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III. Confirmatio (§§ 7-30).

[7] Archias received Roman citizenship under the Lex Plautia-Papiria, complying with all the provisions of that law. The evidence of this cannot be shaken; the testimony of the census is unnecessary. No further argument is needed; the case is closed.

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Silvani lege , etc., i.e. the Lex Plautia-Papiria, of the tribunes M. Plautius Silvanus and C. Papirius Carbo (not to be confounded with his infamous cousin Cneius, the Marian leader after the death of Cinna), extended the Roman citizenship to all Italian communities which had not yet received it. These towns now exchanged their independence for Roman citizenship, and became incorporated with the republic; though many of them, as Heraclia, hesitated about making the change, and did it with great reluctance. They lost all rights of independent government (such as that of coining money, the jus exsili, etc.). Latin became the official language; justice was administered by Roman law; and in most cases their government was organized on the model of Rome, having duumviri,for consuls, and a curia for the Senate. The passage here given from the Plautian-Papirian Law contains its application to citizens of foreign birth, like Archias.

si qui , etc.: the law is quoted in indir. disc., but the main clause is omitted, being implied in data est ; see § 592 , 2 (341, c) ; G. 663, 2, b; H.-B. 535, I, a.

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essent professi , should have declared their intention.

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Q. Metellum [ Pium], praetor, B.C. 89: the most eminent living member of this family, and one of the leaders of the aristocracy.

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Grati , the complainant (see Introd., p.154 of text).

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religione , conscientiousness .

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desideras , call for (lit. miss, feel the want of).

Italico bello , i.e. the Social War: § 424 , d (259, a); G. 394, R.; H. 486 (429); H-B. 439, a, 3.

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municipi : since the bestowal of the Roman citizenship, the Italian civitates had become Roman municipia (see Introd., p. liii).

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idem , you yourself (lit. the same man).

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In sect. 8 Cicero shows that Archias was a citizen of Heraclia and so came under the first requirement of the law; in sect. 9 he claims that his client had also complied with the other two requirements ( domicilium and professio ).

civitatem datam , i.e. by the law before cited.

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professione , list of declarations.

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conlegio : the praetors, when regarded as a whole, could be spoken of as a "board."

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cum , while.

Appi , i.e. Appius Claudius, husband of Caecilia (the friend of Roscius: see Rosc. Am., sect. 50 ) and father of the infamous Clodius.

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Gabini : see Introd. to Pompey's Military Command.

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damnationem : he was condemned, B.C. 54, for extortion on complaint of the Achaeans.

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L. Lentulum : nothing further is known of him; he probably presided over a court ( judices) to determine cases involving citizenship under the new law.

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multis and praeditis are dat. after impertiebant ;

arte , abl. after praeditis .

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Graecia , i.e. Magna Graecia, the Greek cities of Italy.

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credo (ironical), I suppose .

Locrensis : Locri Epizephyrii, a Greek city near Rhegium.

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quod relates to id , which is governed by largiri understood.

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ingeni limits gloria , which depends on praedito .

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civitatem datam , i.e. by the Lex Plautia-Papiria.

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legem Papiam : see Introd. to the oration.

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illis , sc. tabulis, i.e. of Tarentum, Rhegium, and Naples.

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census : the lists of citizens made out by the censors for purposes of taxation. These were, of course, excellent evidence on a question of citizenship; but they were not needed in this case.

requiris : cf. desideras in the same sense in sect. 8 ( p. 158, l. 6 ).

est obscurum (ironical), it is not generally known.

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proximis , abl. of time: translate by under. The censors referred to were L. Gellius and Cn. Lentulus ( B.C. 70). clarissimo : observe the art with which Cicero here again calls attention to the connection of Archias with the distinguished Romans any one of whom could at any moment have procured him the citizenship if he had not already possessed it.

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apud exercitum , i.e. in the war against Mithridates (see Pompey's Military Command).

superioribus , sc. censoribus. New censors were regularly appointed every five years; those here referred to were Q. Marcius Philippus and M. Perperna ( B.C. 86). In the present instance the succession had been interfered with by Sulla, but restored in B.C. 70.

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in Asia : this was in the First Mithridatic War, in which Lucullus served as quaestor to Sulla.

primis , i.e. the first after the passage of the lex Plautia-Papiria: these were L. Julius Caesar and P. Crassus ( B.C. 89).

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esse versatum (sc. eum), had availed himself of: this clause is the obj. of criminaris.

testamentum , etc., acts which no foreigner could do.

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in beneficiis , etc., his name was reported for a reward from the state (i.e. on the ground of some special merit); this, of course, implied citizenship.

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suo , etc., i.e. Archias and his friends knew that he was a citizen and had acted as such, whatever might be said on the other side.

At this point Cicero practically rests his case. The remainder of his speech is devoted to the praise of poetry and literature. This eulogy is, however, skillfully connected with the argument. Literature is useful in the state, he contends, and poets are particularly in favor with great men. Hence Archias could not have failed to receive the citizenship as a gift from some of his illustrious Roman friends if he had not held it already. Since he is a citizen, so eminent and useful a man should be protected in his rights.

[12] Literature is an indispensable relaxation: and also a source of moral strength. Hence all famous men have been devoted to letters. The dignity and delight of liberal study.

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ubi ( locum ubi) . . . reficiatur , rel. clause of purpose.

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suppetere has for subject the suppressed antecedent of quod .

posse (with a fut. force), should be able.

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contentionem , strain.

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ego (emphat.), etc., for my part I admit etc. We should remember that the more old-fashioned of Cicero's contemporaries were still inclined to regard literary and artistic pursuits as frivolous in comparison with the more "truly Roman" professions of war and politics (cf. Aeneid, 6. 847 ff.). Hence it was important for Cicero to show that literature was of practical value to the man of affairs.

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his studiis , the study of letters in general, including all varieties of literature, poetry as well as prose.

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nullius tempore , etc., the necessities or interests of no one (i.e. as a client).

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[13] ceteris depends on conceditur (l. 4).

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ad ipsam requiem , even to repose .

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temporum limits quantum (1.3), which has tantum (l.6) for antecedent.

alii : notice how this differs in meaning from ceteris , the first-mentioned pursuits (attending to business, celebrating festivals, etc.) are common to everybody, the last (being dissipations) belong only to "some people."

tempestivis conviviis , early dinners, i.e. beginning by daylight, or in business hours,

a mark of luxury and idleness : we should refer to "late dinners."

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oratio et facultas : hendiadys.

quantacumque , etc., i.e. such as I have (a modest disclaimer).

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periculis : Cicero prided himself on defending cases rather than acting for the prosecution (cf. amicorum temporibus, etc., Pompey's Military Command, sect. 1 ).

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quae , i.e. the mere ability to speak.

illa (obj. of hauriam ), i.e. the moral character resulting from the praecepta mentioned below.

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[14] multorum , i.e. great minds whose thoughts have found expression in literature.

multis litteris , wide reading .

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nihil esse , etc., these doctrines had been the commonplaces of philosophy and letters for hundreds of years before Cicero wrote, and to the cultivated Roman they took the place which with us belongs to the ethical teachings of sacred literature.

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parvi , of slight account: § 417 (252, a); B. 169,4; G. 379, 380, 1; H. 448 (404); H.-B. 356, 1.

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exemplorum , i.e. examples of heroism and virtue recorded in literature. The moral education of the ancients consisted largely in the study of the lives of eminent men of past ages.

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accederet , were thrown upon them..

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[15] Observe the attitude of the Romans toward literature, which they valued as a source of ethical and political cultivation, and not, like the Greeks, for its own sake or as a means of affording aesthetic pleasure.

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ex hoc , etc.: Cicero enumerates the most distinguished patrons of the newly introduced Greek culture. Cato is separated from the rest because he was in theory opposed to this tendency on account of its imagined ill effects; hence the rather apologetic tone in which Cicero speaks of him.

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Africanum : Scipio the younger (Aemilianus).

Laelium : the younger Laelius (surnamed Sapiens), whose friendship with Scipio Aemilianus forms the groundwork of Cicero's famous treatise De Amicitia.

Furium : L. Furius Philus (cos. B.C. 136), a patron of literature. These three men belonged to the so-called Scipionic Circle, which was especially influential in the introduction of Greek culture.

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Catonem : M. Porcius Cato, called the Censor, was one of the leading men of Rome in the first half of the second century B.C.: a shrewd, hard-headed Roman of the old school, full of prejudices, and priding himself on his blunt manners. He was a distinguished antiquarian, and wrote books on antiquities and agriculture.

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senem : he gives the name to Cicero's dialogue on Old Age (Cato Major).

quod si , etc.: even if literature, Cicero argues, had no great practical or ethical value (as it has), it would still be worthy of respect as a means of mental refreshment and diversion. The passage is a very famous tribute to liberal studies.

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ceterae , sc. animi adversiones (from 1.17).

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adversis [ rebus], dat. with praebent .

Great artists are themselves worthy of admiration. The poet is especially sacred: he is the herald of fame. Alexander at the tomb of Achilles.

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deberemus : § 517 , c, N.1 (308, C, N.1); B. 304, 3, a, N. ; G. 597, R.3, b; Cf. H. 583 (511, I, N.3) ; H.-B. 582, 3, a.

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videremus : subj. because an integral part of the cont. to fact apodosis.

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Rosci : Q. Roscius, the most eminent actor of his time, defended by Cicero in a speech which is still extant.

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corporis : observe the emphatic position as opposed to animorum (l. 31). In the ancient drama the action was much more important as compared with the delivery and facial expression than is the case on the modern stage.

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[18] novo genere : such praise of letters was, of course, an innovation on the formal proceedings of a Roman court.

quotiens , etc.: given as a remarkable instance of the poetical improvisation illustrating the celeritas mentioned in § 17 .

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revocatum [ hunc], subject of dicere . The encore was a common Roman practice, as with us.

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sic , this (referring to the indir. disc. that follows).

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Ennius : the father of Latin poetry. He was born at Rudiae in Magna Graecia ( B.C. 239), but wrote in Latin. His principal work was the Annales, an epic poem upon Roman history, lost except for a few fragments.

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[19] bestiae , etc.: alluding to the myths of Orpheus and Arion (see Ovid, Met. 10.3; Fasti, 2. 83-118; Virg., Ecl. 8.56).

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Homerum , etc.: the names of the cities which thus claimed Homer are given in the following hexameter verse:

Smyrna, Chios, Colophon, Salamis, Rhodes, Argos, Athenae.

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olim , almost equiv. to an adj.: Cf. § 321 , d (188, e); G. 439, N.4; H. 497, 5 (359, N.4); H.-B. 295, C.

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Cimbricas res : the war with the Cimbri and Teutones, who invaded Italy and were at length defeated by Marius (the Teutones, B.C. 102; the Cimbri, 101).

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durior : Marius was a rude and illiterate soldier. The illustration (p.163) shows what seems to be the most trustworthy portrait of Marius (from the impression of a coin, now lost); various busts have been identified with him, but without any probable evidence.

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Themistoclem : the great Athenian statesman and general, who won the battle of Salamis in the second Persian invasion ( B.C. 480) and afterwards, by his skillful policy, raised Athens to its greatest height of power.

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[21] For the statements in this section , see Pompey's Military Command

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natura et regione : hendiadys.

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ejusdem , i.e. Lucullus.

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nostra , as ours (predicate), agreeing with pugna . Cicero means that these exploits, since they have been immortalized by Archias, will always remain the glory of the Roman people.

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quae , these things (just mentioned); quorum limits ingeniis and refers to eis .

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[22] Africano superiori : the conqueror of Hannibal.

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in sepulcro Scipionum : this tomb on the Appian Way has been discovered, and in it a bust of peperino (not marble), which has by some been supposed to be that here referred to. It now stands upon the sarcophagus of Scipio in the Vatican museum (Fig. 42).

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hujus : M. Porcius Cato, later called Uticensis, from his killing himself at Utica after Caesar's victory. Cato the Censor was his great-grandfather.

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Maximi , etc.: Q. Fabius Maximus, "the shield of Rome," in the Second Punic War; M. Marcellus, "the sword of Rome" (see note on p. 48, l. 5 ); Q. Fulvius Flaccus, a distinguished officer in the same war.

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illum , i.e. Ennius.

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Heracliensem : Heraclia (see note on p. 157, l. 11 ), as being an important city, is here contrasted with the insignificant Rudiae.

civitatibus . § 375 (232 a), G 354. H. 431, 2 (388, 1); H.-B. 373, 2.

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[23] Graeca leguntur , Greek is read. Greek was, in the ancient world, almost the universal language of polite society; cf. the use of French in modern times.

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quo ( whither) relates to eodem ( thither).

cupere governs the clause quo . . . penetrare .

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populis , dat. after ampla, a noble thing for them.

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eis , i.e. the individuals by whom these exploits are performed as contrasted with their peoples as a whole.

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[24] Magnus , i.e. Pompey.

[25] Many would have been glad to give Archias the citizenship if he had not already possessed it. All men thirst for glory, which he can confer. Literature is the most enduring of monuments.

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esset : § 517 ,0 (308,a); B. 304, 2 G. 597, R.1; H. 579, I (510, N.2); H.-B. 581.

civitate donaretur : § 364 (225, d); B.187, i, a; G. 348; H. 426, 6 (384, ii, 2); H.-B. 365, b.

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donaret , sc. civitate.

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repudiasset : the protasis is implied in petentem.

quem , subject of jubere , below.

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de populo , of the people, i.e. of low birth.

quod . . . fecisset , which he had made as an epigram (poetical address) to him; for gender, see § 296 , a (195, d); B. 250, 3; cf. G. 211, R.5 H. 396, 2 (445, 4); H.-B. 326, I.

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tantummodo . . . longiusculis , merely with the alternate verses a little longer, i.e. it was written in some metre in which (as in elegiac verse) long and short lines alternated; tantummodo implies that this was its only merit.

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eis rebus , i.e. confiscated goods. Apparently a commander could take out from the booty anything he desired to bestow upon a soldier as a reward; and here the confiscated goods are treated in the same manner.

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[26] pingue atque peregrinum , cognate accusatives: § 390 ,a(240,a); B. 176,2,b,N.; G.333,2,N.6; H.409 and 1 (371,ii); H.-B. 396, 2.

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prae nobis ferendum , a thing to be proud of

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optimus quisque : § 313 , b (93,c); B. 252,5, c; G. 318,2; H. 515, 2 (458, I); H.-B. 278, 2, b.

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in eo ipso , in the very act

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praedicari : impersonal.

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[27] Brutus : D. Junius Brutus (cos. B.C. 138) conquered the Lusitanians (of Portugal).

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Acci : L. Accius (less properly Attius), a tragic poet (born B.C. 170); distinguished for vigor and sublimity; he lived long enough for Cicero in his youth to converse with him.

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Fulvius : M. Fulvius Nobilior (cos. B.C. 189) subdued Aetolia. He was distinguished as a friend of Greek literature, and built, from the spoils of war, a temple to Hercules and the Muses.

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prope armati , having scarce laid aside their arms.

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togati : see note on p. 125, l. 17 .

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[28] quas res , i.e. the suppression of Catiline's conspiracy.

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adornavi , I supplied him with materials (i.e. facts).

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quid est quod , etc.: § 531 , 2 (317, 2); B. 282, 2; G. 631, 2; H. 590 (497, 1); H.-B. 513, 2.

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[29] nec tantis , etc.: here the apod. begins.

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[30] parvi animi , mean-spirited: § 345 (215); B. 203, I; G. 365; H. 440, 3 (394, v); H.-B. 355

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imagines , busts. Whoever held any curule office (dictator, consul, interrex, praetor, curule aedile) thereby secured to his posterity the jus imaginum, i.e. the right to place in their halls and carry in funeral processions a wax mask of him as well as of any other deceased members of the family of curule rank. Since this right was a distinguishing mark of the Roman nobility, it was naturally highly prized.

IV. Peroratio (§ 31).

[31] Archias the poet should be protected in the rights of citizenship, which are legally his.

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pudore eo , of such high character (i.e. sense of honor and self-respect, as contrasted with the unprincipled Greek hangers-on with whom Roman society was infested).

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vetustate , i.e. long-continued friendship (see sect. 5 ).

id existimari depends on convenit , it is fitting.

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videatis , subj. of integral part.

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municipi , i.e. Heraclia.

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comprobetur , subj. of characteristic.

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ut , with accipiatis , p. 168, l. 2 .

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ex eo numero , i.e. of poets.

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ab eo qui , etc.: Q. Cicero (see Introd.).

Commentary on Oration For Archias. James Bradstreet Greenough. ed. James Bradstreet Greenough, ed. George Lyman Kittredge. Boston. 1897.

Sponsored by Perseus Project, Tufts University.

Funding provided by The National Endowment for the Humanities.

Current edition Perseus

Commentary on Oration For Archias (English) (Select Orations of Cicero (Allen and Greenough's Edition). Greenough, James Bradstreet; Kittredge, George Lyman, editors. Boston, London: Ginn & Company, 1897.)

Editions (1)

Pro Archia Poeta Perseus (Cicero. M. Tulli Ciceronis Orationes, Volume 6. Clark, Albert Curtis, editor. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1911.) — 7 focus

[7] data est civitas Silvani¹ lege et Carbonis:

si qui foederatis civitatibus ascripti fuissent, si tum cum lex ferebatur in Italia domicilium habuissent et si sexaginta diebus apud praetorem essent professi.

Cum hic domicilium Romae multos iam annos haberet, professus est apud praetorem

[8] Q. Metellum, familiarissimum suum. si nihil aliud nisi de civitate ac² lege dicimus, nihil dico amplius; causa dicta est. quid enim horum infirmari, Gratti³, potest? Heracleaene esse tum⁴ ascriptum negabis? adest vir summa auctoritate et religione et fide, M. Lucullus; qui se non opinari sed scire, non audisse⁵ sed vidisse, non interfuisse sed egisse dicit. adsunt Heraclienses legati, nobilissimi homines, huius⁶ iudici causa cum mandatis et cum publico testimonio venerunt⁷; qui hunc ascriptum Heracliae esse⁸ dicunt. hic tu tabulas⁹ desideras¹⁰ Heracliensium publicas¹¹, quas Italico bello incenso tabulario interisse scimus omnes? est ridiculum ad ea quae habemus¹² nihil dicere, quaerere quae habere non possumus, et de hominum memoria tacere, litterarum memoriam flagitare et, cum habeas amplissimi viri religionem, integerrimi municipi ius iurandum fidemque, ea quae depravari nullo modo possunt repudiare, tabulas quas idem dicis solere corrumpi desiderare.

[9] an¹³ domicilium Romae non habuit is qui tot annis ante¹⁴ civitatem datam sedem omnium rerum ac fortunarum suarum Romae conlocavit? an¹⁵ non est professus? immo vero eis¹⁶ tabulis professus quae solae ex illa professione conlegioque praetorum obtinent publicarum tabularum auctoritatem. 5 nam, cum Appi tabulae neglegentius adservatae dicerentur, Gabini¹⁷, quam diu incolumis fuit, levitas, post damnationem calamitas omnem tabularum fidem resignasset, Metellus, homo sanctissimus modestissimusque omnium, tanta diligentia fuit ut ad L. Lentulum praetorem et ad iudices venerit et unius nominis litura se commotum esse dixerit. his igitur in¹⁸ tabulis nullam lituram in nomine¹⁹ A. Licini videtis.

[10] quae cum ita sint, quid est quod de eius civitate dubitetis²⁰, praesertim cum aliis quoque in²¹ civitatibus fuerit ascriptus? etenim cum mediocribus multis et²² aut nulla aut humili aliqua arte praeditis gratuito²³ civitatem in Graecia²⁴ homines impertiebant, Reginos credo aut Locrensis aut Neapolitanos aut Tarentinos, quod scaenicis²⁵ artificibus largiri solebant, id huic summa ingeni praedito gloria noluisse²⁶! quid? cum²⁷ ceteri non modo post civitatem datam sed etiam post legem Papiam aliquo modo in eorum municipiorum tabulas inrepserunt²⁸, hic qui ne²⁹ utitur quidem illis in quibus est scriptus, quod semper se Heracliensem esse voluit, reicietur?

[11] census nostros requiris. scilicet³⁰; est³¹ enim obscurum proximis censoribus hunc cum clarissimo imperatore L. Lucullo apud exercitum fuisse, superioribus cum eodem quaestore fuisse in Asia, primis Iulio et Crasso nullam populi partem esse censam³². sed, quoniam census non ius civitatis confirmat ac tantum modo indicat eum qui sit census ita se iam tum gessisse, pro cive³³, eis³⁴ temporibus is quem³⁵ tu criminaris ne ipsius quidem iudicio in civium Romanorum iure esse versatum et testamentum saepe fecit nostris legibus, et adiit hereditates civium Romanorum, et in beneficiis ad aerarium delatus est a L. Lucullo pro consule³⁶. 6 quaere argumenta, si quae³⁷ potes; numquam enim hic³⁸ neque suo neque amicorum iudicio revincetur³⁹.

[12] quaeres⁴⁰ a nobis, Gratti⁴¹, cur tanto opere⁴² hoc homine⁴³ delectemur. quia suppeditat nobis ubi et animus ex⁴⁴ hoc forensi strepitu reficiatur et aures convicio defessae conquiescant. an tu existimas aut suppetere nobis posse quod cotidie dicamus in tanta varietate rerum, nisi animos nostros doctrina excolamus, aut ferre animos tantam posse contentionem, nisi eos doctrina eadem relaxemus? ego vero fateor me his studiis esse deditum. ceteros pudeat, si qui ita se⁴⁵ litteris abdiderunt ut nihil possint ex eis⁴⁶ neque ad communem adferre fructum neque in aspectum lucemque proferre; me autem quid pudeat qui tot annos ita vivo, iudices, ut a nullius umquam me tempore aut commodo aut otium meum abstraxerit aut voluptas avocarit⁴⁷ aut denique somnus retardarit?

[13] qua re quis tandem me reprehendat, aut quis mihi iure suscenseat, si, quantum ceteris ad suas res obeundas, quantum ad festos dies ludorum celebrandos, quantum ad alias voluptates et ad ipsam requiem animi et corporis conceditur temporum⁴⁸, quantum alii tribuunt tempestivis conviviis, quantum denique alveolo⁴⁹, quantum pilae, tantum mihi egomet ad haec studia recolenda sumpsero? atque id eo⁵⁰ mihi concedendum est magis quod ex his studiis haec quoque crescit oratio et facultas quae, quantacumque est⁵¹ in me, numquam amicorum periculis defuit. quae si cui levior videtur, illa quidem certe quae summa sunt ex quo fonte hauriam sentio.

[14] nam nisi multorum praeceptis multisque litteris mihi ab adulescentia suasissem nihil esse in vita magno opere expetendum nisi laudem atque honestatem, in ea autem persequenda omnis cruciatus corporis, omnia pericula mortis atque exsili⁵² parvi esse ducenda, numquam me pro salute vestra in tot ac tantas dimicationes atque in hos profligatorum hominum cotidianos impetus obiecissem⁵³. sed pleni omnes sunt⁵⁴ libri, plenae sapientium voces, plena exemplorum vetustas; quae iacerent in tenebris omnia, nisi litterarum lumen accederet⁵⁵. quam multas nobis imagines non solum ad intuendum verum etiam ad imitandum fortissimorum virorum expressas scriptores et Graeci et Latini reliquerunt! quas ego mihi semper in administranda re publica proponens animum et mentem meam ipsa cogitatione hominum excellentium conformabam.

[15] 7 quaeret quispiam: quid? illi ipsi summi viri quorum virtutes litteris proditae sunt istane doctrina quam tu effers laudibus eruditi fuerunt? difficile est hoc de omnibus confirmare, sed tamen est certum quid⁵⁶ respondeam. ego multos homines excellenti animo ac virtute fuisse sine doctrina, et⁵⁷ naturae ipsius habitu prope divino per se ipsos et moderatos et gravis exstitisse fateor; etiam illud adiungo, saepius ad laudem atque virtutem naturam sine doctrina⁵⁸ quam sine natura valuisse doctrinam. atque idem ego hoc⁵⁹ contendo, cum ad naturam eximiam et⁶⁰ inlustrem accesserit ratio quaedam conformatioque⁶¹ doctrinae, tum illud nescio quid praeclarum ac singulare solere exsistere.

[16] ex hoc esse⁶² hunc⁶³ numero quem patres nostri viderunt, divinum hominem, Africanum, ex hoc C. Laelium, L. Furium, moderatissimos⁶⁴ homines et continentissimos, ex hoc fortissimum virum et illis temporibus doctissimum, M.⁶⁵ Catonem illum senem; qui profecto si nihil ad percipiendam colendamque⁶⁶ virtutem litteris adiuvarentur, numquam se ad earum studium contulissent. quod si non hic tantus fructus ostenderetur, et si ex his studiis delectatio sola peteretur, tamen, ut opinor, hanc animi remissionem⁶⁷ humanissimam ac liberalissimam iudicaretis. nam ceterae neque temporum sunt neque aetatum omnium neque locorum; at⁶⁸ haec studia adulescentiam acuunt⁶⁹, senectutem oblectant, secundas res ornant, adversis perfugium⁷⁰ ac solacium praebent, delectant domi, non impediunt foris, pernoctant nobiscum, peregrinantur, rusticantur.

[17] quod si ipsi haec neque attingere neque sensu nostro gustare possemus, tamen ea mirari deberemus, etiam cum in aliis videremus.

8 quis nostrum tam animo agresti⁷¹ ac duro fuit ut Rosci morte nuper non commoveretur⁷²? qui cum esset senex mortuus, tamen propter excellentem artem ac venustatem videbatur omnino mori non debuisse. ergo ille corporis motu tantum amorem sibi conciliarat a nobis omnibus; nos⁷³ animorum incredibilis motus celeritatemque ingeniorum neglegemus⁷⁴?

[18] quotiens ego hunc Archiam vidi, iudices,—utar enim vestra benignitate, quoniam me in hoc novo genere dicendi tam diligenter attenditis—quotiens ego hunc vidi, cum litteram scripsisset nullam, magnum numerum optimorum versuum de eis⁷⁵ ipsis rebus quae tum agerentur⁷⁶ dicere ex tempore, quotiens⁷⁷ revocatum eandem rem dicere commutatis verbis atque sententiis! quae vero accurate cogitateque scripsisset, ea sic vidi probari ut ad veterum scriptorum laudem perveniret⁷⁸. hunc ego non diligam, non admirer, non omni ratione defendendum putem? atque⁷⁹ sic a summis hominibus eruditissimisque accepimus, ceterarum rerum studia ex⁸⁰ doctrina et praeceptis et arte constare, poetam natura ipsa valere et mentis viribus excitari et quasi divino quodam spiritu inflari⁸¹. qua re suo iure noster ille Ennius sanctos appellat poetas, quod quasi deorum aliquo dono atque munere commendati⁸² nobis esse videantur⁸³.

[19] sit igitur, iudices, sanctum apud vos, humanissimos homines, hoc poetae nomen quod nulla umquam barbaria violavit. Saxa atque⁸⁴ solitudines voci⁸⁵ respondent, bestiae saepe immanes cantu flectuntur atque consistunt; nos instituti rebus optimis non poetarum voce moveamur? Homerum Colophonii civem esse dicunt suum, Chii suum⁸⁶ vindicant, Salaminii repetunt, Smyrnaei vero suum esse confirmant itaque etiam delubrum eius⁸⁷ in oppido dedicaverunt, permulti alii praeterea pugnant inter se atque contendunt. 9 ergo illi alienum, quia poeta fuit, post mortem etiam expetunt; nos hunc vivum qui et⁸⁸ voluntate et legibus noster est repudiamus⁸⁹, praesertim cum omne olim studium atque omne ingenium contulerit Archias ad populi Romani gloriam laudemque celebrandam? nam et Cimbricas res adulescens attigit et ipsi illi C. Mario qui durior ad haec studia videbatur iucundus fuit.

[20] neque enim quisquam est⁹⁰ tam aversus a Musis qui non mandari versibus aeternum suorum laborum praeconium⁹¹ facile patiatur. Themistoclem illum, summum Athenis virum, dixisse aiunt, cum ex eo quaereretur quod⁹² acroama⁹³ aut cuius vocem libentissime audiret: eius a quo sua virtus optime praedicaretur. itaque ille Marius item⁹⁴ eximie L. Plotium dilexit, cuius ingenio putabat ea quae gesserat posse celebrari.

[21] Mithridaticum vero bellum magnum atque difficile et in multa varietate terra marique⁹⁵ versatum totum ab hoc expressum est; qui libri non modo L. Lucullum, fortissimum et clarissimum virum, verum etiam populi Romani nomen inlustrant. populus enim Romanus aperuit Lucullo imperante Pontum et regiis quondam opibus et ipsa natura et⁹⁶ regione⁹⁷ vallatum, populi Romani exercitus eodem duce non maxima manu innumerabilis Armeniorum copias fudit, populi Romani laus est urbem amicissimam Cyzicenorum eiusdem consilio ex omni impetu regio atque⁹⁸ totius belli ore ac faucibus ereptam esse atque servatam; nostra semper feretur et praedicabitur L. Lucullo dimicante, cum interfectis ducibus depressa hostium classis est⁹⁹, incredibilis apud Tenedum pugna illa navalis, nostra sunt tropaea, nostra monumenta, nostri triumphi. quae¹⁰⁰ quorum ingeniis efferuntur¹⁰¹, ab eis populi Romani fama celebratur.

[22] carus fuit Africano superiori noster Ennius, itaque etiam in sepulcro Scipionum putatur is esse constitutus ex marmore. at eis¹⁰² laudibus certe non solum ipse qui laudatur¹⁰³ sed etiam populi Romani nomen ornatur. in caelum huius proavus Cato tollitur; magnus honos populi Romani rebus adiungitur. omnes denique illi maximi, Marcelli, Fulvii non sine communi omnium nostrum laude decorantur. 10 ergo illum qui haec fecerat, Rudinum¹⁰⁴ hominem, maiores nostri in civitatem receperunt; nos hunc Heracliensem multis¹⁰⁵ civitatibus expetitum, in hac autem legibus constitutum de nostra civitate eiciamus¹⁰⁶?

[23] nam si quis minorem gloriae fructum putat ex Graecis versibus percipi quam ex Latinis, vehementer errat, propterea quod Graeca leguntur in omnibus fere gentibus, Latina suis finibus exiguis sane continentur. qua re, si res eae quas gessimus orbis terrae regionibus definiuntur, cupere debemus, quo hominum nostrorum¹⁰⁷ tela pervenerint, eodem¹⁰⁸ gloriam famamque penetrare, quod cum ipsis populis de quorum rebus scribitur haec ampla sunt, tum eis¹⁰⁹ certe qui de vita gloriae causa dimicant hoc maximum et periculorum incitamentum est et laborum.

[24] quam multos scriptores rerum suarum magnus ille Alexander secum habuisse dicitur! atque is tamen, cum in Sigeo ad Achillis tumulum astitisset: o fortunate, inquit, adulescens, qui tuae virtutis Homerum praeconem inveneris¹¹⁰! et vere. nam, nisi Ilias¹¹¹ illa exstitisset, idem tumulus qui corpus eius contexerat nomen etiam obruisset. quid? noster hic Magnus qui cum virtute fortunam adaequavit, nonne Theophanem Mytilenaeum, scriptorem rerum suarum, in contione militum civitate donavit, et nostri illi fortes viri, sed rustici ac milites, dulcedine quadam gloriae commoti quasi participes eiusdem laudis magno illud clamore approbaverunt?

[25] itaque, credo, si civis Romanus Archias legibus non esset, ut ab aliquo imperatore civitate donaretur perficere non potuit. Sulla cum Hispanos et Gallos donaret¹¹², credo, hunc petentem repudiasset; quem nos¹¹³ vidimus, cum ei libellum malus poeta de populo subiecisset, quod epigramma in eum fecisset tantum modo alternis versibus longiusculis, statim ex eis¹¹⁴ rebus quas tum¹¹⁵ vendebat iubere¹¹⁶ ei praemium tribui, sed¹¹⁷ ea condicione ne quid postea scriberet. qui sedulitatem mali poetae duxerit¹¹⁸ aliquo tamen praemio dignam, huius¹¹⁹ ingenium et virtutem in scribendo et copiam non¹²⁰ expetisset?

[26] quid? a Q. Metello¹²¹ Pio, familiarissimo suo, qui civitate multos donavit, neque per se neque per Lucullos impetravisset? qui praesertim usque eo de suis rebus scribi cuperet ut etiam Cordubae natis poetis pingue quiddam sonantibus atque peregrinum tamen auris suas dederet¹²². 11 neque enim est hoc dissimulandum quod obscurari non potest, sed prae nobis ferendum: trahimur omnes studio laudis, et optimus quisque maxime gloria ducitur. ipsi illi philosophi etiam in eis¹²³ libellis quos de contemnenda gloria scribunt nomen suum inscribunt; in eo ipso in quo¹²⁴ praedicationem nobilitatemque despiciunt praedicari de se¹²⁵ ac se¹²⁶ nominari volunt¹²⁷.

[27] Decimus quidem Brutus, summus vir et imperator, Acci, amicissimi sui, carminibus templorum ac monumentorum¹²⁸ aditus exornavit suorum. iam vero ille qui cum Aetolis Ennio comite bellavit Fulvius non dubitavit Martis manubias Musis consecrare. qua re, in qua urbe imperatores prope armati poetarum nomen et Musarum delubra coluerunt, in ea non debent togati¹²⁹ iudices a Musarum honore et a poetarum salute abhorrere.

[28] atque ut id libentius faciatis, iam me vobis, iudices, indicabo et de meo quodam amore gloriae nimis acri fortasse, verum tamen honesto vobis confitebor. nam quas res nos in consulatu nostro vobiscum simul pro salute huius urbis¹³⁰ atque¹³¹ imperi et pro vita civium proque universa re publica gessimus, attigit hic versibus atque inchoavit. quibus auditis, quod mihi magna res et iucunda visa est, hunc ad perficiendum adornavi¹³². nullam¹³³ enim virtus aliam mercedem laborum periculorumque desiderat praeter hanc laudis et gloriae; qua quidem detracta, iudices¹³⁴, quid est quod in hoc tam exiguo vitae curriculo et tam brevi tantis nos in¹³⁵ laboribus exerceamus?

[29] certe, si nihil animus praesentiret in posterum, et si, quibus regionibus vitae spatium circumscriptum est¹³⁶, isdem omnis cogitationes terminaret suas, nec tantis se laboribus frangeret neque tot curis vigiliisque angeretur nec totiens de ipsa vita dimicaret. nunc insidet quaedam in optimo quoque virtus, quae noctes ac dies animum gloriae stimulis concitat atque admonet non cum vitae tempore esse dimittendam¹³⁷ commemorationem nominis nostri, sed cum omni posteritate adaequandam.

[30] 12 an vero tam parvi¹³⁸ animi videamur esse¹³⁹ omnes qui in re publica atque in his vitae periculis laboribusque versamur ut, cum usque ad extremum spatium nullum tranquillum atque otiosum spiritum duxerimus, nobiscum simul moritura omnia arbitremur? an¹⁴⁰ statuas et imagines, non animorum simulacra, sed corporum, studiose multi summi homines reliquerunt¹⁴¹; consiliorum relinquere ac virtutum nostrarum effigiem nonne¹⁴² multo malle debemus summis ingeniis expressam et politam? ego vero omnia quae gerebam iam tum in gerendo spargere me ac disseminare arbitrabar in orbis terrae memoriam sempiternam. haec vero sive¹⁴³ a meo sensu post mortem afutura¹⁴⁴ est¹⁴⁵, sive, ut sapientissimi homines putaverunt, ad aliquam animi¹⁴⁶ mei partem pertinebit¹⁴⁷, nunc quidem certe cogitatione quadam speque delector.

[31] qua re conservate, iudices, hominem pudore eo quem amicorum videtis comprobari cum dignitate, tum etiam vetustate¹⁴⁸, ingenio autem tanto quantum¹⁴⁹ id convenit existimari, quod summorum hominum iudiciis¹⁵⁰ expetitum esse videatis, causa vero eius¹⁵¹ modi quae beneficio legis, auctoritate municipi, testimonio Luculli, tabulis Metelli comprobetur. quae cum ita sint, petimus¹⁵² a vobis, iudices, si qua non modo humana verum etiam divina in tantis ingeniis¹⁵³ commendatio debet esse, ut eum qui vos, qui vestros imperatores, qui populi Romani¹⁵⁴ res gestas semper ornavit, qui etiam his recentibus nostris vestrisque domesticis periculis aeternum se testimonium laudis¹⁵⁵ daturum esse profitetur, quique est ex¹⁵⁶ eo numero qui semper apud omnis sancti sunt habiti itaque¹⁵⁷ dicti, sic in vestram accipiatis fidem ut humanitate vestra levatus potius quam acerbitate violatus esse videatur.

Translations (1)

For A.L. Archias Perseus (Cicero. The Orations of Marcus Tullius Cicero, Volume 2. Yonge, Charles Duke, translator. London: Bell, 1856.) — 7 focus

[7] The freedom of the city was given him in accordance with the provisions of the law of Silvanus and Carbo: “If any men had been enrolled as citizens of the confederate cities, and if, at the time that the law was passed, they had a residence in Italy, and if within sixty days they had made a return or themselves to the praetor.” As he had now had a residence at Rome for many years, he returned himself as a citizen to the praetor, Quintus Metellus, his most intimate friend.

[8] If we have nothing else to speak about except the rights of citizenship and the law, I need say no more. The cause is over. For which of all these statements, O Gratius, can be invalidated? Will you deny that he was enrolled, at the time I speak of, as a citizen of Heraclea? There is a man present of the very highest authority, a most scrupulous and truthful man, Lucius Lucullus, who will tell you not that he thinks it, but that he knows it; not that he has heard of it, but that he saw it; not even that he was present when it was done, but that he actually did it himself. Deputies from Heraclea are present, men of the highest rank; they have come expressly on account of this trial, with a commission from their city, and to give evidence on the part of their city; and they say that he was enrolled as a Heraclean. On this you ask for the public registers of the Heracleans, which we all know were destroyed in the Italian war, when the register office was burnt. It is ridiculous to say nothing to the proofs which we have, but to ask for proofs which it is impossible for us to have; to disregard the recollection of men, and to appeal to the memory of documents; and when you have the conscientious evidence of a most honourable man, the oath and good faith of a most respectable municipality, to reject those things which cannot by any possibility be tampered with, and to demand documentary evidence, though you say at the same moment that that is constantly played tricks with.

[9] “But he had no residence at Rome.” What, not he who for so many years before the freedom of the city was given to him, had established the abode of all his property and fortunes at Rome? “But he did not return himself.” Indeed he did, and in that return which alone obtains with the college of praetors the authority of a public document. 5
For as the returns of Appius were said to have been kept carelessly, and as the trifling conduct of Gabinius, before he was convicted, and his misfortune after his condemnation, had taken away all credit from the public registers, Metellus, the most scrupulous and moderate of all men, was so careful, that he came to Lucius Lentulus, the praetor, and to the judges, and said that he was greatly vexed at an erasure which appeared in one name. In these documents, therefore, you will see no erasure affecting the name of Aulus Licinius.

[10] And as this is the case, what reason have you for doubting about his citizenship, especially as he was enrolled as a citizen of other cities also? In truth, as men in Greece were in the habit of giving rights of citizenship to many men of very ordinary qualifications, and endowed with no talents at all, or with very moderate ones, without any payment, it is likely, I suppose, that the Rhegians, and Locrians, and Neapolitans, and Tarentines should have been unwilling to give to this man, enjoying the highest possible reputation for genius, what they were in the habit of giving even to theatrical artists. What, when other men, who not only after the freedom of the city had been given, but even after the passing of the Papian law, crept somehow or other into the registers of those municipalities, shall he be rejected who does not avail himself of those other lists in which he is enrolled, because he always wished to be considered a Heraclean?

[11] You demand to see our own censor's returns. I suppose no one knows that at the time of the last census he was with that most illustrious general, Lucius Lucullus, with the army; that at the time of the preceding one he was with the same man when he was in Asia as quaestor; and that in the census before that, when Julius and Crassus were censors, no regular account of the people was taken. But, since the census does not confirm the right of citizenship, but only indicates that he, who is returned in the census, did at that time claim to be considered as a citizen, I say that, at that time, when you say, in your speech for the prosecution, that he did not even himself consider that he had any claim to the privileges of a Roman citizen, he more than once made a will according to our laws, and he entered upon inheritances left him by Roman citizens; and he was made honourable mention of by Lucius Lucullus, both as praetor and as consul, in the archives kept in the treasury. 6
You must rely wholly on what arguments you can find. For he will never be convicted either by his own opinion or his case, or by that which is formed of it by his friends.

[12]
You ask us, O Gratius, why we are so exceedingly attached to this man. Because he supplies us with food whereby our mind is refreshed after this noise in the forum, and with rest for our ears after they have been wearied with bad language. Do you think it possible that we could find a supply for our daily speeches, when discussing such a variety of matters, unless we were to cultivate our minds by the study of literature; or that our minds could bear being kept so constantly on the stretch if we did not relax them by that same study? But I confess that I am devoted to those studies, let others be ashamed of them if they have buried themselves in books without being able to produce anything out of them for the common advantage or anything which may bear the eyes of men and the light. But why need I be ashamed, who for many years have lived in such a manner as never to allow my own love of tranquillity to deny me to the necessity or advantage of another or my fondness for pleasure to distract, or even sleep to delay my attention to such claims?

[13] Who then can reproach me or who has any right to be angry with me, if I allow myself as much time for the cultivation of these studies as some take for the performance of their own business, or for celebrating days of festival and games, or for other pleasures, or even for the rest and refreshment of mind and body, or as others devote to early banquets, to playing at dice, or at ball? And this ought to be permitted to me, because by these studies my power of speaking and those faculties are improved, which, as far as they do exist in me, have never been denied to my friends when they have been in peril. And if that ability appears to any one to be but moderate, at all events I know whence I derive those principles which are of the greatest value.

[14] For if I had not persuaded myself from my youth upwards, both by the precepts of many masters and by much reading, that there is nothing in life greatly to be desired, except praise and honour, and that while pursuing those things all tortures of the body, all dangers of death and banishment are to be considered but of small importance, I should never have exposed myself, in defence of your safety, to such numerous and arduous contests, and to these daily attacks of profligate men. But all books are full of such precepts, and all the sayings of philosophers, and all antiquity is full of precedents teaching the same lesson; but all these things would lie buried in darkness, if the light of literature and learning were not applied to them. How many images of the bravest men, carefully elaborated, have both the Greek and Latin writers bequeathed to us, not merely for us to look at and gaze upon, but also for our imitation! And I, always keeping them before my eyes as examples for my own public conduct, have endeavoured to model my mind and views by continually thinking of those excellent men.

[15]
Some one will ask, “What? were those identical great men, whose virtues have been recorded in books, accomplished in all that learning which you are extolling so highly?” It is difficult to assert this of all of them; but still I know what answer I can make to that question: I admit that many men have existed of admirable disposition and virtue, who, without learning, by the almost divine instinct of their own mere nature, have been, of their own accord, as it were, moderate and wise men. I even add this, that very often nature without learning has had more to do with leading men to credit and to virtue, than learning when not assisted by a good natural disposition. And I also contend, that when to an excellent and admirable natural disposition there is added a certain system and training of education, then from that combination arises an extraordinary perfection of character;

[16] such as is seen in that god-like man, whom our fathers saw in their time, Africanus; and in Caius Laelius and Lucius Furius, most virtuous and moderate men; and in that most excellent man, the most learned man of his time, Marcus Cato the elder; and all these men, if they had been to derive no assistance from literature in the cultivation and practice of virtue, would never have applied themselves to the study of it. Though, even if there were no such great advantage to be reaped from it, and if it were only pleasure that is sought from these studies, still I imagine you would consider it a most reasonable and liberal employment of the mind: for other occupations are not suited to every time, nor to every age or place; but these studies are the food of youth, the delight of old age; the ornament of prosperity, the refuge and comfort of adversity; a delight at home, and no hindrance abroad; they are companions by night, and in travel, and in the country.

[17]
And if we ourselves were not able to arrive at these advantages, nor even taste them with our senses, still we ought to admire them, even when we saw them in others. Who of us was of so ignorant and brutal a disposition as not lately to be grieved at the death of Roscius? who, though he was an old man when he died, yet on account of the excellence and beauty of his art, appeared to be one who on every account ought not to have died. Therefore, had he by the gestures of his body gained so much of our affections, and shall we disregard the incredible movements of the mind, and the rapid operations of genius?

[18] How often have I seen this man. Archias, O judges,—(for I will take advantage of your kindness, since you listen to me so attentively while speaking in this unusual manner,)—how often have I seen him, when he had not written a single word, repeat extempore a great number of admirable verses on the very events which were passing at the moment! How often have I seen him go back, and describe the same thing over again with an entire change of language and ideas! And what he wrote with care and with much thought that I have seen admired to such a degree, as to equal the credit of even the writings of the ancients. Should not I, then, love this man? should I not admire him? should not I think it my duty to defend him in every possible way? And, indeed, we have constantly heard from men of the greatest eminence and learning, that the study of other sciences was made up of learning, and rules, and regular method; but that a poet was such by the unassisted work of nature, and was moved by the vigour of his own mind, and was inspired, as it were, by some divine wrath. Wherefore rightly does our own great Ennius call poets holy; because they seem to be recommended to us by some especial gift, as it were, and liberality of the gods.

[19] Let then, judges, this name of poet, this name which no barbarians even have ever disregarded, be holy in your eyes, men of cultivated minds as you all are. Rocks and deserts reply to the poet's voice; savage beasts are often moved and arrested by song; and shall we, who have been trained in the pursuit of the most virtuous acts, refuse to be swayed by the voice of poets? The Colophonians say that Homer was their citizen; the Chians claim him as theirs; the Salaminians assert their right to him; but the men of Smyrna loudly assert him to be a citizen of Smyrna, and they have even raised a temple to him in their city. Many other places also fight with one another for the honour of being his birth-place. 9
They, then, claim a stranger, even after his death, because he was a poet; shall we reject this man while he is alive, a man who by his own inclination and by our laws does actually belong to us? especially when Archias has employed all his genius with the utmost zeal in celebrating the glory and renown of the Roman people? For when a young man, he touched on our wars against the Cimbri, and gained the favour even of Caius Marius himself, a man who was tolerably proof against this sort of study.

[20] For there was no one so disinclined to the Muses as not willingly to endure that the praise of his labours should be made immortal by means of verse. They say that the great Themistocles, the greatest man that Athens produced, said, when some one asked him what sound or whose voice he took the greatest delight in hearing, “The voice of that by whom his own exploits were best celebrated.” Therefore, the great Marius was also exceedingly attached to Lucius Plotius, because he thought that the achievement which he had performed could be celebrated by his genius.

[21] And the whole Mithridatic war, great and difficult as it was, and carried on with so much diversity of fortune by land and sea, has been related at length by him; and the books in which that is sung of, not only make illustrious Lucius Lucullus, that most gallant and celebrated man, but they do honour also to the Roman people. For, while Lucullus was general, the Roman people opened Pontus, though it was defended both by the resources of the king and by the character of the country itself. Under the same general the army of the Roman people, with no very great numbers, routed the countless hosts of the Armenians. It is the glory of the Roman people that, by the wisdom of that same general, the city of the Cyzicenes, most friendly to us, was delivered and preserved from all the attacks of the kind, and from the very jaws as it were of the whole war. Ours is the glory which will be for ever celebrated, which is derived from the fleet of the enemy which was sunk after its admirals had been slain, and from the marvellous naval battle off Tenedos: those trophies belong to us, those monuments are ours, those triumphs are ours. Therefore, I say that the men by whose genius these exploits are celebrated, make illustrious at the same time the glory of the Roman people.

[22] Our countryman, Ennius, was dear to the elder Africanus; and even on the tomb of the Scipios his effigy is believed to be visible, carved in the marble. But undoubtedly it is not only the men who are themselves praised who are done honour to by those praises, but the name of the Roman people also is adorned by them. Cato, the ancestor of this Cato, is extolled to the skies. Great honour is paid to the exploits of the Roman people. Lastly, all those great men, the Maximi, the Marcelli, and the Fulvii, are done honour to, not without all of us having also a share in the panegyric. 10
Therefore our ancestors received the man who was the cause of all this, a man of Rudiae, into their city as a citizen; and shall we reject from our city a man of Heraclea, a man sought by many cities, and made a citizen of ours by these very laws?

[23]
For if any one thinks that there is a smaller gain of glory derived from Greek verses than from Latin ones, he is greatly mistaken, because Greek poetry is read among all nations, Latin is confined to its own natural limits, which are narrow enough. Wherefore, if those achievements which we have performed are limited only by the bounds of the whole world, we ought to desire that, wherever our vigour and our arms have penetrated, our glory and our fame should likewise extend. Because, as this is always an ample reward for those people whose achievements are the subject of writings, so especially is it the greatest inducement to encounter labours and dangers to all men who fight for themselves for the sake of glory.

[24] How many historians of his exploits is Alexander the Great said to have had with him; and he, when standing on Cape Sigeum at the grave of Achilles, said—“O happy youth, to find Homer as the panegyrist of your glory!” And he said the truth; for, if the Iliad had not existed, the same tomb which covered his body would have also buried his renown. What, did not our own Magnus, whose valour has been equal to his fortune, present Theophanes the Mitylenaean, a relater of his actions, with the freedom of the city in an assembly of the soldiers?

[25] And those brave men, our countrymen, soldiers and country bred men as they were, still being moved by the sweetness of glory, as if they were to some extent partakers of the same renown, showed their approbation of that action with a great shout. Therefore, I suppose, if Archias were not a Roman citizen according to the laws, he could not have contrived to get presented with the freedom of the city by some general! Sulla, when he was giving it to the Spaniards and Gauls, would, I suppose, have refused him if he had asked for it! a man whom we ourselves saw in the public assembly, when a bad poet of the common people had put a book in his hand, because he had made an epigram on him with every other verse too long, immediately ordered some of the things which he was selling at the moment to be given him as a reward, on condition of not writing anything more about him for the future. Would not he who thought the industry of a bad poet still worthy of some reward, have sought out the genius, and excellence, and copiousness in writing of this man?

[26] What more need I say? Could he not have obtained the freedom of the city from Quintus Metellus Pius, his own most intimate friend, who gave it to many men, either by his own request, or by the intervention of the Luculli? especially when Metellus was so anxious to have his own deeds celebrated in writing, that he gave his attention willingly to poets born even at Cordova, whose poetry had a very heavy and foreign flavour. 11
For this should not be concerned, which cannot possibly be kept in the dark, but it might be avowed openly: we are all influenced by a desire of praise, and the best men are the most especially attracted by glory. Those very philosophers even in the books which they write about despising glory, put their own names on the title-page. In the very act of recording their contempt for renown and notoriety, they desire to have their own names known and talked of.

[27] Decimus Brutus, that most excellent citizen and consummate general, adorned the approaches to his temples and monuments with the verses of Attius. And lately that great man Fulvius, who fought with the Aetolians, having Ennius for his companion, did not hesitate to devote the spoils of Mars to the Muses. Wherefore, in a city in which generals, almost in arms, have paid respect to the name of poets and to the temples of the Muses, these judges in the garb of peace ought not to act in a manner inconsistent with the honour of the Muses and the safety of poets.

[28]
And that you may do that the more willingly, I will now reveal my own feelings to you, O judges, and I will make a confession to you of my own love of glory,—too eager perhaps, but still honourable. For this man has in his verses touched upon and begun the celebration of the deeds which we in our consulship did in union with you, for the safety of this city and empire, and in defence of the life of the citizens and of the whole republic. And when I had heard his commencement because it appeared to me to be a great subject and at the same time an agreeable one, I encouraged him to complete his work. For virtue seeks no other reward for its labours and its dangers beyond that of praise and renown; and if that be denied to it, what reason is there, O judges, why in so small and brief a course of life as is allotted to us, we should impose such labours on ourselves?

[29] Certainly, if the mind had no anticipations of posterity, and if it were to confine all its thoughts within the same limits as those by which the space of our lives is bounded, it would neither break itself with such severe labours, nor would it be tormented with such cares and sleepless anxiety, nor would it so often have to fight for its very life. At present there is a certain virtue in every good man, which night and day stirs up the mind with the stimulus of glory, and reminds it that all mention of our name will not cease at the same time with our lives, but that our fame will endure to all posterity.

[30]
Do we all who are occupied in the affairs of the state, and who are surrounded by such perils and dangers in life, appear to be so narrow-minded, as, though to the last moment of our lives we have never passed one tranquil or easy moment, to think that everything will perish at the same time as ourselves? Ought we not, when many most illustrious men have with great care collected and left behind them statues and images, representations not of their minds but of their bodies, much more to desire to leave behind us a copy of our counsels and of our virtues, wrought and elaborated by the greatest genius? I thought, at the very moment of performing them, that I was scattering and disseminating all the deeds which I was performing, all over the world for the eternal recollection of nations. And whether that delight is to be denied to my soul after death, or whether, as the wisest men have thought, it will affect some portion of my spirit, at all events, I am at present delighted with some such idea and hope.

[31]
Preserve then, O judges, a man of such virtue as that of Archias, which you see testified to you not only by the worth of his friends, but by the length of time during which they have been such to him, and of such genius as you ought to think is his, when you see that it as been sought by most illustrious men. And his cause is one which is approved of by the benevolence of the law by the authority of his municipality, by the testimony of Lucullus, and by the documentary evidence of Metellus. And as this is the case, we do entreat you, O judges, if there may be any weight attached, I will not say to human, but even to divine recommendation in such important matters, to receive under your protection that man who has at all times done honour to your generals and to the exploits of the Roman people,—who even in these recent perils of our own, and in your domestic dangers, promises to give an eternal testimony of praise in our favour, and who forms one of that band of poets who have at all times and in all nations been considered and called holy, so that he may seem relieved by your humanity, rather than overwhelmed by your severity.

James Bradstreet Greenough Commentary on Oration For Archias III

ed. James Bradstreet Greenough, ed. George Lyman Kittredge

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III. Confirmatio (§§ 7-30).

IV. Peroratio (§ 31).

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