, abreptos; lixas vero vel servos, qui eos pedibus sequebantur, (nisi quos exemit discrimine temporis obscuritas) occiderunt.

[14] Cognito denique transitu Romanorum,⁷ qui tune perque expeditiones praeteritas, ibi levamen sumere laborum opinabantur, ubi hostem contingeret inveniri, perculsi reges eorumque populi, qui pontem ne strueretur, studio servabant intento, metu exhorrescentes diffuse vertuntur in pedes; et indomito furore sedato, necessitudines opesque suas transferre longius festinabant. Statimque difficultate omni depulsa, ponte constrato, sollicitarum gentium opinione praeventa, visus in barbarico miles per Hortarii regna transibat intacta.

[15] Ubi vero terras infestorum etiam tum tetigit regum, urens omnia rapiensque,⁸ per medium rebellium solum grassabatur intrepidus.

Postque saepimenta fragilium penatium inflammata, et obtruncatam hominum multitudinem, visosque cadentes multos aliosque supplicantes, cum ventum fuisset ad regionem (cui Capillacii vel Palas nomen est) ubi terminales lapides Alamannorum⁹ et Burgundiorum confinia distinguebant, castra sant posita, ea propter ut Macrianus et Hariobaudus, germani fratres et reges, susciperentur impavidi, qui propinquare sibi perniciem sentientes, venerant pacem anxiis animis precaturi.

[16] Post quos statim rex quoque Vadomarius venit, cuius erat domicilium contra Rauracos, scriptisque Constantii¹⁰ principis, quibus commendatus est artius, allegatis, leniter susceptus est (ut¹¹ decebat), olim ab Augusto in clientelam rei Romanae susceptus.

[17] Et Macrianus quidem cum fratre inter aquilas admissus et signa, stupebat armorum viriumque¹² varium decus, visa tune primitus, proque suis orabat. Vadomarius vero nostris coalitus (utpote vicinus limiti) mirabatur quidem apparatum ambitiosi procinctus, sed vidisse se talia saepe ab adulescentia meminerat prima.

[18] Libratis denique diu consiliis, concordi assensione cunctorum, Macriano quidem et Hariobaudo pax est attributa, Vadomario vero, qui suam locaturus securitatem in tuto, et legationis nomine precator venerat, pro Urio et Ursicino et Vestralpo regibus pacem itidem obsecrans, interim responderi non poterat, ne (ut sunt fluxioris fidei barbari) post abitum recreati nostrorum, parum acquiescerent per alios impetratis.

[19] Sed cum ipsi quoque missis legatis, post messes incensas et habitacula, captosque plures et interfectos, ita supplicarent tamquam ipsi¹³ haec deliquissent in nostros, pacem condicionum similitudine meruerunt. Inter quas id festinatum¹⁴ est maxime, ut captives restituerent omnes, quos rapuerant excursibus crebris.

Res Gestae. Ammianus Marcellinus. John C. Rolfe (Translator). Cambridge, MA. 1935-1940.

Sponsored by Perseus Project, Tufts University.

Funding provided by Tufts University.

Current edition Perseus

Res Gestae (Ammianus Marcellinus. Ammianus Marcellinus, with an English translation, Vols. I-III. Rolfe, John C., editor. Cambridge, MA; London: Harvard University Press; W. Heinemann, 1935-1940 (printing).)

Translations (1)

History Perseus (Ammianus Marcellinus. Ammianus Marcellinus, with an English translation, Vols. I-III. Rolfe, John C., translator. Cambridge, MA; London: Harvard University Press; W. Heinemann, 1935-1940 (printing).) — 18.2 focus

[1] But being on the point of entering upon an urgent campaign, since he considered that some districts of the Alamanni were hostile and would venture on outrages unless they also were overthrown after the example of the rest, he was anxious and doubtful with what force and with what speed (as soon as prudence gave an opportunity) he might anticipate the news of his coming and invade their territories unexpected.

[2] And after thinking over many varied plans he at last decided to try the one which the outcome proved to be expedient. Without anyone’s knowledge he had sent Hariobaudes, an unattached tribune of tried fidelity and courage, ostensibly as an envoy to Hortarius, a king already subdued, with the idea that he could easily go on from there to the frontiers of those against whom war was presently to be made, and find out what they were plotting; for he was thoroughly acquainted with the language of the savages.

[3] When the tribune had fearlessly set out to execute these orders, Julian, since the season of the year was favourable, called together his soldiers from all quarters for a campaign, and set forth; and he thought that above all things he ought betimes to attend to this, namely, before the heat of battle to enter the cities long since destroyed and abandoned, regain and fortify them, and even build granaries in place of those that had been burned, in which he could store the grain which was regularly brought over from Britain; and both things were accomplished sooner than anyone expected.

[4] For not only did the granaries quickly rise, but a sufficiency of food was stored in them; and the cities were seized, to the number of seven: Castra Herculis,¹ Quadriburgium,² Tricensima³ and Novesium,⁴ Bonna,⁵ Antennacum⁶ and Vingo,⁷ where by a happy stroke of fortune the prefect Florentius also appeared unexpectedly, leading a part of the forces and bringing a store of provisions sufficient to last a long time.

[5] After this had been accomplished, one pressing necessity remained, namely, to repair the walls of the recovered cities, since even then no one hindered; and it is evident from clear indications that the savages through fear, and the Romans through love for their commander, at that time served the public welfare.

[6] The kings, according to the compact of the preceding year, sent in their wagons an abundance of building material, and the auxiliary soldiers, who always disdain such tasks, induced to diligent compliance by Julian’s fair words, willingly carried on their shoulders timbers fifty feet or more in length, and in the work of building rendered the greatest service.

[7] While these works were being pushed on with diligence and success, Hariobaudes returned after examining into everything, and reported what he had learned. After his arrival all came at top speed to Mayence; and there, when Florentius and Lupicinus (successor to Severus) strongly insisted that they ought to build a bridge at that place and cross the river,⁸ Caesar stoutly opposed, declaring that they ought not to set foot in the lands of those who had submitted, for fear that (as often happens) through the rudeness of the soldiers, destroying everything in their way, the treaties might be abruptly broken.

[8] However, the Alamanni as a whole, against whom our army was marching, thinking danger to be close at hand, with threats warned king Soumarius, a friend of ours through a previous treaty, to debar the Romans from passing over; for his territories adjoined the opposite bank of the Rhine. And when he declared that he could not resist single-handed, the savages united their forces and came to the neighbourhood of Mayence, intending with might and main to prevent our army from crossing the river.

[9] Therefore for a twofold reason what Caesar had advised seemed fitting, namely, that they should not ravage the lands of peaceful natives, nor against the opposition of a most warlike people construct the bridge with loss of life to many of our men, but should go⁹ to the place best suited for building a bridge.

[10] This step the enemy observed with the greatest care, slowly marching along the opposite bank; and when from afar they saw our men pitching their tents, they themselves also passed sleepless nights, keeping guard with watchful diligence to prevent an attempt at crossing.

[11] Our soldiers, however, on coming to the appointed place rested, protected by a rampart and a trench, and Caesar, after taking counsel with Lupicinus, ordered trusty tribunes to provide with stakes three hundred light-armed troops, who as yet were wholly unaware what was to be done or where they were to go.

[12] And having been brought together when night was well advanced, all were embarked whom forty scouting boats¹⁰ (as many as were available at the time) would hold, and ordered to go down stream so quietly that they were even to keep their oars lifted for fear that the sound of the waters might arouse the savages; and while the enemy were watching our campfires, the soldiers were ordered with nimbleness of mind and body to force the opposite bank.

[13] While this was being done with all haste, Hortarius, a king previously allied with us, not intending any disloyalty but being a friend also to his neighbours, invited all the kings, princes, and kinglets to a banquet and detained them until the third watch, prolonging the feasting after the native fashion. And as they were leaving the feast, it chanced that our men unexpectedly attacked them, but were in no way able to kill or take any of them, aided as they were by the darkness and their horses, which carried them off wherever panic haste drove them; they did, however, slay the lackeys or slaves, who followed their masters on foot, except such as the darkness of the hour saved from danger.

[14] When word at last came of the crossing of the Romans, who then, as in former campaigns, expected to find rest from their labours wherever they should succeed in finding the enemy, the panic-striken kings and their peoples, who were watching with eager intentness and dreading the building of the bridge, shuddering with fear, took to their heels in all directions; and their unbridled anger now laid aside, they hastened to transport their kindred and their possessions to a greater distance. And at once every difficulty was removed, the bridge was built, and before the anxious nations expected it our soldiers appeared in the land of the savages, and were passing through the realms of Hortarius without doing any damage.

[15] But when they reached the territories of kings that were still hostile, they burned and pillaged everything, ranging without fear through the midst of the rebel country. After firing the fragile huts that sheltered them, killing a great number of men, and seeing many falling and others begging for mercy, our soldiers reached the region called Capillacii or Palas¹¹ where boundary stones marked the frontiers of the Alamanni and the Burgundians. There they encamped with the design of capturing Macrianus and Hariobaudus, kings and own brothers, before they took alarm; for they, perceiving the ruin that threatened them, had come with anxious minds to sue for peace.

[16] The kings were at once followed also by Vadomarius, whose abode was over against the Rauraci, and since he presented a letter of the emperor Constantius, in which he was strongly commended, he was received kindly (as was fitting), since he had long before been taken by Augustus under the protection of the Roman empire.

[17] And Macrianus indeed, when admitted with his brother among the eagles and ensigns, was amazed at the variety and splendour of the arms and the forces, things which he saw then for the first time, and pleaded for his subjects. But Vadomarius, who was familiar with our affairs (since he lived near the frontier) did indeed admire the equipment of the splendid array, but remembered that he had often seen the like from early youth.

[18] Finally, after long deliberation, by the unanimous consent of all, peace was indeed granted to Macrianus and Hariobaudus; but to Vadomarius, who had come to secure his own safety, but at the same time as an envoy and intercessor, begging for peace in behalf of the kings Urius, Ursicinus and Vestralpus, no immediate reply could be given, for fear that (since savages are of unstable loyalty) they might take courage after the departure of our army and not abide by a peace secured through others.

[19] But when they themselves also, after the burning of their harvests and homes and the capture or death of many men, sent envoys and made supplication as if they too had committed these sins against our people, they won peace on the same terms; and among these conditions it was especially stressed that they should give up all the prisoners whom they had taken in their frequent raids.

Notes on the current edition

Res Gestae

1. excisas ac vacuas, Her.; excisa quas, V.

2. idque, G; et que, V; consociato labore cunctorum mox est perfectum; unde, Novak between idque and claris.

3. indiuitatem, V (emended by a later hand).

4. militis, G; militio, V.

5. Hac. ind. Her., Clark; iri, added by Val., ni by T 2; no lac. in V.

6. milites, V, deleted by Eyssen., Novák limitis, G.

7. transit Romanorum, Clark, c.c. R.t., V.

8. rapiensque, G; rapinisque, V.

9. Romanorum, V, def. Norden.

10. Constantii, Clark, c.c.; Constanti, V.

11. ut, added by Henr. Val.; ut conducebat, Hadr. Val.; V omits.

12. viriumque, del. Gardt. as dittography.

13. ipsi, V; non ipsi, Mommsen.

14. festinatum, V; destinatum, Cornelissen.

Ammianus Marcellinus Res Gestae 18.2

John C. Rolfe (Translator)

Search the Perseus Catalog for:

lulianus C. castellorum ad Rhenum quae receperat moenia reparat; Rhenum transit, et hostili Alamanniae parte vastata, V Alamannorum reges ad pacem petendam et captivos reddendos compellit.

Current edition Perseus

Notes on the current edition

Stable identifiers