Search the Perseus Catalog for:

View: By Section

← Previous Next →

Galli Caesaris immanitas et saevitia.

[1] Latius iam disseminata licentia, onerosus bonis omnibus Caesar, nullum post haec adhibens modum, orientis latera cuncta vexabat, nec honoratis parcens nec urbium primatibus nec plebeis.

[2] Denique Antiochensis¹ ordinis vertices sub uno elogio iussit occidi, ideo efferatus, quod ei celerari² vilitatem intempestivam urgenti, cum impenderet inopia, gravius rationabili responderunt; et perissent ad unum, ni comes orientis tunc tune Honoratus fixa constantia restitisset.

[3] Erat autem diritatis eius hoc quoque indicium nec obscurum nec latens, quod ludicris cruentis delectabatur, et in circo sex vel septem aliquotiens deditus³ certaminibus, pugilum vicissim se concidentium, perfusorumque sanguine specie, ut lucratus ingentia, laetabatur.

[4] Accenderat super his incitatum propositum ad nocendum aliqua mulier vilis, quae ad palatium (ut poposcerat) intromissa, insidias ei latenter obtendi prodiderat a militibus obscurissimis. Quam Constantina exultans, ut in tuto iam locata mariti salute, muneratam vehiculoque impositam per regiae ianuas emisit in publicum, ut his illecebris alios quoque ad indicanda proliceret paria vel maiora.

[5] Post haec Gallus Hierapolim profecturus, ut expeditioni specie tenus adesset, Antiochensi plebi suppliciter obsecranti, ut inediae dispelleret metum, quae per multas difficilisque causas affore iam sperabatur, non ut mos est principibus, quorum diffusa potestas localibus subinde medetur aerumnis, disponi quicquam statuit, vel ex provinciis alimenta transferri conterminis, sed consularem Syriae Theophilum prope adstantem, ultima metuenti multitudini dedit, id⁴ assidue replicando, quod invito rectore, nullus egere poterit victu.

[6] Auxerunt haec vulgi sordidioris audaciam; et cum ingravesceret penuria commeatuum, famis et furoris impulsu, Eubuli cuiusdam inter suos clari domum ambitiosam ignibus subditis inflammavit, rectoremque ut sibi iudicio imperiali addictum, calcibus incessens et pugnis, conculcans seminecem laniatu miserando discerpsit. Post cuius lacrimosum interitum, in unius exitio quisque imaginem periculi sui considerans, documento recenti similia formidabat.

[7] Eodem tempore Serenianus ex duce, cuius ignavia populatam in Phoenice Celsen Celsein ante rettulimus, pulsatae maiestatis imperii reus iure postulatus ac lege, incertum qua potuit suffragatione absolui, aperte convictus, familiarem suum cum pileo quo caput operiebat, incantato vetitis artibus, ad templum misisse fatidicum, quaeritatum praesagia,⁵ an ei firmum portenderetur imperium (ut cupiebat) et tutum.⁶

[8] Duplexque eisdem diebus acciderat malum, quod et Theophilum insontem atrox interceperat casus, et Serenianus dignus execratione cunctorum, innoxius, modo non reclamante publico vigore, discessit.

[9] Haec subinde Constantius audiens, et quaedam referente Thalassio doctus, quem obisse⁷ iam compererat lege communi, scribens ad Caesarem blandius, adiumenta paulatim illi subtraxit, sollicitari se simulans ne, uti est⁸ militare otium fere tumultuosum, in eius perniciem conspiraret, solisque scholis iussit esse contentum palatinis et protectorum, cum Scutariis et Gentilibus, et mandabat Domitiano, ex comite largitionum praefecto provecto, ut cum in Syriam venerit, Gallum quem crebro acciverat,⁹ ad Italiam properare blande hortaretur et¹⁰ verecunde.

[10] Qui cum venisset ob haec festinatis itineribus Antiochiam, praestrictis palatii ianuis, contempto Caesare quem videri decuerat, ad praetorium cum pompa sollemni perrexit, morbosque diu causatus, nec regiam introiit, nec processit in publicum, sed abditus multa in eius moliebatur exitium, addens quaedam relationibus supervacua, quas subinde mittebat¹¹ ad principem.

[11] Rogatus ad ultimum, admissusque in consistorium, ambage nulla praegressa, inconsiderate et leviter, Proficiscere inquit (ut praeceptum est) Caesar, sciens quod (si cessaveris) et tuas et palatii tui auferri iubebo prope diem annonas. Hocque solo contumaciter dicto, subiratus abscessit, nec in conspectum eius postea venit, saepius arcessitus.

[12] Hinc ille commotus, ut iniusta perferens et indigna, praefecti custodiam protectoribus mandaverat fidis. Quo conperto Montius tune quaestor, acer¹² quidem sed ad lenitatem propensior, consulens in commune, advocatos palatinarum primos scholarum allocutus est mollius, docens nec decere haec fieri nec prodesse, addensque vocis obiurgatorio sonu, quod si id placuerit, post statuas Constantii¹³ deiectas, super adimenda vita praefecto conveniet securius cogitari.

[13] His cognitis Gallus ut serpens appetitus telo vel saxo, iamque spes extremas opperiens, et succurrens saluti suae quavis ratione, colligiones iussit armatos, et cum starent attoniti, districta district dentium acie stridens, Adeste inquit viri fortes mihi periclitanti vobiscum.

[14] Montius nos tumore tumre inusitato quodam et novo, ut rebelles et maiestati recalcitrantes Augustae, per haec quae strepit incusat, iratus nimirum, quod contumacem praefectum, quid rerum ordo postulat ignorare dissimulantem, formidine tenus iusserim custodiri.

[15] Nihil morati post haec militares avidi saepe turbarum, adorti sunt Montium primum, qui devertebat in proximo, levi corpore senem atque morbosum, et hirsutis resticulis cruribus eius innexis, divaricatum sine spiramento ullo ad usque praetorium traxere praefecti.

[16] Et eodem impetu Domitianum praecipitem per scalas itidem funibus constrinxerunt, eosque coniunctos per ampla spatia civitatis acri raptavere discursu. Iamque artuum et membrorum divulsa compage, superscandentes corpora mortuorum, ad ultimam truncata deformitatem, velut exsaturati mox abiecerunt in flumen.

[17] Incenderat autem aulem audaces usque ad insaniam homines ad haec quae nefariis egere conatibus, Luscus quidam curator urbis subito visus, eosque ut heiulans baiolorum praecentor, ad expediendum quod orsi sunt, incitans vocibus crebris. Qui haut baud longe postea ideo vivus exustus est.

[18] Et quia Montius inter dilancinantium manus spiritum efflaturus, Epigonum et Eusebium, nec professionem nec dignitatem ostendens, aliquotiens increpabat, aequisoni¹⁴ his magna quaerebantur industria, et nequid intepesceret, Epigonus e Cilicia¹⁵ philosophus ducitur, et Eusebius ab Emissa Pittacas cognomento, concitatus orator, cum quaestor non hos sed tribunos fabricarum insimulasset, promittentes armorum, si novae res agitari coepissent.¹⁶

[19] Eisdem diebus Apollinaris Domitiani gener paulo ante agens palatii Caesaris curam, ad Mesopotamiam missus a socero, per militares numeros immodice scrutabatur, an quaedam altiora meditantis iam Galli secreta susceperint scripta; qui compertis Antiochiae gestis, per minorem Armeniam lapsus, Constantinopolim petit, exindeque per¹⁷ protectores retractus, artissime tenebatur.

[20] Quae dum ita struuntur, indicatum est apud Tyrum indumentum regale textum occulte, incertum quo locante vel cuius usibus apparatum. Ideoque rector provinciae tunc pater Apollinaris eiusdem nominis ut conscius ductus est, aliique congregati sunt ex diversis civitatibus multi, qui atrocium criminum ponderibus urgebantur.

[21] Iamque lituis cladium concrepantibus internarum, non celate¹⁸ (ut antea) turbidum saeviebat ingenium, a veri consideratione detortum, et nullo impositorum vel compositorum fidem sollemniter inquirente, nec discernente a societate noxiorum noxicrum insontes, velut exturbatum e iudiciis fas omne discessit et causarum legitima silente defensione, carnifex rapinarum sequester, et obductio capitum, et bonorum ubique multatio versabatur per orientales provincias; quas recensere puto nunc opportunum, absque Mesopotamia, iam¹⁹ digesta cum bella Parthica narrarentur,²⁰ et Aegypto, quam necessario aliud reieciemus²¹ ad tempus.

Res Gestae. Ammianus Marcellinus. John C. Rolfe (Translator). Cambridge, MA. 1935-1940.

Sponsored by Perseus Project, Tufts University.

Funding provided by Tufts University.

Current edition Perseus

Res Gestae (Ammianus Marcellinus. Ammianus Marcellinus, with an English translation, Vols. I-III. Rolfe, John C., editor. Cambridge, MA; London: Harvard University Press; W. Heinemann, 1935-1940 (printing).)

Translations (1)

History Perseus (Ammianus Marcellinus. Ammianus Marcellinus, with an English translation, Vols. I-III. Rolfe, John C., translator. Cambridge, MA; London: Harvard University Press; W. Heinemann, 1935-1940 (printing).) — 14.7 focus

[1] His lawlessness now more widely extended, Caesar became offensive to all good men, and henceforth showing no restraint, he harassed all parts of the East, sparing neither ex-magistrates nor the chief men of the cities, nor even the plebeians.

[2] Finally, he ordered the death of the leaders of the senate of Antioch¹ in a single writ, enraged because when he urged a prompt introduction of cheap prices at an unseasonable time, since scarcity threatened, they had made a more vigorous reply then was fitting. And they would have perished to a man, had not Honoratus, then count-governor² of the East, opposed him with firm resolution.

[3] This also was a sign of his savage nature which was neither obscure nor hidden, that he delighted in cruel sports; and sometimes in the Circus, absorbed in six or seven contests, he exulted in the sight of boxers pounding each other to death and drenched with blood, as if he had made some great gain.

[4] Besides this, his propensity for doing harm was inflamed and incited by a worthless woman, who, on being admitted to the palace (as she had demanded) had betrayed a plot that was secretly being made against him by some soldiers of the lowest condition. Whereupon Constantina, exulting as if the safety of her husband were now assured, gave her a reward, and seating her in a carriage, sent her out through the palace gates into the public streets, in order that by such inducements she might tempt others to reveal similar or greater conspiracies.

[5] After this, when Gallus was on the point of leaving for Hierapolis, ostensibly to take part in the campaign, and the commons of Antioch suppliantly besought him to save them from the fear of a famine, which, through many difficulties of circumstance, was then believed to be imminent, he did not, after the manner of princes whose widely extended power sometimes cures local troubles, make any arrangements or command the bringing of supplies from neighbouring provinces; but to the multitude, which was in fear of the direst necessity, he delivered up Theophilus, consular governor of Syria, who was standing near by, constantly repeating the statement, that no one could lack food if the governor did not wish it.

[6] These words increased the audacity of the lowest classes, and when the lack of provisions became more acute, driven by hunger and rage, they set fire to the pretentious house of a certain Eubulus, a man of distinction among his own people; then, as if the governor had been delivered into their hands by an imperial edict, they assailed him with kicks and blows, and trampling him under foot when he was half-dead, with awful mutilation tore him to pieces. After his wretched death each man saw in the end of one person an image of his own peril and dreaded a fate like that which he had just witnessed.

[7] At that same time Serenianus, a former general, through whose inefficiency Celse in Phoenicia had been pillaged, as we have described,³ was justly and legally tried for high treason, and it was doubtful by what favour he could be acquitted; for it was clearly proved that he had enchanted by forbidden arts a cap which he used to wear, and sent a friend of his with it to a prophetic shrine, to seek for omens as to whether the imperial power was destined to be firmly and safely his, as he desired.

[8] At that time a twofold evil befell, in that an awful fate took off Theophilus, who was innocent, and Serenianus, who was deserving of universal execration, got off scotfree, almost without any strong public protest.

[9] Constantius, hearing of these events from time to time, and being informed of some things by Thalassius,⁴ who, as he had now learned, had died a natural death, wrote in flattering terms to the Caesar, but gradually withdrew from him his means of defence. He pretended to be anxious, since soldiers are apt to be disorderly in times of inaction, lest they might conspire for Gallus’ destruction, and bade him be satisfied with the palace troops only⁵ and those of the guards, besides the Targeteers and the Household troops. He further ordered Domitianus, a former state treasurer,⁶ and now prefect, that when he came into Syria, he should politely and respectfully urge Gallus, whom he had frequently summoned, to hasten to return to Italy.

[10] But when Domitianus had quickened his pace because of these instructions and had come to Antioch, passing by the gates of the palace in contempt of the Caesar, on whom he ought to have called, he went to the general’s quarters with the usual pomp, and having for a long time pleaded illness, he neither entered the palace nor appeared in public, but remaining in hiding he made many plots for Gallus’ ruin, adding some superfluous details to the reports which from time to time he sent to the emperor.

[11] At last, being invited to the palace and admitted to the council,⁷ without any preliminary remarks he said inconsiderately and coolly: Depart, Caesar and know that, if you delay, I shall at once order your supplies and those of your palace to be cut off. Having said only this in an insolent tone, he went off in a passion, and although often sent for, he never afterwards came into Gallus’ presence.

[12] Caesar, angered at this and feeling that such treatment was unjust and undeserved, ordered his faithful guards⁸ to arrest the prefect. When this became known, Montius, who was then quaestor,⁹ a spirited man but somewhat inclined to moderate measures, having in view the public welfare, sent for the foremost members of the palace troops and addressed them in mild terms, pointing out that such conduct was neither seemly nor expedient and adding in a tone of reproof that if they approved of this course, it would be fitting first to overthrow the statues of Constantius and then plan with less anxiety for taking the life of the prefect.

[13] On learning this, Gallus, like a serpent attacked by darts or stones, waiting now for a last expedient and trying to save his life by any possible means, ordered all his troops to be assembled under arms, and while they stood in amazement, he said, baring and gnashing his teeth, Stand by me, my brave men, who are like myself in danger.

[14] Montius with a kind of strange and unprecedented arrogance in this loud harangue of his accuses us of being rebels and as resisting the majesty of Augustus, no doubt in anger because I ordered an insolent prefect, who presumes to ignore what proper conduct requires, to be imprisoned, merely to frighten him.

[15] With no further delay the soldiers, as often eager for disturbance, first attacked Montius, who lodged close by, an old man frail of body and ill besides, bound coarse ropes to his legs, and dragged him spread-eagle fashion without any breathing-space all the way to Caesar’s headquarters.

[16] And in the same access of rage they threw Domitianus down the steps, then bound him also with ropes, and tying the two together, dragged them at full speed through the broad streets of the city. And when finally their joints and limbs were torn asunder, leaping upon their dead bodies, they mutilated them in a horrible manner, and at last, as if glutted, threw them into the river.

[17] Now these men, reckless to the point of madness, were roused to such atrocious deeds as they committed by a certain Luscus, curator of the city. He suddenly appeared and with repeated cries, like a bawling leader of porters, urged them to finish what they had begun. And for that not long afterwards he was burned alive.

[18] And because Montius, when about to breathe his last in the hands of those who were rending him, cried out upon Epigonus and Eusebius, but without indicating their profession or rank, men of the same name were sought for with great diligence. And in order that the excitement might not cool, a philosopher Epigonus from Cilicia was arrested, and a Eusebius, surnamed Pittacas, a vehement orator, from Edessa, although it was not these that the quaestor had implicated, but some tribunes of forges,¹⁰ who had promised arms in case a revolution should be set on foot.

[19] In those same days Apollinaris, son-in-law of Domitianus, who a short time before had been in charge of Caesar’s palace, being sent to Mesopotamia by his father-in-law, inquired with excessive interest among the companies of soldiers whether they had received any secret messages from Gallus which indicated that he was aiming higher; but when he heard what had happened at Antioch, he slipped off through Lesser Armenia and made for Constantinople, but from there he was brought back by the guards and kept in close confinement.

[20] Now, while these things were happening, attention was drawn at Tyre to a royal robe that had been made secretly, but it was uncertain who had ordered it or for whose use it was made. Consequently the governor of the province at that time, who was the father of Apollinaris and of the same name, was brought to trial as his accomplice; and many others were gathered together from various cities and were bowed down by the weight of charges of heinous crimes.

[21] And now, when the clarions of internal disaster were sounding, the disordered mind of Caesar, turned from consideration of the truth, and not secretly as before, vented its rage; and since no one conducted the usual examination of the charges either made or invented, or distinguished the innocent from association with the guilty, all justice vanished from the courts as though driven out. And while the legitimate defence of cases was put to silence, the executioner (trustee of plunderings), hoodwinking for execution, and confiscation of property ranged everywhere throughout the eastern provinces. These I think it now a suitable time to review, excepting Mesopotamia, which has already been described in connection with the account of the Parthian wars,¹¹ and Egypt, which we will necessarily postpone to another time.¹²

Notes on the current edition

Res Gestae

1. Antiochensis, Lind.; antichisis, V.

2. celerari, Wagner; celebrari, V.

3. deditus, Pet.; vetitus, V.

4. dedit id, Eyssen.; dediti, V.

5. praesagia, W 2N 2; praesa anei, V.

6. tutum, C. F. W. Müller; cūtum, V.

7. quem obisse, Lind.; quē movisse, V.

8. uti est, Val.; uitiae, V.

9. acciuerat, Valesius; acciperat, V.

10. et, added by BG, omitted by V.

11. mittebat, Petschenig; dimittebat, V.

12. acer, Gronov; afen, V; Afer, Bentley, Kiessling.

13. Constantii, Valesius; Constantini, V.

14. aequisoni, Traube; qui sint, V 2.

15. Cilicia, Clark, Her.; e Lycia, EG; haec licia, V.

16. coepissent, EG; conperissent, PB; conpissent, V.

17. per, added by E 2 BG (B omits que); V omits.

18. concitate, Her.; concelatae, V.

19. iam, added by Val.; Mesopotamiam, V.

20. narrarentur, Her.; dicerentur, G; (lac. of 5 letters) rentur, V.

21. reiciemus, Traube; reici (lac. of 4 letters), V.

Ammianus Marcellinus Res Gestae 14.7

John C. Rolfe (Translator)

Search the Perseus Catalog for:

Galli Caesaris immanitas et saevitia.

Current edition Perseus

Notes on the current edition

Stable identifiers