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III. Confirmatio

Having briefly stated the facts (in the narratio, sects. 4 , 5 ), Cicero asks what is to be done (sect. 6 ). His discussion of this question falls under three heads: (1) the nature of the war (sects. 6 - 19 ); (2) its magnitude (sects. 20 - 26 ); (3) the choice of a commander (sects. 27 - 50 ). In the first and second divisions he represents the nature and magnitude of the war in such a way as to make the conclusion under the third head inevitable, — that Pompey must be chosen commander.

Notes on The Manilian Law. James Bradstreet Greenough. ed. James Bradstreet Greenough, ed. George Lyman Kittredge. Boston. 1897.

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Current edition Perseus

Notes on The Manilian Law (English) (Select Orations of Cicero (Allen and Greenough's Edition). Greenough, James Bradstreet; Kittredge, George Lyman, editors. Boston, London: Ginn & Company, 1897.)

Editions (1)

De Imperio Cn. Pompei Ad Quirites Perseus (Cicero. M. Tulli Ciceronis Orationes, Volume 1. Clark, Albert Curtis, editor. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1908.) — 6 focus

[6] causa quae sit videtis; nunc quid agendum sit ipsi¹ considerate. primum mihi videtur de genere belli, deinde de magnitudine, tum de imperatore deligendo esse dicendum. genus est eius belli² quod maxime vestros animos excitare atque inflammare ad persequendi studium³ debeat. in quo agitur populi Romani gloria quae vobis a maioribus cum magna in omnibus rebus⁴ tum summa in re militari tradita est; agitur salus sociorum atque amicorum pro qua multa maiores vestri magna et⁵ gravia bella⁶ gesserunt; aguntur certissima populi Romani vectigalia et maxima quibus amissis et pacis ornamenta et subsidia belli requiretis; aguntur bona multorum civium quibus est a vobis⁷ et ipsorum causa et rei⁸ publicae consulendum.

[7] 3 et quoniam semper appetentes gloriae praeter ceteras gentis atque avidi laudis fuistis, delenda vobis est⁹ illa macula Mithridatico bello superiore concepta¹⁰ quae penitus iam¹¹ insedit ac nimis inveteravit in populi Romani nomine, quod is qui uno die tota in Asia tot in civitatibus uno nuntio atque una significatione¹² omnis¹³ civis Romanos necandos trucidandosque curavit, non modo adhuc poenam nullam suo dignam scelere¹⁴ suscepit sed ab illo tempore annum iam tertium et vicesimum regnat¹⁵, et ita regnat ut se non Ponti¹⁶ neque Cappadociae latebris occultare velit sed emergere ex¹⁷ patrio regno atque in vestris vectigalibus, hoc est in Asiae luce, versari.

[8] etenim adhuc ita nostri cum illo rege contenderunt imperatores ut ab illo insignia victoriae, non victoriam reportarent. triumphavit L. ucius Sulla, triumphavit L. ucius Murena de Mithridate, duo fortissimi viri et summi imperatores, sed ita triumpharunt ut ille pulsus superatusque regnaret. verum tamen illis imperatoribus laus est tribuenda quod egerunt¹⁸, venia danda quod reliquerunt, propterea quod ab eo bello Sullam in Italiam res publica, Murenam Sulla revocavit.

[9] 4 Mithridates autem omne reliquum tempus non ad oblivionem veteris belli sed ad comparationem novi contulit. qui postea, cum¹⁹ maximas aedificasset ornassetque classis exercitusque permagnos quibuscumque ex gentibus potuisset comparasset²⁰ et se²¹ Bosphoranis, finitimis suis, bellum inferre simularet, usque in Hispaniam legatos ac litteras²² misit ad eos duces quibuscum tum bellum gerebamus, ut, cum duobus in locis disiunctissimis maximeque diversis uno consilio a binis²³ hostium copiis bellum terra marique gereretur, vos ancipiti contentione districti²⁴ de imperio dimicaretis.

[10] sed tamen alterius partis periculum, Sertorianae atque Hispaniensis, quae multo plus firmamenti ac roboris habebat, Cn. Gnaei Pompei divino consilio ac singulari virtute depulsum est; in altera parte ita res ab²⁵ L. Lucio Lucullo, summo viro, est administrata ut initia illa rerum gestarum²⁶ magna atque praeclara non felicitati eius sed virtuti, haec autem extrema quae nuper acciderunt non culpae sed fortunae tribuenda esse videantur. sed de Lucullo dicam alio loco, et ita dicam, Quirites, ut neque vera laus ei detracta oratione mea neque falsa adficta²⁷ esse videatur;

[11] de vestri imperi dignitate atque gloria, quoniam is est exorsus orationis meae, videte quem vobis animum suscipiendum putetis.

5 maiores nostri saepe pro²⁸ mercatoribus²⁹ aut naviculariis nostris³⁰ iniuriosius tractatis bella gesserunt; vos tot milibus³¹ civium Romanorum uno nuntio atque uno tempore necatis quo tandem animo esse debetis? legati quod erant appellati superbius, Corinthum patres vestri totius Graeciae lumen exstinctum esse voluerunt; vos eum regem inultum esse patiemini qui legatum populi Romani consularem vinculis ac verberibus atque omni supplicio excruciatum necavit? illi libertatem imminutam civium Romanorum³² non tulerunt; vos ereptam vitam³³ neglegetis³⁴? ius legationis verbo violatum illi persecuti sunt; vos legatum omni supplicio interfectum relinquetis³⁵?

[12] videte ne, ut illis pulcherrimum fuit tantam vobis imperi gloriam tradere, sic vobis turpissimum sit id quod accepistis tueri et conservare non posse.

quid? quod salus sociorum summum in periculum ac discrimen vocatur, quo id³⁶ tandem animo ferre debetis? regno est expulsus³⁷ Ariobarzanes rex, socius populi Romani atque amicus; imminent duo reges toti Asiae non solum vobis inimicissimi sed etiam vestris sociis atque amicis; civitates autem omnes cuncta Asia atque Graecia³⁸ vestrum auxilium exspectare propter periculi magnitudinem coguntur; imperatorem a vobis certum³⁹ deposcere, cum praesertim vos alium miseritis, neque audent neque id se⁴⁰ facere sine summo periculo posse arbitrantur.

[13] vident enim⁴¹ et sentiunt hoc idem quod vos, unum virum esse in quo summa⁴² sint omnia, et eum propter esse⁴³, quo etiam carent aegrius; cuius adventu ipso atque nomine, tametsi ille ad maritimum bellum venerit, tamen impetus hostium repressos esse intellegunt ac retardatos. hi vos, quoniam libere loqui non licet, taciti⁴⁴ rogant ut se quoque⁴⁵ dignos existimetis quorum salutem tali viro commendetis, atque hoc etiam magis quod ceteras in provincias eius modi homines cum imperio mittimus ut, etiam si ab hoste defendant, tamen ipsorum adventus in⁴⁶ urbis sociorum non multum ab hostili expugnatione differant, hunc audiebant antea, nunc praesentem vident tanta temperantia, tanta mansuetudine, tanta humanitate ut ei beatissimi esse videantur apud quos ille diutissime commoretur⁴⁷.

[14] 6 qua re si propter socios nulla ipsi iniuria lacessiti maiores nostri cum Antiocho, cum Philippo, cum Aetolis, cum Poenis bella gesserunt, quanto vos studiosius⁴⁸ convenit iniuriis provocatos sociorum salutem una cum imperi vestri dignitate defendere, praesertim cum de maximis vestris vectigalibus agatur? nam ceterarum provinciarum vectigalia, Quirites, tanta sunt ut eis ad ipsas provincias tuendas⁴⁹ vix contenti esse possimus, Asia vero tam⁵⁰ opima est ac fertilis ut et ubertate agrorum et varietate fructuum et magnitudine pastionis et multitudine earum rerum quae exportentur⁵¹ facile omnibus terris antecellat. itaque haec vobis provincia, Quirites, si et belli utilitatem et pacis dignitatem retinere⁵² voltis, non modo a calamitate sed etiam a metu calamitatis⁵³ est defendenda.

[15] nam in ceteris rebus cum venit calamitas, tum detrimentum accipitur; at in vectigalibus non solum adventus mali sed etiam metus ipse adfert calamitatem. nam cum hostium copiae non longe absunt, etiam si inruptio nulla facta est, tamen pecua⁵⁴ relinquuntur⁵⁵, agri cultura deseritur, mercatorum navigatio conquiescit. ita neque ex portu neque ex decumis neque ex scriptura vectigal conservari potest; qua re saepe totius anni fructus uno rumore periculi atque uno belli terrore amittitur.

[16] quo tandem igitur⁵⁶ animo esse existimatis aut eos qui vectigalia nobis pensitant, aut eos qui exercent atque exigunt, cum duo reges cum maximis copiis propter⁵⁷ adsint, cum una excursio equitatus perbrevi tempore totius anni vectigal auferre possit, cum publicani familias maximas quas in salinis⁵⁸ habent, quas in agris, quas in portibus⁵⁹ atque⁶⁰ in custodiis magno periculo se habere arbitrentur? putatisne vos illis rebus frui posse, nisi eos qui vobis fructui sunt⁶¹ conservaveritis⁶² non solum, ut ante dixi, calamitate sed etiam calamitatis formidine liberatos?

[17] 7 ac ne illud quidem vobis neglegendum est quod mihi ego extremum proposueram, cum essem de belli genere⁶³ dicturus, quod ad multorum bona civium Romanorum pertinet; quorum vobis pro vestra sapientia, Quirites, habenda est ratio diligenter. nam et publicani, homines honestissimi atque⁶⁴ ornatissimi, suas rationes et copias in illam provinciam contulerunt, quorum ipsorum per se res et fortunae vobis curae esse debent. etenim, si vectigalia nervos esse rei publicae semper duximus, eum certe ordinem qui exercet illa firmamentum ceterorum ordinum recte esse⁶⁵ dicemus.

[18] deinde ex ceteris⁶⁶ ordinibus homines gnavi⁶⁷ atque industrii partim ipsi in Asia negotiantur, quibus vos absentibus consulere debetis, partim eorum⁶⁸ in ea provincia pecunias magnas conlocatas habent. est igitur humanitatis vestrae magnum numerum civium⁶⁹ calamitate prohibere, sapientiae videre multorum civium calamitatem a re publica⁷⁰ seiunctam esse non posse. etenim illud primum⁷¹ parvi⁷² refert, vos⁷³ publicanis amissa⁷⁴ vectigalia postea victoria reciperare; neque enim isdem redimendi facultas erit propter calamitatem neque aliis voluntas propter timorem.

[19] deinde quod nos⁷⁵ eadem Asia atque idem iste Mithridates initio belli Asiatici docuit, id quidem⁷⁶ certe calamitate docti memoria retinere debemus. nam tum, cum⁷⁷ in Asia magnas permulti res amiserunt⁷⁸, scimus Romae solutione impedita fidem concidisse. non enim possunt una in civitate multi rem ac fortunas amittere ut non pluris secum in eandem trahant calamitatem: a quo periculo prohibete rem publicam. etenim — mihi⁷⁹ credite id quod ipsi videtis — haec fides atque haec ratio pecuniarum quae Romae, quae in foro versatur, implicata⁸⁰ est cum illis pecuniis Asiaticis et cohaeret; ruere illa non possunt ut haec non eodem labefacta motu concidant. qua re videte num⁸¹ dubitandum vobis sit omni studio ad id bellum incumbere in quo gloria nominis vestri, salus sociorum, vectigalia maxima, fortunae plurimorum civium coniunctae⁸² cum re publica defendantur.

[20] 8 quoniam de genere belli dixi, nunc de magnitudine pauca dicam. potest enim hoc⁸³ dici, belli genus esse ita necessarium ut sit gerendum, non esse ita magnum ut sit pertimescendum. in quo maxime laborandum est ne forte ea⁸⁴ vobis quae diligentissime providenda sunt contemnenda esse videantur. atque ut omnes intellegant me L. Lucio Lucullo tantum impertire laudis quantum forti viro et sapienti⁸⁵ homini et magno imperatori debeatur, dico eius adventu maximas Mithridati⁸⁶ copias omnibus rebus ornatas atque instructas fuisse, urbemque Asiae clarissimam nobisque amicissimam Cyzicenorum oppressam⁸⁷ esse ab ipso rege maxima multitudine et oppugnatam vehementissime; quam L. Lucius Lucullus virtute, adsiduitate, consilio summis obsidionis periculis liberavit.

[21] ab eodem imperatore classem magnam et ornatam quae ducibus Sertorianis ad Italiam studio atque odio⁸⁸ inflammata⁸⁹ raperetur superatam esse atque depressam; magnas hostium praeterea copias multis proeliis esse deletas patefactumque nostris legionibus esse Pontum qui antea⁹⁰ populo Romano ex omni aditu clausus fuisset; Sinopen atque Amisum, quibus in oppidis erant domicilia regis omnibus rebus ornata ac referta⁹¹, ceterasque urbis Ponti et Cappadociae permultas uno aditu adventuque esse captas⁹²; regem spoliatum regno patrio atque avito ad alios se reges atque ad alias gentis supplicem contulisse; atque haec omnia salvis populi Romani sociis atque integris vectigalibus esse gesta. satis opinor hoc esse⁹³ laudis atque ita, Quirites, ut hoc vos intellegatis⁹⁴, a nullo istorum qui huic obtrectant legi atque causae L. Lucium Lucullum similiter ex hoc loco esse laudatum.

[22] 9 requiretur fortasse nunc quem ad modum, cum haec ita sint, reliquum possit magnum esse⁹⁵ bellum. cognoscite, Quirites; non enim hoc sine causa quaeri videtur. primum ex suo regno sic⁹⁶ Mithridates profugit ut ex eodem Ponto Medea illa quondam fugisse⁹⁷ dicitur, quam praedicant in fuga fratris sui membra in eis locis qua se parens persequeretur dissipavisse, ut eorum conlectio dispersa maerorque⁹⁸ patrius celeritatem consequendi⁹⁹ retardaret. sic Mithridates fugiens maximam vim auri atque argenti pulcherrimarumque rerum omnium quas et a¹⁰⁰ maioribus acceperat et ipse bello superiore ex tota Asia direptas in suum regnum congesserat in Ponto omnem reliquit. haec dum nostri conligunt omnia diligentius, rex ipse e manibus effugit. ita illum¹⁰¹ in persequendi studio maeror, hos laetitia tardavit¹⁰².

[23] hunc in illo timore et fuga Tigranes, rex Armenius, excepit diffidentemque rebus suis confirmavit et adflictum erexit perditumque recreavit. cuius in regnum postea quam L. Lucius Lucullus¹⁰³ cum exercitu venit, plures etiam gentes contra imperatorem nostrum concitatae sunt. erat enim metus iniectus eis nationibus quas numquam populus Romanus neque lacessendas bello neque temptandas putavit; erat etiam alia gravis atque vehemens opinio quae per¹⁰⁴ animos gentium barbararum pervaserat, fani locupletissimi et religiosissimi diripiendi causa in eas oras nostrum esse exercitum¹⁰⁵ adductum. ita nationes multae atque magnae novo quodam terrore ac metu concitabantur. noster autem exercitus, tametsi¹⁰⁶ urbem ex Tigrani¹⁰⁷ regno ceperat et proeliis usus erat secundis, tamen nimia longinquitate locorum ac desiderio suorum commovebatur.

[24] hic iam plura non dicam; fuit enim illud extremum ut ex eis¹⁰⁸ locis a militibus nostris reditus magis maturus quam progressio¹⁰⁹ longior quaereretur. Mithridates autem se et suam manum¹¹⁰ iam confirmarat eorum opera qui ad eum ex ipsius regno concesserant¹¹¹ et magnis adventiciis auxiliis multorum regum et nationum iuvabatur. iam¹¹² hoc fere sic fieri solere¹¹³ accepimus ut regum adflictae fortunae facile multorum opes adliciant ad misericordiam, maximeque eorum qui aut reges¹¹⁴ sunt aut vivunt in regno, ut¹¹⁵ eis nomen regale magnum et sanctum esse videatur.

[25] itaque tantum victus efficere potuit quantum incolumis numquam est ausus optare. nam cum se in regnum suum recepisset, non fuit eo contentus quod ei praeter spem acciderat, ut illam postea quam pulsus erat terram umquam attingeret, sed in exercitum nostrum clarum atque victorem impetum fecit. sinite hoc loco, Quirites, sicut poetae solent qui res Romanas scribunt, praeterire me nostram calamitatem, quae tanta fuit ut eam ad auris imperatoris¹¹⁶ non ex proelio nuntius sed ex sermone rumor adferret. hic in illo ipso malo gravissimaque belli offensione L¹¹⁷.

[26] Lucullus, qui tamen aliqua ex parte eis incommodis mederi fortasse potuisset, vestro iussu coactus qui¹¹⁸ imperi diuturnitati modum statuendum vetere exemplo putavistis, partim militum qui iam stipendiis confectis¹¹⁹ erant dimisit, partim¹²⁰ M’. Glabrioni¹²¹ tradidit. multa praetereo consulto; sed ea vos coniectura perspicite quantum illud¹²² bellum factum putetis quod coniungant reges potentissimi, renovent agitatae nationes, suscipiant integrae gentes, novus imperator noster accipiat vetere exercitu pulso.

[27] 10 satis multa mihi¹²³ verba fecisse videor qua re¹²⁴ esset hoc bellum genere ipso necessarium, magnitudine periculosum. restat ut de imperatore ad id bellum deligendo ac tantis rebus praeficiendo dicendum esse videatur. Vtinam, Quirites, virorum fortium atque innocentium copiam tantam haberetis ut haec vobis deliberatio difficilis esset quemnam potissimum tantis rebus ac tanto bello praeficiendum putaretis! nunc vero cum sit unus Cn. Gnaeus Pompeius qui non modo eorum hominum qui nunc sunt gloriam sed etiam antiquitatis memoriam virtute superarit¹²⁵, quae res est quae cuiusquam animum in hac causa dubium facere possit?

[28] ego enim sic existimo, in summo imperatore quattuor has res inesse oportere, scientiam rei militaris, virtutem, auctoritatem, felicitatem¹²⁶. quis igitur hoc homine scientior umquam aut fuit aut esse debuit? qui e ludo atque e¹²⁷ pueritiae disciplinis bello maximo atque acerrimis hostibus ad patris exercitum atque in militiae disciplinam profectus est, qui extrema pueritia miles in exercitu¹²⁸ summi fuit¹²⁹ imperatoris, ineunte adulescentia maximi ipse exercitus imperator, qui saepius cum hoste conflixit quam quisquam cum inimico concertavit, plura bella gessit quam ceteri legerunt, pluris provincias confecit quam alii concupiverunt, cuius adulescentia ad scientiam rei militaris non alienis praeceptis sed suis imperiis, non offensionibus belli sed victoriis, non stipendiis sed triumphis est erudita. quod denique genus esse belli¹³⁰ potest in quo illum non exercuerit fortuna rei publicae? civile, Africanum, Transalpinum, Hispaniense mixtum ex civibus¹³¹ atque ex¹³² bellicosissimis nationibus¹³³, servile, navale bellum, varia et diversa genera et bellorum et hostium non solum gesta ab hoc uno sed etiam confecta nullam rem esse declarant in usu positam militari quae huius¹³⁴ viri¹³⁵ scientiam fugere possit.

[29] 11 iam vero virtuti Cn. Gnaei Pompei quae potest oratio par inveniri? quid est quod quisquam¹³⁶ aut illo dignum aut vobis novum aut cuiquam inauditum possit adferre¹³⁷? neque enim solae sunt¹³⁸ virtutes imperatoriae quae volgo existimantur, labor in negotiis, fortitudo in periculis, industria in agendo, celeritas in conficiendo, consilium in providendo, quae tanta sunt in hoc uno quanta in omnibus reliquis imperatoribus quos aut vidimus aut audivimus non fuerunt. Testis est Italia quam ille ipse¹³⁹ victor L.

[30] Sulla huius virtute et¹⁴⁰ subsidio confessus est liberatam; testis¹⁴¹ Sicilia quam multis undique cinctam periculis non terrore belli sed consili celeritate explicavit; testis Africa quae magnis oppressa hostium copiis eorum ipsorum sanguine redundavit; testis Gallia per quam legionibus nostris iter in Hispaniam¹⁴² Gallorum internicione patefactum est; testis Hispania quae saepissime plurimos hostis ab hoc superatos prostratosque conspexit; testis iterum et saepius Italia quae, cum servili bello taetro periculosoque premeretur, ab hoc auxilium absente expetivit, quod bellum exspectatione eius attenuatum atque imminutum est, adventu sublatum ac sepultum.

[31] testes nunc¹⁴³ vero iam omnes orae atque omnes terrae gentes¹⁴⁴ nationes, maria denique¹⁴⁵ omnia cum universa tum in singulis oris omnes sinus atque portus. quis enim toto mari locus per hos annos aut tam firmum habuit praesidium ut tutus esset, aut tam fuit abditus ut lateret? quis navigavit qui non se aut mortis aut servitutis periculo committeret, cum aut hieme aut referto praedonum mari navigaret? hoc tantum bellum, tam turpe, tam vetus, tam late divisum atque dispersum quis umquam arbitraretur aut ab omnibus imperatoribus uno anno aut omnibus annis ab uno imperatore confici posse?

[32] quam provinciam tenuistis a praedonibus liberam¹⁴⁶ per hosce annos? quod vectigal vobis tutum fuit? quem socium defendistis? cui praesidio classibus vestris fuistis? quam multas existimatis insulas esse desertas, quam multas aut¹⁴⁷ metu relictas aut a praedonibus captas urbis esse sociorum? 12 sed quid ego longinqua commemoro? fuit hoc quondam, fuit proprium¹⁴⁸ populi Romani longe a domo bellare et propugnaculis imperi sociorum fortunas, non sua tecta defendere. sociis ego vestris¹⁴⁹ mare per hosce¹⁵⁰ annos clausum fuisse dicam, cum exercitus vestri numquam Brundisio¹⁵¹ nisi hieme summa¹⁵² transmiserint? qui ad vos ab exteris nationibus venirent, captos querar, cum legati populi Romani redempti sint? mercatoribus mare tutum¹⁵³ non fuisse dicam, cum duodecim secures in praedonum potestatem pervenerint?

[33] Cnidum aut¹⁵⁴ Colophonem aut Samum, nobilissimas urbis, innumerabilisque alias captas esse commemorem, cum vestros portus atque eos portus quibus vitam ac¹⁵⁵ spiritum ducitis in praedonum fuisse potestate¹⁵⁶ sciatis? an vero ignoratis portum Caietae celeberrimum et¹⁵⁷ plenissimum navium inspectante praetore a praedonibus esse direptum, ex Miseno autem eius ipsius liberos qui cum praedonibus antea¹⁵⁸ bellum gesserat¹⁵⁹ a praedonibus esse sublatos? nam quid ego Ostiense incommodum atque illam labem atque ignominiam rei publicae querar, cum prope inspectantibus vobis classis ea cui consul populi Romani praepositus esset a praedonibus capta atque depressa¹⁶⁰ est? pro di immortales! tantamne¹⁶¹ unius hominis incredibilis ac divina virtus tam brevi tempore lucem adferre rei publicae potuit ut vos, qui modo ante ostium Tiberinum classem hostium videbatis, ei¹⁶² nunc nullam intra Oceani ostium praedonum navem esse¹⁶³ audiatis?

[34] atque haec qua celeritate gesta sint, quamquam videtis, tamen a me in dicendo praetereunda non sunt. quis enim umquam aut obeundi negoti aut consequendi quaestus studio tam brevi tempore tot loca adire, tantos cursus conficere potuit, quam celeriter Cn. Gnaeo Pompeio duce tanti belli impetus navigavit? qui nondum tempestivo ad navigandum mari¹⁶⁴ Siciliam adiit, Africam exploravit, inde¹⁶⁵ Sardiniam cum classe venit atque haec tria frumentaria subsidia rei publicae firmissimis praesidiis classibusque munivit.

[35] Inde cum se¹⁶⁶ in Italiam recepisset, duabus Hispaniis et Gallia Transalpina¹⁶⁷ praesidiis ac navibus confirmata¹⁶⁸, missis item in oram Illyrici maris et in Achaiam omnemque Graeciam navibus Italiae duo maria maximis classibus firmissimisque¹⁶⁹ praesidiis adornavit, ipse autem ut Brundisio¹⁷⁰ profectus est, undequinquagesimo die totam ad imperium populi Romani Ciliciam adiunxit; omnes qui ubique praedones fuerunt partim capti interfectique sunt, partim unius huius se imperio ac potestati dediderunt¹⁷¹. idem Cretensibus, cum ad eum usque in¹⁷² Pamphyliam legatos deprecatoresque misissent, spem deditionis non ademit obsidesque imperavit. ita tantum bellum, tam diuturnum, tam longe lateque dispersum, quo bello omnes gentes ac nationes premebantur, Cn. Gnaeus Pompeius extrema hieme apparavit, ineunte vere suscepit, media aestate confecit.

[36] 13 est haec divina atque incredibilis virtus imperatoris. quid? ceterae quas paulo ante commemorare coeperam quantae atque quam multae sunt! non enim bellandi virtus solum in summo ac perfecto imperatore quaerenda est sed multae sunt artes eximiae huius administrae comitesque virtutis. ac primum quanta innocentia debent esse imperatores, quanta deinde in omnibus¹⁷³ rebus temperantia, quanta fide, quanta facilitate¹⁷⁴, quanto ingenio, quanta humanitate! quae breviter qualia sint in Cn. Gnaeo Pompeio consideremus. summa enim sunt omnia¹⁷⁵, Quirites¹⁷⁶, sed ea magis ex¹⁷⁷ aliorum contentione quam ipsa per sese cognosci atque intellegi possunt.

[37] quem enim possumus imperatorem¹⁷⁸ ullo in numero putare cuius in exercitu centuriatus veneant¹⁷⁹ atque venierint? quid hunc hominem magnum aut amplum de re publica cogitare qui pecuniam ex aerario depromptam ad bellum administrandum aut propter cupiditatem provinciae magistratibus diviserit aut propter avaritiam Romae in quaestu reliquerit¹⁸⁰? vestra admurmuratio facit, Quirites¹⁸¹, ut agnoscere videamini qui haec fecerint; ego autem nomino neminem; qua re irasci mihi nemo poterit nisi qui ante de se voluerit¹⁸² confiteri. itaque propter hanc avaritiam imperatorum quantas calamitates, quocumque ventum sit¹⁸³, nostri exercitus adferant¹⁸⁴ quis ignorat?

[38] itinera quae per hosce¹⁸⁵ annos in Italia per agros atque oppida civium Romanorum nostri imperatores fecerint recordamini; tum facilius statuetis quid apud exteras nationes fieri existimetis. Vtrum pluris arbitramini per hosce annos militum vestrorum armis hostium urbis an hibernis sociorum civitates esse deletas? neque enim potest exercitum is continere imperator qui se ipse¹⁸⁶ non continet, neque severus esse in iudicando qui alios in se severos esse iudices non volt. hic miramur hunc hominem tantum excellere ceteris,

[39] cuius legiones sic in Asiam pervenerint ut non modo manus tanti exercitus sed ne vestigium quidem cuiquam pacato nocuisse dicatur? iam vero quem ad modum milites hibernent cotidie sermones ac litterae perferuntur; non modo ut sumptum faciat in militem nemini vis adfertur sed ne cupienti quidem quicquam¹⁸⁷ permittitur. hiemis enim non avaritiae perfugium maiores nostri in sociorum atque amicorum tectis esse voluerunt.

[40] 14 age vero, ceteris in rebus quae¹⁸⁸ sit temperantia considerate. Vnde illam tantam celeritatem et tam incredibilem cursum inventum putatis? non enim illum eximia vis remigum aut ars inaudita quaedam gubernandi aut venti aliqui novi tam celeriter in ultimas terras pertulerunt, sed eae¹⁸⁹ res quae ceteros remorari solent non retardarunt. non avaritia ab instituto cursu ad praedam aliquam devocavit, non libido ad voluptatem, non amoenitas ad delectationem, non nobilitas urbis¹⁹⁰ ad cognitionem, non denique labor ipse ad quietem; postremo signa et tabulas ceteraque ornamenta Graecorum oppidorum quae ceteri tollenda esse arbitrantur, ea sibi ille ne visenda quidem existimavit.

[41] itaque omnes¹⁹¹ nunc in eis locis Cn. Pompeium sicut aliquem non ex hac urbe missum sed de caelo delapsum intuentur; nunc denique incipiunt credere fuisse homines Romanos hac quondam¹⁹² continentia, quod iam nationibus exteris incredibile ac falso memoriae proditum videbatur; nunc imperi vestri splendor illis gentibus lucem adferre coepit¹⁹³; nunc intellegunt non sine causa maiores suos tum cum ea¹⁹⁴ temperantia magistratus habebamus¹⁹⁵ servire populo Romano quam imperare aliis maluisse. iam vero ita faciles aditus ad eum privatorum, ita liberae querimoniae de aliorum iniuriis esse dicuntur, ut is qui dignitate principibus excellit facilitate infimis par esse videatur.

[42] iam quantum consilio, quantum dicendi gravitate et copia valeat, in quo ipso inest quaedam dignitas imperatoria, vos, Quirites¹⁹⁶, hoc ipso ex loco saepe cognostis¹⁹⁷. fidem vero eius quantam inter socios existimari putatis quam hostes omnes omnium generum sanctissimam iudicarint? humanitate iam tanta est ut difficile dictu sit utrum hostes magis virtutem eius pugnantes timuerint an mansuetudinem victi dilexerint. et quisquam dubitabit quin huic hoc tantum bellum¹⁹⁸ permittendum¹⁹⁹ sit qui ad omnia nostrae memoriae bella conficienda divino quodam consilio natus esse videatur?

[43] 15 et quoniam auctoritas quoque in bellis administrandis multum atque in²⁰⁰ imperio militari valet, certe nemini dubium est quin ea re²⁰¹ idem ille imperator plurimum possit. vehementer autem pertinere ad bella administranda quid hostes, quid socii de imperatoribus nostris existiment quis ignorat, cum sciamus homines in tantis rebus ut aut metuant aut contemnant aut oderint aut ament²⁰² opinione non minus et fama²⁰³ quam aliqua ratione certa commoveri? quod igitur nomen umquam in orbe terrarum clarius fuit, cuius res gestae pares? de quo homine vos, id quod maxime facit auctoritatem, tanta et tam praeclara iudicia fecistis?

[44] an vero ullam usquam esse oram tam desertam putatis quo non illius diei²⁰⁴ fama pervaserit, cum universus populus Romanus referto foro completisque omnibus templis ex quibus hic locus conspici potest unum sibi ad commune omnium gentium bellum Cn. Gnaeum Pompeium imperatorem depoposcit? itaque ut plura non dicam neque aliorum exemplis confirmem quantum auctoritas²⁰⁵ valeat in bello, ab eodem Cn. Pompeio omnium rerum egregiarum exempla sumantur. qui quo die a vobis maritimo bello praepositus est imperator, tanta repente²⁰⁶ vilitas ex summa inopia et caritate rei frumentariae consecuta est unius hominis spe ac nomine quantam vix in²⁰⁷ summa ubertate agrorum diuturna pax efficere potuisset.

[45] iam accepta in Ponto calamitate ex eo proelio de quo vos paulo ante invitus admonui, cum socii pertimuissent, hostium opes²⁰⁸ animique crevissent, satis firmum praesidium provincia non haberet, amisissetis Asiam, Quirites, nisi ad²⁰⁹ ipsum discrimen eius temporis divinitus Cn. Pompeium ad eas regiones Fortuna²¹⁰ populi Romani attulisset. huius adventus et Mithridatem insolita²¹¹ inflatum²¹² victoria continuit et Tigranen²¹³ magnis copiis minitantem Asiae retardavit. et quisquam dubitabit quid virtute perfecturus²¹⁴ sit qui tantum auctoritate perfecerit²¹⁵, aut quam facile imperio atque exercitu socios et vectigalia conservaturus sit qui ipso nomine ac rumore defenderit?

[46] 16 age vero illa res quantam declarat eiusdem hominis apud hostis populi Romani auctoritatem, quod ex locis tam longinquis tamque diversis tam brevi tempore omnes huic se uni dediderunt²¹⁶! quod a communi²¹⁷ Cretensium legati, cum in eorum insula noster imperator exercitusque esset, ad Cn. Pompeium in ultimas prope terras venerunt²¹⁸ eique se omnis Cretensium civitates dedere velle dixerunt! quid? idem iste Mithridates nonne ad eundem Cn. Gnaeum Pompeium legatum usque in²¹⁹ Hispaniam misit? eum quem Pompeius legatum semper iudicavit, ei quibus erat molestum²²⁰ ad eum potissimum esse missum speculatorem quam legatum iudicari²²¹ maluerunt. potestis igitur iam constituere, Quirites²²², hanc auctoritatem multis postea rebus gestis magnisque vestris iudiciis amplificatam quantum apud illos reges, quantum apud exteras nationes valituram esse existimetis.

[47] reliquum est ut de felicitate quam praestare de se ipso²²³ nemo potest, meminisse et commemorare de altero possumus²²⁴, sicut aequum est homines de potestate deorum, timide et pauca dicamus. ego enim sic existimo, maximo, Marcello, Scipioni, Mario ceterisque²²⁵ magnis imperatoribus non solum propter virtutem sed etiam propter fortunam saepius imperia mandata atque exercitus esse commissos. fuit enim profecto quibusdam summis viris quaedam ad amplitudinem et ad gloriam et ad res magnas bene gerendas divinitus adiuncta fortuna. de huius autem hominis felicitate quo de²²⁶ nunc agimus hac utar moderatione dicendi, non ut in illius potestate fortunam positam esse dicam sed ut praeterita meminisse, reliqua sperare videamur, ne aut invisa dis immortalibus oratio nostra aut ingrata esse videatur.

[48] itaque non sum²²⁷ praedicaturus quantas ille res domi militiae²²⁸, terra marique quantaque felicitate gesserit, ut eius semper voluntatibus non modo cives adsenserint, socii obtemperarint, hostes oboedierint, sed etiam venti tempestatesque obsecundarint; hoc brevissime dicam, neminem umquam tam impudentem fuisse qui ab dis immortalibus tot et tantas res tacitus auderet optare quot²²⁹ et quantas di immortales ad Cn. Gnaeum Pompeium detulerunt²³⁰. quod ut illi proprium ac perpetuum sit, Quirites, cum communis salutis atque imperi tum ipsius hominis causa, sicuti facitis, et velle²³¹ et optare debetis.

[49] qua re cum et bellum sit ita²³² necessarium ut neglegi non possit, ita magnum ut accuratissime sit administrandum, et cum ei imperatorem praeficere possitis in quo sit²³³ eximia belli scientia, singularis virtus, clarissima auctoritas, egregia fortuna, dubitatis²³⁴, Quirites, quin hoc tantum boni quod vobis²³⁵ ab²³⁶ dis immortalibus oblatum et datum est in rem publicam conservandam atque amplificandam conferatis? quod si Romae Cn.

[50] 17 Pompeius privatus esset hoc tempore, tamen ad tantum bellum is erat deligendus²³⁷ atque mittendus; nunc cum ad ceteras summas utilitates haec quoque opportunitas adiungatur ut in eis²³⁸ ipsis locis adsit, ut habeat exercitum, ut ab eis qui habent accipere statim possit, quid exspectamus? aut cur²³⁹ non ducibus dis immortalibus eidem cui cetera summa cum salute rei publicae commissa sunt hoc quoque bellum regium commendamus²⁴⁰?

Translations (1)

In Defense of the Proposed Manilian Law Perseus (Cicero. The Orations of Marcus Tullius Cicero, Volume 2. Yonge, Charles Duke, translator. London: Bell, 1856.) — 6 focus

[6]
You see what the case is; now consider what you ought to do. It seems to me that I ought to speak in the first place of the sort of war that exists; in the second place, of its importance; and lastly, of the selection of a general. The kind of war is such as ought above all others to excite and inflame your minds to a determination to persevere in it. It is a war in which the glory of the Roman people is at stake; that glory which has been handed down to you from your ancestors, great indeed in everything, but most especially in military affairs. The safety of our friends and allies is at stake, in behalf of which your ancestors have waged many most important wars. The most certain and the largest revenues of the Roman people are at stake; and if they be lost, you will be at a loss for the luxuries of peace, and the sinews of war. The property of many citizens is at stake, which you ought greatly to regard, both for your own sake, and for that of the republic

[7]
And since you have at all times been covetous of glory and greedy of praise beyond all other nations, you have to wipe out that stain, received in the former Mithridates War, which has now fixed itself deeply and eaten its way into the Roman name, the stain arising from the fact that he, who in one day marked down by one order, and one single letter, all the Roman citizens in all Asia , scattered as they were over so many cities, for slaughter and butchery, has not only never yet suffered any chastisement worthy of his wickedness, but now, twenty-three years after that time, is still a king, and a king in such a way that he is not content to hide himself in Pontus , or in the recesses of Cappadocia , but he seeks to emerge from his hereditary kingdom, and to range among your revenues, in the broad light of Asia .

[8] Indeed up to this time your generals have been, contending with the king so as to carry off tokens of victory rather than actual victory. Lucius Sulla has triumphed, Lucius Murena has triumphed over Mithridates, two most gallant men, and most consummate generals; but yet they have triumphed in such a way that he, though routed and defeated, was still king. Not but what praise is to be given to those generals for what they did. Pardon must be conceded to them for what they left undone; because the republic recalled Sulla from that war into Italy , and Sulla recalled Murena.

[9]
But Mithridates employed all the time which he had left to him, not in forgetting the old war, but in preparing for a new one; and, after he had built and equipped very large fleets, and had got together mighty armies from every nation he could, and had pretended to be preparing war against the tribes of the Bosphorus, his neighbours, sent ambassadors and letters as far as Spain to those chiefs with whom we were at war at the time, in order that, as you would by that means have war waged against you in the two parts of the world the furthest separated and most remote of all from one another, by two separate enemies warring against you with one uniform plan, you, hampered by the double enmity, might find that you were fighting for the empire itself.

[10] However; the danger on one side, the danger from Sertorius and from Spain , which had much the most solid foundation and the most formidable strength, was warded off by the divine wisdom and extraordinary valour of Cnaeus Pompeius. And on the other side of the empire, affairs were so managed by Lucilius Lucullus, that most illustrious of men, that the beginning, of all those achievements in those countries, great and eminent as they were, deserve to be attributed not to his good fortune but to his valour; but the latter events which have taken place lately, ought to be imputed not to his fault, but to his ill-fortune. However, of Lucullus I will speak hereafter, and I will speak, O Romans, in such a manner, that his true glory shall not appear to be at all disparaged by my pleading, nor, on the other hand, shall any undeserved credit seem to be given to him.

[11] At present, when we are speaking of the dignity and glory of your empire, since that is the beginning of my oration, consider what feelings you think you ought to entertain. 5
Your ancestors have often waged war on account of their merchants and seafaring men having been injuriously treated. What ought to be your feelings when so many thousand Roman citizens have been put to death by one order and at one time? Because their ambassadors had been spoken to with insolence, your ancestors determined that Corinth , the light of all Greece , should be destroyed. Will you allow that king to remain unpunished, who has murdered a lieutenant of the Roman people of consular rank, having tortured him with chains and scourging, and every sort of punishment? They would not allow the freedom of Roman citizens to be diminished; will you be indifferent to their lives being taken? They avenged the privileges of our embassy when they were violated by a word; will you abandon an ambassador who has been put to death with every sort of cruelty?

[12] Take care lest, as it was a most glorious thing for them, to leave you such wide renown and such a powerful empire, it should be a most discreditable thing for you, not to be able to defend and preserve that which you have received. What more shall I say? Shall I say, that the safety of our allies is involved in the greatest hazard and danger? King Ariobarzanes has been driven from his kingdom, an ally and friend of the Roman people; two kings are threatening all Asia , who are not only most hostile to you, but also to your friends and allies. And every city throughout all Asia, and throughout all Greece , is compelled by the magnitude of the danger to put its whole trust in the expectation of your assistance. They do not dare to beg of you any particular general, especially since you have sent them another, nor do they think that they can do this without extreme danger.

[13] They see and feel this, the same thing which you too see and feel,—that there is one man in whom all qualities are in the highest perfection, and that he is near, (which circumstance makes it seem harder to be deprived of him,) by whose mere arrival and name, although it was a maritime war for which he came, they are nevertheless aware that the attacks of the enemy were retarded and repressed. They then, since they cannot speak freely, silently entreat you to think them (as you have thought your allies in the other provinces) worthy of having their safety recommended to such a man; and to think them worthy even more than others, because we often send men with absolute authority into such a province as theirs, of such character, that, even if they protect them from the enemy, still their arrival among the cities of the allies is not very different from an invasion of the enemy. They used to hear of him before, now they see him among them; a man of such moderation, such mildness, such humanity, that those seem to be the happiest people among whom he remains for the longest time.

[14]
Wherefore, if on account of their allies, though they themselves had not been roused by any injuries, your ancestors waged war against Antiochus, against Philip, against the Aetolians, and against the Carthaginians; with how much earnestness ought you, when you yourselves have been provoked by injurious treatment, to defend the safety of the allies, and at the same time, the dignity of your empire? especially when your greatest revenues are at stake. For the revenues of the other provinces, O Romans, are such that we can scarcely derive enough from them for the protection of the provinces themselves. But Asia is so rich and so productive, that in the fertility of its soil, and in the variety of its fruits, and in the vastness of its pasture lands, and in the multitude of all those things which are matters of exportation, it is greatly superior to all other countries. Therefore, O Romans, this province, if you have any regard for what tends to your advantage in time of war, and to your dignity in time of peace, must be defended by you, not only from all calamity, but from all fear of calamity.

[15] For in other matters when calamity comes on one, then damage is sustained; but in the case of revenues, not only the arrival of evil, but the bare dread of it, brings disaster. For when the troops of the enemy are not far off, even though no actual irruption takes place, still the flocks are abandoned, agriculture is relinquished, the sailing of merchants is at an end. And accordingly, neither from harbour dues, nor from tenths, nor from the tax on pasture lands, can any revenue be maintained. And therefore it often happens that the produce of an entire year is lost by one rumour of danger, and by one alarm of war.

[16] What do you think ought to be the feelings of those who pay us tribute, or of those who get it in, and exact it, when two kings with very numerous armies are all but on the spot? when one inroad of cavalry may in a very short time carry off the revenue of a whole year? when the publicans think that they retain the large households of slaves which they have in the salt-works, in the fields, in the harbours, and custom-houses, at the greatest risk? Do you think that you can enjoy these advantages unless you preserve those men who are productive to you, free not only, as I said before, from calamity, but even from the dread of calamity?

[17]
And even this must not be neglected by you, which I had proposed to myself as the last thing to be mentioned, when I was to speak of the kind of war, for it concerns the property of many Roman citizens; whom you, as becomes your wisdom, O Romans, must regard with the most careful solicitude. The publicans, ¹ most honourable and accomplished men, have taken all their resources and all their wealth into that province; and their property and fortunes ought, by themselves, to be an object of your special care. In truth, if we have always considered the revenues as the sinews of the republic, certainly we shall be right if we call that order of men which collects them, the prop and support of all the other orders.

[18] In the next place, clever and industrious men, of all the other orders of the state, are some of them actually trading themselves in Asia , and you ought to show a regard for their interests in their absence; and others of them have large sums invested in that province. It will, therefore become your humanity to protect a large number of those citizens from misfortune; it will become your wisdom to perceive that the misfortune of many citizens cannot be separated from the misfortune of the republic. In truth, firstly, it is of but little consequence for you afterwards to recover for the publicans revenues which have been once lost; for the same men have not afterwards the same power of contracting for them, and others have not the inclination, through fear.

[19] In the next place, that which the same Asia , and that same Mithridates taught us, at the beginning of the Asiatic war that, at all events, we, having learnt by disaster, ought to keep in our recollection. For we know that then, when many had lost large fortunes in Asia , all credit failed at Rome , from payments being hindered. For it is not possible for many men to lose their property and fortunes in one city, without drawing many along with them into the same vortex of disaster. But do you now preserve the republic from this misfortune; and believe me, (you yourselves see that it is the case,) this credit, and this state of the money-market which exists at Rome and in the forum, is bound up with, and is inseparable from, those fortunes which are invested in Asia . Those fortunes cannot fall without credit here being undermined by the came blow, and perishing along with them. Consider, then, whether you ought to hesitate to apply yourselves with all zeal to that war, in which the glory of your name, the safety of your allies, your greatest revenues, and the fortunes of numbers of your citizens, will be protected at the same time as the republic.

[20]
Since I have spoken of the description of war, I will now say a few words about its magnitude. For this may be said of it,—that it is a kind of war so necessary, that it must absolutely be waged, and yet not one of such magnitude as to be formidable. And in this we must take the greatest care that those things do not appear to you contemptible which require to be most diligently guarded against. And that all men may understand that I give Lucius Lucullus all the praise that is due to a gallant man, and most wise ² man, and to a most consummate general, I say that when he first arrived in Asia , the forces of Mithridates were most numerous, well appointed, and provided with every requisite; and that the finest city in Asia , and the one, too, that was most friendly to us, the city of Cyzicus , was besieged by the king in person, with an enormous army, and that the siege had been pressed most vigorously, when Lucius Lucullus, by his valour, and perseverance, and wisdom, relieved it from the most extreme danger.

[21] I say that he also, when general, defeated and destroyed that great and well-appointed fleet, which the chiefs of Sertorius's party were leading against Italy with furious zeal; I say besides, that by him numerous armies of the enemy were destroyed in several battles, and that Pontus was opened to our legions, which before his time had been closed against the Roman people on every side; and that Sinope and Amisus , towns in which the king had palaces, adorned and furnished with every kind of magnificence, and many other cities of Pontus and Cappadocia , were taken by his mere approach and arrival near them; that the king himself was stripped of the kingdom possessed by his father and his grandfather, and forced to betake himself as a suppliant to other kings and other nations; and that all these great deeds were achieved without any injury to the allies of the Roman people, or any diminution of its revenues. I think that this is praise enough;—such praise that you must see, O Romans, that Lucius Lucullus has not been praised as much from this rostrum by any one of these men who are objecting to this law and arguing against our cause.

[22]
Perhaps now it will be asked, how, when all this has been already done, there can be any great war left behind. I will explain this, O Romans; for this does not seem an unreasonable question. At first Mithridates fled from his kingdom, as Medea is formerly said to have fled from the same region of Pontus ; for they say that she, in her flight, strewed about the limbs of her brother in those places along which her father was likely to pursue her, in order that the collection of them, dispersed as they were, and the grief which would afflict his father, might delay the rapidity of his pursuit. Mithridates, flying in the same manner, left in Pontus the whole of the vast quantity of gold and silver, and of beautiful things which he had inherited from his ancestors, and which he himself had collected and brought into his own kingdom, having obtained them by plunder in the former war from all Asia . While our men were diligently occupied in collecting all this, the king himself escaped out of their hands.And so grief retarded the father of Medea in his pursuit, but delight delayed our men.

[23] In this alarm and flight of his, Tigranes, the king of Armenia , received him, encouraged him while despairing of his fortunes, gave him new spirit in his depression, and recruited with new strength his powerless condition. And after Lucius Lucullus arrived in his kingdom, very many tribes were excited to hostilities against our general. For those nations which the Roman people never had thought either of attacking in war or tampering with, had been inspired with fear. There was, besides, a general opinion which had taken deep root, and had spread over all the barbarian tribes in those districts, that our army had been led into those countries with the object of plundering a very wealthy and most religiously worshipped temple. And so, many powerful nations were roused against us by a fresh dread and alarm. But our army although it had taken a city of Tigranes's kingdom, and had fought some successful battles, still was out of spirits at its immense distance from Rome , and its separation from its friends.

[24] At present I will not say more; for the result of these feelings of theirs was, that they were more anxious for a speedy return home than for any further advance into the enemies' country. But Mithridates had by this time strengthened his army by reinforcements of those men belonging to his own dominions who had assembled together, and by large promiscuous forces belonging to many other kings and tribes. And we see that this is almost invariably the case, that kings when in misfortune easily induce many to pity and assist them, especially such as are either kings themselves, or who live under kingly power, because to them the name of king appears something great and sacred.

[25] And accordingly he, when conquered, was able to accomplish what, when he was in the full enjoyment of his powers, he never dared even to wish for. For when he had returned to his kingdom, he was not content (though that had happened to him beyond all his hopes) with again setting his foot on that land after he had been expelled from it; but he even volunteered an attack on your army, flushed as it was with glory and victory. Allow me, in this place, O Romans, (just as poets do who write of Roman affairs,) to pass over our disaster, which was so great that it came to Lucius Lucullus's ears, not by means of a messenger despatched from the scene of action, but through the report of common conversation.

[26] At the very time of this misfortune,—of this most terrible disaster in the whole war, Lucius Lucullus, who might have been able, to a great extent, to remedy the calamity, being compelled by your orders, because you thought, according to the old principle of your ancestors, that limits ought to be put to length of command, discharged a part of his soldiers who had served their appointed time, and delivered over part to Glabrio. I pass over many things designedly; but you yourselves can easily conjecture how important you ought to consider that war which most powerful kings are uniting in,—which disturbed nations are renewing,—which nations, whose strength is unimpaired, are undertaking, and which anew general of yours has to encounter after a veteran army has been defeated.

[27]
I appear to have said enough to make you see why this war is in its very nature unavoidable, in its magnitude dangerous. It remains for me to speak of the general who ought to be selected for that war, and appointed to the management of such important affairs.
I wish, O Romans, that you had such an abundance of brave and honest men, that it was a difficult subject for your deliberations, whom you thought most desirable to be appointed to the conduct of such important affairs, and so vast a war. But now, when there is Cnaeus Pompeius alone, who has exceeded in valour, not only the glory of these men who are now alive, but even all recollections of antiquity, what is there that, in this case, can raise a doubt in the mind of any one?

[28] For I think that these four qualities are indispensable in a great general,—knowledge of military affairs, valour, authority and good fortune. Who, then, ever was, or ought to have been, better acquainted with military affairs than this man? who, the moment that he left school and finished his education as a boy, at a time when there was a most important war going on, and most active enemies were banded against us, went to his father's army and to the discipline of the camp; who, when scarcely out of his boyhood, became a soldier of a consummate general,—when entering on manhood, became himself the general of a mighty army; who has been more frequently engaged with the enemy, than any one else has ever disputed with an adversary; who has himself, as general, conducted more wars than other men have read of; who has subdued more provinces than other men have wished for; whose youth was trained to the knowledge of military affairs, not by the precepts of others, but by commanding himself,—not by the disasters of war, but by victories,—not by campaigns, but by triumphs. In short, what description of war can there be in which the fortune of the republic has not given him practice? Civil war, African war, Transalpine war, Spanish war, promiscuous war of the most warlike cities and nations, servile war, naval war, every variety and diversity of wars and of enemies, has not only been encountered by this one man, but encountered victoriously; and these exploits show plainly that there is no circumstance, in military practice which can elude the knowledge of this man.

[29]
But now, what language can be found equal to the valour of Cnaeus Pompeius? What statement can any one make which shall be either worthy of him, or new to you, or unknown to any one? For those are not the only virtuous of a general which are usually thought so,—namely, industry in business, fortitude amid dangers, energy in acting, rapidity in executing, wisdom in foreseeing; which all exist in as great perfection in that one man as in all the other generals put together whom we have either seen or heard of.

[30] Italy is my witness, which that illustrious conqueror himself, Lucius Sulla, confessed had been delivered by this man's valour and ready assistance. Sicily is my witness, which he released when it was surrounded on all sides by many dangers, not by the dread of his power, but by the promptitude of his wisdom. Africa is my witness, which, having been overwhelmed by numerous armies of enemies, overflowed with the blood of those same enemies. Gaul is my witness, through which a road into Spain was laid open to our legions by the destruction of the Gauls. Spain is my witness, which has repeatedly seen our many enemies there defeated and subdued by this man. Again and again, Italy is my witness, which, when it was weighed down by the disgraceful and perilous servile war, entreated aid from this man, though he, was at a distance; and that war, having dwindled down and wasted away at the expectation of Pompeius, was destroyed and buried by his arrival.

[31] But now, also every coast, all foreign nations and countries, all seas, both in their open waters and in every bay, and creek, and harbour, are my witnesses. For during these last years, what place in any part of the sea had so strong a garrison as to be safe from him? what place was so much hidden as to escape his notice? Whoever put to sea without being aware that he was committing himself to the hazard of death or slavery, either from storms or from the sea being crowded with pirates? Who would ever have supposed that a war of such extent, so mean, so old a war, a war so extensive in its theatre and so widely scattered, could have been terminated by all our generals put together in one year, or by one general in all the years of his life?

[32] In all these later years what province have you had free from pirates? what revenue has been safe? what ally have you been able to protect? to whom have your fleets been any defence? How many islands do you suppose have been deserted? how many cities of the allies do you think have been either abandoned out of fear of the pirates, or have been taken by them? 12
But why do I speak of distant events? It was—it was, indeed, formerly—a characteristic of the Roman people to carry on its wars at a distance from home, and to defend by the bulwarks of its power not its own homes, but the fortunes of its allies. Need I say, that the sea has during all these latter years been closed against your allies, when even our own armies never ventured to cross over from Brundusium , except in the depth of winter? Need I complain that men who were coming to you from foreign nations were taken prisoners, when even the ambassadors of the Roman people were forced to be ransomed? Need I say, that the sea was not safe for merchants, when twelve axes ³ came into the power of the pirates?

[33] Need I mention, how Cnidus , and Colophon , and Samos , most noble cities, and others too in countless numbers, were taken by them, when you know that your own harbours, and those harbours too from which you derive, as it were, your very life and breath, were in the power of the pirates? Are you ignorant that the harbour of Caieta , that illustrious harbour, when full of ships, was plundered by the pirates under the very eyes of the praetor? and that from Misenum , the children of the very man who had before that waged war against the pirates in that place, were carried off by the pirates? For why should I complain of the disaster of Ostia , and of that stain and blot on the republic, when almost under your very eyes, that fleet which was under the command of a Roman consul was taken and destroyed by the pirates? O ye immortal gods! could the incredible and godlike virtue of one man in so short a time bring so much light to the republic, that you who had lately been used to see a fleet of the enemy before the mouth of the Tiber , should now hear that there is not one ship belonging to the pirates on this side of the Atlantic?

[34] And although you have seen with what rapidity these things were done, still that rapidity ought not to be passed over by me in speaking of them.—For who ever, even if he were only going for the purpose of transacting business or making profit, contrived in so short a time to visit so many places, and to perform such long journeys, with as great celerity as Cnaeus Pompeius has performed his voyage, bearing with him the terrors of war as our general? He, when the weather could hardly be called open for sailing, went to Sicily , explored the coasts of Africa ; from thence he came with his fleet to Sardinia , and these three great granaries of the republic he fortified with powerful garrisons and fleets;

[35] when, leaving Sardinia , he came to Italy , having secured the two Spains and Cisalpine Gaul with garrisons and ships. Having sent vessels also to the coast of Illyricum , and to every part of Achaia and Greece , he also adorned the two seas of Italy with very large fleets, and very sufficient garrisons; and he himself going in person, added all Cilicia to the dominions of the Roman people, on the forty-ninth day after he set out from Brundusium . Will the pirates who were anywhere to be found, were either taken prisoners and put to death, or else had surrendered themselves voluntarily to the power and authority of this one man. Also, when the Cretans had sent ambassadors to implore his mercy even into Pamphylia to him, he did not deny them hopes of being allowed to surrender, and he exacted hostages from them. And thus Cnaeus Pompeius at the end of winter prepared, at the beginning of spring undertook, and by the middle of summer terminated, this most important war, which had lasted so long, which was scattered in such distant and such various places, and by which every nation and country was incessantly distressed.

[36]
This is the godlike and incredible virtue of that general. What more shall I say? How many and how great are his other exploits which I began to mention a short time back; for we are not only to seek for skill in war in a consummate and perfect general, but there are many other eminent qualities which are the satellites and companions of this virtue. And first of all, how great should be the incorruptibility of generals! How great should be their moderation in everything! How perfect their good faith! How universal should be their affability! how brilliant their genius! how tender their humanity! And let us briefly consider to what extent these qualities exist in Cnaeus Pompeius. For they are all of the highest importance, O Romans, but yet they are to be seen and ascertained more by comparison with the conduct of others than by any display which they make of themselves.

[37] For how can we rank a man among generals of any class at all, if centurionships ⁴ are sold, and have been constantly sold in his army? What great or honourable thoughts can we suppose that that man cherishes concerning the republic, who has either distributed the money which was taken from the treasury for the conduct of the war among the magistrates, out of ambition ⁵ to keep his province, or, out of avarice, has left it behind him at Rome , invested for his own advantage? Your murmurs show, O Romans, that you recognise, in my description, men who have done these things. But I name no one, so that no one can be angry with me, without making confession beforehand of his own malpractices. But who is there who is ignorant what terrible distresses our armies suffer wherever they go, through this covetousness of our generals?

[38] Recollect the marches which, during these latter years, our generals have made in Italy , through the lands and towns of the Roman citizens; then you will more easily imagine what is the course pursued among foreign nations. Do you think that of late years more cities of the enemy have been destroyed by the arms of your soldiers, or more cities of your own allies by their winter campaigns? For that general who does not restrain himself can never restrain his army; nor can he be strict in judging others who is unwilling for others to be strict in judging him.

[39] Do we wonder now that this man should be so far superior to all others, when his legions arrived in Asia in such order that not only no man's hand in so numerous an army, but not even any man's footstep was said to have done the least injury to any peaceful inhabitant? But now we have daily rumours—yes, and letters too—brought to Rome about the way in which the soldiers are behaving in their winter quarters; not only is no one compelled to spend money on the entertainment of the troops, but he is not permitted to do so, even if he wish. For our ancestors thought fit that the houses of our allies and friends should be a shelter to our soldiers from the winter, not a theatre for the exercise of their avarice.

[40]
Come now, consider also what moderation he has displayed in other matters also. How was it, do you suppose, that he was able to display that excessive rapidity, and to perform that incredible voyage? For it was no unexampled number of rowers, no hitherto unknown skill in navigation, no new winds, which bore him so swiftly to the most distant lands; but those circumstances which are wont to delay other men did not delay him. No avarice turned him aside from his intended route in pursuit of some plunder or other; no lust led him away in pursuit of pleasure; no luxury allured him to seek its delights; the illustrious reputation of no city tempted him to make its acquaintance; even labour did not turn him aside to seek rest. Lastly, as for the statues, and pictures, and other embellishments of Greek cities, which other men think worth carrying away, he did not think them worthy even of a visit from him.

[41] And, therefore, every one in those countries looks upon Cnaeus Pompeius as some one descended from heaven, not as some one sent out from this city. Now they begin to believe that there really were formerly Romans of the same moderation; which hitherto has seemed to foreign nations a thing incredible, a false and ridiculous tradition. Now the splendour of your dominion is really brilliant in the eyes of those nations. Now they understand that it was not without reason that, when we had magistrates of the same moderation, their ancestors preferred being subject to the Roman people to being themselves lords of other nations. But now the access of all private individuals to him is so easy, their complaints of the injuries received from others are so little checked, that he who in dignity is superior to the noblest men, in affability seems to be on a par with the meanest.

[42] How great his wisdom is, how great his authority and fluency in speaking,—and that too is a quality in which the dignity of a general is greatly concerned,—you, O Romans, have often experienced yourselves in this very place. But how great do you think his good faith must have been towards your allies, when the enemies of all nations have placed implicit confidence in it? His humanity is such that it is difficult to say, whether the enemy feared his valour more when fighting against him, or loved his mildness more when they had been conquered by him. And will any one doubt, that this important war ought to be entrusted to him, who seems to have been born by some especial design and favour of the gods for the express purpose of finishing all the wars which have existed in their own recollection?

[43]
And since authority has great weight in conducting wars, and in discharging the duties of military command, it certainly is not doubtful to any one that in that point this same general is especially preeminent. And who is ignorant that it is of great importance in the conduct of wars, what opinion the enemy, and what opinion the allies have of your generals, when we know that men are not less influenced in such serious affairs, to despise, or fear, or hate, or love a man by common opinion and common report, than by sure grounds and principles? What name, then, in the whole world has ever been more illustrious than his? whose achievements have ever been equal to his? And, what gives authority in the highest degree, concerning whom have you ever passed such numerous and such honourable resolutions?

[44] Do you believe that there is anywhere in the whole world any place so desert that the renown of that day has not reached it, when the whole Roman people, the forum being crowded, and all the adjacent temples from which this place can be seen being completely filled,—the whole Roman people, I say, demanded Cnaeus Pompeius alone as their general in the war in which the common interests of all nations were at stake? Therefore, not to say more on the subject, nor to confirm what I say by instances of others as to the influence which authority has in war, all our instances of splendid exploits in war must be taken from this same Cnaeus Pompeius. The very day that he was appointed by you commander-in-chief of the maritime war, in a moment such a cheapness of provisions ensued, (though previously there had been a great scarcity of corn, and the price had been exceedingly high,) owing to the hope conceived of one single man, and his high reputation, as could scarcely have been produced by a most productive harvest after a long period of peace.

[45] Now, too, after the disaster which befell us in Pontus , from the result of that battle, of which, sorely against my will, I just now reminded you, when our allies were in a state of alarm, when the power and spirits of our enemies had risen, and the province was in a very insufficient state of defence, you would have entirely lost Asia , O Romans, if the fortune of the Roman people had not, by some divine interposition, brought Cnaeus Pompeius at that particular moment into those regions. His arrival both checked Mithridates, elated with his unusual victory, and delayed Tigranes, who was threatening Asia with a formidable army. And can any one doubt what he will accomplish by his valour, when he did so much by his authority and reputation? or how easily he will preserve our allies and our revenues by his power and his army, when he defended them by the mere, terror of his name?

[46]
Come, now; what a great proof does this circumstance afford us of the influence of the same man on the enemies of the Roman people, that all of them, living in countries so far distant from us and from each other, surrendered themselves to him alone in so short a time? that the ambassadors of the Cretans, though there was at the time a general ⁶ and an army of ours in their island came almost to the end of the world to Cnaeus Pompeius, and said, all the cities of the Cretans were willing to surrender themselves to him? What did Mithridates himself do? Did he not send an ambassador into Spain to the same Cnaeus Pompeius? a man whom Pompeius has always considered an ambassador, but who that party, to whom it has always been a source of annoyance that he was sent to him particularly, have contended was sent as a spy rather than as an ambassador. You can now, then, O Romans, form an accurate judgment how much weight you must suppose that this authority of his—now, too, that it has been further increased by many subsequent exploits, and by many commendatory resolutions of your own—will have with those kings and among foreign nations.

[47]
It remains for me timidly and briefly to speak of his good fortune, a quality which no man ought to boast of in his own case, but which we may remember and commemorate an happening to another, just as a man may extol the power of the gods. For my judgment is this, that very often commands have been conferred upon, and armies have been entrusted to Maximus, to Marcellus, to Scipio, to Marius, and to other great generals, not only on account of their valour, but also on account of their good fortune. For there has been, in truth, in the case of some most illustrious men, good fortune added as some contribution of the gods to their honour and glory, and as a means of performing mighty achievements. But concerning the good fortune of this man of whom we are now speaking, I will use so much moderation as not to say that good fortune was actually placed in his power, but I will so speak as to appear to remember what is past, to have good hope of what is to come; so that my speech may, on the one hand, not appear to the immortal gods to be arrogant, nor, on the other hand, to be ungrateful.

[48] Accordingly, I do not intend to mention, O Romans, what great exploits he has achieved both at home and in war, by land and by sea, and with what invariable felicity he has achieved them; how, not only the citizens have always consented to his wishes,—the allies complied with them,—the enemy obeyed them, but how even the winds and weather have seconded them. I will only say this, most briefly,—that no one has ever been so impudent as to dare in silence to wish for so many and such great favours as the immortal gods have showered upon Cnaeus Pompeius. And that this favour may continue his, and be perpetual, you, O Romans, ought to wish and pray (as, indeed, you do), both for the sake of the common safety and prosperity, and for the sake of the man himself

[49]
Wherefore, as the war is at the same time so necessary that it cannot be neglected, so important that it must be conducted with the greatest care; and since you have it in your power to appoint a general to conduct it, in whom there is the most perfect knowledge of war, the most extraordinary valour, the most splendid personal influence, and the most eminent good fortune, can you hesitate, O Romans, to apply this wonderful advantage which is offered you and given you by the immortal gods, to the preservation and increase of the power of the republic?

[50]
But, if Cnaeus Pompeius were a private individual at Rome at this present time, still he would be the man who ought to be selected and sent out to so great a war. But now, when to all the other exceeding advantages of the appointment, this opportunity is also added,—that he is in those very countries already,—that he has an army with him,—that there is another army there which can at once be made over to him by those who are in command of it,—why do we delay? or why do we not, under the guidance of the immortal gods themselves, commit this royal war also to him to whom all the other wars in those parts have been already entrusted to the greatest advantage, to the very safety of the republic?

James Bradstreet Greenough Notes on The Manilian Law III.title

ed. James Bradstreet Greenough, ed. George Lyman Kittredge

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III. Confirmatio

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