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Book IX

head>I

1arg

Why Quintus Claudius Quadrigarius, in the nineteenth book of his Annals, wrote that missiles hit their mark more accurately and surely if they are hurled from below, than if they are hurled from above.

1 When Quintus Claudius, in the nineteenth book of his Annals, was describing an attack upon a town by the proconsul Metellus, and its defence against him by the townspeople from the top of the walls, he wrote these words: ¹

The archers and slingers on both sides showered their weapons with the utmost vigour and courage. But there is this difference between shooting an arrow or a stone downward or upward; for neither missile can be discharged accurately downward, but both upwards with excellent effect. Therefore the soldiers of Metellus suffered far fewer wounds, and, what was of the greatest importance, they very easily drove the enemy back from the battlements by means of their slingers.

I asked Antonius Julianus, the rhetorician, why what Quadrigarius had said was so; namely, that the shots of missiles are closer and more accurate if you discharge a stone or an arrow upwards rather than downwards, in spite of the fact that a throw from above downward is swifter and easier than one in the opposite direction. Then Julianus, after commending the character of the question, said:

His statement about an arrow and a stone may be made about almost any missile weapon. But, as you have said, throwing is easier if you throw downwards, provided you wish only to throw, and not to hit a mark. But when the direction and force of the throw must be regulated and guided, then, if you are throwing downwards, tile control and command of the marksman are impaired by the downward impulse itself, such as it is, and by the weight of the falling missile. But if you throw your weapon upwards, and direct hand and eye to hitting something above you, the missile which you have hurled will go to the spot to which the impulse which you have given bears it.

It was to this general effect that Julianus chatted with us about those words of Quintus Claudius.

With regard to the remark of the same Claudius,

they very easily drove the enemy from the battlements,

it must be observed that he used the word defendebant, not in the sense which it commonly has, but yet quite properly and in accordance with good Latin usage. For defendere and offendere are opposed to each other, the latter meaning e)mpodw\n e)/xein, that is,

to run against something and fall upon it,

the former, e)kpodw\n poiei=n, that is,

to avert and drive away

; and the latter is Claudius' meaning in this passage.

II

2arg

In what terms Herodes Atticus reproved a man who in appearance and dress falsely laid claim to the title and character of philosopher.

1 To Herodes Atticus, the ex-consul, renowned for his personal charm and his Grecian eloquence, there once came, when I was present, a man in a cloak, with long hair and a beard that reached almost to his waist, and asked that money be given him ei)s a)/rtous, that is,

for bread.

Then Herodes asked him who on earth he was, and the man, with anger in his voice and expression, replied that he was a philosopher, adding that he wondered why Herodes thought it necessary to ask what was obvious.

I see,

said Herodes,

a beard and a cloak; the philosopher I do not yet see. Now, I pray you, be so good as to tell me by what evidence you think we may recognize you as a philosopher.

Meanwhile some of Herodes' companions told him that the fellow was a vagabond of worthless character, who frequented foul dives and was in the habit of being shamefully abusive if he did not get what he demanded. Thereupon Herodes said:

Let us give him some money, whatever his character may be, not because he is a man, but because we are men,

and he ordered enough money to be given him to buy bread for thirty days.

Then, turning to those of us who were with him, he said:

Musonius ² ordered a thousand sesterces to be given to a fakir of this sort who posed as a philosopher, and when several told him that the fellow was a rascal and knave and deserving of nothing good, Musonius, they say, replied with a smile: a)/cios ou)=n e)sti\n a)rguri/ou, 'then he deserves money.' But,

said Herodes,

it is rather this that causes me resentment and vexation, that foul and evil beasts of this sort usurp a most sacred name and call themselves philosophers. Now, my ancestors the Athenians by public decree made it unlawful for slaves ever to be given the names of those valiant youths Harmodius and Aristogeiton, who to restore liberty tried to slay the tyrant Hippias; ³ for they thought it impious for the names of men who had sacrificed themselves for their country's freedom to be disgraced by contact with slavery. Why then do we allow the glorious title of philosopher to be defiled in the person of the basest of men? Moreover,

said he,

I hear that the early Romans, setting a similar example in a case of the opposite nature, voted that the forenames of certain patricians who had deserved ill of their country and for that reason had been condemned to death should never be given to any patrician of the same clan, in order that their very names might seem to be dishonoured and done to death, as well as the malefactors themselves.

⁴

III

3arg

A letter of king Philip to the philosopher Aristotle with regard to the recent birth of his son Alexander.

1 PHILIP, son of Amyntas, was king of the land of Macedonia. Through his valour and energy the Macedonians had greatly increased and enriched their kingdom, and had begun to extend their power over many nations and peoples, so that Demosthenes, in those famous orations and addresses, ⁵ insists that his power and arms are to be feared and dreaded by all Greece. This Philip, although almost constantly busied and distracted by the labours and triumphs of war, yet never was a stranger to the Muse of the liberal arts and the pursuit of culture, but his acts and words never lacked charm and refinement. In fact collections of his letters are in circulation, which abound in elegance, grace, and wisdom, as for example, the one in which he announced to the philosopher Aristotle the birth of his son Alexander. ⁶

Since this letter is an encouragement to care and attention in the education of children, I thought that it ought to be quoted in full, as an admonition to parents. It may be translated, then, about as follows:

Philip to Aristotle, Greeting.

Know that a son is born to me. For this indeed I thank the gods, not so much because he is born, as because it is his good fortune to be born during your lifetime. For I hope that as a result of your training and instruction he will prove worthy of us and of succeeding to our kingdom.

But Philip's own words are these:

Fi/lippos )Aristote/lei xai/rein.

)/Isqi moi gegono/ta ui(o/n. pollh\n ou)=n toi=s qeoi=s e)/xw xa/rin, ou)x ou(/tws e)pi\ th=| gene/sei tou= paido/s, w(s e)pi\ tw=| kata\ th\n sh\n h(liki/an au)to\n gegone/nai: e)lpi/zw ga/r au)to\n u(po\ sou= trafe/nta kai\ paideuqe/nta a)/cion e)/sesqai kai\ h(mw=n kai\ th=s tw=n pragma/twn diadoxh=s.

IV

4arg

On some extraordinary marvels found among barbarian peoples; and on awful and deadly spells; and also on the sudden change of women into men.

1 WHEN I was returning from Greece to Italy and had come to Brundisium, after disembarking I was strolling about in that famous port, which Quintus Ennius called praepes, or

propitious,

⁷ using an epithet that is somewhat far-fetched, but altogether apt. There I saw some bundles of books exposed for sale, and I at once eagerly hurried to them. Now, all those books were in Greek, filled with marvellous tales, things unheard of, incredible; but the writers were ancient and of no mean authority: Aristeas of Proconnesus, Isigonus of Nicaea, Ctesias and Onesicritus, Philostephanus and Hegesias. ⁸ The volumes themselves, however, were filthy from long neglect, in bad condition and unsightly. Nevertheless, I drew near and asked their price; then, attracted by their extraordinary and unexpected cheapness, 1 bought a large number of them for a small sum, and ran through all of them hastily in the course of the next two nights. As I read, I culled from them, and noted down, some things that were remarkable and for the most part unmentioned by our native writers; these I have inserted here and there in these notes, so that whoever shall read them may not be found to be wholly ignorant and a)nh/koos, or

uninstructed,

when hearing tales of that kind.

Those books, then, contained matter of the following sort: that the most remote of the Scythians, who pass their life in the far north, eat human flesh and subsist on the nourishment of that food, and are called a)nqrwpofa/goi, or

cannibals.

Also that there are men in the same latitude having one eye in the middle of the forehead and called Arimaspi, who are of the appearance that the poets give the Cyclopes. ⁹ That there are also in the same region other men, of marvellous swiftness, whose feet are turned backwards and do not point forward, as in the rest of mankind. ¹⁰ Further, that it was handed down by tradition that in a distant land called Albania men are born whose hair turns white in childhood and who see better by night than in the daytime. That it was also a matter of assured belief that the Sauromatae, who dwell far away beyond the river Borysthenes, take food only every other day ¹¹ and fast on the intervening day.

In those same books I ran upon this statement too, which I later read also in the seventh book of the Natural History of Plinius Secundus, ¹² that in the land of Africa there are families of persons who work spells by voice and tongue; for if they should chance to have bestowed extravagant praise upon beautiful trees, plentiful crops, charming children, fine horses, flocks that are well fed and in good condition, suddenly, for no other cause than this, all these would die. That with the eyes too a deadly spell is cast, is written in those same books, and it is said that there are persons among the Illyrians who by their gaze kill those at whom they have looked for some time in anger; and that those persons themselves, both men and women, who possess this power of harmful gaze, have two pupils in each eye. Also that in the mountains of the land of India there are men who have the heads of dogs, and bark, and that they feed upon birds and wild animals which they have taken in the chase. That in the remotest lands of the east too there are other marvellous men called monocoli, or

one-legged,

who run by hopping with their single leg and are of a most lively swiftness. ¹³ And that there are also some others who are without necks and have eyes in their shoulders. But all bounds of wonder are passed by the statement of those same writers, that there is a tribe in farthest India with bodies that are rough and covered with feathers like birds, who eat no food but live by inhaling the perfume of flowers. And that not far from these people is the land of Pygmies, the tallest of whom are not more than two feet and a quarter in height.

These and many other stories of the kind I read; but when writing them down, I was seized with disgust for such worthless writings, which contribute nothing to the enrichment or profit of life. Nevertheless, the fancy took me to add to this collection of marvels a thing which Plinius Secundus, a man of high authority in his day and generation by reason of his talent and his position, recorded in the seventh book of his Natural History,¹⁴ not as something that he had heard or read, but that he knew to be true and had himself seen. The words therefore which I have quoted below are his own, taken from that book, and they certainly make us hesitate to reject or ridicule that familiar yarn of the poets of old about Caenis and Caeneus. ¹⁵ He says that the change of women into men is not a fiction.

We find,

says he,

in the annals that in the consulship of Quintus Licinius Crassus and Gains Cassius Longinus ¹⁶ a girl at Casinum was changed into a boy in the house of her parents and by direction of the diviners was deported to a desert island. Licinius Mucianus has stated that he saw at Argos one Arescontes, whose name had been Arescusa; that she had even been married, but presently grew a beard, became a man, and had taken a wife: and that at Smyrna also he had seen a boy who had experienced the same change. I myself in Africa saw Lucius Cossutius, a citizen of Thysdrus, who had been changed into a man on his wedding day and was still living when I wrote this.

Pliny also wrote this in the same book: ¹⁷

There are persons who from birth are bisexual, whom we call 'hermaphrodites'; they were formerly termed androgyni and regarded as prodigies, but now are instruments of pleasure.

V

5arg

Diverse views of eminent philosophers as to the nature and character of pleasure; and the words in which the philosopher Hierocles attacked the principles of Epicurus.

1 As to pleasure the philosophers of old expressed varying opinions. Epicurus makes pleasure the highest good, but defines it ¹⁸ as sarko\s eu)staqe\s kata/sthma, or

a well-balanced condition of body.

Antisthenes the Socratic calls it the greatest evil; for this is the expression he uses: ¹⁹ manei/hn ma=llon h)\ h(sqei/hn; that is to say,

may I go mad rather than feel pleasure.

Speusippus and all the old Academy declare ²⁰ that pleasure and pain are two evils opposed to each other, but that what lay midway between the two was the good. Zeno thought ²¹ that pleasure was indifferent, that is neutral, neither good nor evil, that, namely, which he himself called by the Greek term a)dia/foron. Critolaus the Peripatetic declares that pleasure is an evil and gives birth to many other evils: injustice, sloth, forgetfulness, and cowardice. Earlier than all these, Plato discoursed in so many and varied ways about pleasure, that all those opinions which I have set forth may seem to have flowed from the founts of his discourses; for he makes use of each one of them according to the suggestion offered by the nature of pleasure itself, which is manifold, and according to the demands made by the character of the topics which he is treating and of the effect that he wishes to produce. But our countryman Taurus, whenever mention was made of Epicurus, always had on his lips and tongue these words of Hierocles the Stoic, a man of righteousness and dignity:

Pleasure an end, a harlot's creed; there is no Providence, not even a harlot's creed.

VI

6arg

With what quantity the first syllable of the frequentative verb from ago should be pronounced.

1 FROM ago and egi are derived the verbs actito and actitavi, which the grammarians call

frequentatives.

²² These verbs I have heard some men, and those not without learning, pronounce with a shortening of the first syllable, and give as their reason that the first letter of the primitive ago is pronounced short. Why then do we make the first vowel long in the frequentative forms esito and unctito, which are derived from edo and ungo, in which the first letter is short; and, on the contrary, pronounce the first vowel short in dictito from dīco? Accordingly, should not actito and actitavi rather be lengthened? For the first syllable of almost all frequentatives is pronounced in the same way as the same syllable of the past participle of the verbs from which they are formed: for example, lego lēctus makes lēctito; ungo ūnctus, ūnctito; scrībo scrīptus, scrīptito; moveo mōtus, mōtito; pendeo pēnsus, pēnsito; edo ēsus, ēsito; but dīco dīctus forms dictito; gĕro gĕstus, gĕstito; vĕho vĕctus, vĕctito; răpio răptus, răptito; căpio căptus, căptito; făcio făctus, făctito. So then ăctito should be pronounced with the first syllable long, since it is from ago and ăctus.

VII

7arg

That the leaves of the olive tree turn over at the summer and the winter solstice, and that the lyre at that same season produces sounds from other strings than those that are struck.

1 IT is commonly both written and believed that at the winter and the summer solstice the leaves of olive trees turn over, and that the side which had been underneath and hidden becomes uppermost and is exposed to sight and to the sun. And 1 myself was led to test this statement more than once, and found it to be almost exactly true.

But about the lyre there is an assertion that is less often made and is even more remarkable. And this both other learned men and also Suetonius Tranquillus, in the first book of his History of the Games,²³ declare to have been fully investigated and to be generally accepted; namely, that when some strings of the lyre are struck with the fingers at the time of the winter solstice, other strings give out sound.

VIII

8arg

That it is inevitable that one who has much should need much, with a brief and graceful aphorism of the philosopher Favorinus on that subject.

1 THAT is certainly true which wise men have said as the result of observation and experience, that he who has much is in need of much, and that great want arises from great abundance and not from great lack; for many things are wanted to maintain the many things that you have. Whoever then, having much, desires to provide and take precaution that nothing may fail or be lacking, needs to lose, not gain, and must have less in order to want less.

I recall that Favorinus once, amid loud and general applause, rounded off this thought, putting it into the fewest possible words: ²⁴

It is not possible for one who wants fifteen thousand cloaks not to want more things; ²⁵ for if I want more than I possess, by taking away from what I have I shall be contented with what remains.

IX

9arg

What method should be followed in translating Greek expressions; and on those verses of Homer which Virgil is thought to have translated either well and happily or unsuccessfully.

1 WHENEVER striking expressions from the Greek poets are to be translated and imitated, they say that we should not always strive to render every single word with exact literalness. For many things lose their charm if they are transplanted too forcibly— unwillingly, as it were, and reluctantly. ²⁶ Virgil therefore showed skill and good judgment in omitting some things and rendering others, when he was dealing with passages of Homer or Hesiod or Apollonius or Parthenius or Callimachus or Theocritus, or some other poet.

For example, when very recently the Bucolics of Theocritus and Virgil were being read together at table, we perceived that Virgil had omitted something that in the Greek is, to be sure, wonderfully pleasing, but neither could nor ought to have been translated. But what he has substituted for that omission is almost more charming and graceful. Theocritus writes: ²⁷

But when her goatherd boy goes by you should see my Cleärist

Fling apples, and her pretty lips call pouting to be kissed.

Virgil has: ²⁸

My Phyllis me with pelted apples plies,

Then tripping to the woods the wanton hies,

And wishes to be seen before she flies.

Also in another place I notice that what was very sweet in the Greek was prudently omitted. Theocritus writes: ²⁹

O Tityrus, well-belovéd, feed my goats,

And lead them to the fount, good Tityrus;

But 'ware yon buck-goat yellow, lest he butt.

But how could Virgil reproduce to\ kalo\n pefilhme/ne (

well-beloved

), words that, by Heaven! defy translation, but have a certain native charm? He therefore omitted that expression and translated the rest very cleverly, except in using caper for Theocritus' e)no/rxas; for, according to Marcus Varro, ³⁰ a goat is called caper in Latin only after he has been castrated. Virgil's version is: ³¹

Till I return—not long—feed thou my goats;

Then, Tityrus, give them drink, but as you go,

Avoid the buck-goat's horn—the fellow butts'

And since I am speaking on the subject of translation, I recall hearing from pupils of Valerius Probus, a learned man and well trained in reading and estimating the ancient writings, that he used to say that Virgil had never translated Homer less successfully than in these delightful lines which Homer wrote about Nausicaa: ³²

As when o'er Erymanth Diana roves,

Or wide Taÿgetus' resounding groves,

A silver train the huntress queen surrounds,

Her rattling quiver from her shoulder sounds;

Fierce in the sport, along the mountain's brow

They bay the boar or chase the bounding roe;

High o'er the lawn, with more majestic pace,

Above the nymphs she treads with stately grace;

Distinguished excellence the goddess proves,

Exults Latona as the virgin moves:

With equal grace Nausicaa trod the plain,

And shone transcendent o'er the beauteous train.

This passage Virgil renders thus: ³³

As on Eurotas' banks or Cynthus' heights

Diana guides her dancing bands, whose train

A thousand Oreads follow, right and left;

A quiver bears she on her shoulder fair,

And as she treads, the goddesses o'ertops;

Joys thrill Latona's silent breast.

First of all, they said that Probus thought that in Homer the maiden Nausicaa, playing among her girl companions in solitary places, was consistently and properly compared with Diana hunting on the mountain heights among the rural goddesses; but that Virgil had made a comparison that was by no means suitable, since Dido, walking with dignified dress and gait in the midst of a city, and surrounded by the Tyrian chiefs,

pressing on the work of her rising kingdom,

as he himself says, ³⁴ can have no points of similarity corresponding with the sports and hunts of Diana. Then secondly, that Homer mentions plainly and directly Diana's interest and pleasure in the chase, while Virgil, not having said a word about the goddess' hunting, merely pictures her as carrying a quiver on her shoulder, as if it were a burden or a pack. And they said that Probus was particularly surprised at this feature of Virgil's version, that while Homer's Leto rejoices with a joy that is unaffected, deep, and springing from the very depths of her heart and soul—for the words ge/ghqe de/ te fre/na Lhtw/, or

Leto rejoiced in heart,

mean nothing else—Virgil, on the other hand, in his attempt to imitate this, has depicted a joy that is passive, mild, slow, and as it were floating on the surface of the heart; for Probus said that he did not know what else the word pertemptant could mean. ³⁵ Besides all this, Virgil seemed to have left out the flower of the whole passage, by giving only a faint shadow of this verse of Homer's:

And shone transcendent o'er the beauteous train. ³⁶

For no greater or more complete praise of beauty can be expressed than that she alone excelled where all were beautiful, that she alone was easily distinguished from all the rest.

X

10arg

The low and odious criticism with which Annaeus Cornutus befouled the lines of Virgil in which the poet with chaste reserve spoke of the intercourse of Venus and Vulcan.

1 THE poet Annianus, ³⁷ and with him many other devotees of the same Muse, extolled with high and constant praise the verses of Virgil in which, while depicting and describing the conjugal union of Vulcan and Venus, an act that nature's law bids us conceal, he veiled it with a modest paraphrase. For thus he wrote: ³⁸

So speaking, the desired embrace he gave,

And sinking on the bosom of his spouse,

Calm slumber then he wooed in every limb.

But they thought it less difficult, in speaking of such a subject, to use one or two words that suggest it by a slight and delicate hint, such as Homer's parqeni/h zw/nh, or

maiden girdle

; ³⁹ le/ktroio qesmo/n,

the right of the couch

; ⁴⁰ and e)/rga filoth/sia,

love's labours

; ⁴¹ that no other than Virgil has ever spoken of those sacred mysteries of chaste intercourse in so many and such plain words, which yet were not licentious, but pure and honourable.

But Annaeus Cornutus, a man in many other respects, to be sure, lacking neither in learning nor taste, nevertheless, in the second book of the work which he compiled On Figurative Language, defamed the high praise of all that modesty by an utterly silly and odious criticism. For after expressing approval of that kind of figurative language, and observing that the lines were composed with due circumspection, he added:

Virgil nevertheless was somewhat indiscreet in using the word membra.

⁴²

XI

11arg

Of Valerius Corvinus and the origin of his surname,

1 THERE is not one of the well-known historians who has varied in telling the story of Valerius Maximus, who was called Corvinus because of the help and defence rendered him by a raven. That truly remarkable event is in fact thus related in the annals: ⁴³ In the consulship of Lucius Furius and Appius Claudius, ⁴⁴ a young man of such a family ⁴⁵ was appointed tribune of the soldiers. And at that time vast forces of Gauls had encamped in the Pomptine district, and the Roman army was being drawn up in order of battle by the consuls, who were not a little disquieted by the strength and number of the enemy. Meanwhile the leader of the Gauls, a man of enormous size and stature, his armour gleaming with gold, advanced with long strides and flourishing his spear, at the same time casting haughty and contemptuous glances in all directions. Filled with scorn for all that he saw, he challenged anyone from the entire Roman army to come out and meet him, if he dared. Thereupon, while all were wavering between fear and shame, the tribune Valerius, first obtaining the consuls' permission to fight with the Gaul who was boasting so vainly, advanced to meet him, boldly yet modestly. They meet, they halt, they were already engaging in combat. And at that moment a divine power is manifest: a raven, hitherto unseen, suddenly flies to the spot, perches on the tribune's helmet, and from there begins an attack on the face and the eyes of his adversary. It flew at the Gaul, harassed him, tore his hand with its claws, obstructed his sight with its wings, and after venting its rage flew back to the tribune's helmet. Thus the tribune, before the eyes of both armies, relying on his own valour and defended by the help of the bird, conquered and killed the arrogant leader of the enemy, and thus won the surname Corvinus. This happened four hundred and five years after the founding of Rome.

To that Corvinus the deified Augustus caused a statue to be erected in his Forum. ⁴⁶ On the head of this statue is the figure of a raven, a reminder of the event and of the combat which I have described.

XII

12arg

On words which are used with two opposite meanings, both active and passive.

1 As the adjective formidulosus may be used both of one who fears and of one who is feared, invidiosus of one who envies and of one who is envied, suspiciosus of one who suspects and of one who is suspected, ambitiosus of one who courts favour and of one who is courted, gratiosus also of one who gives, and of one who receives, thanks, laboriosus of one who toils and of one who causes toil—as many other words of this kind are used in both ways, so infestus too has a double meaning. For he is called infestus who inflicts injury on anyone, and on the other hand he who is threatened with injury from another source is also said to be infestus.

But the meaning which I gave first surely needs no illustration, so many are there who use infestus in the sense of hostile and adverse; but that second meaning is less familiar and more obscure. For who of the common run would readily call a man infestus to whom another is hostile? However, not only did many of the earlier writers speak in that way, but Marcus Tullius also gave the word that meaning in the speech which he wrote In Defence of Gnaeus Plancius, saying: ⁴⁷

I were grieved, gentlemen of the jury, and keenly distressed, if this man's safety should be more endangered ( infestior) for the very reason that he had protected my life and safety by his own kindliness, protection and watchfulness.

Accordingly, I inquired into the origin and meaning of the word and found this statement in the writings of Nigidius: ⁴⁸

Infestus is derived from festinare,

says he,

for one who threatens anyone, and is in haste to attack him, and hurries eagerly to crush him; or on the other hand one whose peril and ruin are being hastened— both of these are called infestus from the urgent imminence of the injury which one is either about to inflict on someone, or to suffer.

⁴⁹

Now, that no one may have to search for an example of suspiciosus, which I mentioned above, and of formidulosus in its less usual sense, Marcus Cato, On the properly of Florius, used suspiciosus as follows: ⁵⁰

But except in the case of one who practised public prostitution, or had hired himself out to a procurer, even though he had been ill-famed and suspected suspiciousus, they decided that it was unlawful to use force against the person of a freeman.

For in this passage Cato uses suspicious in the sense of

suspected,

not that of

suspecting.

Sallust too in the (Cailine uses formidulosus of one who is feared, in this passage: ⁵¹

To such men consequently no labour was unfamiliar, no region too rough or too steep, no armed foeman to be dreaded ( formidulosus).

Gaius Calvus also in his poems uses laboriosus, not in the ordinary sense of

one who toils,

but of that on which labour is spent, saying: ⁵²

The hard and toilsome ( laboriosum) country he will

shun.

In the same way Laberius also in the Sisters says: ⁵³

By Castor! sleepy ( somniculosum) wine!

and Cinna in his poems: ⁵⁴

As Punic Psyllus doth ⁵⁵ the sleepy ( somniculosam) asp. ⁵⁶

Metus also and iniuria, and some other words of the kind. may be used in this double sense; for metus hostium,

fear of the enemy,

is a correct expression both when the enemy fear and when they are feared. Thus Sallust in the first book of his History⁵⁷ speaks of

the fear of Pompey,

not implying that Pompey was afraid, which is the more common meaning, but that he was feared. These are Sallust's words:

That war was aroused by the fear of the victorious Pompey, who was restoring Hiempsal to his kingdom.

Also in another passage: ⁵⁸

After the fear of the Carthaginians had been dispelled and there was leisure to engage in dissensions.

In the same way we speak of the

injuries,

as well of those who inflict them as of those who suffer them, and illustrations of that usage are readily found.

The following passage from Virgil affords a similar instance of this kind of double meaning; he says: ⁵⁹

Slow from Ulysses' wound,

using vulnus, not of a wound that Ulysses had suffered, but of one that he had inflicted. Nescius also is used as well of one who is unknown as of one who does not know; but its use in the sense of one who does not know is common, while it is rarely used of that which is unknown. Ignarus has the same double application, not only to one who is ignorant, but also to one who is not known. Thus Plautus in the Rudens says: ⁶⁰

In unknown ( nesciis) realms are we where hope

knows naught ( nescia). ⁶¹

And Sallust: ⁶²

With the natural desire of mankind to visit unknown ( ignara) places.

And Virgil: ⁶³

Unknown ( ignarum) the Laurentine shore doth Mimas hold.

XIII

13arg

A passage from the history of Claudius Quadrigarius, in which he pictured the combat of Manlius Torquatus, a young noble, with a hostile Gaul, who challenged the whole Roman army.

1 TITUS MANLIUS was a man of the highest birth and of exalted rank. This Manlius was given the surname Torquatus. The reason for the surname, we are told, was that he wore as a decoration a golden neck-chain, a trophy taken from an enemy whom he had slain. But who the enemy was, and what his nationality, how formidable his huge size, how insolent his challenge, and how the battle was fought all this Quintus Claudius has described in the first book of his Annals with words of the utmost purity and clearness, and with the simple and unaffected charm of the old-time style. When the philosopher Favorinus read this passage from that work, he used to say that his mind was stirred and affected by no less emotion and excitement than if he were himself an eye-witness of their contest.

I have added the words of Quintus Claudius in which that battle is pictured:

In the meantime a Gaul came forward, who was naked except for a shield and two swords and the ornament of a neck-chain and bracelets; in strength and size, in youthful vigour and in courage as well, he excelled all the rest. In the very height of the battle, when the two armies were fighting with the utmost ardour, he began to make signs with his hand to both sides, to cease fighting. The combat ceased. As soon as silence was secured, he called out in a mighty voice that if anyone wished to engage him in single combat, he should come forward. This no one dared do, because of his great size and savage aspect. Then the Gaul began to laugh at them and to stick out his tongue. This at once roused the great indignation of one Titus Manlius, a youth of the highest birth, that such an insult should be offered his country, and that no one from so great an army should accept the challenge. He, as I say, stepped forth, and would not suffer Roman valour to be shamefully tarnished by a Gaul. Armed with a foot-soldier's shield and a Spanish sword, he confronted the Gaul. Their meeting took place on the very bridge, in the presence of both armies, amid great apprehension. Thus they confronted each other, as I said before: the Gaul, according to his method of fighting, with shield advanced and awaiting an attack; Manlius, relying on courage rather than skill, struck shield against shield, and threw the Gaul off his balance. While the Gaul was trying to regain the same position, Manlius again struck shield against shield, and again forced the man to change his ground. In this fashion he slipped in under the Gaul's sword and stabbed him in the breast with his Spanish blade. Then at once with the same mode of attack he struck his adversary's right shoulder, and he did not give ground at all until he overthrew him, without giving the Gaul a chance to strike a blow. After he had overthrown him, he cut off his head, tore off his neck-chain, and put it, covered with blood as it was, around his own neck. Because of this act, he himself and his descendants had the surname Torquatus.

⁶⁴

From this Titus Manlius, whose battle Quadrigarius described above, all harsh and cruel commands are called

Manlian;

for at a later time, when he was consul in a war against the Latins, Manlius caused his own son to be beheaded, because he had been sent by his father on a scouting expedition with orders not to fight, ⁶⁵ and disregarding the command, had killed one of the enemy who had challenged him.

XIV

14arg

That Quadrigarius also, with correct Latinity, used facies as a genitive; and some other observations on the inflection of similar words.

1 THE expression that I quoted above from Quintus Claudius, ⁶⁶

On account of his great size and savage aspect ( facies),

I have inquired into by examining several old manuscripts, and have found it to be as I wrote it. For it was in that way, as a rule, that the early writers declined the word— facies facies— whereas the rule of grammar now requires faciei as the genitive. But I did find some corrupt manuscripts in which faciei was written, with erasure of the former reading.

I remember too having found both facies and facii written in the same manuscript of Claudius ⁶⁷ in the library at Tibur. But facies was written in the text and facii, with double i, in the margin opposite; nor did I regard that as inconsistent with a certain early usage; for from the nominative dies they used both dies and dii as the genitive, and from fames, both famis and fami.

Quintus Ennius, in the sixteenth book of his Annals, wrote dies for diei in the following verse: ⁶⁸

Caused by the distant time of the last day ( dies).

Caesellius asserts that Cicero also wrote dies for diei in his oration For Publius Sestius, and after sparing no pains and inspecting several old manuscripts, I found Caesellius to be right. These are the words of Marcus Tullius: ⁶⁹

But the knights shall pay the penalty for that day ( dies).

As a result, I readily believe those who have stated that they saw a manuscript from Virgil's own hand, in which it was written: ⁷⁰

When Libra ⁷¹ shall make like the hours of day ( dies) and sleep,

where dies is used for diei.

But just as in this place Virgil evidently wrote dies, so there is no doubt that he wrote dii for diei in the following line: ⁷²

As gifts for that day's ( dii) merriment,

where the less learned read dei,⁷³ doubtless shrinking from the use of so uncommon a form. But the older writers declined dies dii, as they did fames fami, pernicies pernicii, progenies progenii, luxuries luxurii, acies acii. For Marcus Cato in his oration On the Punic War wrote as follows: ⁷⁴

The women and children were driven out because of the famine ( fami causa).

Lucilius in his twelfth book has: ⁷⁵

Wrinkled and full of hunger ( fami).

Sisenna in the sixth book of his History writes: ⁷⁶

That the Romans came for the purpose of dealing destruction ( pernicii).

Pacuvius in the Paulus says: ⁷⁷

O sire supreme of our own race's ( progenii) sire.

Gnaeus Matius in the twenty-first book of his Iliad:⁷⁸

The army's ( acii) other part the river's wave had shunned.

Again Matius in Book xxiii writes: ⁷⁹

Or bides in death some semblance of a form ( specii)

Of those who speak no more.

Gaius Gracchus, On the Publishing of the Laws has: ⁸⁰

They say that those measures were taken because of luxury ( luxurii casaa)

and farther on in the same speech we find:

What is necessarily provided to sustain life is not luxury ( luxuries),

which shows that he used luxurii as the genitive of luxuries. Marcus Tullius also has left pernicii on record, in the speech in which he defended Sextus Roscius. These are his words: ⁸¹

We think that none of these things was produced by divine will for the purpose of dealing destruction ( pernicii), but by the very force and greatness of Nature.

We must therefore suppose that Quadrigarius wrote either facies or facii as the genitive; but I have not found the reading facie in any ancient manuscript.

But in the dative case those who spoke the best Latin did not use the form faciei, which is now current, but facie. For example, Lucilius in his Satires:⁸²

Which first is joined to a fair face

And youth.

And in his seventh book: ⁸³

Who loves you, and who to your youth and charms ( facie),

Plays courtier, promising to be your friend.

However, there are not a few who read facii in both these passages of Lucilius. But Gaius Caesar, in the second book of his treatise On Analogy,⁸⁴ thinks that we should use die and specie as genitive forms.

I have also found die in the genitive case in a manuscript of Sallust's Jugurtha of the utmost trustworthiness and of venerable age. These were the words: ⁸⁵

when scarcely a tenth part of the day ( die) was left.

For I do not think we ought to accept such a quibble as the assertion that die is used for ex die.

XV

15arg

On the kind of debate which the Greeks call a)/poros.

1 WITH the rhetorician Antonius Julianus I had withdrawn to Naples during the season of the summer holidays, wishing to escape the heat of Rome. And there was there at the time a young man of the richer class studying with tutors in both languages, and trying to gain a command of Latin eloquence in order to plead at the bar in Rome; and he begged Julianus to hear one of his declamations. Julianus went to hear him and I went along with him. The young fellow entered the room, made some preliminary remarks in a more arrogant and presumptuous style than became his years, and then asked that subjects for debate be given him.

There was present there with us a pupil of Julianus, a man of ready speech and good ability, who was already offended that in the hearing of a man like Julianus the fellow should show such rashness and should dare to test himself in extempore speaking. Therefore, to try him, he proposed a topic for debate that was not logically constructed, of the kind which the Greeks call a)/poros, and in Latin might with some propriety be termed inexplicabile, that is,

unsolvable.

The subject was of this kind:

Seven judges are to hear the case of a defendant, and judgment is to be passed in accordance with the decision of a majority of their number. When the seven judges had heard the case, two decided that the defendant ought to be punished with exile; two, that he ought to be fined; the remaining three, that he should be put to death. The execution of the accused is demanded according to the decision of the three judges, but he appeals.

As soon as the young man had heard this, without any reflection and without waiting for other subjects to be proposed, he began at once with incredible speed to reel off all sorts of principles and apply then to that same question, pouring out floods of confused and meaningless words and a torrent of verbiage. All the other members of his company, who were in the habit of listening to him, showed their delight by loud applause, but Julianus blushed and sweat from shame and embarrassment. But when after many thousand lines of drivel the fellow at last came to an end and we went out, his friends and comrades followed Julianus and asked him for his opinion. Whereupon Julianus very wittily replied

Don't ask me what I think; without controversy ⁸⁶ this young man is eloquent.

XVI

16arg

How Plinius Secundus, although not without learning, failed to observe and detect the fallacy in an argument of the kind that the Greeks call a)ntistre/fon.

1 PLINIUS SECUNDUS was considered the most learned man of his time. He left a work, entitled For Students of Oratory, which is by no manner of means to be lightly regarded. In that work he introduces much varied material that will delight the ears of the learned. He also quotes a number of arguments that he regards as cleverly and skilfully urged in the course of debates. For instance, he cites this argument from such a debate:

'A brave man shall be given the reward which he desires. A man who had done a brave deed asked for the wife of another in marriage, and received her. Then the man whose wife she had been did a brave deed. He demands the return of his wife, but is refused.' On the part of the second brave man, who demanded the return of his wife,

says Pliny,

this elegant and plausible argument was presented: ' If the law is valid, return her to me; if it is not valid, return her.'

⁸⁷ But it escaped Pliny's notice that this bit of reasoning, which he thought very acute, was not without the fallacy which the Greeks call a)ntistre/fon, or

a convertible proposition.

And that is a deceptive fallacy, which lies concealed under a false appearance of truth; for that very argument may just as easily be turned about and used against the same man, and might, for example, be put thus by that former husband:

If the law is valid, I do not return her; if it is not valid, I do not return her.

Noctes Atticae. Aulus Gellius. John C. Rolfe (Translator). Cambridge, Mass.. 1927.

Sponsored by Perseus Project, Tufts University.

Funding provided by Tufts University.

Current edition Perseus

Attic Nights (English) (Gellius, Aulus. The Attic Nights of Aulus Gellius. Rolfe, John C., translator. Cambridge, Mass.; London: Harvard University Press; William Heinemann, 1927 (printing).)

Editions (1)

Noctes Atticae Perseus (Gellius, Aulus. The Attic Nights of Aulus Gellius. Rolfe, John C., editor. Cambridge, Mass.; London: Harvard University Press; William Heinemann, 1927 (printing).) — 9.1 focus

I

Argument

Quamobrem Quintus Claudius Quadrigarius, in undevicesimo ¹ Annali, scripserit rectiores certioresque ictus fieri, si sursum quid mittas quam si deorsum.

[1] QUINTUS CLAUDIUS in undevicesimo Annali, cum oppidum a Metello proconsule oppugnari, contra ab oppidanis desuper e muris propugnari describeret, ita scripsit: Sagittarius cum funditore utrimque summo studio spargunt fortissime. Sed sagittam atque lapidem deorsum an sursum mittas, hoc interest; nam neutrum potest deorsum versum recte mitti, sed sursum utrumque optime. Quare milites Metelli sauciabantur multo minus et, quod maxime opus erat, a pinnis hostis defendebant facillime finditore Percontabar.

[2] Percontabar ego Antonium Iulianum luhanum rhetorem, cur hoc ita usu veniret quod Quadrigarius dixisset, ut contigui magis directioresque ictus fiant, si vel lapidem vel sagittam sursum versus iacias quam deorsum, cum proclivior faciliorque iactus sit ex supernis in infima quam ex infimis in superna.

[3] Tum Iulianus, comprobato genere quaestionis, Quod de sagitta, inquit, et lapide dixit, hoc de omni fere missili telo dici potest.

[4] Facilior autem iactus est, sicuti dixisti, si desuper iacias, si quid iacere tantum velis, non ferire.

[5] Sed cum modus et impetus iactus temperandus derigendusque est, tum, si in prona iacias, moderatio atque ratio inittentisque mittentis praecipitantia qualicumque ipsa et pondere cadentis teli corrumpitur.

[6] At si in editiora mittas et ad percutiendum superne aliquid manum et oculos conlinies, quo motus a te datus tulerit, eo telum ibit quod ieceris.

[7] Ad hanc ferme sententiam Iulianus super istis Q. Claudii verbis nobiscum sermocinatus est.

[8] Quod ait idem Q. Claudius: a pinnis hostis defendebant facillime, animadvertendum est usum esse eum verbo defendebant, non ex vulgari consuetudine, sed admodum proprie et Latine.

[9] Nam defendere et offendere inter sese adversa sunt, quorum alterum significat ἐμποδὼν ἔχειν, id est incurrere in aliquid et incidere, alterum ἐκποδὼν ποιεῖν, id est avertere atque depellere, quod hoc in loco Claudio dicitur.

II

Argument

Qualibus verbis notarit Herodes Atticus falso quempiam cultu amictuque nomen habitumque philosophi ementientem.

[1] AD Herodem Atticum, consularem virum ingenioque amoeno et Graeca facundia celebrem, adiit nobis praesentibus palliatus quispiam et crinitus barbaque prope ad pubem usque porrecta ac petit aes sibi dari εἰς ἄρτους.

[2] Tum Herodes interrogat quisnam esset.

[3] Atque ille, vultu sonituque vocis obiurgatorio, philosophum sese esse dicit et mirari quoque addit cur quaerendum putasset quod videret.

[4] Video, inquit Herodes, barbam et pallium, philosophum nondum video.

[5] Quaeso autem te, cum bona venia dicas mihi quibus nos uti posse argumentis existimas, ut esse te philosophum noscitemus?

[6] Interim aliquot ex his qui cum Herode erant erraticum esse hominem dicere et nulli ² rei incolamque esse sordentium ganearum, nisi accipiat quod petat ³ convicio turpi solitum incessere; atque ibi Herodes Demus, inquit, huic aliquid aeris, cuicuimodi est,

[7] tamquam homines, non tamquam homini, et iussit dari pretium panis triginta dierum.

[8] Tum nos aspiciens qui eum sectabamur, Musonius, inquit, aeruscanti cuipiam id genus et philosophum sese ostentanti dari iussit mille nummum, et cum plerique dicerent nebulonem esse hominem malum et malitiosum et nulla re bona dignum, tum Musonium subridentem dixisse aiunt: ἄξιος οὖν ἐστὶν ἀργυρίον.

[9] Sed hoc potius, inquit, dolori mihi et aegritudini est, quod istiusmodi animalia spurca atque probra nomen usurpant sanctissimum sanetissimum et philosophi appellantur.

[10] Maiores autem mei Athenienses nomina iuvenum fortissimorum Harmodii et Aristogitonis, qui libertatis recuperandae gratia Hippiam tyrannum interficere adorsi erant, ne umquam servis indere liceret decreto publico sanxerunt, quoniam nefas ducerent nomina libertati patriae devota servili contagio pollui.

[11] Cur ergo nos patimur nomen philosophiae inlustrissimum in hominibus deterrimis exsordescere exordescere? Simili autem, inquit, exemplo ex contraria specie antiquos Romanorum audio praenomina patriciorum quorundam male de republica meritorum et ob eam earn causam capite damnatorum censuisse, ne cui eiusdem gentis patricio inderentur, ut vocabula quoque eorum defamata atque demortua cum ipsis viderentur.

III

Argument

Epistula Philippi regis ad Aristotelem philosophum super Alexandro recens nato.

[1] PHILIPPUS, Amyntae filius, terrae Macedoniae rex, cuius virtute industriaque Macetae locupletissimo imperio aucti gentium nationumque nationunique multarum multarur potiri coeperant et cuius vim atque arma toti Graeciae cavenda metuendaque inclitae illae Demosthenis orationes contionesque vocificant—

[2] is Philippus, cum in omni fere tempore negotiis belli victoriisque adfectus exercitusque esset, a liberali tamen Musa et a studiis humanitatis numquam afuit, quin lepide comiterque pleraque et faceret et diceret.

[3] Feruntur adeo libri epistularum eius, munditiae et venustatis et prudentiae plenarum, velut sunt illae litterae quibus Aristoteli philosopho natum esse sibi Alexandrum nuntiavit.

[4] Ea epistula, quoniam curae diligentiaeque in liberorum disciplinas hortamentum est, exscribenda visa est ad commonendos parentum animos.

[5] Exponenda est igitur ad hanc ferme sententiam:

Philippus Aristoteli salutem dicit.

Filium mihi genitum scito. Quod equidem dis habeo gratiam, non proinde quia natus est, quam pro eo, quod nasci contigit temporibus vitae tuae. Spero enim fore ut eductus eruditusque a te, dignus existat et nobis et rerum nostrarum ⁴ susceptione.

[6] Ipsius autem Philippi verba haec sunt:

Φίλιππος Ἀριστοτέλει χαίρειν.

Ἴσθι μοι γεγονότα υἱόν. πολλὴν οὖν τοῖς θεοῖς ἔχω χάριν, οὐχ οὕτως ἐπὶ τῇ γενέσει τοῦ παιδός, ὡς ἐπὶ τῷ κατὰ τὴν σὴν ἡλικίαν αὐτὸν γεγονέναι· ἐλπίζω γάρ αὐτὸν ὑπὸ σοῦ τραφέντα καὶ παιδευθέντα ἄξιον ἔσεσθαι καὶ ἡμῶν καὶ τῆς τῶν πραγμάτων διαδοχῆς.

IV

Argument

De barbararum gentium prodigiosis miraculis; deque diris et exitiosis effascinationibus; atque inibi de feminis repente versis in mares.

[1] CUM e Graecia in Italiam rediremus et Brundisium iremus egressique e navi in terram in portu illo inclito spatiaremur, quem Q. Ennius remotiore paulum, sed admodum scito vocabulo praepetem appellavit, fasces librorum venalium expositos vidimus.

[2] Atque ego avide statim pergo ad libros.

[3] Erant autem isti omnes libri Graeci miraculorum fabularumque pleni, res inauditae, incredulae, scriptores veteres non parvae auctoritatis: Aristeas Proconnesius et Isigonus Nicaeensis et Ctesias et Onesicritus et Philostephanus et Hegesias;

[4] ipsa autem volumina ex diutino situ squalebant et habitu aspectuque taetro erant.

[5] Accessi tamen percontatusque pretium sum et, adductus mira atque insperata vilitate, libros plurimos aere pauco emo eosque omnis duabus proximis noctibus cursim transeo; atque in legendo carpsi exinde quaedam et notavi mirabilia et scriptoribus fere nostris intemptata eaque his commentariis aspersi, ut qui eos lectitarit ne rudis omnino et ἀνήκοος inter istiusmodi rerum auditiones reperiatur.

[6] Erant igitur in illis libris scripta huiuscemodi: Scythas illos penitissimos penitissiimos, qui sub ipsis septentrionibus aetatem agunt, corporibus hominum vesci eiusque victus alimento vitam ducere et ἀνθρωποφάγους nominari; item esse homines sub eadem regione caeli unum oculum in frontis medio habentes, qui appellantur Arimaspi, qua fuisse facie Cyclopas poetae ferunt; alios item esse homines apud eandem caeli plagam singulariae velocitatis, vestigia pedum habentes retro porrecta, non, ut ceterorum hominum, prosum spectantia; ⁵ praeterea traditum esse memoratumque in ultima quadam terra, quae Albania dicitur, gigni homines, qui in pueritia canescant et plus cernant oculis per noctem quam interdiu; item esse compertum et creditum, Sauromatas, qui ultra Borysthenen fluvium longe colunt, cibum capere semper diebus tertiis, medio abstinere.

[7] Id etiam in isdem libris scriptum offendimus, quod postea in libro quoque Plinii Secundi Naturalis Historiae septimo legi, esse quasdam in terra Africa hominum familias voce atque lingua effascinantium,

[8] qui si impensius forte laudaverint pulchras arbores, segetes laetiores, infantes amoeniores, egregios equos, pecudes pastu atque cultu opimas, emoriantur repente haec omnia, nulli aliae causae obnoxia. Oculis quoque exitialem fascinationem fieri in isdem libris scriptum est traditurque esse homines in Illyriis qui interimant videndo quos diutius irati viderint, eosque ipsos mares feminasque, qui visu ita ⁶ nocenti sunt, pupillas in singulis oculis binas habere.

[9] Item esse in montibus terrae Indiae homines caninis capitibus et latrantibus eosque vesci avium et ferarum venatibus; atque esse item alia aput ultimas orientis terras miracula homines, qui monocoli appellentur, singulis cruribus saltatim currentes, vivacissimae pernicitatis; quosdam etiam esse nullis cervicibus, oculos in humeris habentes.

[10] Iam vero hoc egreditur omnem modum admirationis, quod idem illi scriptores gentem esse aiunt aput extrema Indiae, corporibus hirtis et avium ritu plumantibus plumnantibus, nullo cibatu vescentem, sed spiritu florum naribus hausto victitantem;

[11] Pygmaeos quoque haut longe ab his nasci, quorum qui longissimi sint, non longiores esse quam pedes duo et quadrantem.

[12] Haec atque alia istiusmodi plura legimus, sed cum ea scriberemus, tenuit nos non idoneae scripturae taedium, nihil ad ornandum iuvandumque usum vitae pertinentis.

[13] Libitum tamen est in loco hoc miraculorum notare id etiam, quod Plinius Secundus, vir in temporibus aetatis suae ingenii dignitatisque gratia auctoritate magna praeditus, non audisse neque legisse, sed scire sese atque vidisse in libro Naturalis Historiae septimo scripsit.

[14] Verba igitur haec, quae infra posui, ipsius sunt, ex eo libro sumpta, quae profecto faciunt ut neque respuenda neque ridenda sit notissima illa veterum poetarum de Caenide et Caeneo cantilena.

[15] Ex feminis, inquit, mutari in mares, non esse fabulosum. Invenimus in annalibus, Q. Licinio Crasso, C. Cassio Longino consulibus, Casini puerum factum ex virgine sub parentibus iussuque haruspicum deportatum in insulam desertam. Licinius Mucianus prodidit visum esse a se Argis Arescontem, cui nomen Arescusae fuisset, ⁷ nupsisse etiam, mox barbam et virilitatem provenisse uxoremque duxisse; eiusdem sortis et Zmyrnae puerum a se visum. Ipse in Africa vidi mutatum in marem die nuptiarum L. Cossitium civem Thysdritanum, vivebatque cum proderem haec.

[16] Idem Plinius in eodem libro verba haec scripsit: Gignuntur homines utriusque sexus, quos hermaphroditos vocamus, olim androgynos vocatos et in prodigiis habitos, nunc nune vero in deliciis.

V

Argument

Diversae nobilium philosophorum sententiae de genere ac natura voluptatis; verbaque Hieroclis philosophi quibus decreta Epicuri insectatus est.

[1] DE voluptate veteres philosophi diversas sententias dixerunt.

[2] Epicurus voluptatem summum bonum esse ponit, eam tamen ita definit: σαρκὸς εὐσταθὲς κατάστημα.

[3] Antisthenes Socraticus summum malum dicit; eius namque hoc verbum est: μανείην μᾶλλον ἢ ἡσθείην.

[4] Speusippus vetusque omnis Academia voluptatem et dolorem duo mala esse dicunt opposita inter sese, bonum tamen esse quod utriusque medium foret.

[5] Zeno censuit voluptatem esse indifferens, id est neutrum, neque bonum neque malum, quod ipse Graeco vocabulo ἀδιάφορον appellavit.

[6] Critolaus Peripateticus et malum esse voluptatem ait et multa alia mala parere ex sese, iniurias, ⁸ desidias, obliviones, ignavias.

[7] Plato ante hos omnis ita varie et multiformiter multiobrmiter de voluptate disseruit, ut cunctae istae sententiae quas exposui videantur ex sermonum eius fontibus profluxisse; nam proinde unaquaque utitur, ut et ipsius voluptatis natura fert, quae est multiplex, et causarum quas tractat, rerumque quas efficere vult ratio desiderat.

[8] Taurus autem noster, quotiens facta mentio Epicuri erat, in ore atque in lingua habebat verba haec Hieroclis Stoici, viri sancti et gravis, ἡδονὴ τέλος, πόρνης δόγμα· οὐκ ἔστιν πρόνοια, οὐδὲ πόρνης δόγμα.

VI

Argument

Verbum quod est ab ago frequentativum, in syllaba prima quonam sit modulo pronuntiandum.

[1] An eo quod est ago et egi, verba sunt quae appellant grammatici frequentativa, actito et actitavi.

[2] Haec quosdam non sane indoctos viros audio ita pronuntiare, ut primam in his litteram corripiant, rationemque dicunt, quoniam in verbo principali, quod est ago, prima littera breviter pronuntiatur.

[3] Cur igitur ab eo quod est edo et ungo, in quibus verbis prima littera breviter dicitur, esito et unctito, quae sunt eorum frequentativa, prima littera longa promimus et contra dictito, ab eo verbo quod est dico, correpte dicimus? Num ergo potius actito et actitavi producenda sunt? quoniam frequentativa ferme omnia eodem modo in prima syllaba dicuntur, quo participia praeteriti temporis ex his verbis unde ea profecta sunt in eadem syllaba pronuntiantur, sicuti lego lectus facit lectito; ungo unctus, unctito; scribo scriptus, scriptito; moveo motus, motito; pendeo pensus, pensito; edo esus, esito; dico autem dictus dictito facit; gero gestus, gestito; veho vectus, vectito; rapio raptus, raptito; capio captus, captito; facio factus, factito. Sic igitur actito producte in prima syllaba pronuntiandum, quoniam ex eo fit quod est ago et actus.

VII

Argument

De conversione foliorum in arbore olea brumali et solstitiali die; deque fidibus id temporis ictu alieno sonantibus.

[1] Volgo VULGO et scriptum et creditum est, folia olearum arborum brumali et solstitiali die converti et quae pars eorum fuerit inferior atque occultior, eam supra fieri atque exponi ad oculos et ad solem.

[2] Quod nobis quoque semel atque iterum experiri volentibus ita esse propemodum propeinodum visum est.

[3] Sed de fidibus rarius dictu et mirabilius est; quam rem et alii docti viri et Suetonius etiam Tranquillus, in libro Ludicrae Historiae primo, satis compertam esse satisque super ea constare adfirmat: nervias in fidibus brumali die alias digitis pelli, alias sonare.

VIII

Argument

Necessum esse qui multa habeat multis indigere; deque ea re Favorini philosophi cum brevitate eleganti sententia.

[1] VERUM est profecto quod observato rerum usu sapientes viri dixere, multis egere qui multa habeat, magnamque indigentiam nasci non ex inopia magna, sed ex magna copia; multa enim desiderari ad multa quae habeas tuenda.

[2] Quisquis igitur, multa habens, cavere atque prospicere velit ne quid egeat neve quid desit, iactura opus esse, non quaestu, et minus habendum esse, ut minus desit.

[3] Hanc sententiam memini a Favorino inter ingentes omnium clamores clarnores detornatam inclusamque verbis his paucissimis: Τὸν γὰρ μυρίων καὶ πεντακισχιλίων χλαμύδων δεόμενον οὐκ ἔστι μὴ πλειόνων δεῖσθαι· οἷς γὰρ ἔχω προσδεόμενος, ἀφελὼν ὧν ἔχω, ἀρκοῦμαι οἷς ἔχω.

IX

Argument

Quis modus sit vertendi verba in Graecis Graeeis sententiis; deque his Homeri versibus quos Vergilius vertisse aut bene apteque aut inprospere existimatus est.

[1] QUANDO ex poematis Graecis vertendae imitandaeque sunt insignes sententiae, non semper aiunt enitendum ut omnia omnino verba in eum in quem dicta sunt modum vertamus.

[2] Perdunt enim gratiam pleraque, si quasi invita et recusantia violentius transferantur.

[3] Scite ergo et considerate Vergilius, cum aut Homeri aut Hesiodi aut Apollonii aut Parthenii aut Callimachi aut Theocriti aut quorundam aliorum locos effingeret, partim reliquit, alia expressit.

[4] Sicuti nuperrime, aput mensam cum legerentur utraque simul Bucolica Theocriti et Vergilii, animadvertimus reliquisse Vergilium quod Graecum quidem mire quam suave est, verti autem neque debuit neque potuit.

[5] Sed enim quod substituit pro eo, quod omiserat, non abest quin iucundius lepidiusque sit:

Βάλλει καὶ μάλοισι τὸν αἰπόλον ἁ Κλεαρίστα

Τὰς αἶγας παρελᾶντα καὶ ἁδύ τι ποππυλιάζει.

[6]

Malo me Galatea petit, lasciva puella,

Et fugit ad salices et se cupit ante videri.

[7] Illud quoque alio in loco animadvertimus caute omissum, quod est in Graeco versu dulcissimum

Τίτυρʼ, ἐμὶν τὸ καλὸν πεφιλημένε, Βόσκε τὰς αἶγας

Καὶ ποτὶ τὰν κράναν ἄγε, Τίτυρε· καὶ τὸν ἐνόρχαν

Τὸν Λιβυκὸν κνάκωνα φυλάσσεο, μή τυ κορύξῃ.

Quo enim pacto diceret:

[8] τὸ καλὸν πεφιλημένετὸ καλὸν πεφιλημένε, verba hercle non translaticia, sed cuiusdam nativae dulcedinis?

[9] Hoc igitur reliquit et cetera vertit non infestiviter, nisi quod caprum dixit, quem Theocritus ἐνόρχαν appellavit—

[10] auctore enim M. Varrone is demum Latine caper dicitur, qui excastratus est: —

[11]

Tityre, dum redeo, brevis est via, pasce capellas

Et potum pastas age, Tityre, et inter agendum

Occursare capro, cornu ferit ille, caveto.

[12] Et quoniam de transferendis sententiis loquor, memini audisse me ex Valerii Probi discipulis, docti hominis et in legendis pensitandisque veteribus scriptis bene callidi, solitum eum dicere, nihil quicquam tam inprospere Vergilium ex Homero vertisse quam versus hos amoenissimos, quos de Nausicaa Homerus fecit:

Οἵη δʼ Ἄρτεμις εἶσι κατʼ οὔρεος ἰοχέαιρα,

Ἢ κατὰ Τηΰγετον περιμήκετον ἢ Ἐρύμανθον

Τερπομένη κάπροισι καὶ ὠκείῃς ἐλάφοισιν·

Τῇ δέ θʼ ἅμα νύμφαι, κοῦραι Διὸς αἰγιόχοιο,

Ἀγρονόμοι παίζουσι· γέγηθε δέ τε φρένα Λητώ·

Πασάων δʼ ὕπερ ἥ γε κάρη ἔχει ἠδὲ μέτωπα,

Ῥεῖα δʼ ἀριγνώτη πέλεται, καλαὶ δέ τε πᾶσαι,—

[13]

Qualis in Eurotae ripis aut per iuga Cynthi

Exercet Diana choros chores, quam mille secutae

Hinc atque hinc glomerantur Oriades. Illa pharetram

Fert humero gradiensque deas supereminet omnis.

Latonae tacitum pertemptant gaudia pectus.

[14] Primum omnium id visum esse dicebant Probo, quod aput Homerum quidem virgo Nausicaa, ludibunda inter familiares puellas in locis solis, recte atque commode confertur cum Diana venante in iugis montium inter agrestes deas, nequaquam autem conveniens Vergilium fecisse, quoniam Dido in urbe media ingrediens inter Tyrios principes cultu atque incessu serio, instans operi, sicut ipse ait, regnisque futuris, nihil eius similitudinis capere possit, quae lusibus atque venatibus Dianae congruat;

[15] tum postea, quod Homerus studia atque oblectamenta in venando Dianae honeste aperteque dicit, Vergilius autem, cum de venatu deae nihil dixisset, pharetram tantum facit eam ferre in humero, tamquam sit onus et sarcina; atque illud impense Probum esse demiratum in Vergilio dicebant, quod Homerica quidem Λητώ gaudium gaudeat genuinum et intimum atque in ipso penetrali cordis et animae vigens, siquidem non aliud est: γέγηθε δέ τε φρένα Λητώ, ipse autem, imitari ea volens, gaudia fecerit pigra et levia et cunctantia et quasi in summo pectore supernantia:

[16] nescire enim sese, quid significaret aliud pertemptant; praeter ista omnia florem ipsius totius loci Vergilium videri omisisse, quod hunc Homeri versum exigue secutus sït:

Ῥεῖα δʼ ἀριγνώτη πέλεται, καλαὶ δέ τε πᾶσαι,

[17] quando nulla maior cumulatiorque pulcritudinis laus dici potuerit, quam quod una inter omnis pulcras excelleret, una facile et ex omnibus nosceretur.

X

Argument

Quod Annaeus Cornutus versus Vergilii, quibus Veneris et Vulcani concubitum pudice operteque dixit, reprehensione spurca et odiosa inquinavit.

[1] ANNIANUS poeta, et plerique cum eo eiusdem Musae viri, summis adsiduisque laudibus hos Vergilii versus ferebat, quibus Vulcanum et Venerem iunctos mixtosque iure coniugii, rem lege naturae operiendam, verecunda quadam translatione verborum, cum ostenderet demonstraretque, protexit.

[2] Sic enim scripsit:

Ea verba locutus

Optatos dedit amplexus placidumque petivit

Coniugis infusus gremio per membra soporem.

[3] Minus autem difficile esse arbitrabantur, in istiusmodi re dicenda, verbis uti uno atque altero brevi tenuique eam signo demonstrantibus, sicut Homerus dixerit: παρθενίην ζώνην et λέκτροιο θεσμόν et ἔργα φιλοτήσια,

[4] tot vero et tam evidentibus ac tamen non praetextatis, sed puris honestisque verbis venerandum illud concubii pudici secretum neminem quemquam alium dixisse.

[5] Sed Annaeus Cornutus, homo sane pleraque alia non indoctus neque inprudens, in secundo tamen librorum, quos De Figuris Sententiarum conposuit, egregiam totius istius verecundiae laudem insulsa nimis et odiosa scrutatione violavit.

[6] Nam cum genus hoc figurae probasset et satis circumspecte factos esse versus dixisset, Membra tamen, inquit, paulo incautius nominavit.

XI

Argument

De Valerio Corvino; et unde Corvinus.

[1] DE MAXIMO VALERIO, qui Corvinus appellatus est ob auxilium propugnationemque corvi alitis, haut quisquam est nobilium scriptorum qui secus dixerit.

[2] Ea res prorsus miranda sic profecto est in libris annalibus memorata:

[3] Adulescens tali genere editus, L. Furio, Claudio Appio consulibus fit tribunus militaris.

[4] Atque in eo tempore copiae Gallorum ingentes agrum Pomptinum insederant instruebaturque ⁹ acies a consulibus, de vi ac multitudine hostium satis agentibus.

[5] Dux interea Gallorum, vasta et ardua proceritate armisque auro praefulgentibus, grandia ingrediens et manu telum reciprocans incedebat perque contemptum et superbiam circumspiciens circumsliciens despiciensque omnia, venire iubet et congredi, si quis pugnare secum ex omni Romano exercitu auderet.

[6] Tum Valerius tribunus, ceteris inter metum pudoremque ambiguis, impetrato prius a consulibus ut in Gallum tam inaniter adrogantem pugnare sese permitterent, progreditur intrepide modesteque obviam; et congrediuntur et consistunt et conserebantur iam manus. Atque ibi vis quaedam divina fit:

[7] corvus repente inprovisus advolat et super galeam tribuni insistit atque inde in adversari os atque oculos pugnare incipit; insilibat, obturbabat et unguibus manum laniabat et prospectum alis arcebat atque, ubi satis saevierat, revolabat in galeam tribuni.

[8] Sic tribunus, spectante utroque exercitu, et sua virtute nixus et opera alitis propugnatus, ducem hostium hiostium ferocissimum ferocissinmum vicit interfecitque atque ob hanc causam cognomen habuit Corvinus.

[9] Id factum est annis quadringentis quinque post Romam conditam.

[10] Statuam Corvino isti divus Augustus in foro suo statuendam curavit. In eius statuae capite corvi simulacrum est, rei pugnaeque quam quain diximus monimentum.

XII

Argument

De verbis quae in utramque partem significatione adversa et reciproca dicuntur.

[1] UT formidulosus formdulosus dici potest et qui formidat et qui formidatur, ut invidiosus et qui invidet et cui invidetur, ut suspiciosus et qui suspicatur et qui suspectus est, ut ambitiosus et qui ambit et qui ambitur, ut item gratiosus et qui adhibet gratias et qui admittit, ut laboriosus et qui laborat et qui labori est, ut pleraque alia huiuscemodi in utramque partem dicuntur, ita infestus quoque ancipiti significatione est.

[2] Nam et is infestus appellatur, qui malum infert cuipiam, et contra, cui aliunde impendet malum, is quoque infestus dicitur.

[3] Sed quod prius posui profecto exemplis non indiget; sic adeo multi locuntur, ut infestum dicant inimicum atque adversum; alterum autem illud ignorabilius obscuriusque est.

[4] Quis enim e medio facile dixerit infestum esse, cui alter infestus est? Sed et veteres plerique ita dixerunt et M. Tullius, in oratione quam Pro Cn. Plancio scripsit, vocabulo hoc sic usus est:

[5] Dolebam, inquit, iudices, et acerbe ferebam, si huius salus ob eam earn ipsam causam esset infestior, quod is meam salutem atque vitam sua benivolentia, praesidio custodiaque texisset.

[6] Nos igitur de origine et ratione verbi quaerebamus, atque ita in Nigidianis scriptum invenimus: Infestum est a festinando dictum; nam qui instat, inquit, alicui eumque properans urget opprimereque eum studet festinatque, aut contra de cuius periculo et exitio festinatur, is uterque infestus dicitur ab instantia atque imminentia fraudis, quam vel facturus cuipiam vel passurus est.

[7] Ne quis autem de suspicioso, quod supra posuimus, et de formiduloso in eam partem quae minus usitata est, exemplum requirat, de suspicioso aput M. Catonem De Re Floria ita scriptum: Sed nisi qui palam corpore pecuniam quaereret aut se lenoni locavisset, etsi famosus et suspiciosus fuisset, vim in corpus liberum non aecum censuere adferri.

[8] Suspiciosum enim Cato hoc in loco suspectum significat, non suspicantem:

[9] formidulosum autem, qui formidetur, Sallustius in Catilina ita dicit: Igitur talibus viris non labor insolitus, non locus ullus ulius asper aut arduus erat, non armatus hostis formidulosus.

[10] Item C. Calvus in poematis laboriosus dicit, non, ut vulgo dicitur, qui laborat, sed in quo laboratur:

Durum (inquit) rus fugit et laboriosum.

[11] Eadem ratione Laberius quoque in Sororibus:

Ecastor (inquit) mustum somniculosum,

[12] et Cinna in poematis:

Somniculosam ut Poénus aspidém Psyllus.

[13] Metus quoque et iniuria atque alia quaedam id genus sic utroqueversum dici possunt; nam metus hostium recte dicitur et cum timent hostes et cum timentur.

[14] Itaque Sallustius in Historia prima metum Pompei dixit, non quo Pompeius metueret, quod est usitatius, sed quo metueretur. Verba haec Sallusti sunt: Id bellum excitabat metus Pompei victoris, Hiempsalem in regnum restituentis.

[15] Item alio in loco: Postquam remoto metu Punico simultates exercere vacuum fuit.

[16] Iniurias itidem dicimus tam illorum qui patiuntur, quam qui faciunt, quarum dictionum exempla sunt facilia. inventu.

[17] Illud etiam dictum a Vergilio eandem habet formam communicatae ultro et citro significationis:

et vulnere (inquit) tardis Ulixi,

cum diceret vulnus, non quod accepisset Ulixes, sed quod dedisset.

[18] Nescius quoque dicitur tam is qui nescitur, quam qui nescit.

[19] Sed super eo qui nescit, frequens huius vocabuli usus est, infrequens autem est de eo quod nescitur.

[20] Ignarus aeque utroqueversum dicitur, non tantum qui ignorat, set et qui ignoratur.

[21] Plautus in Rudente:

Quae ín locis nésciis néscia spé sumus.

Sallustius:

[22] More humanae cupidinis ignara visendi. Vergilius:

ignarum Laurens habet ora Mimanta.

XIII

Argument

Verba ex historia Claudi Quadrigari, quibus Manli Torquati, nobilis adulescentis, et hostis Galli provocantis pugnam depinxit.

[1] TITUS MANLIUS summo loco natus adprimeque nobilis fuit.

[2] Ei Manlio cognomentum factum est Torquatus.

[3] Causam cognomenti fuisse accepimus torquis ex auro induvias induvies, quam ex hoste quem occiderat detractam induit.

[4] Sed quis hostis et quid genus, quam formidandae vastitatis et quantum insolens provocator et cuimodi fuerit pugna decertatum, Q. Claudius primo Annalium purissime atque inlustrissime simplicique et incompta orationis antiquae suavitate descripsit.

[5] Quem locum ex eo libro philosophus Favorinus cum legeret, non minoribus quati adficique animum suum motibus pulsibusque dicebat, quam si ipse coram depugnantes eos spectaret.

[6] Verba Q. Claudi, quibus pugna ista depicta est, adscripsi:

[7] Cum interim Gallus quidam nudus praeter scutum et gladios duos torque atque armillis decoratus processit, qui et viribus et magnitudine et adulescentia simulque virtute ceteris antistabat.

[8] Is maxime proelio commoto atque utrisque summo studio pugnantibus, manu significare coepit utrisque, quiescerent.

[9] Pugnae facta pausa est.

[10] Extemplo silentio facto cum voce maxima conclamat, si quis secum depugnare vellet, uti prodiret.

[11] Nemo audebat propter magnitudinem atque inmanitatem facies. ¹⁰

[12] Deinde Gallus inridere coepit atque linguam exertare.

[13] Id subito perdolitum est cuidam Tito Manlio, summo genere gnato, tantum flagitium civitati adcidere, e tanto exercitu neminem prodire.

[14] Is, ut dico, ¹¹ processit neque passus est virtutem Romanam ab Gallo turpiter spoliari. ¹² Scuto pedestri et gladio Hispanico cinctus contra Gallum constitit.

[15] Metu magno ea congressio in ipso ponti, utroque exercitu inspectante, facta est.

[16] Ita, ut ante dixi, constiterunt: Gallus sua disciplina scuto proiecto cunctabundus; ¹³ Manlius, animo magis quam arte confisus, scuto scutum percussit atque statum Galli conturbavit.

[17] Dum se Gallus iterum eodem pacto constituere studet, Manlius iterum scuto scutum percutit atque de loco hominem iterum deiecit; eo pacto ei sub Gallicum gladium successit atque Hispanico pectus hausit; deinde continuo umerum dextrum eodem successu ¹⁴ incidit neque recessit usquam, donec subvertit, ne Gallus impetum in ictu haberet.

[18] Ubi eum evertit, caput praecidit, torquem detraxit eamque sanguinulentam sibi in collum inponit.

[19] Quo ex facto ipse posterique eius Torquati sunt cognominati.

[20] Ab hoc Tito Manlio, cuius hanc pugnam Quadrigarius descripsit, imperia et aspera et immitia Manliana Manlia dicta sunt, quoniam postea bello adversum Latinos cum esset consul, filium suum securi percussit, qui speculatum ab eo missus, . . interdicto, hostem, a quo provocatus fuerat, occiderat.

XIV

Argument

Quod idem Quadrigarius huius facies patrio casu probe et Latine dixit; et quaedam alia adposita de similium vocabulorum declinationibus.

[1] quod autem supra scriptum est in Q. Claudi verbis: Propter magnitudinem atque inmanitatem facies, id nos aliquot veteribus veteiibus libris inspectis exploravimus atque ita esse, ut scriptum est, comperimus.

[2] Sic enim pleraque aetas veterum declinavit: haec facies, huius facies, quod nunc propter rationem grammaticam faciei dicitur. Corruptos autem quosdam libros repperi, in quibus faciei scriptum est, illo quod ante scriptum erat oblitterato.

[3] Meminimus etiam in Tiburti bibliotheca invenire nos in eodem Claudii libro scriptum utrumque facies et facii. Sed facies in ordinem scriptum fuit et contra per i geminum facii,

[4] neque id abesse a quadam consuetudine prisca existimavimus; nam et ab eo quod est hic dies, tam huius dies, quam huius dii, et ab eo quod est haec fames, tam huius famis, quam huius fami dixerunt.

[5] Q. Ennius in XVI. Annali dies scripsit pro diei in hoc versu:

Postremae longinqua dies quod fecerit aetas.

[6] Ciceronem quoque adfirmat Caesellius in oratione, quam Pro P. Sestio fecit, dies scripsisse pro diei, quod ego inpensa opera conquisitis veteribus libris plusculis ita, ut Caesellius ait, scriptum inveni.

[7] Verba sunt haec M. Tullii: Equites vero daturos illius dies poenas; quocirca factum hercle est, ut facile his credam, qui scripserunt, idiographum librum Vergilii se inspexisse, in quo ita scriptum est:

Libra dies somnique pares ubi fecerit horas,

id est Libra diei somnique.

[8] Sed sicut hoc in loco dies a Vergilio scriptum videtur, ita in illo versu non dubium est, quin dii scripserit pro diei:

Munera laetitiamque dii,

quod inperitiores dei legunt, ab insolentia scilicet vocis istius abhorrentes.

[9] Sic autem dies, dii a veteribus declinatum est, ut fames fami, pernicies pernicii, progenies progenii, luxuries luxurii, acies acii.

[10] M. enim Cato in oratione, quam De Bello Carthaginiensi composuit, ita scripsit: Pueri atque mulieres extrudebantur fami causa.

[11] Lucilius in XII.:

Rugosum atque fami plenum.

Sisenna in Historiarum libro VI.:

[12] Romanos inferendae pernicii causa venisse.

[13] Pacuvius in Paulo:

Patér supreme nóstrae progenií patris.

[14] Cn. Matius in Iliadis XXI.:

Altera pars acii vitassent fluminis undas.

[15] Idem Matius in XXIII.:

An maneat specii simulacrum in morte silentum.

[16] C. Gracchus De Legibus Promulgatis: Ea luxurii causa aiunt institui;

[17] et ibidem infra ita scriptum est: Non est ea luxuries, quae necessario parentur vitae causa,

[18] per quod apparet eum ab eo quod est luxuries luxurii patrio casu dixisse.

[19] M. quoque Tullius, in oratione qua Sextum Roscium defendit, pernicii scriptum reliquit. Verba haec sunt: Quorum nihil pernicii causa divino consilio, sed vi ipsa et magnitudine rerum factum putamus.

[20] Aut facies ergo in casu patrio aut facii Quadrigarium scripsisse existimandum est; facie autem in nullo veteri libro scriptum repperi.

[21] In casu autem dandi qui purissime locuti sunt non faciei, uti nunc nune dicitur, sed facie dixerunt. Lucilius in Saturis:

[22]

primum (inquit) facie quod honestae et

Aetati ¹⁵ accedit. Lucilius in libro septimo:

[23]

Qui te diligat, aetati facieque tuae se

Fautorem ostendat, fore amicum polliceatur;

[24] sunt tamen non pauci qui utrobique facii legant.

[25] Sed C. Caesar in libro De Analogia secundo huius die et huius specie dicendum putat.

[26] Ego quoque in Iugurtha Sallustii summae fidei et reverendae vetustatis libro die casu patrio scriptum inveni. Verba haec ita erant: Vix decima parte die reliqua. Non enim puto argutiolam istam recipiendam, ut die dictum quasi ex die existimemus.

XV

Argument

De genere controversiae quod Graece ἄπορον appellatur.

[1] CUM Antonio Iuliano rhetore, per feriarum tempus aestivarum decedere ex urbis aestu volentes, Neapolimconcesseramus.

[2] Atque ibi erat adulescens tunc quispiam ex ditioribus cum utriusque linguae magistris meditans et exercens ad causas Romae orandas eloquentiae Latinae facultatem; atque is rogat Iulianum lulianum, uti sese audiat declamantem.

[3] It auditum Iulianus lulianus imusque nos cum eo simul.

[4] Introit adulescens et praefatur arrogantius et elatius quam aetatem eius decebat, ac deinde iubet exponi controversias.

[5] Aderat ibi nobiscum Iuliani sectator, iuvenis promptus et proficiens et offendens iam in eo, quod ille aput Iuliani aures in praecipiti stare et subitaria dictione periculum sui facere audebat.

[6] Exponit igitur temptamenti gratia controversiam parum consistentem conistentem, quod genus Graeci ἄπορον vocant, Latine autem id non nimis incommode inexplicabile dici potest.

[7] Ea controversia fuit huiusmodi: De reo septem iudices cognoscant eaque sententia sit rata, quam plures ex eo numero dixerint. Cum septem iudices cognovissent, duo censuerunt reum exilio multandum, duo alii pecunia, tres reliqui capite puniendum.

[8] Petitur ad supplicium ex sententia trium iudicum et contradicit.

[9] Hac ille audita nec considerata neque aliis, ut proponerentur, expectatis, incipit statim mira celeritate in eandem hanc controversiam principia nescio quae dicere et involucra sensuum verborumque volumina vocumque turbas fundere, ceteris omnibus ex cohorte eius, qui audire eum soliti erant, clamore magno exsultantibus exultantibus, Iuliano autem male ac misere rubente et sudante.

[10] Sed ubi deblateratis versuum multis milibus finem aliquando fecit egressique inde sumus, amici familiaresque eius Iulianum prosecuti, quidnam existimaret, percontati sunt.

[11] Atque ibi Iulianus festivissime Nolite quaerere, inquit, quid sentiam; adulescens hic sine controversia disertus est.

XVI

Argument

Quod Plinium Secundum, non hominem indoctum, fugerit latueritque vitium argumenti quod ἀντιστρέφον Graeci dicunt.

[1] PLINIUS SECUNDUS existimatus est esse aetatis suae doctissimus.

[2] Is libros reliquit quos Studiosorum inscripsit, non medius fidius usquequaque aspernandos.

[3] In his libris multa varie ad oblectandas eruditorum hominum aures ponit.

[4] Refert etiam plerasque sententias quas in declamandis controversiis lepide arguteque dictas putat.

[5] Sicuti hanc quoque sententiam ponit ex huiuscemodi controversia: Vir fortis praemio quod optaverit donetur. Qui fortiter fecerat, petit alterius uxorem in matrimonium et accepit. Is deinde cuia uxor fuit fortiter fecit. Repetit eandem; contradicitur.

[6] Eleganter, inquit, et probabiliter ex parte posterioris viri fortis, uxorem sibi reddi postulantis, hoc dictum est: Si placet lex, redde; si non placet, redde.

[7] Fugit autem Plinium, sententiolam istam, quam putavit esse argutissimam, vitio non carere quod Graece ἀντιστρέφον dicitur. Et est vitium insidiosum et sub falsa laudis specie latens; nihil enim minus converti ex contrario id ipsum adversus eundem potest, atque ita a priore illo viro forte dici: Si placet lex, non reddo; si non placet, non reddo.

Notes on the current edition

Attic Nights

1. Fr. 85, Peter 2.

2. p. 132, Hense.

3. In 514 B.C. They slew Hipparchus, brother of Hippias and son of Pisistratus. Hippias was afterwards driven from the city and the tyrannicides, who had lost their lives in their attempt, received almost divine honours.

4. An example, the discarding of the forename Lucius by the Claudii, is given by Suetonius, Tib. i. 2.

5. The Philippics.

6. At Pella, in 356 B.C.

7. Ann. 488, Vahlen 2; cf. vii. 6. 6, where Gellius quotes the line and discusses the word.

8. See the Index.

9. The Arimaspi are mentioned as good riders by Aeschylus, Prom. 805. Since Herodotus (iv. 27; L.C.L. ii, p. 227) says that in Scythian a)/rima meant

one

and spou=,

eye,

Strabo (i, 2, 10; L.C.L. vol. i, pp. 77 f.) thought that Homer might have derived his Cyclopes from the Scythian Arimaspi. See Milton, P.L. 2, 945.

10. Cf. Pliny, N.H. vii. 11; Augustine, Civ. Dei, xvi. 8.

11. That is, every third day, according to the Roman method of reckoning; cf. xvii. 12. 2, febrim quartis diebus recurrentem, and xvii. 12. 5, haec biduo medio intervallata febris, and see Class. Phil. viii, pp. 1 ff.

12. vii. 16.

13. Cf. Plin. N.H. vii. 23.

14. vii. 36.

15. Caenis was a girl whom her lover Poseidon changed into a man and who was then called Caeneus; see Ovid, Met. xii. 171 ff.; Virg. Aen. vi. 448.

16. 171 B.C.

17. vii. 34.

18. Fr. 28, Usener.

19. F.P. G. ii. 286. 65.

20. F.P. G. iii. 92. 169.

21. p. 169, Pearson; i. 195, Arn.

22. Most modern grammarians prefer the more comprehensive term

intensives.

23. The title as given in full by Suidas is

On the Festivals and Games of the Romans, two books.

See Fr. 181, Reiff.

24. Fr. 81, Marres. We may compare Hor. Epist. i. 6. 40 ff.

25. ad ea quae habet tuenda; see § 1.

26. Cf. Hor. Ars Poet. 149–150.

27. Idyls v. 88 f; the translation is that of Edmonds, L.C.L.

28. Ed. iii. 64 ff., translation by Dryden.

29. Idyis iii. 3 ff.

30. Fr. 104, G. & S.

31. Ecl. ix. 23.

32. Odyss. vi. 102 ff., translation by Dryden.

33. Aen. i. 498. ff.

34. Aen. i. 504.

35. Pertempto means

try thoroughly,

hence

affect deeply.

Probus must have taken per in the sense of

over,

on the surface,

thus giving pertempto a meaning of which no example exists.

36. Literally, "And is readily recognized, though all are fair."

37. A name of Celtic origin, according to Schulze, Eigenn. 426.

38. Aen. viii. 404 ff.

39. Odyss. xi. 245.

40. Odyss. xxiii. 296.

41. Odyss. xi. 246.

42. Having in mind a special meaning of membrum.

43. e.q. Claud. Quad. Fr. 12, Peter 2.

44. 349 B.C.

45. That is, as had been described in what preceded.

46. In the colonnades of his Forum Augustus placed statues of

the leaders who had raised the estate of the Roman people from obscurity to greatness

: see Suetonius, Aug. xxxi. 5.

47. § 1.

48. Fr. 47, Swoboda.

49. The usual derivation is from in + fendo (cf. offendo), but this is rejected by Walde, who compares Gk. qa/rsos.

50. lvii. 1, Jordan.

51. vii. 5.

52. Fr. 2, Bährens, F.P.R.

53. 86, Ribbeck 3.

54. Fr. 2, Bährens.

55. Some such word as

handle

is to be supplied.

56. The Psylli, according to Pliny, Nat. Hist. vii. 14, were an African people whose bodies contained a poison deadly to serpents, and gave out an odour which put snakes to flight; see also Nat. Hist. viii. 93; Dio Cassius, li. 14. Psyllus came to be a general term for snake-charmers and healers of snakebites, as in Suetonius, Aug. xvii. 4.

57. i. 53, Maur.

58. I. 12, Maur.

59. Aen. ii. 436.

60. v. 275.

61. That is, not knowing what to expect

62. Hist. i. 103, Maur.

63. Aen. x. 706.

64. Fr. 10 b, Peter 2.

65. There is a lacuna in the text, but this seems to express the general sense.

66. 2 ix. 13. 11

67. Frag. 30, Peter 2.

68. Ann. 413, Vahlen 2; Vahlen reads postremo and omits quod.

69. Sest. 28; our texts commonly read diei.

70. Georg. i. 208.

71. The constellation of the Balance.

72. Aen. i. 636.

73. Making munera dei =

the gifts of the god (Bacchus).

74. xxxvii. 1, Jordan.

75. 430, Marx, who completes the line with distendere ventrem,

to fill a belly.

76. Fr. 128, Peter 2.

77. i, p. 325, Ribbeck 3.

78. Fr. 7, Bährens; Iliad xxi. 3 f.

79. Fr. 8, Bährens; Iliad xxiii. 103 f.

80. O.R. F., p. 235, Meyer 2.

81. Pro Rose. Amer. 131.

82. 1257, Marx, who fills out the second line with naturae dotibus aetas; tantis, w.

83. 269, Marx.

84. ii, p. 129, Dinter.

85. Jug. xcvii. 3

86. Sine controversia is of course used in a double sense:

without question,

and

without an opponent

( i.e., when there is no one to argue against him).

87. If the law was valid, the second man ought to be granted what he desired; that is, the return of his wife. If the law was not valid, the first man's desire should not have been granted, and the second man's wife should not have been taken from him. Cf. v. 10 for a similar argument.

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