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periocha libri XLIV

Q. Marcius Philippus per invios saltus penetravit Macedoniam et complures urbes occupavit. Rhodii miserunt legatos Romam, minantes, ut Perseo auxilio essent, nisi populus Romanus cum illo pacem atque amicitaim iungeret. indigne id latum. cum id bellum L. Aemilio Paulo, sequentis anni consuli iterum, mandatum esset, Paulus in contione precatus, ut quidquid diri populo Romano immineret, in suam domum converteretur, et in Macedoniam profectus vicit Persen totamque Macedoniam in potestatem redegit. antequam confligeret, praedixit exercitui, ne miraretur, quod luna proxima nocte defectura esset. Gentius quoque, rex Illyricorum, cum rebellasset, a L. Anicio praetore victus venit in deditionem. et cum uxore ac liberis et propinquis Romam missus est. legati Alexandrini a Cleopatra et Ptolemaeo regibus venerunt querentes de Antiocho rege Syriae, quod is bellum inferret. Perseus sollicitatis in auxilium Eumene rege Pergami et Gentio rege Illyricorum, quia iis pecuniam quam promiserat non dabat, relictus ab his est.

Ab urbe condita. Titus Livius (Livy). ed. Wilhelm Weissenborn, ed. Moritz Müller. Medford, MA. .

Funding provided by The National Endowment for the Humanities.

Current edition Perseus

Ab urbe condita (Latin) (Pars I-IV, Libri I-XL. Editio Stereotypica. Weissenborn, Wilhelm; Mueller, Moritz, editors. Leipzig: Teubner, 1884-1911.)

Editions (2)

Ab urbe condita Perseus (Livy in Fourteen Volumes. Foster, Benjamin Oliver; Moore, Frank Gardener; Schlesinger, Alfred C., editors. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press; London: William Heinemann, Ltd., 1919-1959 (printing).) — 44.1.1 focus

[1]

PRINCIPIO veris, quod hiemem eam, qua haec ¹ gesta sunt, insecutum est, ab Roma profectus Q. Marcius Philippus consul cum quinque milibus militum, ² quos ³ in supplementum legionum secum traiecturus erat, Brundisium pervenit.

[2] M. Popilius consularis et alii pari nobilitate adulescentes tribuni militum in Macedonicas legiones consulem secuti sunt.

[3] per eos dies et C. Marcius Figulus praetor, cui classis provincia evenerat, Brundisium venit; et simul ex Italia profecti Corcyram altero die, tertio Actium, Acarnaniae portum, tenuerunt.

[4] inde consul ad Ambraciam egressus itinere terrestri petit Thessaliam; praetor superato Leucata Corinthium sinum invectus et Creusae relictis navibus terra et ipse per mediam Boeotiam—diei unius expedito iter est— Chalcidem ad classem contendit.

[5] castra eo tempore A. Hostilius in Thessalia circa Palaepharsalum habebat, sicut nulla re bellica memorabili gesta, ita ad intentam ⁴ militarem ⁵ disciplinam ab effusa licentia formato milite et sociis cum fide cultis et ab omni genere iniuriae defensis.

[6] audito successoris adventu cum arma viros equos cum cura inspexisset, ⁶ ornato exercitu obviam venienti consuli processit.

[7] et primus eorum congressus ex dignitate ipsorum ac Romani nominis, et in rebus

[8] deinde gerendis—proconsul enim ad exercitum mansit ⁷ —summa concordia fuit. ⁸

[9] paucis post diebus consul contionem apud milites habuit.

[10] orsus a parricidio Persei perpetrato in fratrem, cogitato in parentem, adiecit post scelere partum regnum veneficia, caedes, latrocinio nefando petitum Eumenen, iniurias in populum Romanum, direptiones sociarum urbium contra foedus. ea omnia quam diis quoque invisa essent, sensurum in exitu rerum suarum:

[11] favere enim pietati fideique deos, per quae populus Romanus ad tantum fastigii venerit.

[12] vires deinde populi Romani, iam terrarum orbem complectentis, cum viribus Macedoniae, exercitus cum exercitibus comparavit: quanto maiores Philippi Antiochique opes non maioribus copiis fractas esse?

[1]

huius generis adhortatione accensis militum ⁹ animis consultare de summa gerendi belli coepit. eo et C. Marcius praetor a Chalcide classe accepta venit.

[2] placuit non ultra morando in Thessalia tempus terere, sed movere extemplo castra atque inde pergere in ¹⁰ Macedoniam,

[3] et praetorem dare operam, ut eodem tempore classis quoque invehatur hostium litoribus.

[4] praetore dimisso consul menstruum frumentum ¹¹ iusso milite secum ferre profectus decumo post die, quam exercitum acceperat,

[5] castra movit; et unius diei progressus iter convocatis itinerum ducibus cum exponere in consilio ¹² iussisset, qua quisque ducturus esset, summotis iis, quam potissimum viam ¹³ peteret, rettulit ad consilium.

[6] aliis per Pythoum placebat via, aliis per Cambunios montes, qua priore anno duxerat Hostilius consul, aliis praeter Ascuridem paludem.

[7] restabat aliquantum viae communis; itaque in id tempus, quo prope divortium itinerum castra posituri erant, deliberatio eius rei differtur.

[8] in Perrhaebiam inde ducit, et inter Azorum et Dolichen stativa habuit ad consulendum rursus, quam potissimum capesseret viam.

[9] per eosdem dies Perseus cum adpropinquare hostem sciret, quod iter petiturus esset, ignarus, omnis saltus insidere ¹⁴ praesidiis statuit.

[10] in iugum Cambuniorum montium —Volustana ipsi vocant—decem milia levis armaturae iuvenum ¹⁵ cum duce Asclepiodoto mittit;

[11] ad castellum, quod super Ascuridem paludem erat—Lapathus vocatur locus—, Hippias tenere saltum cum duodecim milium Macedonum praesidio iussus.

[12] ipse cum reliquis copiis primo circa Dium stativa habuit; deinde adeo inops consilii, ¹⁶ ut obtorpuisse videretur, cum equitibus expeditis litore nunc Heracleum, ¹⁷ nunc Philam percurrebat, eodem inde cursu Dium repetens.

[1]

interim consuli sententia stetit eo saltu ducere, ubi propter Ottolobum dux regius castra habebat. ¹⁸

[2] praemitti tamen quattuor milia armatorum ad loca opportuna praeoccupanda placuit, quibus ¹⁹ praepositi sunt M. Claudius, Q. Marcius consulis filius.

[3] confestim et universae copiae sequebantur. ceterum adeo ardua et aspera et confragosa fuit via, ²⁰ ut praemissi expediti biduo quindecim milium passuum aegre itinere confecto castra posuerint. dierum , quem ²¹ cepere, locum appellant. ²²

[4] inde postero die septem milia progressi, tumulo haud procul hostium castris capto, nuntium ad consulem remittunt perventum ad hostem esse; loco se tuto et ad omnia opportune consedisse; quantum ²³ extendere iter posset, consequeretur.

[5] sollicito consuli et propter itineris difficultatem, quod ingressus erat, et eorum vicem, quos paucos inter media praesidia hostium praemiserat, nuntius ad Ascuridem paludem occurrit.

[6] addita igitur et ipsi fiducia est, coniunctisque copiis castra tumulo, qui tenebatur, qua aptissimum ad loci naturam erat, sunt acclinata.

[7] non hostium modo castra, quae paulo plus mille passuum aberant, sed omnis regio ad Dium et Philam oraque maris late patente ex tam alto iugo prospectu oculis subicitur.

[8] quae res accendit militi animos, postquam summam belli ac regias omnis copias terramque hostilem tam e propinquo conspexerunt.

[9] itaque cum alacres, protinus duceret ad castra hostium, consulem hortarentur, dies unus fessis labore viae ad quietem datus est.

[10] tertio die parte copiarum ad praesidium castrorum relicta consul ad hostem ducit.

[1]

Hippias nuper ad tuendum saltum ab rege missus erat; qui ex quo castra Romana in tumulo conspexit, praeparatis ad certamen animis suorum venienti agmini consulis obvius fuit. et Romani expediti ad pugnam exierant, et hostes levis armatura ²⁴ erat,

[2] promptissimum genus ad lacessendum certamen.

[3] congressi igitur extemplo tela coniecerunt; multa utrimque volnera temerario incursu et accepta et inlata;

[4] pauci utriusque partis ceciderunt. inritatis in posterum diem animis maioribus copiis atque infestius concursum est; decrevissentque de summa belli, si loci ²⁵ satis ad explicandam aciem fuisset; sed ²⁶ iugum montis in angustum dorsum cuneatum vix ternis ordinibus armatorum in fronte patuit.

[5] itaque paucis pugnantibus cetera multitudo praecipue qui gravium armorum erant, spectatores pugnae stabant;

[6] levis armatura etiam per anfractus iugi procurrere et ab lateribus cum levi armatura conserere per iniqua atque aequa loca pugnam poterat. pluribus²⁷ ea ²⁸ die volneratis quam interfectis proelium nocte diremptum est.

[7] tertio die egere consilio Romanus imperator; nam neque manere in iugo inopi neque regredi sine flagitio atque etiam periculo, si cedenti ²⁹ ex superioribus locis instaret ³⁰ hostis, poterat;

[8] nec aliud restabat ³¹ quam audacter commissum pertinaci audacia,quae prudens interdum in exitu est, corrigere.

[9] ventum quidem erat eo ut, si hostem similem antiquis Macedonum regibus habuisset consul, magna clades accipi potuerit. sed cum ad Dium per litora cum ³² equitibus vagaretur rex et ab duodecim milibus prope clamorem et strepitum pugnantium audiret, nec auxit copias integros fessis summittendo neque ipse, quod plurimum intererat,

[10] certamini adfuit, cum Romanus imperator, maior sexaginta annis et praegravis corpore, omnia militaria munera ipse impigre obiret.

[11] egregie ad ultimum in audaciter commisso perseveravit et Popilio relicto in custodia iugi per invia transgressurus praemissis, ³³ qui ³⁴ repurgarent iter, Attalum et Misagenem cum suae gentis utrumque auxiliaribus praesidio esse saltum aperientibus iubet;

[12] ipse equites impedimentaque prae se habens cum legionibus agmen cogit.

[1]

inenarrabilis labor descendentibus cum ruina iumentorum sarcinarumque. progressis vixdum quattuor milia passuum nihil optabilius esse ³⁵ quam redire, qua venerant, si possent.

[2] hostilem prope tumultum agmini elephanti praebebant, qui, ubi ad invia venerant, deiectis rectoribus cum horrendo stridore pavorem ingentem, equis maxime, incutiebant, donec done traducendi eos ratio inita est.

[3] per proclive sumpto fastigio longi duo validi asseres ex inferiore parte in terra defigebantur, distantes inter se paulo plus quam quanta beluae ³⁶ latitudo est;

[4] in eos transverso incumbente tigno asses ³⁷ tricenos ³⁸ longi pedes, ut pons esset, iniungebantur humusque insuper iniciebatur.

[5] modico deinde infra intervallo similis alter pons, dein tertius et plures ex ordine, qua rupes abscisae erant, fiebant.

[6] solido procedebat ³⁹ elephantus in pontem; cuius priusquam in extremum procederet, ⁴⁰ succisis asseribus conlapsus pons usque ad ⁴¹ alterius initium pontis prolabi eum leniter cogebat.

[7] alii elephanti pedibus insistentes, alii clunibus subsidentes prolabebantur. ubi planities altera pontis excepisset eos, rursus simili ruina inferioris pontis deferebantur, donec done ad aequiorem vallem perventum est.

[8] Paulo plus septem milia eo die ⁴² Romani processerunt; minimum pedibus itineris confectum. plerumque provolventes se simul cum armis aliisque oneribus cum omni genere vexationis processerunt, adeo ut ⁴³ ne dux quidem et auctor itineris infitiaretur parva manu deleri omnem exercitum potuisse.

[9] nocte ad modicam planitiem pervenerunt; nec quam infestus ⁴⁴ is locus esset saeptus undique circumspiciendi spatium fuit vix tandem ex insperato stabilem ad insistendum nanctis locum.

[10] postero quoque die in tam cava valle opperiri Popilium ac relictas cum eo copias necesse fuit; quos et ipsos, cum ab nulla parte ⁴⁵ hostis terruisset, locorum asperitas hostiliter vexavit.

[11] tertio die coniunctis copiis eunt per saltum, quem incolae Callipeucen appellant.

[12] quarto⁴⁶ inde die per aeque invia, sed adsuetudine peritius et meliore cum spe, quod nec hostis usquam ⁴⁷ apparebat et mari adpropinquabant, degressi in campos inter Heracleum ⁴⁸ et Libethrum posuerunt castra quorum pars maior tumulos tenebat.

[13] ibi pedes tendebat. vallo campi ⁴⁹ quoque partem, ubi eques tenderet, amplectebantur.

[1]

lavanti regi dicitur nuntiatum hostis adesse. quo nuntio cum pavidus exiluisset e solio, victum se sine proelio clamitans proripuit;

[2] et subinde per alia atque alia pavida consilia et imperia trepidans duos ex amicis, Pellam alterum, ut, quae ad Phacum ⁵⁰ pecunia deposita erat, in mare proiceret, Thessalonicam alterum, ut navalia incenderet, misit; Asclepiodotum et Hippiam, quique cum iis erant, ⁵¹ ex praesidiis revocat omnisque aditus aperit bello.

[3] ipse ab Dio auratis statuis omnibus raptis, ⁵² ne praeda hosti essent, incolas eius loci demigrare ⁵³ Pydnam cogit,

[4] et, quae temeritas consulis videri potuisset, quod eo processisset, ⁵⁴ unde invito hoste regredi nequiret, eam non inconsultam ⁵⁵ audaciam fecit.

[5] duos enim saltus, per quos inde evadere possent, habebant Romani, unum per Tempe in Thessaliam, alterum in Macedoniam praeter Dium; quae utraque regiis tenebantur praesidiis.

[6] itaque si sua intrepidus defendens ⁵⁶ primam speciem adpropinquantis terroris sustinuisset, neque receptus Romanis per Tempe in Thessaliam neque commeatibus ⁵⁷ pervehendis ea ⁵⁸ patuisset iter.

[7] sunt enim Tempe saltus, ⁵⁹ etiamsi non bello fiat infestus, transitu difficilis.

[8] nam praeter angustias per quinque milia, qua exiguum iumento onusto iter est, rupes utrimque ita abscisae sunt, ut despici vix sine vertigine quadam simul oculorum animique possit. terret et sonitus et altitudo per mediam vallem fluentis Penei amnis.

[9] Hic locus tam suapte natura infestus per quattuor distantia loca praesidiis regiis ⁶⁰ fuit insessus.

[10] unum in primo aditu ad Gonnum erat, alterum in Condylo, ⁶¹ castello inexpugnabili,

[11] tertium circa Lapathunta, quem Characa appellant, quartum viae ipsi, qua et media et angustissima valles est, impositum, quam vel decem armatis tueri facile est.

[12] intercluso per Tempe simul aditu commeatibus, simul reditu ipsis, ⁶² montes, per quos descenderant, repetendi erant.

[13] quod , ut furto fefellerant, ita propalam tenentibus superiora cacumina hostibus non poterant; et experta difficultas spem omnem incidisset.

[14] supererat nihil aliud in temere commisso quam in Macedoniam ad Dium per medios evadere hostis; quod, nisi di mentem regi ademissent, ⁶³ et ⁶⁴ ipsum ingentis difficultatis erat.

[15] nam cum Olympi radices montis paulo plus quam mille passuum ad mare relinquant spatium, cuius dimidium loci occupat ostium late restagnans Baphyri amnis, partem planitiae aut Iovis templum aut oppidum tenet,

[16] reliquum perexiguum fossa modica valloque claudi poterat, et saxorum ⁶⁵ ad manum silvestrisque materiae tantum erat, ut vel murus obici turresque excitari potuerint.

[17] quorum nihil cum dispexisset caecata mens subito terrore, nudatis omnibus praesidiis patefactisque bello cunctis aditibus Pydnam ⁶⁶ refugit.

[1]

Consul plurimum et praesidii et spei cernens in stultitia et segnitia hostis, remisso nuntio ad Sp. Lucretium Larisam, ut castella relicta ab hoste circa Tempe occuparet, praemisso Popilio ad explorandos transitus circa Dium, postquam patere omnia in omnis partes animadvertit,

[2] secundis castris pervenit ad Dium metarique sub ipso templo, ne quid sacro in loco violaretur, iussit.

[3] ipse urbem ingressus, sicut non magnam, ita exornatam publicis locis et multitudine statuarum munitamque egregie, vix satis credere in tantis rebus sine causa relictis non aliquem subesse dolum.

[4] unum diem ad exploranda circa omnia moratus castra movet; satisque credens in Pieria ⁶⁷ frumenti copiam fore, eo die ad amnem nomine Mityn processit.

[5] postero die progressus Agassas ⁶⁸ urbem tradentibus sese ipsis recepit; et ut reliquorum Macedonum animos sibi conciliaret, obsidibus contentus sine praesidio relinquere se iis urbem immunesque ac suis legibus victuros est pollicitus.

[6] progressus inde diei iter ad Ascordum flumen posuit castra; et quantum procederet longius a Thessalia, eo maiorem rerum omnium inopiam sentiens,

[7] regressus ad Dium est dubitatione omnibus exempta, quid intercluso ab Thessalia patiendum fuisset, cui procul inde abscedere tutum non esset.

[8] Perseus coactis ⁶⁹ in unum omnibus copiis ducibusque increpare praefectos praesidiorum, ante omnes Asclepiodotum atque Hippiam;

[9] ab his dicere claustra Macedoniae tradita Romanis esse; cuius culpae reus nemo iustius quam ipse fuisset.

[10] consuli postquam ex alto conspecta classis spem fecit cum commeatu naves venire—ingens enim caritas annonae ac prope inopia erat—ab invectis ⁷⁰ iam portum audit onerarias naves Magnesiae relictas esse.

[11] incerto inde quidnam agendum foret—adeo sine ulla ope hostis, quae adgravaret, cum ipsa difficultate rerum pugnandum erat—peropportune litterae a Sp.

[12] Lucretio adlatae sunt castella se, quae super Tempe essent et circa Philan, tenere omnia frumentique in iis et aliarum in usum rerum copiam invenisse.

[1]

his magno opere laetus consul ab Dio ad Philan ducit, simul ut praesidium eius firmaret, simul ut militi frumentum, cuius tarda subvectio erat, divideret.

[2] ea profectio famam haudquaquam secundam habuit. nam alii metu recessisse eum ab hoste ferebant quia manenti in Pieria proelio dimicandum foret,

[3] alii ignarum belli quae in dies fortuna novaret, ut opperientibus sese rebus, emisisse ⁷¹ de manibus ea quae mox repeti non possent.

[4] simul enim cessit possessione Dii, excitavit hostem, ut tunc tune sentiret recuperanda esse quae prius culpa amissa forent.

[5] audita enim profectione consulis regressus Dium, quae disiecta ac vastata ab Romanis erant, reficit, pinnas moenium decussas reponit, ab omni parte muros firmat; deinde quinque milia passuum ab urbe citra ripam Elpei amnis ⁷² castra ponit, amnem ipsum transitu perdifficilem pro munimento habiturus.

[6] fluit ex valle Olympi montis, aestate exiguus, hibernis idem incitatus pluviis et supra rupes ingentis gurgites facit et infra prorutam ⁷³⁷⁴ in mare evolvendo terram praealtas voragines cavatoque medio alveo ripas utrimque praecipitis.

[7] hoc flumine saeptum iter hostis ⁷⁵ credens extrahere reliquum tempus aestatis in animo habebat.

[8] inter haec consul a Phila Popilium cum duobus milibus armatorum Heracleum ⁷⁶ mittit.

[9] abest a Phila quinque milia ferme passuum, media regione inter Dium Tempeque in rupe amni imminente positum.

[1]

Popilius priusquam armatos muris admoveret, misit qui magistratibus principibusque suaderent, fidem clementiamque Romanorum quam vim experiri mallent.

[2] nihil ea consilia moverunt, quia ignes ad Elpeum ⁷⁷ ex regiis castris apparebant. tum terra marique—et classis adpulsa ab litore stabat—simul armis, simul operibus machinisque oppugnari coepti.

[3] iuvenes etiam quidam Romani ludicro circensi ad usum belli verso partem humillimam muri ceperunt.

[4] mos erat tum, nondum hac effusione inducta bestiis omnium gentium circum complendi, varia spectaculorum conquirere genera; nam semel quadrigis, semel desultore misso vix unius horae tempus utrumque curriculum complebat.

[5] inter cetera sexageni ferme iuvenes, interdum plures apparatioribus ludis, ⁷⁸ armati inducebantur. horum inductio ⁷⁹ ex parte simulacrum decurrentis exercitus erat, ex parte elegantioris quam ⁸⁰ militaris artis propiorque gladiatorium armorum usum.

[6] cum alios decursu edidissent motus, quadrato agmine facto, scutis super capita densatis, stantibus primis, secundis summissioribus, tertiis magis et quartis, postremis etiam genu nixis, fastigatam, sicut tecta aedificiorum sunt, testudinem faciebant.

[7] hinc quinquaginta ferme pedum spatio distantes duo armati procurrebant comminatique inter se, ad ima in summam testudinem per densata scuta cum evasissent, nunc velut propugnantes per oras extremae testudinis, nunc in media inter se concurrentes, haud secus quam stabili solo persultabant.

[8] huic testudo similis humillimae parti ⁸¹ muri admota. cum armati superstantes subissent, propugnatoribus muri fastigio altitudinis aequabantur; depulsisque iis in urbem duorum signorum milites transcenderunt.

[9] id tantum dissimile fuit, quod et in fronte extremi et ex lateribus soli non habebant super capita elata scuta, ne nudarent corpora, sed praetenta ⁸² pugnantium more. ita nec ipsos tela ex muro missa subeuntis laeserunt et testudini iniecta imbris in modum lubrico fastigio innoxia ad imum labebantur. ⁸³

[10] et consul capto iam Heracleo castra eo promovit, tamquam ⁸⁴ Dium atque inde summoto rege in Pieriam etiam progressurus.

[11] sed hiberna iam praeparans vias commeatibus subvehendis ex Thessalia muniri iubet et eligi horreis opportuna loca tectaque aedificari, ubi deversari portantes commeatus possent.

[1]

Perseus tandem a ⁸⁵ pavore eo, quo attonitus fuerat, recepto animo malle imperiis imperils suis non obtemperatum esse, cum trepidans gazam in mare deici Pellae, Thessalonicae navalia iusserat incendi.

[2] Andronicus Thessalonicam missus traxerat tempus, id ipsum quod accidit, paenitentiae relinquens locum.

[3] incautior Nicias Pellae proiciendo pecuniae partem quae fuerat ad Phacum ⁸⁶ ;

[4] sed in re emendabili ⁸⁷ visus lapsus esse, quod per urinatores omnis ferme extracta est. tantusque pudor regi pavoris eius fuit ut urinatores clam interfici iusserit, deinde Andronicum quoque et Nician, ne quis tam dementis imperii conscius existeret.

inter haec C.

[5] Marcius cum classe ab Heracleo Thessalonicam profectus et agrum pluribus locis expositis per litora armatis late vastavit et procurrentes ab urbe secundis aliquot proeliis trepidos intra moenia compulit.

[6] iamque ipsi urbi terribilis erat, cum dispositis omnis generis tormentis non ⁸⁸ vagi modo circa muros temere adpropinquantes, sed etiam qui in navibus erant, saxis tormento emicantibus percutiebantur.

[7] revocatis igitur in naves militibus omissaque Thessalonicae oppugnatione Aeniam inde petunt. quindecim milia passuum ea urbs abest, adversus Pydnam posita, fertilis agro.

[8] pervastatis finibus eius legentes oram Antigoneam perveniunt. ibi egressi in terram primo et vastarunt agros passim et aliquantum praedae contulerunt ad naves.

[9] dein palatos eos adorti Macedones, mixti pedites equitesque, fugientes effuse ad mare persecuti quingentos ⁸⁹ ferme occiderunt et non minus ceperunt.

[10] nec aliud quam ultima necessitas, cum recipere se tuto ad naves prohiberentur, animos militum Romanorum simul desperatione alia salutis simul indignitate irritavit.

[11] redintegrata in litore pugna est; adiuvere ⁹⁰ qui in navibus erant. ibi Macedonum ducenti ferme caesi, par numerus captus. Ab Antigonea classis profecta ad agrum Pallenensem escensionem ad populandum fecit.

[12] finium is ager Cassandrensium erat, longe fertilissimus omnis orae quam praetervecti fuerant. ibi Eumenes rex viginti tectis navibus ab Elaea profectus obvius fuit et quinque missae a Prusia rege tectae naves.

[1]

hac virium accessione animus crevit praetori, ut Cassandream oppugnaret.

[2] Condita est a Cassandro rege in ipsis faucibus, quae Pallenensem agrum ⁹¹ ceterae Macedoniae iungunt, hinc Toronaico, hinc Macedonico saepta mari.

[3] eminet⁹² namque in altum lingua in qua sita est, nec minus quam inclitus ⁹³ magnitudine Atho mons excurrit, obversa in regionem Magnesiae duobus imparibus promunturiis, quorum maiori Posideum est nomen, minori Canastraeum. divisis partibus oppugnare adorti.

[4] Romanus ad Clitas,quas vocant, munimenta, cervis etiam obiectis, ut viam intercluderet, a Macedonico ad Toronaicum mare perducit. Ab altera parte euripus est; inde Eumenes oppugnabat.

[5] Romanis in fossa complenda quam nuper obiecerat Perseus, plurimum erat laboris. ibi quaerenti praetori, quia nusquam cumuli apparebant quo regesta e fossa terra foret, monstrati sunt fornices: non ad eandem crassitudinem, qua veterem murum, sed simplici laterum ordine structos esse.

[6] consilium igitur cepit transfosso pariete iter in urbem patefacere. fallere autem ita se posse, si muros a parte alia scalis adortus tumultu iniecto in custodiam eius loci propugnatores urbis avertisset.

[7] erant in praesidio Cassandreae ⁹⁴ praeter non contemnendam ⁹⁵ iuventutem oppidanorum octingenti Agrianes et duo milia Penestarum Illyriorum a Pleurato inde missi, bellicosum utrumque genus.

[8] his tuentibus muros, cum subire Romani summa vi niterentur, momento temporis parietes fornicum perfossi urbem patefecerunt. quod si qui inrumperent armati ⁹⁶ fuissent, extemplo cepissent.

[9] hoc ubi perfectum esse opus militibus nuntiatum est, clamorem alacres gaudio repente tollunt, alii parte alia in urbem inrupturi. ⁹⁷

[1]

hostis primum admiratio cepit quidnam sibi repentinus clamor vellet.

[2] postquam patere urbem accepere praefecti praesidii Pytho et Philippus, pro eo qui occupasset adgredi opus factum esse rati, cum valida manu Agrianum Illyriorumque erumpunt Romanosque,

[3] qui alii aliunde coibant convocabanturque, ut signa in urbem inferrent, incompositos atque inordinatos fugant persequunturque ad fossam, in quam compulsos ruina cumulant. sescenti ferme ibi interfecti, omnesque prope qui inter murum fossamque deprensi erant volnerantur.

[4] ita suo ipse conatu perculsus praetor segnior ad alia factus consilia erat. et ne Eumeni quidem simul a mari simul a terra adgredienti quidquam satis procedebat.

[5] placuit⁹⁸ igitur utrique custodiis firmatis ne quod praesidium ex Macedonia intromitti posset, quoniam vis aperta non processisset, operibus moenia oppugnare.

[6] haec parantibus iis decem ⁹⁹ regii lembi ab Thessalonica cum delectis Gallorum auxiliaribus missi, cum in salo stantes hostium ¹⁰⁰ naves conspexissent, ipsi obscura nocte, simplici ordine, quam poterant proxime litus tenentes, intrarunt urbem.

[7] huius novi praesidii fama absistere oppugnatione simul Romanos regemque coegit. circumvecti promunturium ad Toronen classem appulerunt.

[8] eam quoque oppugnare adorti, ubi valida defendi manu animadverterunt, inrito incepto Demetriadem petunt. ibi cum adpropinquantes repleta moenia armatis vidissent, praetervecti ad Iolcon classem appulerunt, inde agro vastato Demetriadem quoque adgressuri.

[1]

inter haec et consul, ne segnis sederet tantum in agro hostium, M. Popilium cum quinque milibus militum ad Meliboeam urbem oppugnandam mittit.

[2] sita est in radicibus Ossae montis, qua parte in Thessaliam vergit, opportune imminens super Demetriadem.

[3] primus adventus hostium perculit incolas loci; collectis deinde ab ¹⁰¹ necopinato pavore animis discurrunt armati ad portas ac moenia, qua suspecti aditus erant, spemque extemplo inciderunt capi primo impetu posse.

[4] obsidio igitur parabatur, et opera ad ¹⁰² oppugnationem fieri coepta.

Perseus cum audisset simul Meliboeam a consulis ¹⁰³ exercitu oppugnari, simul classem Iolci ¹⁰⁴ stare, ut ¹⁰⁵ inde Demetriadem adgrederetur, Euphranorem quendam ex ducibus cum delectis duobus milibus Meliboeam mittit.

[5] eidem imperatum, ut si a Meliboea summovisset Romanos, Demetriadem prius occulto itinere intraret, quam ab Iolco ad urbem castra moverent Romani.

[6] et ab oppugnatoribus Meliboeae, cum in superioribus locis repente apparuisset, cum trepidatione multa relicta opera sunt ignisque ¹⁰⁶ iniectus.

[7] ita a Meliboea abscessum est. Euphranor soluta unius urbis obsidione Demetriadem extemplo ducit. nocte moenia intrat tantamque fiduciam incolentibus fecit ut non moenia ¹⁰⁷ modo, sed agros etiam confiderent se a populationibus tueri posse; et eruptiones ¹⁰⁸ in vagos populatores non sine volneribus hostium factae sunt.

[8] circumvecti tamen moenia sunt praetor et rex, situm urbis contemplantes, si qua parte temptare aut opere aut vi possent.

[9] fama fuit per Cydantem Cretensem et Antimachum, qui Demetriadi praeerat, tractatas inter Eumenen et Persea condiciones amicitiae. Ab Demetriade certe abscessum est.

[10] Eumenes ad consulem navigat; gratulatusque, ¹⁰⁹ quod prospere Macedoniam intrasset, Pergamum in regnum abit.

[11] Marcius Figulus praetor parte classis in hiberna Sciathum missa cum reliquis navibus Oreum Euboeae ¹¹⁰ petit, eam earn urbem aptissimam ratus unde exercitibus qui in Macedonia quique ¹¹¹ in Thessalia erant, mitti commeatus possent. de Eumene rege longe diversa tradunt.

[12] si Valerio Antiati credas, nec classe adiutum ab eo praetorem esse, cum saepe eum litteris accersisset, tradit, nec cum gratia ab consule profectum in Asiam, indignatum quod, ut iisdem castris tenderet permissum non fuerit;

[13] ne ut equites quidem Gallos quos secum adduxerat relinqueret, impetrari ab eo potuisse.

[14] Attalum fratrem eius et remansisse apud consulem, et sinceram eius fidem aequali tenore egregiamque operam in eo bello fuisse.

[1]

dum bellum in Macedonia geritur, legati transalpini ab regulo Gallorum—Balanos ipsius traditur nomen; gentis ex qua fuerit, non traditur— Romam venerunt pollicentes ad Macedonicum bellum auxilia.

[2] gratiae ab senatu actae muneraque missa, torquis aureus duo pondo et paterae aureae quattuor pondo, equus ¹¹² phaleratus armaque equestria.

[3] secundum Gallos Pamphylii legati coronam auream ex viginti milibus Philippeorum factam in curiam intulerunt, petentibusque iis, ut id donum in cella Iovis ¹¹³ optimi maximi ponere et sacrificare in Capitolio liceret, permissum;

[4] benigneque amicitiam renovare volentibus ¹¹⁴ legatis responsum et binum milium aeris singulis missum munus.

[5] tum ab rege Prusia et paulo post ab Rhodiis de eadem re ¹¹⁵ longe aliter disserentes legati auditi sunt.

[6] utraque legatio de pace reconcilianda cum rege Perseo egit. prusiae preces magis quam postulatio fuere, profitentis et ad id tempus se cum Romanis stetisse et, quoad bellum foret, staturum;

[7] ceterum cum ad se a Perseo legati venissent de finiendo cum Romanis bello, eis ¹¹⁶ pollicitum deprecatorem apud senatum futurum; petere, si possent inducere in animum ut finiant iras, se ¹¹⁷ quoque in gratia reconciliatae pacis ponerent. ¹¹⁸

[8] haec regii legati. Rhodii superbe commemoratis meritis suis ¹¹⁹ erga populum Romanum et paene victoriae, utique de Antiocho rege, maiore parte ad se vindicata, adiecerunt:

[9] cum pax inter Macedonas Romanosque esset, sibi amicitiam cum rege Perseo coeptam; eam se invitos, nullo eius in se merito, quoniam ita Romanis visum sit in societatem se belli trahere, interrupisse.

[10] tertium se annum multa eius incommoda belli sentire mari ¹²⁰ intercluso; inopem insulam esse nec, nisi maritimis iuvetur commeatibus, colendam.

[11] itaque cum ¹²¹ id ultra pati non possent, legatos alios ad Persea in Macedoniam misisse qui ei denuntiarent Rhodiis placere pacem eum componere cum Romanis; se Romam eadem nuntiatum missos.

[12] per quos stetisset quo minus belli finis fieret, adversus eos quid sibi faciendum esset, Rhodios consideraturos esse.

[13] ne¹²² nunc quidem haec sine indignatione legi audirive posse certum habeo; inde existimari potest, qui habitus animorum audientibus ea patribus fuerit.

[1]

Claudius nihil responsum auctor est, tantum senatus consultum recitatum, quo Caras et Lycios liberos esse iuberet populus Romanus litterasque extemplo ad utramque gentem mitti; ¹²³

[2] qua audita ¹²⁴ re principem legationis, cuius magniloquentiam vix curia paulo ante ceperat, corruisse.

[3] alii responsum esse tradunt, populum Romanum et principio eius belli haud vanis auctoribus compertum habuisse Rhodios cum Perseo rege adversus rem publicam suam occulta consilia inisse, et si id ¹²⁵ ante dubium fuisset,

[4] legatorum paulo ¹²⁶ ante verba ad certum redegisse, et plerumque ipsam se fraudem, etiamsi initio cautior fuerit, detegere.

[5] Rhodios nunc ¹²⁷ in orbe terrarum arbitria belli pacisque agere; Rhodiorum ¹²⁸ nutu arma sumpturos positurosque Romanos esse. iam non deos foederum testis, sed Rhodios habituros.

[6] itane tandem? ni ¹²⁹ pareatur iis exercitusque de Macedonia deportentur, visuros esse quid sibi faciendum sit?

[7] quid Rhodii visuri sint, ipsos scire. populum certe Romanum devicto Perseo, quod prope diem sperent fore, visurum ut pro meritis cuiusque in eo bello civitatis gratiam dignam referat.

[8] munus tamen legatis in singulos binum milium aeris missum est, quod ii non acceperunt.

[1]

litterae deinde recitatae Q. Marcii consulis sunt, quemadmodum saltu superato in Macedoniam transisset:

[2] ibi et ex aliis locis commeatus se ¹³⁰ prospectos in hiemem habere et ab Epirotis viginti milia ¹³¹ modium tritici, decem hordei sumpsisse, ut pro eo frumento pecunia Romae legatis eorum curaretur. vestimenta militibus ab Roma mittenda esse;

[3] equis ducentis ferme opus esse, maxime Numidicis, nec sibi ¹³² in his locis ullam copiam esse.

[4] senatus consultum, ut ea omnia ex litteris consulis fierent, factum est. C. Sulpicius praetor sex milia togarum, triginta tunicarum, equos ducentos ¹³³ deportanda in Macedoniam praebendaque arbitratu consulis locavit et legatis Epirotarum pecuniam pro frumento solvit et Onesimum, Pythonis filium, nobilem Macedonem, in senatum introduxit.

[5] is pacis semper auctor regi fuerat monueratque, sicut pater eius Philippus institutum usque ad ultimum vitae diem servarat ¹³⁴ cotidie, bis in die foederis icti cum Romanis perlegendi, ut eum morem, si non semper, crebro tamen usurparet.

[6] postquam deterrere eum a bello nequiit, primo subtrahere sese per alias atque alias causas, ¹³⁵ ne interesset iis quae non probabat, coepit; postremo, cum suspectum se esse cerneret et proditionis interdum crimine insimulari, ad Romanos transfugit et ¹³⁶ magno usui consuli fuit.

[7] ea introductus in curiam cum memorasset, senatus in formulam sociorum eum referri iussit, locum, lautia praeberi, agri Tarentini ¹³⁷¹³⁸ qui publicus populi Romani esset ducenta iugera dari, et aedes Tarenti emi. uti ea curaret, C. Decimio praetori mandatum.

[8] censores censum ¹³⁹ idibus Decembribus severius quam ante habuerunt: multis equi adempti, inter quos P. Rutilio, qui tribunus plebis eos violenter accusarat; tribu quoque is motus et aerarius ¹⁴⁰ factus.

[9] ad opera publica facienda cum eis dimidium ex vectigalibus eius anni attributum ex senatus consulto a quaestoribus esset,

[10] Ti . Sempronius ex ea pecunia, quae ipsi attributa erat, aedes P. Africani pone Veteres ad Vortumni signum lanienasque ¹⁴¹ et

[11] tabernas coniunctas in publicum emit basilicamque faciendam curavit, quae postea Sempronia appellata est.

[1]

iam in exitu annus erat et propter Macedonici maxime belli curam in sermonibus homines habebant quos in annum consules ad finiendum tandem id bellum crearent.

[2] itaque senatus consultum factum est, ut Cn. Servilius primo quoque tempore ad comitia habenda veniret.

[3] senatus consultum Sulpicius ¹⁴² praetor ad consulem misit, litterasque allatas a consule post paucos dies recitavit, quibus in ante diem . . . comitia edixit: se ante eum diem ¹⁴³ in urbem venturum. et consul maturavit et comitia eo die qui dictus erat sunt perfecta.

[4] consules creati L. Aemilius Paulus iterum, quarto ¹⁴⁴ decumo anno postquam primo consul fuerat, et C. Licinius Crassus.

[5] praetores postero die facti Cn. Baebius Tamphilus, ¹⁴⁵ L. Anicius Gallus, Cn. Octavius, P. Fonteius Balbus, M. Aebutius Helva, C. Papirius Carbo.

[6] omnia ut maturius agerentur, belli Macedonici stimulabat cura.

[7] itaque designatos extemplo sortiri placuit provincias, ut, cum ¹⁴⁶ utri Macedonia consuli cuique praetori classis evenisset sciretur, ii iam inde ¹⁴⁷ cogitarent pararentque quae bello usui forent, senatumque consulerent, si qua de ¹⁴⁸ re consulto opus esset.

[8] latinas , ubi magistratum inissent, quod per religiones posset primo quoque tempore fieri placere, ne quid ¹⁴⁹ consulem, cui eundum in Macedoniam esset, teneret.

[9] his decretis, consulibus Italia et Macedonia, praetoribus praeter duas iurisdictiones in urbe classis et Hispania et Sicilia et Sardinia provinciae nominatae sunt.

[10] consulum Aemilio Macedonia, ¹⁵⁰ Licinio Italia evenit. praetores Cn. Baebius urbanam, L. Anicius peregrinam et si quo senatus censuisset, Cn. Octavius classem, P. Fonteius Hispaniam, M. Aebutius Siciliam, ¹⁵¹ C. Papirius Sardiniam est sortitus.

[1]

extemplo apparuit omnibus non segniter id bellum L. Aemilium gesturum, praeterquam quod militaris ¹⁵² vir erat, etiam quod dies noctesque intentus ea sola quae ad id bellum pertinerent animo agitabat.

[2] iam omnium primum a senatu petit, ut legatos in Macedoniam mitterent ad exercitus visendos classemque et comperta referenda, quid aut terrestribus aut navalibus copiis opus esset ¹⁵³ ;

[3] praeterea ut explorarent copias regias quantum possent, qua ¹⁵⁴ provincia nostra, qua hostium foret; utrum intra saltus castra Romani haberent, an iam omnes angustiae exsuperatae, et in aequa loca pervenissent;

[4] qui fideles nobis socii, qui dubii suspensaeque ex fortuna fidei, qui certi hostes viderentur; quanti praeparati commeatus, et unde terrestri itinere, unde navibus subportarentur; quid ea aestate terra marique rerum gestum ¹⁵⁵ esset: ex his bene cognitis certa in futurum consilia capi posse.

[5] senatus¹⁵⁶ Cn. Servilio ¹⁵⁷ consuli negotium dedit ut tris ¹⁵⁸ in Macedoniam quos L. Aemilio videretur, legaret. legati biduo post profecti Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus, A. Licinius Nerva, L. Baebius.

[6] bis in exitu anni eius lapidatum esse nuntiatum est, semel ¹⁵⁹ in Romano agro, semel in Veienti. bis¹⁶⁰ novemdiale sacrum factum est.

[7] sacerdotes eo anno mortui sunt P. Quinctilius Varus flamen Martialis et M. Claudius Marcellus decemvir; in cuius locum Cn. Octavius suffectus.

[8] et iam magnificentia crescente notatum est ludis circensibus P. Corneli Scipionis Nasicae et P. Lentuli aedilium curulium ¹⁶¹ sexaginta tres Africanas et quadraginta ursos et elephantos lusisse.

[1]

L. Aemilio Paulo C. Licinio consulibus, idibus ¹⁶² Martiis, principio insequentis anni, cum in expectatione patres fuissent, maxime quidnam consul de Macedonia, cuius ea provincia esset, referret, nihil se habere Paulus quod referret, cum nondum legati ¹⁶³ redissent, dixit.

[2] ceterum Brundisi legatos iam esse, bis ex cursu Dyrrachium reiectos. ¹⁶⁴

[3] cognitis mox quae nosci prius in rem esset, relaturum; id fore intra perpaucos dies.

[4] et ne quid profectionem suam teneret, pridie idus Apriles Latinis esse constitutam ¹⁶⁵ diem. sacrificio rite perfecto et se et ¹⁶⁶ Cn. Octavium, simul senatus censuisset, exituros esse.

[5] C. Licinio collegae suo fore curae se absente, ut si qua parari mittique ¹⁶⁷ ad id bellum opus sit, parentur mittanturque. interea legationes exterarum nationum audiri posse.

[6] primi¹⁶⁸ Alexandrini legati ab Ptolemaeo et Cleopatra ¹⁶⁹ regibus vocati sunt.

[7] sordidati , barba et capillo promisso, cum ramis oleae ingressi curiam procubuerunt, et oratio quam habitus fuit miserabilior.

[8] Antiochus Syriae rex, qui obses Romae fuerat, per honestam speciem maioris Ptolemaei reducendi in regnum, bellum cum minore fratre eius, qui tum Alexandriam tenebat,

[9] gerens et ad Pelusium navali proelio superior ¹⁷⁰ fuerat et tumultuario opere ponte per Nilum facto transgressus cum exercitu obsidione ipsam Alexandriam terrebat, nec procul abesse quin potiretur regno opulentissimo videbatur.

[10] ea legati querentes orabant senatum ut opem regno regibusque amicis imperio Romano ¹⁷¹ ferrent.

[11] ea merita populi Romani in Antiochum, eam earn apud omnes reges gentesque auctoritatem esse ut, si legatos misissent qui ei nuntiarent ¹⁷² non placere senatui sociis regibus ¹⁷³ bellum fieri, extemplo abscessurus a moenibus Alexandreae abducturusque exercitum in Syriam esset.

[12] quod si cunctentur facere, brevi extorres regno Ptolemaeum et Cleopatram Romam venturos, cum pudore quodam populi Romani, quod nullam opem in ultimo discrimine fortunarum tulissent.

[13] moti patres precibus Alexandrinorum extemplo C. Popilium Laenatem et C. Decimium et C. Hostilium legatos ad finiendum inter reges bellum miserunt.

[14] prius Antiochum, dein Ptolemaeum adire iussi et nuntiare, ni absistatur bello, per utrum stetisset, eum non pro amico nec pro socio habituros esse.

[1]

his intra triduum simul cum legatis Alexandrinis profectis legati ex Macedonia quinquatribus ultimis adeo expectati venerunt ut, nisi ¹⁷⁴ vesper esset, extemplo senatum vocaturi consules fuerint.

[2] postero die senatus fuit legatique auditi sunt. ii nuntiant maiore periculo quam emolumento exercitum per invios saltus in Macedoniam inductum.

[3] Pieriam , quo processisset, regem tenere; castra castris prope ita conlata esse, ut flumine Elpeo ¹⁷⁵ interiecto arceantur. neque regem pugnandi potestatem facere, nec nostris vim ad cogendum esse.

[4] hiemem etiam ¹⁷⁶ insuper ¹⁷⁷ rebus gerendis intervenisse. in otio militem ali, ¹⁷⁸ nec plus quam VI dierum ¹⁷⁹ frumentum habere. Macedonum dici triginta milia armatorum esse.

[5] si Ap. Claudio circa Lychnidum satis validus exercitus foret, potuisse eum ¹⁸⁰ ancipiti bello distinere regem: nunc et Appium et quod ¹⁸¹ cum eo praesidii sit in summo periculo esse, nisi propere aut iustus exercitus eo mittatur, aut illi inde deducantur.

[6] ad classem se ex castris profectos sociorum navalium partem morbo audisse absumptam, partem, maxime qui ex Sicilia fuerint, domos suas abisse, et homines navibus deesse; qui sint, neque stipendium accepisse neque vestimenta habere.

[7] Eumenen classemque eius, tamquam vento adlatas naves, sine causa et venisse et abisse; nec animum eius regis constare satis visum. sicut omnia de Eumene dubia, ita ¹⁸² Attali egregie constantem fidem nuntiabant.

[1]

legatis auditis tunc tune de bello referre sese L. Aemilius dixit.

[2] senatus decrevit, ut in octo ¹⁸³ legiones parem numerum tribunorum consules et populus crearent; creari autem neminem eo anno placere, ¹⁸⁴ nisi qui honorem gessisset.

[3] tum ex omnibus tribunis militum uti L. Aemilius in duas legiones in Macedoniam, quos eorum velit, eligat et ut sollemni Latinarum perfecto L. Aemilius consul, Cn. Octavius praetor, cui classis obtigisset, in provinciam proficiscantur.

[4] additus est his tertius L. Anicius praetor, cuius inter peregrinos iurisdictio erat; eum in provinciam Illyricum circa Lychnidum Ap. Claudio succedere placuit.

[5] dilectus cura C. Licinio consuli imposita. is septem ¹⁸⁵ milia civium Romanorum et

[6] equites ducentos scribere iussus et sociis nominis Latini septem milia peditum imperare, quadringentos equites,

[7] et Cn. Servilio Galliam obtinenti provinciam litteras mittere ut sescentos equites conscriberet.

[8] hunc exercitum ad collegam primo quoque tempore mittere in Macedoniam iussus; neque in ea provincia plus quam duas legiones esse; eas repleri, ut sena milia peditum, trecenos haberent equites; ceteros pedites equitesque ¹⁸⁶ in praesidiis disponi.

[9] qui eorum idonei ad militandum non essent, dimitti. decem praeterea milia peditum imperata sociis et octingenti equites.

[10] id praesidii additum Anicio praeter duas legiones, quas portare in Macedoniam est iussus, ¹⁸⁷ quina milia peditum et ducenos habentes, trecenos equites. et in classem quinque milia navalium socium sunt scripta.

[11] Licinius consul duabus legionibus obtinere provinciam iussus; eo addere sociorum decem milia peditum et sescentos equites.

[1]

senatus consultis perfectis L. Aemilius consul e curia in contionem processit orationemque talem habuit ¹⁸⁸ :

[2]

animadvertisse videor, Quirites, maiorem mihi sortito Macedoniam provinciam gratulationem factam, quam cum aut consul sum creatus, ¹⁸⁹ aut quo die magistratum inii, ¹⁹⁰

[3]

neque id ob aliam causam, quam quia bello in Macedonia, quod diu trahitur, existimastis dignum maiestate populi Romani exitum per me imponi posse. deos quoque huic favisse sorti spero eosdemque in rebus gerendis adfuturos esse.

[4]

haec partim ominari, ¹⁹¹ partim sperare possum; illud adfirmare pro certo audeo, ¹⁹² me omni ope adnisurum esse, ne ¹⁹³ frustra vos hanc spem de me conceperitis.

[5]

quae ad bellum opus sunt et senatus decrevit et, quoniam extemplo proficisci placet neque ego in mora sum, C. Licinius collega, vir egregius, aeque enixe parabit ac si ipse id bellum gesturus esset.

[6]

vos quae scripsero senatui ac vobis, iis modo credite et cavete rumores credulitate vestra alatis, ¹⁹⁴ quorum auctor nemo extabit.

[7]

nam nunc quidem, quod vulgo fieri, hoc praecipue bello, ¹⁹⁵ animadverti, nemo tam famae contemptor est cuius non debilitari animus possit.

[8]

in omnibus circulis atque etiam, si dis placet, in conviviis sunt qui exercitus in Macedoniam ducant, ubi castra locanda sint sciant, quae loca praesidiis occupanda, quando aut quo saltu intranda Macedonia, ubi horrea ponenda, qua terra, mari subvehantur commeatus, quando cum hoste manus conserendae, quando quiesse sit melius.

[9]

nec quid faciendum ¹⁹⁶ sit modo statuunt, sed quidquid aliter quam ipsi censuere factum est, consulem veluti dicta die accusant.

[10]

haec magna impedimenta res gerentibus sunt. ¹⁹⁷ neque enim omnes tam firmi et constantis animi contra adversum rumorem esse possunt, quam ¹⁹⁸ Q. Fabius fuit qui suum imperium minui per vanitatem populi maluit quam secunda fama male rem publicam gerere.

[11]

non sum is, Quirites, ¹⁹⁹ qui non existimem admonendos duces esse: immo eum qui de sua unius sententia omnia gerat, superbum iudico magis quam sapientem. quid ergo est?

[12]

primum a prudentibus et proprie rei militaris peritis et usu doctis monendi imperatores sunt; deinde ab iis ²⁰⁰ qui intersunt gerendis rebus, qui loca, ²⁰¹ qui hostem, qui temporum opportunitatem vident, qui in eodem velut navigio participes sunt periculi.

[13]

itaque si quis est qui, quod e re publica sit, suadere se mihi in eo bello quod gesturus sum confidat, is ne deneget operam rei publicae et in Macedoniam mecum veniat. nave , equo, tabernaculo, ²⁰² viatico etiam a me iuvabitur;

[14]

si quem id facere piget et ²⁰³ otium urbanum militiae laboribus praeoptat, e terra ne gubernaverit.

[15]

sermonum satis ipsa praebet urbs; iis loquacitatem ²⁰⁴ suam contineat: nos castrensibus consiliis contentos futuros esse sciat.

Ab hac contione Latinis, quae pridie kal.

[16] Apriles fuerunt in monte sacrificio rite perpetrate protinus inde et consul et praetor Cn. Octavius in Macedoniam profecti sunt.

[17] traditum memoriae est ²⁰⁵ maiore quam solita frequentia prosequentium consulem celebratum, ac prope certa spe ominatos esse homines, finem esse Macedonico bello maturumque reditum cum egregio triumpho consulis fore.

[1]

dum haec in Italia geruntur, Perseus quod iam inchoatum perficere, quia impensa pecuniae facienda erat, non inducebat in animum, ut Gentium Illyriorum regem sibi adiungeret,

[2] hoc, postquam intrasse saltum Romanos et adesse discrimen ultimum belli animadvertit, non ultra differendum ratus, cum per ²⁰⁶ Hippiam legatum trecenta argenti talenta pactus esset, ita ut obsides ultro citroque darentur, Pantauchum ²⁰⁷²⁰⁸ misit ex fidissimis amicis ad ea perficienda.

[3] meteone²⁰⁹ Labeatidis terrae Pantauchus regi Illyrio occurrit; ibi et iusiurandum ab rege et obsides accepit. missus et a Gentio est legatus nomine Olympio, qui iusiurandum a Perseo obsidesque exigeret.

[4] cum eodem ad pecuniam accipiendam missi sunt; et auctore Pantaucho, qui Rhodum legati cum Macedonibus irent Parmenio et Morcus destinantur. ²¹⁰

[5] quibus ita mandatum ut iureiurando obsidibusque et pecunia accepta tum demum Rhodum proficiscerentur: duorum simul regum nomine nominee incitari Rhodios ad bellum Romanum posse.

[6] adiunctam civitatem penes quam unam tum rei navalis gloria esset nec terra nec mari spem relicturam Romanis.

[7] venientibus Illyriis Perseus ab Elpeo ²¹¹ amni ex castris cum omni equitatu profectus ad Dium occurrit.

[8] ibi ea quae convenerant ²¹² circumfuso agmine equitum facta, quos adesse foederi sanciendo ²¹³ cum Gentio societatis volebat rex, aliquantum eam rem ratus animorum iis adiecturam.

[9] et obsides in conspectu omnium dati acceptique; et Pellam ad thensauros regios missis qui pecuniam acciperent, qui Rhodum irent cum Illyriis legatis Thessalonicae conscendere iussi.

[10] ibi Metrodorus erat, qui nuper ab Rhodo venerat, auctoribusque Dinone ²¹⁴ et Polyarato, principibus civitatis eius, adfirmabat Rhodios paratos ad ²¹⁵ bellum esse. is princeps iunctae cum Illyriis legationis datus est.

[1]

eodem tempore et ad Eumenen et ad Antiochum communia mandata, quae subicere condicio rerum poterat: natura inimica inter se esse liberam civitatem et regem.

[2] singulos populum Romanum adgredi et, quod indignum sit, ²¹⁶ regum viribus reges oppugnare.

[3] Attalo adiutore patrem suum oppressum; Eumene adiuvante et quadam ex parte etiam Philippo, patre suo, Antiochum oppugnatum; in se nunc et Eumenen et Prusian armatos esse.

[4] si Macedoniae regnum sublatum foret, proximam Asiam esse, quam iam ex parte sub specie liberandi civitates ²¹⁷ suam fecerint, deinde Syriam.

[5] iam Prusiam Eumeni honore praeferri, iam Antiochum victorem ab Aegypto, praemio belli, ²¹⁸ arceri.

[6] haec cogitantem providere iubebat, ut aut ad pacem secum faciendam compelleret Romanos aut perseverantes in bello iniusto communes duceret omnium regum hostes.

[7] ad Antiochum aperta mandata erant; ad Eumenen per speciem captivorum redimendorum missus legatus erat; re ²¹⁹ vera occultiora quaedam agebantur, quae in praesentia invisum quidem et suspectum Romanis Eumenen falsis gravioribusque criminibus onerarunt; ²²⁰

[8] proditor ²²¹ enim ac prope hostis habitus, dum inter se duo reges captantes fraude et avaritia certant. Cydas erat Cretensis, ex intimis Eumenis.

[9] Hic prius ad Amphipolim cum Chimaro quodam populari suo, militante apud Persea, inde postea ad Demetriadem semel cum Menecrate quodam, iterum cum Antimacho, ²²² regiis ducibus, sub ipsis moenibus urbis conlocutus fuerat.

[10] Herophon²²³ quoque, qui tum missus est, duabus ad eundem Eumenen iam ante legationibus functus erat.

[11] quae conloquia occulta et legationes infames quidem erant, sed quid actum esset quidve inter reges convenisset, ignorabatur. res autem ita sese habuit.

[1]

Eumenes neque favit victoriae Persei, neque bello eam iuvare ²²⁴ in ²²⁵ animo habuit, non tam quia paternae inter eos inimicitiae erant quam ipsorum odiis inter se accensae:

[2] non ea regum aemulatio, ut aequo animo Persea tantas apisci opes tantamque gloriam, quanta Romanis victis eum manebat, Eumenes visurus fuerit.

[3] cernebat et Persea iam inde ab initio belli omni modo spem pacis temptasse et in dies magis, quo propior admoveretur terror, ²²⁶

[4] nihil neque agere aliud neque cogitare; Romanos quoque, quia traheretur diutius spe ipsorum bellum, et ipsos duces et senatum, non abhorrere a finiendo tam incommodo ac difficili bello.

[5] hac utriusque partis voluntate explorata, quod fieri etiam sua sponte taedio validioris, metu infirmioris credebat posse, in eo suam operam venditare conciliandae gratia pacis ²²⁷ cupiit.

[6] nam modo ne iuvaret bello Romanos terra marique, modo pacis patrandae cum Romanis paciscebatur mercedem: ne bello interesset, mille talenta, ut pacem conciliaret, mille et quingenta. ²²⁸

[7] in utrumque ²²⁹ non fidem modo se, sed obsides quoque dare paratum esse ostendebat.

[8] Perseus ad rem inchoandam promptissimus erat cogente metu et de obsidibus accipiendis sine dilatione agebat, conveneratque ut accepti Cretam mitterentur.

[9] ubi ad pecuniae mentionem ventum erat, ibi haesitabat; et utique alteram tanti ²³⁰ nominis regibus ²³¹ turpem ac sordidam et danti et magis accipienti mercedem esse aiebat ²³² ;

[10] in spem Romanae pacis non recusare impensam, sed eam pecuniam perfecta re daturum, interea Samothracae in templo depositurum.

[11] ea insula cum ipsius dicionis esset, videre Eumenes nihil interesse, ibi ²³³ an Pellae pecunia esset; id agere, ut partem aliquam ²³⁴ 12 praesentem ferret. ita nequiquam inter se captati nihil praeter infamiam moverunt. ²³⁵

[1]

nec haec tantum Persei per avaritiam est dimissa res, cum pecunia statuta aut ²³⁶ pacem habere per Eumenen, quae vel parte regni redimenda esset, aut deceptus ²³⁷ protrahere inimicum mercede onustum et hostes merito ei Romanos posset facere;

[2] sed et ante Genti regis ²³⁸ parata societas et tum Gallorum effusorum per Illyricum ingens oblatum auxilium ²³⁹ avaritia dimissum est.

[3] veniebant decem milia equitum, par numerus peditum et ipsorum iungentium cursum equis et in vicem prolapsorum equitum vacuos capientium ad pugnam equos.

[4] hi pacti erant eques denos praesentes aureos, pedes quinos, mille dux eorum.

[5] venientibus his Perseus ab Elpeo ²⁴⁰ ex castris profectus obviam cum dimidia copiarum parte denuntiare per vicos urbesque quae viae propinquae sunt coepit ut commeatus expedirent, frumenti, vini, pecorum ut copia esset.

[6] ipse equos phalerasque et sagula donum principibus ferre et ²⁴¹ parvum auri, quod inter paucos divideret, multitudinem credens trahi spe posse.

[7] ad Almanam urbem pervenit et in ripa fluminis Axi posuit castra. circa Desudabam in Maedica exercitus Gallorum consederat, mercedem pactam opperiens.

[8] eo mittit Antigonum, ex purpuratis unum, qui iuberet multitudinem Gallorum ad Bylazora—Paeoniae is locus est— castra movere, principes ad se venire frequentes. septuaginta quinque milia ab Axio flumine et castris regis aberant.

[9] haec mandata ad eos cum pertulisset Antigonus adiecissetque, per quantam omnium ²⁴² praeparatam cura regis copiam ituri ²⁴³ forent quibusque muneribus principes advenientes vestis, argenti equorumque excepturus rex esset, de his quidem se coram cognituros respondent,

[10] illud quod praesens pepigissent, interrogant, ecquid aurum, quod in singulos pedites equitesque dividendum esset, secum advexisset. ²⁴⁴

[11] cum ad id nihil responderetur, Clondicus, regulus eorum,

abi renuntia ergo

inquit

regi nisi aurum obsidesque accepissent, nusquam inde Gallos longius vestigium moturos.

[12] haec relata regi cum essent advocato consilio cum quid omnes suasuri essent appareret, ipse pecuniae quam regni melior custos institit de perfidia et feritate Gallorum disserere, multorum iam ante cladibus experta:

[13] periculosum esse tantam multitudinem ²⁴⁵ in Macedoniam accipere, ne ²⁴⁶ graviores eos socios habeant quam hostes Romanos.

[14] quinque milia equitum satis esse, quibus et uti ad bellum possent, et quorum multitudinem ipsi non timeant.

[1]

apparebat omnibus ²⁴⁷ mercedem eum ²⁴⁸ timere nec quicquam aliud; sed cum suadere consulenti nemo auderet, remittitur Antigonus qui nuntiaret quinque milium equitum opera tantum uti regem, non tenere ²⁴⁹ multitudinem aliam.

[2] quod ubi audivere barbari, ceterorum quidem fremitus fuit indignantium se frustra excitos sedibus suis; Clondicus rursus interrogat, ecquid ipsis quinque milibus, quod convenisset, numeraret?

[3] cum adversus id quoque misceri ambages cerneret, inviolato fallaci nuntio, quod vix speraverat ipse posse contingere, retro ad Histrum perpopulati Thraciam, qua vicina erat viae, redierunt.

[4] quae manus, quieto sedente rege ad Elpeum ²⁵⁰ adversus Romanos, per ²⁵¹ Perrhaebiae saltum in Thessaliam traducta non agros tantum nudare populando potuit, ne quos inde Romani commeatus expectarent,

[5] sed ipsas excindere urbes tenente ad Elpeum Perseo Romanos, ne urbibus sociis opitulari possent.

[6] ipsis quoque Romanis de se cogitandum fuisset, quando neque manere amissa Thessalia, unde exercitus alebatur, potuissent, neque progredi, cum ex adverso castra Macedonum essent. ²⁵²

[7] hoc amisso auxilio Perseus animos Macedonum, ²⁵³ qui ea pependerant spe, haud mediocriter debilitavit.

[8] eadem avaritia Gentium regem sibi alienavit. nam cum trecenta talenta Pellae missis a Gentio numerasset, signare eos pecuniam passus est ²⁵⁴ ;

[9] inde decem talenta ad Pantauchum missa, eaque praesentia dari regi iussit; reliquam pecuniam signatam Illyriorum signo portantibus suis praecipit, parvis itineribus veherent,

[10] dein cum ad finem Macedoniae ventum esset, subsisterent ibi ac nuntios ab se opperirentur.

[11] Gentius exigua parte pecuniae accepta cum adsidue a ²⁵⁵ Pantaucho ad lacessendos hostili facto Romanos stimularetur, M. Perpennam et L. Petilium legatos, qui tum forte ad eum venerant, in custodiam coniecit.

[12] hoc audito Perseus contraxisse eum necessitatem ²⁵⁶ ratus ad bellandum ²⁵⁷ utique cum Romanis, ad revocandum qui pecuniam portabat misit, velut nihil aliud agens quam ut quanta maxima posset praeda ex se ²⁵⁸ victo Romanis reservaretur.

[13] et ab Eumene Herophon ²⁵⁹ ignotis, quae occulte acta erant, redit. de captivis actum esse et ipsi evolgaverant et Eumenes consulem vitandae suspicionis causa certiorem fecit.

[1]

Perseus post reditum ab Eumene Herophontis spe deiectus Antenorem et Callippum praefectos classis cum quadraginta lembis—adiectae ad ²⁶⁰ hunc numerum quinque pristes erant—Tenedum mittit,

[2] ut inde sparsas ²⁶¹ per Cycladas insulas naves, Macedoniam cum frumento petentes, tutarentur.

[3] Cassandreae deductae naves in portus primum, qui sub Atho monte sunt, inde Tenedum placido mari cum traiecissent, stantis in portu Rhodias apertas naves Eudamumque, praefectum earum, inviolatos ²⁶² atque etiam benigne appellatos dimiserunt.

[4] cognito deinde in latere altero quinquaginta onerarias suarum stantibus in ostio portus Eumenis rostratis, quibus Damius praeerat,

[5] inclusas esse, circumvectus propere ac summotis terrore hostium navibus, onerarias datis qui prosequerentur decem lembis in Macedoniam mittit, ita ut in tutum ²⁶³ prosecuti redirent Tenedum.

[6] nono post die ad classem iam ad Sigeum ²⁶⁴ stantem redierunt. inde Subota—insula est interiecta Elaeae et Chio ²⁶⁵ —traiciunt.

[7] forte postero die quam Subota classis tenuit quinque et triginta naves, quas hippagogus vocant, ab Elaea profectae cum equitibus Gallis equisque Phanas promunturium Chiorum petebant, unde transmittere in Macedoniam possent. Attalo ab Eumene mittebantur.

[8] has naves per altum ferri cum ex specula signum datum Antenori esset, profectus ab ²⁶⁶ Subotis inter Erythrarum promunturium Chiumque, qua artissimum fretum est, iis occurrit.

[9] nihil minus credere praefecti Eumenis ²⁶⁷ quam Macedonum classem in illo vagari maria: nunc Romanos esse, nunc Attalum aut remissos aliquos ab Attalo ex castris Romanis Pergamum petere.

[10] sed cum iam adpropinquantium adproprinquantium forma lemborum haud dubia esset et concitatio remorum derectaeque in se prorae ²⁶⁸ hostis adpropinquare aperuissent, ²⁶⁹ tunc iniecta trepidatio est.

[11] cum resistendi spes nulla esset inhabilique navium genere et Gallis vix quietem ferentibus in mari,

[12] pars eorum qui propiores continentis ²⁷⁰ litori erant in Erythraeam enarunt, pars velis datis ad Chium naves eiecere relictisque equis effusa fuga urbem petebant.

[13] sed propius urbem lembi accessuque commodiore cum exposuissent armatos, partim in via fugientes Gallos adepti Macedones ceciderunt, partim ante portam exclusos. clauserant enim Chii portas ignari, ²⁷¹ qui fugerent aut sequerentur.

[14] octingenti ferme Gallorum occisi, ducenti vivi capti; equi pars in mari fractis navibus absumpti, parti ²⁷² nervos succiderunt in litore Macedones.

[15] viginti eximiae equos formae cum captivis eosdem decem lembos, quos ante miserat, Antenor devehere Thessalonicam iussit et primo quoque tempore ad classem reverti; Phanis se eos expectaturum. ²⁷³ triduum ferme classis ad urbem stetit. ²⁷⁴

[16] Phanas inde progressi sunt et spe celerius regressis decem lembis ²⁷⁵ evecti Aegaeo mari Delum traiecerunt.

[1]

dum haec geruntur, legati Romani, C. Popilius et C. Decimius et C. Hostilius, a Chalcide profecti tribus quinqueremibus Delum cum venissent, lembos ibi Macedonum quadraginta et quinque regis Eumenis quinqueremis invenerunt.

[2] sanctitas templi insulaeque inviolatos praestabat omnes. itaque permixti Romanique et Macedones et Eumenis navales socii in ²⁷⁶ templo indutias religione loci praebente versabantur.

[3] Antenor , Persei praefectus, cum aliquas alto praeferri onerarias naves ex speculis significatum foret,

[4] parte lemborum ipse insequens, parte per Cyclades disposita, praeterquam si quae Macedoniam peterent, omnes aut supprimebat aut spoliabat naves. quibus poterat Popilius aut suis ²⁷⁷ aut Eumenis navibus succurrebat;

[5] sed evecti ²⁷⁸ nocte binis aut ternis plerumque lembis Macedones fallebant.

[6] per id fere tempus legati Macedones Illyriique simul Rhodum venerunt, quibus auctoritatem addidit non lemborum modo adventus passim per Cycladas atque Aegaeum vagantium mare, sed etiam coniunctio ipsa regum Persei Gentique et fama cum magno numero peditum equitumque venientium Gallorum.

[7] et iam cum accessissent animi Dinoni ²⁷⁹ ac Polyarato, qui Persei partium erant, non benigne beligne modo responsum regibus ²⁸⁰ est, sed ²⁸¹ alam pronuntiatum bello finem se auctoritate sua imposituros esse;

[8] itaque ipsi quoque reges aequos adhiberent animos ad pacem accipiendam.

[1]

iam veris principium erat novique duces in provincias ²⁸² venerant, consul Aemilius in Macedoniam, Octavius Oreum ad classem, Anicius in Illyricum, cui bellandum adversus Gentium erat.

[2] Gentius²⁸³ patre Pleurato, rege Illyriorum, et matre Eurydica genitus fratres duos, Platorem utroque parente, Caravantium matre eadem natum, habuit.

[3] hoc propter ignobilitatem paternam minus suspecto Platorem occidit et duos amicos eius, Ettritum et Epicadum, impigros viros, quo tutius regnaret.

[4] fama fuit Monuni, ²⁸⁴ Dardanorum principis, filiam Etutam ²⁸⁵ pacto fratri eum invidisse, tamquam his nuptiis adiungenti sibi Dardanorum gentem; et simillimum ²⁸⁶ id vero fecit ducta ea virgo Platore interfecto.

[5] gravis deinde dempto a ²⁸⁷ fratre metu popularibus esse coepit; et violentiam insitam ingenio intemperantia vini accendebat.

[6] ceterum , sicut ante dictum est, ad Romanum incitatus bellum Lissum omnis copias contraxit. quindecim milia armatorum fuerunt.

[7] inde fratre in Caviorum gentem vi aut terrore subigendam cum ²⁸⁸ mille peditibus et quinquaginta equitibus misso, ipse ad Bassaniam urbem quinque milia ab Lisso ducit. socii erant Romanorum;

[8] itaque per praemissos ²⁸⁹ nuntios prius temptati obsidionem pati quam dedere sese maluerunt.

[9] Caravantium in Caviis Durnium oppidum advenientem benigne accepit; Caravandis, altera urbs, exclusit; et agros eorum cum ²⁹⁰ effuse vastaret, aliquot palati milites agrestium concursu interfecti sunt.

[10] iam et Ap. Claudius adsumptis ad eum exercitum quem habebat Bullinorum ²⁹¹ et Apolloniatium et Dyrrachinorum auxiliis profectus ex hibernis circa Genusum ²⁹² amnem castra habebat,

[11] audito foedere inter Persea et Gentium et legatorum violatorum iniuria accensus, bellum haud dubie adversus eum gesturus.

[12] Anicius praetor eo tempore Apolloniae auditis quae in Illyrico gererentur praemissisque ad Appium litteris, ut se ad Genusum opperiretur, triduo et ipse in castra venit et ad ea

[13] quae habebat auxilia a Parthinorum iuventute adiunctis duobus ²⁹³ milibus peditum et equitibus ducentis—peditibus Epicadus, equitibus Algalsus praeerat—parabat ducere in Illyricum, maxime ut Bassanitas solveret obsidione. tenuit impetum eius fama lemborum vastantium maritimam oram.

[14] octoginta erant lembi, auctore Pantaucho missi a Gentio ad Dyrrachinorum et Apolloniatium agros populandos. ²⁹⁴ tum classis ad .... . ²⁹⁵ to eo tradiderunt se.

[1]

deinceps et urbes regionis eius idem faciebant, adiuvante inclinationem animorum dementia in ²⁹⁶ omnis et iustitia praetoris Romani.

[2] ad Scodram inde ventum est, quod ²⁹⁷ belli caput erat, ²⁹⁸ non eo solum quod Gentius eam earn sibi ceperat velut regni totius arcem sed etiam quod Labeatium gentis munitissima longe est et difficilis aditu.

[3] duo cingunt eam earn flumina, Clausal a latere ²⁹⁹ urbis quod in orientem patet praefluens, Barbanna ab regione occidentis, ex Labeatide palude oriens.

[4] hi duo amnes confluentes incidunt Oriundi flumini, quod ortum ex monte Scordo, multis et aliis auctum aquis, mari Hadriatico infertur.

[5] mons Scordus, ³⁰⁰ longe altissimus regionis eius, ab oriente Dardanicam ³⁰¹ subiectam habet, a meridie Macedoniam, ab occasu Illyricum.

[6] quamquam munitum situ naturali oppidum erat gensque id tota Illyriorum et rex ipse tuebatur, tamen praetor Romanus, quia prima successerant prospere, fortunam totius rei principia secuturam esse ratus et repentinum valiturum terrorem, instructo exercitu ad moenia succedit.

[7] quod si clausis portis muros portarumque turris dispositi ³⁰² armati defendissent, vano cum incepto moenibus pepulissent Romanos; ³⁰³

[8] nunc porta egressi proelium loco aequo maiore animo commiserunt quam sustinuerunt.

[9] pulsi enim et fuga conglobati, cum ducenti amplius in ipsis faucibus portae cecidissent, tantum intulerunt terrorem ut oratores extemplo ad praetorem mitteret Gentius Teuticum et Bellum, principes gentis, per quos indutias peteret, ut deliberare de statu rerum suarum posset.

[10] triduo in hoc dato, cum castra Romana quingentos ferme passus ab urbe abessent, navem conscendit et flumine Barbanna navigat ³⁰⁴ in lacum Labeatum, velut secretum locum petens ad consultandum,

[11] sed, ut apparuit, falsa spe excitus

[12] Caravantium fratrem multis milibus armatorum coactis ³⁰⁵ ex ea regione in quam missus erat adventare. qui postquam evanuit rumor, tertio post die navem eandem ³⁰⁶ secundo amni Scodram demisit; praemissisque nuntiis ut sibi appellandi praetoris potestas fieret, copia facta in castra venit.

[13] et principium orationis ab accusatione stultitiae orsus suae, postremo ad preces lacrimasque effusus, genibus praetoris accidens in potestatem sese dedit.

[14] primo bonum animum habere iussus, ad cenam etiam invitatus in urbem ad suos redit. et cum praetore eo die honorifice

[15] est epulatus, deinde in custodiam C. Cassio tribuno militum ³⁰⁷ traditus, vix gladiatorio accepto, ³⁰⁸ decem talentis, ab rege rex, ut in eam fortunam recideret.

[1]

Anicius Scodra recepta nihil prius quam requisitos Petilium Perpennamque legatos ad se duci iussit.

[2] quibus splendore suo restituto Perpennam extemplo mittit ad conprehendendos amicos cognatosque regis;

[3] qui Meteonem, Labeatium gentis urbem, profectus Etlevam uxorem cum filiis duobus, Scerdilaedo ³⁰⁹ Pleuratoque, et Caravantium fratrem Scodram in castra adduxit.

[4] Anicius bello Illyrico intra triginta dies perfecto nuntium victoriae Perpennam Romam misit et post dies paucos Gentium regem ipsum cum parente, coniuge ac liberis ac fratre aliisque principibus Illyriorum.

[5] hoc unum bellum prius perpetratum quam coeptum Romae auditum est.

quibus diebus haec agebantur, Perseus quoque in magno terrore erat propter adventum simul Aemili novi consulis, quem cum ingentibus minis adventare audiebat, simul Octavi praetoris.

[6] nec minus terroris a classe Romana et periculo maritumae orae habebat. Thessalonicae Eumenes et Athenagoras praeerant cum parvo praesidio duorum milium caetratorum.

[7] eo et Androclen praefectum mittit iussum sub ipsis navalibus castra habere.

[8] aenean mille equites et Creon Antigonensis missi ³¹⁰ ad tutandam maritumam oram, ut quocumque litore adplicuisse naves hostium ³¹¹ audissent extemplo ferrent agrestibus opem.

[9] quinque milia ³¹² Macedonum missa ad praesidium Pythoi et Petrae, quibus praepositi erant Histiaeus et Theogenes et Midon.

[10] his profectis ripam munire Elpei fluminis adgressus est, quia sicco alveo transiri poterat.

[11] huic rei ³¹³ ut omnis multitudo vacaret, feminae ex propinquis urbibus coactae cibaria in castra adferebant; miles iussus ex propinquis silvis benigne ....

[1]

³¹⁴ conferre, postremo sequi se utrarios ad mare, quod minus trecentos passus aberat, iussit et in litore alios alibi modicis intervallis fodere.

[2] montes ingentis altitudinis spem faciebant, eo magis quia nullos apertos emergerent ³¹⁵ rivos, occultos contineri ³¹⁶ latices, quorum venae in mare permanantes undae miscerentur.

[3] vix diducta ³¹⁷ summa harena erat, cum scaturigines ³¹⁸ turbidae primo et tenues emicare, dein liquidam multamque fundere aquam velut deum dono coeperunt.

[4] aliquantum ea quoque res duci famae et auctoritatis apud milites adicit. iussis deinde militibus expedire arma ipse cum tribunis primisque ordinibus ad contemplandos transitus processit, qua ³¹⁹ descensus facilis armatis, qua in ³²⁰ ulteriorem ripam minime iniquus ascensus esset.

[5] his satis exploratis alia quoque novavit, ³²¹ primum, ut ordine ac sine tumultu omnia in agmine ad nutum imperiumque ducis fierent, providit:

[6] ubi omnibus simul pronuntiaretur quid fieret neque omnes exaudirent, incerto imperio accepto alios ab se adicientes plus eo quod imperatum sit alios minus facere; clamores deinde dissonos oriri omnibus locis, et prius hostes quam ipsos quid paretur scire.

[7] placere igitur tribunum militum primo pilo legionis secretum edere imperium, illum ilium et dein singulos proximo cuique in ordine centurioni dicere quod opus facto sit sive a primis signis ad novissimum agmen, sive ab extremis ad primos perferendum imperium sit.

[8] vigiles etiam novo more scutum in vigiliam ferre vetuit: non enim in pugnam vigilem ire ut armis utatur sed ad vigilandum ut, cum senserit hostium adventum, recipiat se excitetque ad arma alios.

[9] scuto prae se erecto stare galeatos; deinde ubi fessi sint, innixos pilo, capite super marginem scuti posito, sopitos stare, ut fulgentibus armis procul conspici ab hoste possint, ipsi nihil provideant. ³²²

[10] stationum quoque morem mutavit. armati omnes, et frenatis equis equites, diem totum perstabant; id cum aestivis diebus urente adsiduo sole fieret, tot horarum aestu et languore ³²³ ipsos equosque fessos integri saepe adorti hostes vel pauci plures vexabant.

[11] itaque ex matutina ³²⁴ statione ad meridiem decedi et in postmeridianam succedere alios iussit; ita numquam fatigatos recens hostis adgredi poterat.

[1]

haec cum ita fieri placere contione advocata pronuntiasset, adiecit urbanae contioni convenientem orationem:

[2] unum imperatorem in exercitu providere et consulere quid agendum sit debere, nunc per se, nunc cum iis quos advocaverit in consilium; qui non sint advocati, eos nec palam nec secreto iactare consilia sua.

[3] militem haec tria curare debere, corpus ut quam validissimum et pernicissimum habeat, arma apta, cibum paratum ad subita imperia;

[4] cetera scire de se dis immortalibus et imperatori suo curae esse. in quo exercitu milites consultent, imperator rumoribus vulgi circumagatur, ibi nihil salutare esse.

[5] se quod sit officium imperatoris provisurum ut bene gerendae rei occasionem iis praebat: illos nihil quid ³²⁵ futurum sit quaerere, ubi datum signum sit, tum militarem navare operam debere. ³²⁶

[6] Ab his praeceptis contionem dimisit, volgo etiam veteranis fatentibus se illo primum die, tamquam tirones, quid agendum esset in re militari didicisse.

[7] non sermonibus tantum his cum quanto adsensu ³²⁷ audissent verba consulis ostenderunt, sed rerum praesens effectus erat.

[8] neminem totis mox castris quietum videres: acuere alii gladios, alii galeas bucculasque, scuta alii loricasque ³²⁸ tergere, alii aptare corpori arma experirique sub his membrorum agilitatem, quatere alii pila, alii micare gladiis mucronemque intueri,

[9] ut facile quis cerneret, ubi primum conserendi manum cum hoste data occasio esset, aut victoria egregia aut morte memorabili finituros ³²⁹ bellum.

[10] Perseus quoque, cum adventu consulis simul et veris principio strepere omnia moverique apud hostes velut novo bello cerneret, mota a Phila castra in adversa ripa posita, nunc ad contemplanda opera sua circumire ducem haud dubie transitus speculantem, nunc ³³⁰ .... Romanorum ³³¹ esse.

[1]

quae res Romanis auxit animos. Macedonibus regique eorum haud mediocrem attulit terrorem.

[2] et primo supprimere in occulto famam eius rei est conatus, missis, qui Pantauchum inde venientem adpropinquare castris vetarent.

[3] sed iam et pueri quidam visi ab suis erant inter obsides Illyrios ducti, et quo quaeque accuratius celantur, ³³² eo ³³³ facilius loquacitate regiorum ministrorum emanant.

[4] sub idem tempus Rhodii legati in castra venerunt cum isdem de pace mandatis, quae Romae ingentem iram patrum excitaverant. ³³⁴ multo iniquioribus animis a castrensi consilio auditi sunt.

[5] itaque cum alii legatos in vincula coniciendos censerent, ³³⁵ alii praecipites sine responso agendos e castris, ³³⁶ pronuntiavit consul ³³⁷ post diem quintum decimum se responsum daturum.

[6] interim , ut appareret quantum pacificantium Rhodiorum auctoritas valuisset, consultare de ratione belli gerendi coepit. placebat quibusdam et maxime minoribus ³³⁸ natu per Elpei ripam munitionesque vim facere:

[7] confertis et uno agmine impetum ³³⁹ facientibus resistere Macedonas non posse, ex tot castellis aliquanto altioribus ac munitioribus, quae validis praesidiis insedissent, priore anno deiectos.

[8] aliis placebat Octavium cum classe Thessalonicam petere et populatione maritumae orae distringere copias regias, ut altero ab tergo se ostendente bello circumactus ad interiorem partem regni tuendam nudare aliqua parte transitus Elpei cogeretur. ipsi natura et operibus inexsuperabilis ripa videbatur,

[9] et praeterquam quod tormenta ubique disposita essent, missilibus etiam melius et certiore ictu hostis uti audierat.

[10] alio spectabat mens tota ³⁴⁰ ducis; dimissoque consilio Perrhaebos mercatores Coenum et Menophilum, notae iam sibi et fidei et ³⁴¹ prudentiae homines, accersitos secreto percunctatur, quales ad Perrhaebiam transitus sint.

[11] cum loca non iniqua esse dicerent, praesidiis autem regiis ³⁴² obsideri, spem cepit, si nocte inproviso improvise valida manu adgressus necopinantis esset, deici praesidia posse: iacula enim et sagittas et cetera missilia in tenebris,

[12] ubi quid petatur procul provideri nequeat, inutilia esse; gladio comminus geri rem in permixta turba, quo miles Romanus vincat.

[13] his ducibus usurus praetorem Octavium accersitum, exposito quid pararet Heracleum ³⁴³ cum classe petere iubet et mille hominibus decem dierum cocta ³⁴⁴ cibaria habere. ipse P.

[14] Scipionem Nasicam, Q. Fabium Maximum filium suum cum quinque milibus ³⁴⁵ delectis militum Heracleum mittit, velut classem conscensuros ad maritumam oram interioris Macedoniae, quod in consilio agitatum erat, vastandam.

[15] secreto indicatum cibaria his praeparata ad classem esse, ne quid ³⁴⁶ eos moraretur. inde iussi duces itineris ita dividere viam, ut quarta vigilia tertio die Pythoum adoriri possent.

[16] ipse postero die, ut detineret regem ab circumspectu rerum aliarum, prima luce medio in alveo cum stationibus hostium proelium commisit; pugnatumque utrimque est levi armatura. nec gravioribus armis in tam inaequali alveo pugnari poterat.

[17] descensus ripae utriusque in alveum trecentorum ferme passuum erat; medium spatium torrentis alibi aliter cavati paulo plus quam mille passus patebat.

[18] ibi in medio spectantibus utrimque ex vallo castrorum hinc rege, ³⁴⁷ hinc consule cum suis legionibus pugnatum est.

[19] missilibus procul regia auxilia melius pugnabant; comminus stabilior et tutior aut parma aut scuto Ligustico Romanus erat. meridie fere receptui cani suis consul iussit.

[20] ita eo die diremptum proelium est haud paucis utrimque interfectis.

[21] sole orto postero die irritatis certamine animis etiam acrius concursum coneursum est. sed Romani non ab iis ³⁴⁸ tantum, cum quibus contractum certamen erat, sed multo magis ab ea multitudine quae disposita in turribus stabat omni genere missilium telorum ac saxis maxime volnerabantur.

[22] ubi propius ripam hostium subissent, tormentis missa etiam ad ultimos perveniebant. multo pluribus eo die ³⁴⁹ amissis consul paulo serius recepit suos.

[23] tertio die proelio abstinuit, degressus ³⁵⁰ ad imam partem castrorum, ³⁵¹ veluti per devexum in mare bracchium transitum temptaturus.

[24] Perseus , quod in oculis erat ....

[1]

tempus³⁵² anni post circumactum solstitium erat; hora diei iam ad meridiem vergebat; iter multo pulvere et incalescente sole factum erat.

[2] lassitudo et sitis iam sentiebatur et meridiem aestum magis accensurum cum mox appareret, ³⁵³ statuit sic adfectos recenti atque integro hosti non obicere;

[3] sed tantus ardor in animis ad dimicandum utcumque erat, ut consuli non minore arte ad suos eludendos quam ad hostes opus esset.

[4] nondum omnibus instructis instabat tribunis militum, ut maturarent instruere; circumibat ipse ordines; animos militum hortando in pugnam accendebat.

[5] ibi primo alacres signum poscebant; deinde, quantum incresceret aestus, ³⁵⁴ et voltus minus vigentes et voces segniores erant, et quidam incumbentes scutis nixique pilis stabant.

[6] tum iam aperte primis ordinibus imperat, metarentur frontem castrorum et impedimenta constituerent.

[7] quod ubi fieri milites sensere, alii gaudere palam quod fessos viae labore flagrantissimo aestu non coegisset pugnare;

[8] legati circa imperatorem ducesque externi erant, inter quos et ³⁵⁵ Attalus, omnes approbantes, dum pugnaturum consulem credebant—neque enim ne his quidem ³⁵⁶ cunctationem aperuerat suam—;

[9] tunc tune mutatione consilii subita cum alii silerent, Nasica unus ex omnibus ausus est monere consulem ne hostem ludificatum ³⁵⁷ priores imperatores fugiendo certamen manibus emitteret ³⁵⁸ :

[10] vereri ne, si ³⁵⁹ nocte abeat, sequendus maximo labore ac periculo in intima Macedoniae sit, aestasque, ³⁶⁰ sicut prioribus ducibus, per calles saltusque Macedonicorum montium vagando circumagatur.

[11] se magnopere suadere, dum in campo patenti hostem habeat, adgrediatur, nec oblatam occasionem vincendi amittat.

[12] Consul nihil offensus libera admonitione tam clari adulescentis:

et ego

inquit

animum istum habui, Nasica, quem tu nunc habes, et quem ego nunc habeo, tu habebis.

[13]

multis belli casibus didici, quando pugnandum, quando abstinendum pugna sit. non operae sit stanti nunc in acie docere, quibus de causis hodie quiesse melius sit. rationes alias reposcito; nunc auctoritate veteris imperatoris contentus eris.

conticuit adulescens:

[14] haud dubie videre aliqua impedimenta pugnae consulem, quae sibi non apparerent.

[1]

Paulus postquam metata castra impedimentaque conlocata animadvertit, ex postrema acie triarios primos subducit,

[2] deinde principes, stantibus in ³⁶¹ prima acie hastatis, si quid hostis moveret, postremo hastatos, ab dextro primum cornu singulorum paulatim signorum milites subtrahens.

[3] ita pedites equitibus cum levi armatura ante aciem hosti oppositis sine tumultu abducti, nec ante quam prima frons valli ac fossa perducta est, ex statione equites revocati sunt.

[4] Rex quoque, cum sine detractatione paratus pugnare eo die fuisset, contentus eo quod ³⁶² per hostem moram fuisse scirent, et ipse in castra copias reduxit.

[5] castris permunitis C. Sulpicius Gallus, tribunus militum secundae legionis, qui praetor superiore anno fuerat, consulis permissu ad contionem militibus vocatis pronuntiavit,

[6] nocte proxima, ne quis id pro portento acciperet, ab hora secunda usque ad quartam horam noctis lunam defecturam esse. id quia naturali ordine statis temporibus fiat, et sciri ante et praedici posse.

[7] itaque quem ad modum, quia certi solis lunaeque et ortus et occasus sint, nunc pleno orbe, nunc senescentem ³⁶³ exiguo cornu fulgere ³⁶⁴ lunam non mirarentur, ita ne obscurari quidem, cum condatur umbra terrae, trahere in prodigium debere.

[8] nocte³⁶⁵ quam pridie nonas Septembres insecuta est dies, edita hora luna cum defecisset, Romanis militibus Galli sapientia prope divina videri;

[9] Macedonas ut triste prodigium, occasum regni perniciemque gentis portendens, movit nec aliter vates. clamor ululatusque in castris Macedonum fuit, donec done luna in suam lucem emersit.

[10] postero die—tantus utrique ardor exercitui ad concurrendum fuerat, ut et regem et consulem suorum quidam, quod sine proelio discessum esset, accusarent —regi prompta defensio erat,

[11] non eo solum quod hostis prior aperte pugnam detractans in castra copias reduxisset, sed etiam quod eo loco signa constituisset, quo phalanx, quam inutilem vel mediocris iniquitas loci efficeret, promoveri non posset.

[12] Consul ad id quod pridie praetermisisse pugnandi occasionem videbatur et locum dedisse hosti, si nocte abire vellet, tunc tune quoque per speciem immolandi terere videbatur tempus, cum luce prima ad signum propositum pugnae exeundum ³⁶⁶ in aciem fuisset.

[13] tertia demum hora sacrificio rite perpetrato ad consilium vocavit; atque ibi quod rei gerendae tempus esset loquendo Ioquendo et intempestive consultando videbatur quibusdam extrahere. adversus eos sermones talem ³⁶⁷ consul orationem habuit.

[1]

"P. Nasica, egregius adulescens, ex omnibus ³⁶⁸ unus, quibus hesterno die pugnari placuit, ³⁶⁹ denudavit mihi suum consilium; idem postea, ita ut transisse in sententiam meam videri posset, tacuit.

[2] quibusdam aliis absentem carpere imperatorem quam praesentem monere melius visum est.

[3] et tibi, P. Nasica, et quicumque idem quod tu ³⁷⁰ occultius senserunt, non gravabor reddere dilatae pugnae rationem.

[4] nam tantum abest ut me hesternae quietis paeniteat, ut servatum a me exercitum eo consilio credam. in qua me opinione sine causa esse ne quis ³⁷¹ vestrum credat, recognoscat agedum mecum, si videtur, quam multa pro hoste et adversus nos fuerint.

[5] iam omnium primum, quantum numero nos praestent neminem vestrum nec ante ignorasse et hesterno die explicatam ³⁷² intuentis aciem animadvertisse certum habeo.

[6] ex hac nostra paucitate quarta pars militum praesidio impedimentis relicta erat; nec ignavissimum quemque relinqui ad custodiam sarcinarum scitis.

[7] sed fuerimus omnes: parvum hoc tandem esse credimus, quod ex his castris, in quibus hac nocte mansimus, exituri in aciem hodierno aut summum crastino die, si ita videbitur, diis bene iuvantibus sumus?

[8] nihilne interest, utrum militem, quem neque viae labor eo die ³⁷³ neque operis fatigaverit, requietum, integrum in tentorio suo arma capere iubeas atque in aciem plenum virium, vigentem et corpore et animo educas, an longo itinere fatigatum et onere fessum,

[9] madentem ³⁷⁴ sudore, arentibus ³⁷⁵ siti faucibus, ore atque oculis repletis pulvere, torrente ³⁷⁶ meridiano sole, hosti obicias recenti, requieto, ³⁷⁷ qui nulla re ante consumptas vires ad proelium adferat?

[10] quis, pro deum fidem, ita comparatus, vel iners atque imbellis, fortissimum virum non ³⁷⁸ vicerit?

quid ,

[11] quod hostes per summum otium instruxerant aciem, praeparaverant animos, stabant, compositi suis quisque ordinibus, nobis tunc tune repente trepidandum in acie instruenda erat et incompositis concurrendum?

[1]

at hercule aciem quidem inconditam inordinatamque habuissemus, sed ³⁷⁹ castra munita, provisam aquationem, tutum ad eam earn iter praesidiis impositis, explorata circa omnia; an nihil nostri ³⁸⁰ habentes praeter nudum campum, in quo

[2] pugnaremus ... ³⁸¹ Maiores vestri castra munita portum ad omnis casus exercitus ducebant esse, unde ad pugnam exirent, quo iactati tempestate pugnae receptum haberent.

[3] ideo , cum munimentis ea saepsissent, ³⁸² praesidio quoque valido firmabant, quod, qui castris exutus erat, etiamsi pugnando acie vicisset, pro victo haberetur. castra sunt victori receptaculum, victo perfugium.

[4] quam multi exercitus, quibus minus prospera pugnae fortuna fuit, intra vallum compulsi tempore suo, interdum momento post, eruptione facta victorem hostem pepulerunt?

[5] patria altera militaris est haec ³⁸³ sedes, vallumque pro ³⁸⁴ moenibus et tentorium suum cuique militi domus ac penates sunt. sine ulla sede vagi dimicassemus, ut quo victi, quo ³⁸⁵ victores nos reciperemus?

[6] his difficultatibus et impedimentis pugnae illud opponitur: quid, si hostis hac interposita nocte abisset, quantum rursus sequendo eo penitus in ultimam Macedoniam exhauriendum laboris erat?

[7] ego autem neque mansurum eum neque in aciem copias educturum fuisse certum habeo, si cedere hinc statuisset. quanto enim facilius abire fuit cum procul abessemus, quam nunc cum in cervicibus sumus, nec fallere nos interdiu aut nocte abeundo potest?

[8] quid autem est ³⁸⁶ nobis optatius quam ut, quorum castra praealta fluminis ripa tuta, vallo insuper saepta ac ³⁸⁷ crebris turribus oppugnare adorti sumus, eos relictis munimentis, agmine effuso abeuntis in patentibus campis ab tergo adoriamur?

hae dilatae pugnae ex hesterno die in hodiernum causae fuerunt.

[9] pugnare enim et ipsi mihi placet; et ideo, quia per Elpeum amnem saepta ad hostem via erat, alio saltu deiectis hostium praesidiis novum iter aperui, neque prius, quam debellavero, absistam."

[1]

post hanc orationem silentium fuit, partim traductis in sententiam eius, partim verentibus nequiquam offendere in eo, quod utcumque praetermissum revocari non posset.

[2] ac ne illo ipso quidem die aut consuli aut regi pugnare placebat, regi, ³⁸⁸³⁸⁹ quod nec fessos, ut pridie, ex via neque trepidantis in acie instruenda et vixdum compositos adgressurus erat, consuli, quod in novis castris non ligna, non pabulum convectum erat, ad quae petenda ex propinquis agris magna pars militum e castris exierat.

[3] neutro imperatorum volente fortuna, quae plus consiliis humanis pollet, contraxit certamen.

[4] flumen erat haud magnum propius hostium castra, ³⁹⁰ ex quo et Macedones et Romani aquabantur praesidiis ex utraque ripa positis, ut id facere tuto possent. duae cohortes a parte Romanorum erant,

[5] marrucina et Paeligna, duae turmae Samnitium equitum, quibus praeerat M. Sergius Silus legatus;

[6] et aliud pro castris stativum erat praesidium sub C. Cluvio legato, tres cohortes, Firmana, Vestina, Cremonensis, duae turmae equitum, Placentina et Aesernina. ³⁹¹

[7] cum otium ad flumen esset neutris lacessentibus, hora circiter nona ³⁹² iumentum e manibus curantium elapsum in ulteriorem ripam effugit.

[8] quod cum per aquam ferme genus ³⁹³ tenus altam tres milites miltes sequerentur, Thraces duo id iumentum ex medio alveo in suam ripam trahentes caperent, hos persecuti illi ³⁹⁴ altero eorum occiso receptoque ³⁹⁵ iumento ad stationem suorum se ³⁹⁶ recipiebant.

[9] octingentorum Thracum ³⁹⁷ praesidium in hostium ripa erat. ex his pauci primo, aegre passi popularem in suo conspectu caesum, ad persequendos interfectores fluvium transgressi sunt, dein plures,

[10] postremo omnes, et cum praesidio . . . ³⁹⁸

[1]

.... ³⁹⁹ proelium ducit. movebat imperii maiestas, gloria viri, ante omnia aetas, quod maior sexaginta annis iuvenum munia in parte praecipua laboris periculique capessebat. intervallum , quod inter caetratos et phalanges erat, implevit legio atque aciem hostium interrupit.

[2] a tergo caetrati erant, ⁴⁰⁰ frontem adversus clupeatos habebat; chalcaspides ⁴⁰¹ appellabantur. secundam legionem L. Albinus consularis ducere adversus leucaspidem phalangem iussus; ea media acies hostium fuit.

[3] in dextrum cornu, unde circa fluvium commissum proelium erat, elephantos inducit et alas ⁴⁰² sociorum; et hinc primum fuga Macedonum est orta.

[4] nam sicut pleraque nova commenta mortalium in verbis vim habent, experiendo, ⁴⁰³ cum agi non quem ad modum agatur ⁴⁰⁴ edisseri oportet, sine ullo effectu evanescunt, ita tum elephantomachae ⁴⁰⁵ nomen tantum sine usu fuerunt. ⁴⁰⁶

[5] elephantorum impetum subsecuti sunt socii nominis Latini pepuleruntque laevum cornu.

[6] in medio secunda legio immissa dissipavit phalangem. neque ulla evidentior causa victoriae fuit, quam quod multa passim proelia erant, quae fluctuantem turbarunt primo, deinde disiecerunt phalangem, cuius confertae et intentis horrentis hastis intolerabiles vires sunt;

[7] si carptim adgrediendo circumagere immobilem longitudine et gravitate hastam cogas, confusa strue implicantur; si vero aut ab latere aut ab tergo aliquid tumultus increpuit,

[8] ruinae modo turbantur, sicut tum adversus catervatim incurrentes Romanos et interrupta multifariam acie obviam ire cogebantur; et Romani, quacumque data intervalla essent, insinuabant ordines suos.

[9] qui si universa acie in frontem adversus instructam phalangem concurrissent, quod Paelignis principio pugnae incaute congressis adversus caetratos evenit, induissent se hastis nec confertam aciem sustinuissent.

[1]

ceterum sicut peditum passim caedes fiebant, nisi qui abiectis armis fugerunt, sic equitatus prope integer pugna excessit.

[2] princeps fugae rex ⁴⁰⁷ ipse erat. iam a Pydna cum sacris alis equitum Pellam petebat; confestim eos Cotys ⁴⁰⁸ sequebatur Odrysarumque equitatus.

[3] ceterae quoque Macedonum alae integris abibant ordinibus, quia interiecta peditum acies, cuius caedes victores tenebat, ⁴⁰⁹ immemores fecerat sequendi equites.

[4] diu phalanx a fronte, a lateribus, ab tergo caesa est. postremo qui ex hostium manibus elapsi erant, inermes ad mare fugientes, quidam aquam etiam ingressi, manus ad eos qui in classe erant tendentes, suppliciter vitam orabant;

[5] et cum scaphas concurrere undique ab navibus cernerent, ad excipiendos sese venire rati, ut caperent potius quam occiderent, longius in aquam, quidam etiam natantes, progressi sunt.

[6] sed cum hostiliter e ⁴¹⁰ scaphis caederentur retro qui poterant nando repetentes terram in aliam foediorem pestem incidebant; elephanti enim ab rectoribus ad litus acti exeuntis obterebant elidebantque.

[7] facile convenit ab Romanis ⁴¹¹ numquam una acie tantum Macedonum interfectum. caesa enim ad viginti milia hominum sunt; ad sex milia, ⁴¹² qui Pydnam ex acie perfugerant, vivi in potestatem pervenerunt, et vagi ex fuga quinque milia ⁴¹³ hominum capta.

[8] ex victoribus ceciderunt non plus centum, et eorum multo maior pars Paeligni; volnerati aliquanto plures sunt.

[9] quod si maturius pugnari coeptum esset, ut satis diei victoribus ad persequendum superesset, ⁴¹⁴ deletae omnes copiae forent: nunc imminens nox et fugientes texit et Romanis pigritiem ad sequendum locis ignotis fecit.

[1]

Perseus ad Pieriam silvam via militari frequenti agmine equitum et regio comitatu fugit.

[2] simul in silvam ⁴¹⁵ ventum est, ubi plures diversae semitae erant, et nox adpropinquabat, cum perpaucis maxime fidis via devertit.

[3] equites sine duce relicti alii alia in civitates suas dilapsi sunt; perpauci inde Pellam celerius quam ipse Perseus, quia recta et expedita via ierant, pervenerunt.

[4] Rex ad mediam ferme noctem errore ⁴¹⁶ et variis difficultatibus viae est vexatus;

[5] in regia Perseo, ⁴¹⁷ qui Pellae praeerant Euctus Eulaeusque et regii ⁴¹⁸ pueri praesto erant. contra ea amicorum, qui alii alio casu servati ex proelio Pellam venerant, cum saepe arcessiti essent, nemo ad eum venit.

[6] tres erant tantum cum eo fugae comites, Euander Cretensis, Neo Boeotus ⁴¹⁹ et Archidamus Aetolus.

[7] cum iis iam metuens ne, qui venire ad se abnuerent, maius aliquid mox auderent, quarta vigilia profugit.

[8] secuti eum sunt admodum quingenti Cretenses. petebat Amphipolim; sed nocte a Pella exierat, properans ante lucem Axium amnem traicere, eum finem sequendi propter difficultatem transitus fore ratus Romanis.

[1]

consulem , cum se in castra victor recepisset, ⁴²⁰ ne sincero gaudio frueretur, cura de minore filio stimulabat.

[2] P. Scipio is erat, Africanus et ipse postea deleta Carthagine appellatus, naturalis consulis Pauli filius, ⁴²¹ adoptione Africani nepos.

[3] is septimum decimum tunc tune annum agens, quod ipsum curam augebat, dum effuse sequitur hostes, in partem aliam turba ablatus erat; et serius cum redisset, tunc tune demum, recepto sospite filio, victoriae tantae gaudium consul sensit.

[4] Amphipolim cum iam fama pugnae pervenisset concursusque matronarum in templum Dianae, quam Tauropolon vocant, ad opem exposcendam fieret, Diodorus, qui praeerat urbi, metuens ne Thraces, quorum duo milia in praesidio erant, urbem in tumultu diriperent, ab subornato ab se per fallaciam in tabellarii speciem litteras in foro medio accepit.

[5] scriptum in iis erat ad Emathiam classem Romanam appulsam esse agrosque circa vexari; orare praefectos Emathiae ut praesidium adversus populatores mittat.

[6] his lectis hortatur Thracas ut ad tuendam Emathiae oram proficiscantur: magnam eos caedem praedamque palatis passim per agros Romanis facturos.

[7] simul elevat famam adversae pugnae: quae si vera foret, alium super alium recentes ex fuga venturos ventures fuisse.

[8] per hanc causam Thracibus ablegatis, simul transgressos ⁴²² eos Strymonem vidit, portas clausit.

[1]

tertio die Perseus, quam pugnatum erat, Amphipolim venit.

[2] inde oratores cum caduceo ad Paulum misit. interim Hippias et Midon et Pantauchus, principes amicorum regis, Beroea, ⁴²³ quo ex acie confugerant, ipsi ad consulem profecti Romanis se dedunt. hoc idem et alii deinceps metu perculsi ⁴²⁴ parabant facere.

[3] Consul nuntiis victoriae Q. Fabio filio et L. Lentulo et Q. Metello cum litteris Romam missis spolia iacentis hostium exercitus peditibus concessit,

[4] equitibus praedam circumiecti agri, dum ne amplius duabus noctibus a castris abessent. ipse propius mare ad Pydnam castra movit.

[5] Beroea primum, deinde Thessalonica et Pella et deinceps omnis ferme Macedonia intra biduum dedita.

[6] pydnaei , qui proximi erant, nondum miserant legatos; multitudo incondita plurium simul gentium turbaque, ⁴²⁵ quae ex acie fuga in unum compulsa erat, consilium et consensum civitatis impediebat; nec clausae modo portae, sed etiam inaedificatae erant.

[7] missi Midon et Pantauchus sub muros ad conloquium Solonis qui praesidio praeerat; ⁴²⁶ per eum emittitur militaris turba. oppidum deditum militibus datur diripiendum.

[8] Perseus una tantum spe Bisaltarum auxilii temptata, ⁴²⁷ ad quos nequiquam miserat legatos, in contionem processit Philippum secum filium habens,

[9] ut ⁴²⁸ et ipsos Amphipolitanos et equitum peditumque qui aut se ⁴²⁹ persecuti aut fuga eodem delati erant adhortando animos confirmaret.

[10] sed aliquotiens dicere incipientem cum lacrimae praepedissent, quia ipse hiscere nequiit, ⁴³⁰ Euandro Cretensi editis, quae agi cum multitudine vellet, de templo descendit.

[11] multitudo , sicut ad conspectum regis fletumque tam miserabilem et ipsa ingemuerat lacrimaveratque, ita Euandri orationem aspernabatur; et quidam ausi sunt media ex contione succlamare

abite hinc, ne, qui pauci supersumus, propter vos pereamus.

horum ferocia vocem Euandri clausit.

[12] Rex inde domum ⁴³¹ se recepit pecuniaque et auro argentoque in lembos qui in Strymone stabant delatis et ipse ad flumen descendit.

[13] Thraces navibus se committere non ausi domos dilapsi et alia militaris generis turba; ⁴³² Cretenses spe ⁴³³ pecuniae secuti. et quoniam in dividendo plus offensionum quam gratiae erat, quinquaginta talenta iis posita sunt in ripa diripienda.

[14] Ab hac direptione cum per tumultum naves conscenderent concenderent , lembum unum in ostio amnis multitudine gravatum merserunt. galepsum⁴³⁴ eo die, postero Samothracam, quam petebant, perveniunt;

[15] ad duo milia talentum pervecta eo dicuntur.

[1]

Paulus per omnes deditas civitates dimissis qui praeessent, ne qua iniuria in nova pace victis ⁴³⁵ fieret, retentisque apud se caduceatoribus regis P. Nasicam, ignarus fugae regis, Amphipolim misit cum 2 modica peditum equitumque manu,

[2] simul ut Sinticen evastaret et ad omnes conatus regi ⁴³⁶ impedimento esset.

[3] inter haec Meliboea a Cn. Octavio capitur diripiturque; ad Aeginium, ad quod oppugnandum Cn. Anicius legatus missus erat, ducenti ⁴³⁷ eruptione ex oppido facta amissi sunt ignaris Aeginiensibus debellatum esse.

[4] Consul a Pydna profectus cum toto exercitu die altero Pellam pervenit et cum castra mille passus inde posuisset, per aliquot dies ibi stativa habuit, situm urbis undique aspiciens, quam non sine causa delectam esse regiam animadvertit. ⁴³⁸

[5] sita est in tumulo vergente in occidentem hibernum; cingunt paludes inexsuperabilis altitudinis aestate et hieme, quas restagnantes faciunt amnes. ⁴³⁹

[6] arx Phacus in ipsa palude, qua proxima urbi est, velut insula eminet, aggeri operis ingentis imposita, qui et murum sustineat et umore circumfusae paludis nihil laedatur.

[7] muro urbis coniuncta procul videtur; divisa est intermurali amni et eadem ponte iuncta, ut nec oppugnante externo aditum ab ulla parte habeat, nec, si quem ibi rex includat, ullum nisi per facillimae custodiae pontem effugium.

[8] et gaza regia in eo loco erat; sed tum nihil praeter trecenta talenta quae missa Gentio regi, deinde retenta fuerant, inventum est.

[9] per quos dies ad Peliam stativa fuerunt, legationes frequentes ⁴⁴⁰ quae ad gratulandum convenerant, maxime ex Thessalia, auditae sunt.

[10] nuntio deinde accepto Persea Samothracam traiecisse, profectus a Pella consul quartis castris Amphipolim pervenit.

[11] effusa omnis obviam ⁴⁴¹ turba cuivis indicio erat non bono ac iusto rege orbavisse se Paulum . . . ⁴⁴²

Ab urbe condita libri, erklärt von M. Weissenborn Perseus (Weissenborn, W.; Müller, H. J., editors. Berlin: Weidmannsche Buchhandlung, 1873-1883.) — 44.1.1 focus

principio veris, quod hiemem eam, qua haec gesta sunt, insecutum est, ab Roma profectus Q. Marcius Philippus consul cum quinque milibus , quot in supplementum legionum secum traiecturus erat, Brundisium pervenit.

[2] M. Popilius consularis et alii pari nobilitate adulescentes tribuni militum in Macedonicas legiones consulem secuti sunt.

[3] per eos dies et C. Marcius Figulus praetor, cui classis provincia evenerat, Brundisium venit; et simul ex Italia profecti Corcyram altero die, tertio Actium, Acarnaniae portum, tenuerunt.

[4] inde consul ad Ambraciam egressus itinere terrestri petit Thessaliam; praetor superato Leucata Corinthium sinum invectus et Creusae relictis navibus terra et ipse ² per mediam Boeotiam — diei unius expedito iter est — Chalcidem dem ad classem contendit.

[5] castra eo tempore A. Hostilius in Thessalia circa Palaepharsalum habebat, sicut nulla re bellica memorabili gesta, ita ad cunctam militarem disciplinam ab effusa licentia formato milite et sociis cum fide cultis et ab omni genere iniuriae defensis.

[6] audito successoris adventu cum arma, viros, equos cum cura inspexisset, ornato exercitu obviam venienti consuli processit.

[7] et primus eorum congressus ex dignitate ipsorum ac Romani nominis,

[8] et in rebus deinde gerendis . proconsul

[9] enim ad exercitum . paucis post diebus consul contionem apud milites habuit.

[10] orsus ab parricidio Persei perpetrato in fratrem, cogitato in parentem, adiecit post scelere partum regnum veneficia, caedes, latrocinio nefando petitum Eumenen, iniurias in populum Romanum, direptiones sociarum urbium contra foedus. ea omnia quam dis quoque invisa essent, sensurum in exitu rerum suarum;

[11] favere enim pietati fideique deos, per quae populus Romanus ad tantum fastigii venerit. ³

[12] vires deinde populi Romani iam terrarum orbem conplectentis cum viribus Macedoniae, exercitus cum exercitibus conparavit: quanto maiores Philippi Antiochique opes non maioribus copiis fractas esse?

[1]

huius generis adhortatione accensis militum animis consultare de summa gerendi belli coepit. eo et C. Marcius praetor a Chalcide classe accepta venit.

[2] placuit non ultra morando in Thessalia tempus terere, sed movere extemplo castra atque pergere inde in Macedoniam,

[3] et praetorem dare operam, ut eodem tempore classis quoque invehatur hostium litoribus.

[4] praetore dimisso consul menstruum iusso milite secum ferre profectus decumo post die,

[5] quam exercitum acceperat, castra movit et unius diei progressus iter convocatis itinerum ducibus cum exponere in consilio iussisset, qua quisque ducturus esset, summotis iis, quam viam potissimum peteret, rettulit ad ⁴ consilium.

[6] aliis per Pythoum placebat via, aliis per Cambunios montes, qua priore anno duxerat Hostilius consul, aliis praeter Ascuridem paludem.

[7] restabat aliquantum viae communis; itaque in id tempus, quo prope divortium itinerum castra posituri erant, deliberatio eius rei differtur.

[8] in Perrhaebiam inde ducit, et inter Azorum et Dolichen stativa habuit ad consulendum rursus, quam potissimum capesseret viam.

[9] per eosdem dies Perseus cum adpropinquare hostem sciret, quod iter petiturus esset, ignarus, omnis saltus insidere praesidiis statuit.

[10] in iugum Cambuniorum montium — Volustana ipsi vocant — decem milia levis armaturae iuvenum cum duce Asclepiodoto mittit;

[11] ad castellum, quod super Ascuridem paludem erat ⁵ — Lapathus vocatur locus —, Hippias tenere saltum cum duodecim milium Macedonum praesidio iussus.

[12] ipse cum reliquis copiis primo circa Dium stativa habuit; deinde a Dio, ut obtorpuisse inops consilii videretur, cum equitibus expeditis litore nunc Heracleum, nunc Philam percurrebat, eodem inde cursu Dium repetens.

[1]

interim consuli sententia stetit eo saltu ducere, ubi propter ⁶

[2] Ottolobum diximus regis castra . praemitti tamen quattuor milia armatorum ad loca opportuna praeoccupanda placuit, quis praepositi sunt M. Claudius , Q. Marcius consulis filius.

[3] confestim et universae copiae sequebantur. ceterum adeo ardua et aspera et confragosa fuit via, ut praemissi expediti biduo quindecim milium passuum aegre itinere confecto castra posuerint requieverintque.

[4] dierum quem cepere locum appellant. inde postero die septem milia progressi tumulo haud procul hostium castris capto nuntium ad consulem remittunt, perventum ad hostem esse, loco se tuto et ad omnia opportuno consedisse; ut, quantum ⁷ extendere iter posset, consequeretur.

[5] sollicito consuli et propter itineris difficultatem, quod ingressus erat, et eorum vicem, quos paucos inter media praesidia hostium praemiserat, nuntius ad Ascuridem paludem occurrit.

[6] addita igitur et ipsi fiducia est, coniunctisque copiis castra tumulo, qui tenebatur, qua aptissimum ad loci naturam erat, sunt adclinata.

[7] non hostium modo castra, quae paulo plus mille passuum aberant, sed omnis regio ad Dium et Philam oraque maris late patente ex tam alto iugo prospectu oculis subicitur.

[8] quae res accendit militi animos, postquam summam belli ac regias omnis copias terramque hostilem tam e propinquo conspexerunt.

[9] itaque cum alacres, protinus duceret ad castra hostium, consulem hortarentur, dies unus fessis labore viae ad quietem datus est.

[10] tertio die parte copiarum ad praesidium castrorum relicta consul ad hostem ducit.

[1]

Hippias nuper ad tuendum saltum ab rege missus erat; qui ex quo castra Romana in tumulo conspexit, praeparatis ad certamen animis suorum venienti agmini consulis obvius fuit.

[2] et Romani expediti ad pugnam exierant, et hostes levis armatura ⁸ erat, promptissimum genus ad lacessendum certamen.

[3] congressi igitur extemplo tela coniecerunt. multa utrimque volnera temerario incursu et accepta et inlata; pauci utriusque partis ceciderunt.

[4] inritatis in posterum diem animis maioribus copiis atque infestius concur sum de summa belli, si loci satis ad explicandam aciem fuisset. iugum montis in angustum dorsum cuneatum vix ternis ordinibus armatorum in fronte patuit.

[5] itaque paucis pugnantibus cetera multitudo, praecipue qui gravium armorum erant, spectatores pugnae stabant.

[6] levis armatura etiam per ⁹ anfractus iugi procurrere et ab lateribus cum levi armatura conserere per iniqua atque aequa loca pugnam poterat. pluribus ea die volneratis quam interfectis proelium nocte diremptum est.

[7] tertio die egere consilio Romanus imperator; nam neque manere in iugo inopi neque regredi sine flagitio atque etiam periculo, si cedenti ex superioribus locis instaret hostis, poterat;

[8] nec aliud restabat quam audacter commissum pertinaci audacia, quae prudens interdum in exitu est, corrigere.

[9] ventum quidem erat eo, ut si hostem similem antiquis Macedonum regibus habuisset consul, magna clades accipi potuerit. sed cum ad Dium per litora cum equitibus vagaretur rex et ab duodecim milibus prope clamorem et strepitum pugnantium audiret, nec auxit copias integros fessis summittendo neque ipse, quod plurimum intererat, ¹⁰ certamini adfuit,

[10] cum Romanus imperator, maior sexaginta annis et praegravis corpore, omnia militaria munera ipse inpigre obiret.

[11] egregie ad ultimum in audaciter commisso perseveravit et Popilio relicto in custodia iugi per invia transgressurus praemissis, qui repurgarent iter, Attalum et Misagenem cum suae gentis utrumque auxiliaribus praesidio esse saltum aperientibus iubet;

[12] ipse equites impedimentaque prae se habens cum legionibus agmen cogit.

[1]

inenarrabilis labor descendentibus cum ruina iumentorum sarcinarumque. progressis vixdum quattuor milia passuum nihil optabilius esse quam redire, qua venerant, si possent.

[2] hostilem prope tumultum agmini elephanti praebebant, qui ubi ad invia venerant, deiectis rectoribus cum horrendo stridore pavorem ¹¹ ingentem equis maxime incutiebant, donec traducendi eos ratio inita est.

[3] per proclive sumpto fastigio longi duo validi asseres ex inferiore parte in terra defigebantur, distantes inter se paulo plus, quam quanta beluae latitudo est;

[4] in eos transverso incumbente tigno tricenos longi pedes, ut pons esset, iniungebantur humusque insuper iniciebatur.

[5] modico deinde infra intervallo similis alter pons, dein tertius et plures ex ordine, qua rupes abscisae erant, fiebant.

[6] solido procedebat elephantus in pontem; cuius priusquam in extremum pro cederet, succisis asseribus conlapsus ¹² pons usque ad alterius initium pontis prolabi eum leniter cogebat.

[8] paulo plus septem milia eo die Romani processerunt. minimum pedibus itineris confectum; plerumque provolventes se simul cum armis aliisque oneribus cum omni genere vexationis processerunt, adeo ut ne dux quidem et auctor itineris infitiaretur parva manu deleri omnem exercitum potuisse.

[9] nocte ad modicam planitiem pervenerunt, nec quam infestus is locus esset saeptus undique,

[10] circumspiciendi spatium fuit vix tandem ex insperato stabilem ad insistendum nanctis locum. postero quoque die in tam cava valle opperiri Popilium ac relictas cum eo copias necesse fuit; quos et ipsos, cum ab nulla parte hostis terruisset, locorum asperitas hostiliter vexavit.

[11] tertio die coniunctis copiis eunt per saltum, quem incolae ¹³ Callipeucen appellant.

[12] quarto inde die per aeque invia, sed adsuetudine peritius et meliore cum spe, quod nec hostis usquam apparebat et mari adpropinquabant, degressi in campos inter Heracleum et Libethrum posuerunt castra.

[13] peditum, quorum pars maior tumulos tenebat, ibi vallo campi quoque partem, ubi eques tenderet, amplectebantur.

[1]

lavanti regi dicitur nuntiatum hostis adesse. quo nuntio cum pavidus exiluisset e solio, victum se sine proelio clamitans proripuit;

[2] et subinde per alia atque alia pavida consilia et imperia trepidans duos ex amicis, Pellam alterum, ut, quae ad ¹⁴ Phacum pecunia deposita erat, ex praesidiis revocat omnisque aditus aperit bello.

[3] ipse ab Dio auratis statuis omnibus raptis, ne praeda hosti essent, incolas eius loci demigrare Pydnam cogit, et quae temeritas consulis videri potuisset,

[4] quod eo processisset, unde invito hoste regredi nequiret, eam non inconsultam audaciam fecit.

[5] duos enim saltus, per quos inde evadere possent, habebant Romani, unum per Tempe in Thessaliam, alterum in Macedoniam praeter Dium; quae utraque regiis tenebantur praesidiis.

[6] itaque si dux intrepidus decem dies primam speciem ¹⁵ adpropinquantis terroris sustinuisset, neque receptus Romanis per Tempe in Thessaliam neque commeatibus pervehendis ea patuisset iter.

[7] sunt enim Tempe saltus, etiamsi non bello fiat infestus, transitu difficilis.

[9] hic locus tam suapte natura infestus per quattuor distantia loca praesidiis regiis fuit insessus.

[10] unum in primo aditu ad Gonnum erat, alterum in Condylo, castello inexpugnabili, tertium circa Lapathunta, quem Characa appellant, quartum viae ipsi,

[11] qua et media et angustissima vallis est, impositum, quam vel decem armatis tueri facile est.

[12] intercluso per Tempe simul aditu commeatibus, simul reditu ipsis, montes, per quos descenderant, repetendi erant.

[13] quod, ut furto fefellerant, ita propalam, tenentibus superiora cacumina hostibus, non poterant;

[14] et experta difficultas spem omnem incidisset. supererat nihil aliud in temere commisso quam in Macedoniam ad Dium per ¹⁷ medios evadere hostis; quod, nisi di mentem regi ademissent, et ipsum ingentis difficultatis erat.

[16] relicum perexiguum fossa modica valloque claudi poterat, et saxorum ad manum silvestrisque materiae tantum erat, ut vel murus obici turresque excitari potuerint.

[17] quorum nihil cum dispexisset caecata mens subito terrore, nudatis omnibus praesidiis patefactisque bello ad Pydnam refugit.

[1]

consul plurimum et praesidii et spei cernens in stultitia ¹⁸ et segnitia hostis, remisso nuntio ad Sp. Lucretium Larisam , ut castella relicta ab hoste circa Tempe occuparet, praemisso Popilio ad explorandos transitus circa Dium, postquam patere omnia in omnis partes animadvertit, secundis castris pervenit ad Dium metarique sub ipso templo, ne quid sacro in loco violaretur, iussit.

[2] ipse urbem ingressus sicut non magnam, ita exornatam publicis locis et multitudine statuarum munitamque egregie, vix satis credere in tantis rebus sine causa relictis non aliquem subesse dolum.

[3] unum diem ad exploranda circa omnia moratus castra movet; satisque credens in Pieria frumenti copiam fore, eo die ad amnem nomine Mityn processit.

[4] postero die progressus Agassas urbem tradentibus sese ipsis recepit et ut reliquorum ¹⁹ Macedonum animos sibi conciliaret, obsidibus contentus sine praesidio relinquere se iis urbem inmunesque ac suis legibus victuros est pollicitus.

[5] progressus inde diei iter ad Ascordum flumen posuit castra; et quantum procederet longius a Thessalia, eo maiorem rerum omnium inopiam sentiens,

[6] regressus ad Dium est dubitatione omnibus exempta, quid intercluso ab Thessalia patiendum fuisset, cui procul inde abscedere tutum non esset.

[7] Perseus coactis in unum omnibus copiis ducibusque increpare praefectos praesidiorum, ante omnes Asclepiodotum atque Hippiam;

[8] ab his dicere claustra Macedoniae tradita Romanis esse;

[9] cuius culpae reus nemo iustius quam ipse fuisset. consuli postquam ex alto conspecta classis spem fecit cum commeatu naves venire — ingens enim caritas annonae ac prope inopia erat —, ab invectis iam portum audit onerarias naves Magnesiae relictas esse.

[10] incerto inde, quidnam agendum foret — adeo sine ulla ope hostis, quae adgravaret, cum ipsa difficultate rerum pugnandum ²⁰ erat —

[11] , peropportune litterae a Sp. Lucretio adlatae sunt castella se, quae super Tempe essent et circa Philan, tenere omnia frumentique in iis et aliarum in usum rerum copiam invenisse.

[1]

his magno opere laetus consul ab Dio ad Philan ducit, simul ut praesidium eius firmaret, simul ut militi frumentum, cuius tarda subvectio erat, divideret.

[2] ea profectio famam haudquaquam secundam habuit. nam alii metu recessisse eum ab hoste ferebant, quia manenti in Pieria proelio dimicandum foret, alii ignarum,

[3] belli quae in dies fortuna novaret, ut opperientibus sese rebus emisisse de manibus ea, quae mox repeti non possent.

[4] simul enim cessit possessione Dii, excitavit hostem, ut tunc tandem sentiret recuperanda esse, quae prius culpa amissa forent.

[5] audita enim profectione consulis regressus Dium, quae disiecta ac vastata ab Romanis erant, reficit; pinnas moenium decussas reponit, ab omni parte muros firmat, deinde quinque ²¹ milia passuum ab urbe citra ripam Elpei amnis castra ponit amnem ipsum transitu perdifficilem pro munimento habiturus.

[6] fluit ex valle Olympi montis, aestate exiguus, hibernis idem incitatus pluviis et supra rupes ingentis gurgites facit et infra prorutam in mare evolvendo terram praealtas voragines cavatoque medio alveo ripas utrimque praecipitis.

[7] hoc flumine obsaeptum iter hostis credens extrahere relicum tempus aestatis in animo habebat.

[8] inter haec consul a Phila Popilium cum duobus milibus armatorum Heracleum mittit.

[9] abest a Phila quinque milia ferme passuum, media regione inter Dium Tempeque in rupe amni inminente positum.

[1]

Popilius priusquam armatos muris admoveret, misit, qui magistratibus principibusque suaderent, fidem clementiamque Romanorum quam vim experiri mallent.

[2] nihil ea ²² consilia moverunt, quia ignes ad Elpeum ex regis castris apparebant. tum terra marique — et classis adpulsa ab litore stabat — simul armis, simul operibus machinisque oppugnari coepti.

[3] iuvenes etiam quidam Romani ludicro circensi ad usum belli verso partem humillimam muri ceperunt.

[4] mos erat tum, nondum hac effusione inducta bestiis omnium gentium circum conplendi, varia spectaculorum conquirere genera; nam semel quadrigis, semel desultore misso vix unius horae tempus utrumque curriculum conplebat.

[5] inter cetera sexageni ferme iuvenes, interdum ²³ plures apparatioribus ludis, armati inducebantur. horum inductio ex parte simulacrum decurrentis exercitus erat, ex parte elegantioris [exercitus] quam militaris artis propiorque gladiatorium armorum usum.

[7] hinc quinquaginta ferme pedum spatio distantes duo armati procurrebant comminatique inter se, ab ima in summam testudinem per densata scuta cum evasissent, nunc velut propugnantes per oras extremae testudinis, nunc in media inter se concurrentes, haud secus quam stabili solo persultabant.

[8] huic ²⁴ testudo similis humillimae parti muri admota. cum armati superstantes subissent, propugnatoribus muri fastigio altitudinis aequabantur; depulsisque iis in urbem duorum signorum milites transcenderunt.

[9] id tantum dissimile fuit, quod et in fronte extremi et ex lateribus soli non habebant super capita elata scuta, ne nudarent corpora, sed praetenta pugnantium more. ita nec ipsos tela ex muro missa subeuntis laeserunt et testudini iniecta imbris in modum lubrico fastigio innoxia ad imum labebantur.

[10] et consul capto iam Heracleo castra eo protulit tamquam ²⁵ Dium atque inde summoto rege in Pieriam etiam progressurus.

[11] sed hiberna iam praeparans vias commeatibus subvehendis ex Thessalia muniri iubet et eligi horreis opportuna loca tectaque aedificari, ubi deversari portantes commeatus possent.

[1]

Perseus tandem a pavore eo, quo attonitus fuerat, recepto animo malle imperiis suis non obtemperatum esse, cum trepidans gazam in mare deici Pellae, Thessalonicae navalia iusserat incendi.

[2] Adronicus Thessalonicam missus traxerat tempus, id ipsum quod accidit, paenitentiae relinquens locum. incautior Nicias Pellae proiciendo pecuniae partem, quae fuerat ad Phacum;

[3] sed in re emendabili visus lapsus esse, quod per urinatores ²⁶ omne ferme extractum est.

[4] tantusque pudor regi pavoris eius fuit, ut urinatores clam interfici iusserit, deinde Andronicum quoque et Nician, ne quis tam dementis imperii conscius existeret.

[5] inter haec C. Marcius cum classe ab Heracleo Thessalonicam profectus et agrum pluribus locis expositis per litora armatis late vastavit et procurrentes ab urbe secundis aliquot proeliis trepidos intra moenia conpulit.

[6] iamque ipsi urbi terribilis erat, cum dispositis omnis generis tormentis non vagi modo circa muros, temere adpropinquantes, sed etiam qui in navibus erant, saxis tormento emicantibus percutiebantur.

[7] revocatis igitur in naves militibus omissaque Thessalonicae oppugnatione Aeniam inde petunt. quindecim milia passuum ea urbs abest, adversus Pydnam posita, fertili agro.

[8] pervastatis finibus eius legentes oram Antigoneam perveniunt. ibi egressi in terram primo et vastarunt agros passim et aliquantum praedae contulerunt ad naves.

[9] dein palatos eos adorti Macedones, mixti pedites equitesque, fugientes ²⁷ effuse ad mare persecuti quingentos ferme occiderunt et non minus ceperunt.

[10] nec aliud quam ultima necessitas, cum recipere se tuto ad naves prohiberentur, animos militum Romanorum simul desperatione alia salutis, simul indignitate inritavit.

[11] redintegrata in litore pugna est; adiuvere, qui in navibus erant. ibi Macedonum ducenti ferme caesi, par numerus captus.

ab Antigonea classis profecta ad agrum Pallenensem escensionem ad populandum fecit.

[12] finium is ager Cassandrensium erat, longe fertilissimus omnis orae, quam praetervecti fuerant. ibi Eumenes rex viginti tectis navibus ab Elaea profectus obvius fuit et quinque missae a Prusia rege tectae naves.

[1]

hac virium accessione animus crevit praetori, ut Cassandream oppugnaret.

[2] condita est a Cassandro rege in ipsis faucibus, quae Pallenensem agrum ceterae Macedoniae iungunt, hinc Toronaico, hinc Macedonico saepta mari.

[3] eminet namque in altum lingua, in qua sita ²⁸ est, nec minus quam inclitus magnitudine Atho mons excurrit, obversa in regionem Magnesiae duobus inparibus promunturiis, quorum maiori Posideum est nomen, minori Canastraeum.

[4] divisis partibus oppugnare adorti. Romanus ad Clitas, quas vocant, munimenta, cervis etiam obiectis, ut viam intercluderet, a Macedonico ad Toronaicum mare perducit. ab altera parte euripus est;

[5] inde Eumenes oppugnabat. Romanis in fossa conplenda, quam nuper obiecerat Perseus, plurimum erat laboris. ibi quaerenti praetori, quia nusquam cumuli apparebant, quo regesta e fossa terra foret, monstrati sunt fornices: non ad eandem ²⁹ crassitudinem, qua veterem murum, sed simplici laterum ordine structos esse.

[7] erant in praesidio Cassandreae praeter non contemnendam iuventutem oppidanorum octingenti Agrianes et duo milia Penestarum Illyriorum, a Pleurato inde missi, bellicosum utrumque genus.

[8] his tuentibus muros, cum subire Romani summa vi niterentur, momento temporis parietes fornicum perfossi urbem patefecerunt. quod si, qui inrumperent, armati fuissent, extemplo cepissent.

[9] hoc ubi perfectum esse opus militibus nuntiatum est, clamorem alacres gaudio repente tollunt, ³⁰ aliis parte alia in urbem inrupturis.

[1]

hostis primum admiratio cepit, quidnam sibi repentinus clamor vellet.

[2] postquam patere urbem accepere praefecti praesidii Pytho et Philippus, pro eo, qui occupasset adgredi, opus factum esse rati cum valida manu Agrianum Illyriorumque erumpunt Romanosque,

[3] qui alii aliunde coibant convocabanturque, ut signa in urbem inferrent, inconpositos atque inordinatos fugant persecunturque ad fossam, in quam conpulsos ruina cumulant. sescenti ferme ibi interfecti, omnesque prope, qui inter murum fossamque deprensi erant, volnerantur.

[4] ita suo ipse conatu perculsus praetor segnior ad alia factus consilia erat. et ne Eumeni quidem simul a mari, simul a terra adgredienti quicquam satis procedebat.

[5] placuit igitur utrique custodiis firmatis, ne quod praesidium ex Macedonia intromitti posset, quoniam vis aperta non processisset, operibus moenia oppugnare.

[6] haec parantibus iis decem regii lembi ab Thessalonica cum delectis Gallorum auxiliaribus missi, cum in ³¹ salo stantes hostium naves conspexissent, ipsi obscura nocte, simplici ordine, quam poterant proxime litus tenentes intrarunt urbem.

[7] huius novi praesidii fama absistere oppugnatione simul Romanos regemque coegit. circumvecti promunturium ad Toronen classem appulerunt.

[8] eam quoque oppugnare adorti ubi valida defendi manu animadverterunt, inrito incepto Demetriadem petunt. ibi cum adpropinquantes repleta moenia armatis vidissent, praetervecti ad Iolcon classem appulerunt, inde agro vastato Demetriadem quoque adgressuri.

[1]

inter haec et consul, ne segnis sederet tantum in agro hostico, M. Popilium cum quinque milibus militum ad Meliboeam urbem oppugnandam mittit.

[2] sita est in radicibus Ossae montis, qua parte in Thessaliam vergit, opportune inminens super ³² Demetriadem.

[3] primus adventus hostium perculit incolas loci; collectis deinde ex necopinato pavore animis discurrunt armati ad portas ac moenia, qua suspecti aditus erant, spemque extemplo inciderunt, capi primo impetu posse.

[4] obsidio igitur parabatur, et opera ad oppugnationem fieri coepta. Perseus cum audisset simul Meliboeam a consulis exercitu oppugnari, simul classem Iolci stare, ut inde Demetriadem adgrederetur, Euphranorem quendam ex ducibus cum delectis duobus milibus Meliboeam mittit.

[5] eidem imperatum, ut, si a Meliboea summovisset Romanos, Demetriadem prius occulto itinere intraret, quam ab Iolco ad urbem castra moverent Romani.

[6] et ab oppugnatoribus Meliboeae, cum in superioribus locis repente apparuisset, cum trepidatione multa relicta opera sunt ignisque iniectus. ita a Meliboea abscessum est.

[7] Euphranor soluta unius urbis obsidione Demetriadem extemplo ducit. nocte moenia modo, sed agros etiam confiderent se a populationibus tueri posse; et eruptiones in vagos populatores non sine volneribus hostium factae sunt.

[8] circumvecti tamen moenia sunt praetor et rex, situm urbis contemplantes, si qua parte temptare aut opere aut vi possent.

[9] fama fuit per Cydantem Cretensem et Antimachum, qui Demetriadi praeerat, ³³ tractatas inter Eumenen et Persea condiciones amicitiae. ab Demetriade certe abscessum est.

[10] Eumenes ad consulem navigat; gratulatus, quod prospere Macedoniam intrasset, Pergamum in regnum abit.

[11] Marcius Figulus praetor parte classis in hiberna Sciathum missa cum reliquis navibus Oreum Euboeae petit eam urbem aptissimam ratus, unde exercitibus, qui in Macedonia quique in Thessalia erant, mitti commeatus possent.

[12] de Eumene rege longe diversa tradunt. si Valerio Antiati credas, nec classe adiutum ab eo praetorem esse, cum saepe eum litteris accersisset, tradit nec cum gratia ab consule profectum in Asiam, indignatum, quod, ut iisdem castris tenderet, permissum non fuerit;

[13] ne ut equites quidem Gallos, quos secum adduxerat, relinqueret, impetrari ab eo potuisse.

[14] Attalum fratrem eius et remansisse apud consulem, et sinceram eius fidem aequali tenore egregiamque operam in eo bello fuisse.

[1]

dum bellum in Macedonia geritur, legati Transalpini ab ³⁴ regulo Gallorum — Balanos ipsius traditur nomen; gentis, ex qua fuerit, non traditur — Romam venerunt pollicentes ad Macedonicum bellum auxilia.

[2] gratiae ab senatu actae muneraque missa, torquis aureus duo pondo et paterae aureae quattuor pondo, equus phaleratus armaque equestria.

[3] secundum Gallos Pamphylii legati coronam auream ex viginti milibus Philippeorum factam in curiam intulerunt, petentibusque iis, ut id donum in cella Iovis optimi maximi ponere et sacrificare in Capitolio liceret, permissum

[4] benigneque amicitiam renovare volentibus legatis responsum et binum milium aeris singulis missum munus.

[5] tum ab rege Prusia et paulo post ab Rhodiis de eadem re longe aliter disserentes legati auditi sunt.

[6] utraque legatio de pace reconcilianda cum rege Perseo egit. Prusiae preces magis quam ³⁵ postulatio fuere profitentis et ad id tempus se cum Romanis stetisse et, quoad bellum foret, staturum;

[7] ceterum cum ad se a Perseo legati venissent de finiendo cum Romanis bello, ei se pollicitum deprecatorem apud senatum futurum; petere, si possent inducere in animum, ut finiant iras, se quoque in gratia reconciliatae pacis ponerent.

[8] haec regii legati. Rhodii superbe commemoratis meritis suis erga populum Romanum et paene victoriae, utique de Antiocho rege,

[9] maiore parte ad se vindicata adiecerunt, cum pax inter Macedonas Romanosque esset, sibi amicitiam cum rege Perseo coeptam; eam se invitos, nullo eius in se merito, quoniam ita Romanis visum sit in societatem se belli trahere, interrupisse.

[10] tertium se annum multa eius incommoda belli sentire mari interim intercluso; inopem insulam esse, nisi ma ritimis iuvetur ³⁶ colendi itaque commeatibus.

[11] cum id ultra pati non possent, legatos alios ad Persea in Macedoniam misisse, qui ei denuntiarent, Rhodiis placere pacem eum conponere cum Romanis; se Romam eadem nuntiatum missos.

[12] per quos stetisset, quo minus belli finis fieret, adversus eos quid sibi faciendum esset, Rhodios consideraturos esse.

[13] ne nunc quidem haec sine indignatione legi audirive posse certum habeo. inde existimari potest, qui habitus animorum audientibus ea patribus fuerit.

[1]

Claudius nihil responsum ³⁷ auctor est, tantum senatus consultum recitatum, quo Caras et Lycios liberos esse iuberet populus Romanus litterasque extemplo ad utramque gentem senatus consultum indicatum mitti;

[2] qua audita re principem legationis, cuius magniloquentiam vix curia paulo ante ceperat, corruisse.

[3] alii responsum esse tradunt, populum Romanum et principio eius belli haud vanis auctoribus conpertum habuisse, Rhodios cum Perseo rege adversus rem publicam suam occulta consilia inisse,

[4] et si id ante dubium fuisset, legatorum paulo ante verba ad certum redegisse, et plerumque ipsam se fraudem, etiamsi initio cautior fuerit, detegere.

[5] Rhodios nunc in orbe terrarum arbitria belli pacisque agere, Rhodiorum ³⁸ nutu arma sumpturos positurosque Romanos esse. iam non deos foederum testis, sed Rhodios habituros.

[6] itane tandem? ni pareatur iis exercitusque de Macedonia deportentur, visuros esse, quid sibi faciendum sit?

[7] quid Rhodii visuri sint, ipsos scire; populum certe Romanum devicto Perseo, quod prope diem sperent fore, visurum, ut pro meritis cuiusque in eo bello civitatis gratiam dignam referat.

[8] munus tamen legatis in singulos binum milium aeris missum est, quod ii non acceperunt.

[1]

litterae deinde recitatae Q. Marci consulis sunt, quem ad modum saltu superato in Macedoniam transisset:

[2] ibi et ex aliis locis commeatus prospectos in hiemem habere et ab Epirotis viginti milia modium tritici, decem hordei sumpsisse, ut pro eo frumento pecunia Romae legatis eorum curaretur.

[3] vestimenta militibus ab Roma mittenda esse; equis ducentis ferme opus esse, maxime Numidis, nec sibi in his locis ullam copiam esse.

[4] senatus ³⁹ consultum, ut ea omnia ex litteris consulis fierent, factum est. C. Sulpicius praetor sex milia togarum, triginta tunicarum, equos ducentos deportanda in Macedoniam praebendaque arbitratu consulis locavit et legatis Epirotarum pecuniam pro frumento solvit et Onesimum Pythonis filium, nobilem Macedonem, in senatum introduxit.

[5] is pacis semper auctor regi fuerat monueratque, sicut pater eius Philippus institutum usque ad ultimum vitae diem servarat cotidie, bis in die, foederis icti cum Romanis perlegendi, ut eum morem, si non semper, crebro tamen usurparet.

[6] postquam deterrere eum a bello nequiit, primo subtrahere sese per alias atque alias causas, ne interesset iis, quae non probabat, coepit; postremo cum suspectum se esse cerneret et proditionis interdum crimine insimulari, ad Romanos transfugit et magno usui consuli fuit.

[7] ea introductus in curiam cum memorasset, senatus in formulam sociorum eum referri iussit, locum, lautia praeberi, agri Tarentini, qui publicus populi Romani esset, ducenta iugera dari, et aedes Tarenti emi. uti ea curaret, C. Decimio praetori mandatum.

[8] censum idibus Decembribus severius quam ante habuerunt: ⁴⁰ multis equi adempti, inter quos P. Rutilio , qui tribunus plebis eos violenter accusarat; tribu quoque is motus et aerarius factus.

[9] ad opera publica facienda cum eis dimidium ex vectigalibus eius anni adtributum ex senatus consulto a quaestoribus esset,

[10] Ti. Sempronius ex ea pecunia, quae ipsi adtributa erat, aedes P. Africani pone Veteres ad Vortumni signum lanienasque et tabernas coniunctas in publicum emit

[11] basilicamque faciendam curavit, quae postea Sempronia appellata est.

[1]

iam in exitu annus erat, et propter Macedonici maxime ⁴¹ belli curam in sermonibus homines habebant, quos in annum consules ad finiendum tandem id bellum crearent.

[2] itaque senatus consultum factum est, ut Cn. Servilius primo quoque tempore ad comitia habenda veniret.

[3] senatus consultum Sulpicius praetor ad consulem misit litterasque receptas a consule post paucos dies recitavit, quibus ante diem in urbem venturum. et consul maturavit et comitia eo die, qui dictus erat, sunt perfecta.

[4] consules creati L. Aemilius Paulus iterum, quarto decumo anno postquam primo consul fuerat, et C. Licinius Crassus .

[5] praetores postero die facti Cn. Baebius Tamphilus , L. Anicius Gallus , Cn. Octavius , P. Fonteius Balbus , M. Aebutius Helva , C. Papirius Carbo .

[6] omnia ut maturius agerentur, belli Macedonici stimulabat cura.

[7] itaque designatos extemplo sortiri placuit provincias, ut, cum, utri Macedonia consuli cuique praetori classis evenisset, sciretur, ut iam inde cogitarent pararentque, quae bello usui forent ⁴² senatumque consulerent, si qua de re consulto opus esset.

[8] Latinas, ubi magistratum inissent, quod per religiones posset, primo quoque tempore fieri placere, ne quid consulem, cui eundum in Macedoniam esset, teneret.

[9] his decretis, consulibus Italia et Macedonia, praetoribus praeter duas iurisdictiones in urbe classis et Hispania et Sicilia et Sardinia provinciae nominatae sunt.

[10] consulum Aemilio Macedonia, Licinio Italia evenit. praetores Cn. Baebius urbanam, L. Anicius peregrinam et si quo senatus censuisset, Cn. Octavius classem, P. Fonteius Hispaniam, M. Aebutius Siciliam, C. Papirius Sardiniam est sortitus.

[1]

extemplo apparuit omnibus non segniter id bellum L. Aemilium gesturum, praeterquam quod aliis vir erat, etiam quod dies noctesque intentus ea sola, quae ad id bellum pertinerent, ⁴³ animo agitabat.

[2] iam omnium primum a senatu petiit, ut legatos in Macedoniam mitterent ad exercitus visendos classemque et conperta referenda, quid aut terrestribus aut navalibus copiis opus esset;

[3] praeterea ut explorarent copias regias, quantum possent, quaque provincia nostra, qua hostium foret; utrum intra saltus castra Romani haberent, an iam omnes angustiae exsuperatae, et in aequa loca pervenissent;

[4] qui fideles nobis socii, qui dubii suspensaeque ex fortuna fidei, qui certi hostes viderentur; quanti praeparati commeatus, et unde terrestri itinere, unde navibus supportarentur; quid ea aestate terra marique rerum gestarum esset: ex his bene cognitis certa in futurum consilia capi posse.

[5] senatus Cn. Servilio consuli negotium dedit, ut tris in Macedoniam, quos L. Aemilio videretur, legaret.

[6] legati biduo post profecti Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus , A. Licinius Nerva , L. Baebius . ⁴⁴ in Romano agro, semel in Veienti; bis novendiale sacrum factum est.

[7] sacerdotes eo anno mortui sunt P. Quinctilius Varus flamen Martialis et M. Claudius Marcellus decemvir, in cuius locum Cn. Octavius suffectus est.

[8] iam magnificentia crescente notatum est, ludis circensibus P. Corneli Scipionis Nasicae et P. Lentuli aedilium curulium sexaginta tres Africanas et quadraginta ursos et elephantos lusisse.

[1]

L. Aemilio Paulo C. Licinio consulibus, idibus Martiis, principio insequentis anni, cum in expectatione patres fuissent, maxime quidnam consul de Macedonia, cuius ea provincia esset, referret, nihil se habere Paulus, quod referret, cum nondum inde legati redissent, dixit.

[2] ceterum Brundisi legatos iam esse, bis ex cursu Dyrrachium reiectos.

[3] cognitis mox, quae nosci prius in rem esset, relaturum;

[4] id fore intra perpaucos dies. et ne quid ⁴⁵ profectionem suam teneret, pridie idus Apriles Latinis esse constitutam diem. sacrificio rite perfecto et se et Cn. Octavium , simul senatus censuisset, exituros esse;

[5] C. Licinio collegae suo fore curae se absente, ut, si qua parari mittive ad id bellum opus sit, parentur mittanturque. interea legationes exterarum nationum audiri posse.

[6] primi Alexandrini legati ab Ptolemaeo et Cleo patra regibus vocati sunt.

[7] sordidati, barba et capillo promisso, cum ramis oleae ingressi curiam procubuerunt, et oratio quam habitus fuit miserabilior.

[8] Antiochus Syriae rex, qui obses Romae fuerat, per honestam speciem maioris Ptolemaei reducendi in regnum bellum cum minore fratre eius, qui tum Alexandriam tenebat,

[9] gerens et ad Pelusium navali proelio superior fuerat et ⁴⁶ tumultuario opere ponte per Nilum facto transgressus cum exercitu obsidione ipsam Alexandream terrebat, nec procul abesse, quin poteretur regno opulentissimo, videbatur.

[10] ea legati querentes orabant senatum, ut opem regno regibusque amicis imperio ferrent.

[11] ea merita populi Romani in Antiochum, eam apud omnes reges gentesque auctoritatem esse, ut, si legatos misissent, qui denuntiarent non placere senatui sociis regibus bellum fieri, extemplo abscessurus a moenibus Alexandreae abducturusque exercitum in Syriam esset.

[12] quod si cunctentur facere, brevi extorres regno Ptolemaeum et Cleopatram Romam venturos cum pudore quodam populi Romani, quod nullam opem in ultimo discrimine fortunarum tulissent.

[13] moti patres precibus Alexandrinorum extemplo C. Popilium Laenatem et C. Decimium et C. Hostilium legatos ad finiendum inter reges bellum miserunt.

[14] prius Antiochum, dein Ptolemaeum adire iussi et nuntiare, ni absistatur bello, per utrum stetisset, eum non pro amico nec pro socio habituros esse.

[1]

his intra triduum simul cum legatis Alexandrinis profectis legati ex Macedonia Quinquatribus ultimis adeo expectati ⁴⁷ venerunt, ut, nisi vesper esset, extemplo senatum vocaturi consules fuerint.

[2] postero die senatus fuit legatique auditi sunt. ii nuntiant maiore periculo quam emolumento exercitum per invios saltus in Macedoniam inductum.

[3] Pieriam, quo processisset, regem tenere; castra castris prope ita conlata esse, ut flumine Elpeo interiecto arceantur. neque regem pugnandi potestatem facere, nec nostris vim ad cogendum esse.

[4] hiemem etiam insuper rebus gerendis intervenisse. in otio militem ali, nec plus quam sex frumentum habere. Macedonum dici triginta milia armatorum esse.

[5] si Ap. Claudio circa Lychnidum satis validus exercitus foret, potuisse ancipiti bello distineri regem; nunc et Appium, et quod cum eo praesidii sit, in summo periculo esse, nisi propere aut iustus exercitus eo mittatur, aut illi inde deducantur.

[6] ad ⁴⁸ classem se ex castris profectos sociorum navalium partem morbo audisse absumptam, partem, maxime qui ex Sicilia fuerint, domos suas abisse, et homines navibus deesse; qui sint, neque stipendium accepisse neque vestimenta habere.

[7] Eumenen classemque eius, tamquam vento adlatas naves, sine causa et venisse et abisse, nec animum eius regis constare satis visum. sicut omnia de Eumene dubia, ita Attali egregie constantem fidem nuntiabant.

[1]

legatis auditis tunc de bello referre sese L. Aemilius dixit.

[2] senatus decrevit, ut in octo legiones parem numerum tribunorum consules et populus crearet; creari autem neminem eo anno placere, nisi qui honorem gessisset.

[3] tum ex omnibus tribunis militum uti L. Aemilius in duas legiones in Macedoniam, quos eorum velit, eligat, et ut sollemni Latinarum perfecto L. Aemilius consul, Cn. Octavius praetor, cui classis obtigisset, in provinciam proficiscantur.

[4] additus est his tertius L. Anicius praetor, cuius inter peregrinos iurisdictio erat; eum in provinciam ⁴⁹ Illyricum circa Lychnidum Ap. Claudio succedere placuit.

[5] dilectus cura C. Licinio consuli inposita.

[6] is septem milia civium Romanorum et equites ducentos scribere iussus et sociis nominis Latini septem milia peditum imperare,

[7] quadringentos equites, et Cn. Servilio Galliam obtinenti provinciam litteras mittere, ut sescentos equites conscriberet.

[9] qui eorum idonei ad militandum non essent, dimitti. decem praeterea milia peditum imperata sociis et octingenti equites.

[10] id praesidii additum Anicio praeter duas legiones, quas portare in Macedoniam est iussus, quina milia peditum et ⁵⁰ ducenos habentes, trecenos equites. et in classem quinque milia navalium socium sunt scripta.

[11] Licinius consul duabus legionibus obtinere provinciam iussus; eo addere sociorum decem milia peditum et sescentos equites.

[1]

senatus consultis perfectis L. Aemilius consul e curia in contionem processit orationemque talem habuit. ‘animadvertisse videor,

[2] Quirites, maiorem mihi sortito Macedoniam provinciam gratulationem factam, quam cum aut consul sum consalutatus, aut quo die magistratum inii,

[3] neque id ob aliam causam, quam quia bello in Macedonia, quod diu trahitur, existimastis dignum maiestate populi Romani exitum per me imponi posse. deos quoque huic favisse sorti spero eosdemque in rebus gerendis adfuturos esse.

[4] haec partim ominari, partim sperare possum; illud adfirmare pro certo audeo, me omni ope adnisurum esse, ne⁵¹ frustra vos hanc spem de me conceperitis.

[5] quae ad bellum opus sunt et senatus decrevit, et, quoniam extemplo proficisci placet neque ego in mora sum, C. Licinius collega, vir egregius, aeque enixe parabit ac si ipse id bellum gesturus esset.

[6] vos, quae scripsero senatui aut vobis ru mores credulitate vestra alatis, quorum auctor nemo extabit.

[7] nam nunc quidem, quod vulgo fieri, hoc praecipue bello animadverti, nemo tam famae contemptor est, cuius non debilitari animus possit.

[8] in omnibus circulis atque ⁵² etiam, si dis placet, in conviviis sunt, qui exercitus in Macedoniam ducant, ubi castra locanda sint sciant, quae loca praesidiis occupanda, quando aut quo saltu intranda Macedonia, ubi horrea ponenda, qua terra, mari subvehantur commeatus, quando cum hoste manus conserendae, quando quiesse sit melius.

[9] nec, quid faciendum sit, modo statuunt, sed, quidquid aliter, quam ipsi censuere, factum est, consulem veluti dicta die accusant.

[10] haec magna impedimenta res gerentibus sunt; neque enim omnes tam firmi et constantis animi contra adversum rumorem esse possunt, quam Q. Fabius fuit, qui suum imperium minui per vanitatem populi maluit quam secunda fama male rem publicam gerere.

[11] non sum is, qui non existumem admonendos duces esse; immo eum, qui de sua unius sententia omnia gerat, superbum iudico ⁵³ magis quam sapientem.

[12] quid ergo est? primum a prudentibus et proprie rei militaris peritis et usu doctis monendi imperatores sunt; deinde ab iis, qui intersunt gerendis rebus, qui loca, qui hostem, qui temporum opportunitatem vident, qui in eodem velut navigio participes sunt periculi.

[13] itaque si quis est, qui, quod e re publica sit, suadere se mihi in eo bello, quod gesturus sum, confidat, is ne deneget operam rei publicae et in Macedoniam mecum veniat. nave, equo, tabernaculo, viatico etiam a me iuvabitur;

[14] si quem id facere piget et otium urbanum militiae laboribus praeoptat, e terra ne gubernaverit.

[15] sermonum satis ipsa praebet urbs; iis loquacitatem suam contineat; nos castrensibus consilis contentos futuros esse sciat.

[16] ’ ab hac contione, Latinis, quae pridie kal. Apriles fuerunt, in monte sacrificio rite perpetrato protinus inde et consul et praetor Cn. Octavius in ⁵⁴ Macedoniam profecti sunt.

[17] traditum memoriae est maiore quam solita frequentia prosequentium consulem celebratum, ac prope certa spe ominatos esse homines adesse finem Macedonico bello maturumque reditum cum egregio triumpho consulis fore.

[1]

dum haec in Italia geruntur, Perseus quod iam inchoatum perficere, quia inpensa pecuniae facienda erat, non inducebat in animum,

[2] ut Gentium Illyriorum regem sibi adiungeret, hoc, postquam intrasse saltum Romanos et adesse discrimen ultimum belli animadvertit, non ultra differendum ratus cum per Hippiam legatum trecenta argenti talenta pactus esset, ita ut obsides ultro citroque darentur, Pantauchum misit ex fidissimis amicis ad ea perficienda.

[3] Meteone Labeatidis terrae Pantauchus regi Illyrio occurrit; ibi et ius iurandum ab rege et obsides accepit. missus et a Gentio est legatus nomine Olympio, qui ius iurandum a ⁵⁵ Perseo obsidesque exigeret.

[4] cum eodem ad pecuniam accipiendam missi sunt, et auctore Pantaucho, qui Rhodum legati cum Macedonibus irent, Parmenio et Morcus destinantur.

[5] quibus ita mandatum, ut iure iurando obsidibusque et pecunia accepta tum demum Rhodum proficiscerentur: duorum simul regum nomine incitari Rhodios ad bellum Romanum posse.

[6] adiunctam civitatem, penes quam unam tum rei navalis gloria esset, nec terra nec mari spem relicturam Romanis.

[7] venientibus Illyriis Perseus ab Elpeo amni ex castris cum omni equitatu profectus ad Dium occurrit.

[8] ibi ea, quae convenerant, circumfuso agmine equitum facta, quos adesse foederi sancitae cum Gentio societatis volebat ⁵⁶ rex, aliquantum eam rem ratus animorum iis adiecturam.

[9] et obsides in conspectu omnium dati acceptique, et Pellam ad thensauros regios missis, qui pecuniam acciperent, qui Rhodum irent cum Illyriis legatis Thessalonicae conscendere iussi.

[10] ibi Metrodorus erat, qui nuper ab Rhodo venerat, auctoribusque Dinone et Polyarato, principibus civitatis eius, adfirmabat Rhodios paratos ad bellum esse. is princeps iunctae cum Illyriis legationis datus est.

[1]

eodem tempore ad Eumenen et ad Antiochum communia mandata, quae subicere condicio rerum poterat:

[2] natura inimica inter se esse liberam civitatem et regem. singulos populum ⁵⁷ Romanum adgredi et, quod indignius sit, regum viribus reges oppugnare.

[3] Attalo adiutore patrem suum oppressum; Eumene adiuvante et quadam ex parte etiam Philippo patre suo Antiochum oppugnatum; in se nunc et Eumenen et Prusiam armatos esse.

[4] si Macedoniae regnum sublatum foret, proxumam Asiam esse, quam iam ex parte sub specie liberandi civitates suam fecerint, deinde Syriam.

[5] iam Prusiam Eumeni honore praeferri, iam Antiochum victorem praemio belli, Aegypto arceri.

[6] haec cogitantem providere iubebat, ut aut ad pacem secum faciendam conpelleret Romanos, aut perseverantes in bello iniusto communes duceret omnium regum hostes.

[7] ad Antiochum aperta mandata erant; ad Eumenen per speciem captivorum redimendorum missus legatus ⁵⁸ erat; re vera occultiora quaedam agebantur, quae in praesentia invisum quidem et suspectum Romanis Eumenen falsis gravioribus ; proditor enim ac prope hostis habitus,

[8] dum inter se duo reges captantes fraude et avaritia certant.

[9] Cydas erat Cretensis, ex intimis Eumenis. hic prius ad Amphipolim cum Chimaro quodam populari suo, militante apud Persea, inde postea ad Demetriadem semel cum Menecrate quodam, iterum cum Antimacho, regiis ducibus, sub ipsis moenibus urbis conlocutus fuerat.

[10] Herophon quoque, qui tum missus est, duabus ad eundem Eumenen iam ante legationibus functus erat.

[11] quae conloquia occulta et legationes infames quidem erant, sed quid actum esset quidve inter reges convenisset, ignorabatur. res autem ita sese habuit.

[1]

Eumenes neque favit victoriae Persei neque bello eum ⁵⁹ iuvare in animo habuit, non tam quia paternae inter eos inimicitiae erant, etiam ipsorum odiis inter se accensae:

[2] non ea regum aemulatio, ut aequo animo Persea tantas apisci opes tantamque gloriam, quanta Romanis victis eum manebat, Eumenes visurus fuerit.

[3] cernebat et Persea iam inde ab initio belli omni modo spem pacis temptasse et in dies magis, quo propior admoveretur terror, nihil neque agere aliud neque cogitare;

[4] Romanos quoque, quia traheretur diutius spe ipsorum bellum, et ipsos duces et ⁶⁰ senatum, non abhorrere a finiendo tam incommodo ac difficili bello.

[5] hac utriusque partis voluntate explorata, quod fieri etiam sua sponte taedio validioris, metu infirmioris credebat posse, in eo suam operam venditare concilianda gratia magis cupiit.

[6] nam modo ne iuvaret bello Romanos terra marique, modo pacis patrandae cum Romanis paciscebatur mercedem: ne bello interesset, mille talenta, ut pacem conciliaret, mille et quingenta.

[7] in utrumque non fidem modo se, sed obsides quoque dare paratum esse ostendebat.

[8] Perseus ad rem inchoandam promptissimus erat cogente metu et de obsidibus accipiendis sine dilatione agebat, conveneratque, ut accepti Cretam mitterentur.

[9] ubi ad pecuniae mentionem ventum erat, ibi haesitabat et utique alteram in tanti ⁶¹ nominis regibus turpem ac sordidam et danti et magis accipienti mercedem esse aiebat;

[10] in spem Romanae pacis non recusare inpensam, sed eam pecuniam perfecta re daturum, interea Samothracae in templo depositurum.

[11] ea insula cum ipsius dicionis esset, videre Eumenes nihil interesse, in ea an Pellae pecunia esset, id agere, ut partem aliquam praesentem ferret.

[12] ita nequiquam inter se captati nihil praeter infamiam movere.

[1]

nec haec tantum Persei per avaritiam est dimissa res, cum pecunia soluta aut pacem habere per Eumenen, quae vel parte regni redimenda esset, aut deceptus protrahere inimicum ⁶² mercede onustum et hostes merito ei Romanos posset facere;

[2] sed et ante Genti regis parata societas et tum Gallorum effusorum per Illyricum ingens oblatum auxilium avaritia dimissum est.

[3] veniebant decem milia equitum, par numerus peditum et ipsorum iungentium cursum equis et in vicem prolapsorum equitum vacuos capientium ad pugnam equos.

[4] hi pacti erant eques denos praesentes aureos, pedes quinos, mille dux eorum.

[5] venientibus his Perseus ab Elpeo ex castris profectus obviam cum dimidia copiarum parte denuntiare per vicos urbesque, quae viae propinquae sunt, coepit, ut commeatus expedirent, frumenti, vini, ⁶³ pecorum ut copia esset.

[6] ipse equos phalerasque et sagula donum principibus ferre et parvom auri, quod inter paucos divideret, multitudinem credens trahi spe posse.

[7] ad Almanam urbem pervenit et in ripa fluminis Axi posuit castra. circa Desudabam in Maedica exercitus Gallorum consederat mercedem pactam opperiens.

[8] eo mittit Antigonum, ex purpuratis unum, qui iuberet multitudinem Gallorum ad Bylazora — Paeoniae is ist locus est — castra movere, principes ad se venire frequentes. septuaginta quinque milia ab Axio flumine et castris regis aberant.

[9] haec mandata ad eos cum pertulisset Antigonus adiecissetque, per quantam omnium praeparatam cura regis copiam ituri forent quibusque muneribus principes advenientes vestis, argenti equorumque excepturus rex esset, de his quidem se coram cognituros respondent, illud,

[10] quod praesens pepigissent, interrogant, ecquid aurum, quod in singulos pedites equitesque dividendum esset, secum advexisset.

[11] cum ad id nihil responderetur, Clondicus, regulus ⁶⁴ eorum, ‘abi, renuntia ergo’ inquit ‘regi, nisi aurum obsidesque accepissent, nusquam inde Gallos longius vestigium moturos.’

[12] haec relata regi cum essent, advocato consilio cum, quid omnes suasuri essent, appareret, ipse pecuniae quam regni melior custos institit de perfidia et feritate Gallorum disserere multorum iam ante cladibus experta:

[13] periculosum esse tantam multitudinem in Macedoniam accipere, ne graviores eos socios habeant quam hostes Romanos.

[14] quinque milia equitum satis esse, quibus et uti ad bellum possent, et quorum multitudinem ipsi non timeant.

[1]

apparebat omnibus mercedem in multitudine timere nec ⁶⁵ quicquam aliud; sed cum suadere consulenti nemo auderet, remittitur Antigonus, qui nuntiaret quinque milium equitum opera tantum uti regem, non tenere multitudinem aliam.

[2] quod ubi audivere barbari, ceterorum quidem fremitus fuit indignantium se frustra excitos sedibus suis; Clondicus rursus interrogat, ecquid ipsis quinque milibus, quod convenisset, numeraret?

[3] cum adversus id quoque misceri ambages cerneret, inviolato fallaci nuntio, quod vix speraverat ipse posse contingere, retro ad Histrum perpopulati Threciam, qua vicina erat viae, redierunt.

[4] quae manus quieto sedente rege ad Elpeum adversus Romanos Perrhaebiae saltum in Thessaliam traducta non agros tantum nudare populando potuit, ne quos inde Romani commeatus expectarent, sed ipsas excindere urbes tenente ad Elpeum Perseo Romanos,

[5] ne urbibus sociis opitulari possent.

[6] ipsis quoque Romanis de se cogitandum fuisset, quando neque manere amissa Thessalia, unde exercitus alebatur, potuissent, neque progredi, cum ex ⁶⁶ adverso castra Macedonum , qui ea pependerant spe,

[7] haud mediocriter debilitavit.

[8] eadem avaritia Gentium regem sibi alienavit. nam cum trecenta talenta Pellae missis a Gentio numerasset, signare eos pecuniam passus est;

[9] inde decem talenta ad Pantauchum missa, eaque praesentia dari regi iussit; reliquam pecuniam signatam Illyriorum signo portantibus suis praecipit, parvis itineribus veherent,

[10] dein cum ad finem Macedoniae ventum esset, subsisterent ibi ac nuntios ab se opperirentur.

[11] Gentius exigua parte pecuniae accepta cum adsidue a Pantaucho ad lacessendos hostili facto Romanos stimularetur, M. Perpennam et L. Petilium legatos, qui tum forte ad eum venerant, in custodiam coniecit.

[12] hoc audito Perseus contraxisse eum necessitatem ratus ad bellandum utique cum Romanis, ad revocandum, qui pecuniam portabat, misit velut nihil aliud agens, quam ut quanta maxima posset praeda ex se victo Romanis reservaretur.

[13] et ab Eumene Herophon ignotis, quae occulte acta erant, redit. de captivis ⁶⁷ actum esse et ipsi evolgaverant et Eumenes consulem vitandae suspicionis causa certiorem fecit.

[1]

Perseus post reditum ab Eumene Herophontis spe deiectus Antenorem et Callippum praefectos classis cum quadraginta lembis — adiectae ad hunc numerum quinque pristis erant — Tenedum mittit,

[2] ut inde sparsas per Cycladas insulas naves Macedoniam cum frumento petentes tutarentur.

[4] cognito deinde in latere altero quinquaginta onerarias suarum stantibus in ostio portus Eumenis rostratis,

[5] quibus Damius praeerat, inclusas esse, circumvectus propere ac summotis terrore hostium navibus, ⁶⁸ onerarias datis, qui prosequerentur, decem lembis in Macedoniam mittit, ita ut in tutum prosecuti redirent Tenedum.

[6] nono post die ad classem iam ad Sigeum stantem redierunt. inde Subota —

[7] insula est interiecta Elaeae et Chio — traiciunt. forte postero die, quam Subota classis tenuit, quinque et triginta naves, quas hippagogus vocant, ab Elaea profectae cum equitibus Gallis equisque Phanas promunturium Chiorum petebant, unde transmittere in Macedoniam possent.

[8] Attalo ab Eumene mittebantur. has naves per altum ferri cum ex specula signum datum Antenori esset, profectus ab Subotis inter Erythrarum promunturium Chiumque, qua artissimum fretum est, iis occurrit.

[9] nihil minus credere praefecti Eumenis, quam Macedonum classem in illo vagari mari: nunc Romanos esse, nunc Attalum aut remissos aliquos ab Attalo ex castris Romanis Pergamum petere.

[10] sed cum iam adpropinquantium forma lemborum haud dubia esset et concitatio remorum derectaeque in se prorae hostis adpropinquare aperuissent, tunc iniecta trepidatio est.

[11] cum resistendi spes nulla esset inhabilique navium genere et Gallis vix quietem ferentibus in mari,

[12] pars eorum, qui propiores continenti litori ⁶⁹ erant, in Erythraeam enarunt, pars velis datis ad Chium naves eiecere relictisque equis effusa fuga urbem petebant.

[14] octingenti ferme Gallorum occisi, ducenti vivi capti; equi pars in mari fractis navibus absumpti, parti nervos succiderunt in litore Macedones.

[15] viginti eximiae equos formae cum captivis eosdem decem lembos, quos ante miserat, Antenor devehere Thessalonicam iussit et primo quoque tempore ad classem reverti:

[16] Phanis se eos expectaturum. triduum ferme classis ad urbem stetit. Phanas inde progressi sunt et spe celerius regressis decem lembis evecti Aegaeo mari Delum traiecerunt.

[1]

dum haec geruntur, legati Romani, C. Popilius et C. Decimius et C. Hostilius , a Chalcide profecti tribus quinqueremibus Delum cum venissent, lembos ibi Macedonum quadraginta et quinque regis Eumenis quinqueremis invenerunt.

[2] sanctitas templi insulaeque inviolatos praestabat omnes. itaque permixti Romanique et Macedones et Eumenis navales socii et in templo, indutias religione loci praebente, versabantur.

[3] Antenor, Persei ⁷⁰ praefectus, cum aliquas alto praeferri onerarias naves ex speculis significatum foret,

[4] parte lemborum ipse insequens, parte per Cyclades disposita, praeterquam si quae Macedoniam peterent, omnes aut supprimebat aut spoliabat naves.

[5] quibus poterat Popilius aut suis aut Eumenis navibus succurrebat; sed vecti nocte binis aut ternis plerumque lembis Macedones fallebant.

[7] et iam cum accessissent animi Dinoni ac Polyarato, qui Persei partium erant, non benigne modo responsum regibus est, sed palam pronuntiatum bello finem se auctoritate sua inposituros esse:

[8] itaque ipsi quoque reges aequos adhiberent animos ad pacem accipiendam. ⁷¹

[1]

iam veris principium erat novique duces in provincias venerant, consul Aemilius in Macedoniam, Octavius Oreum ad classem, Anicius in Illyricum, cui bellandum adversus Gentium erat. Gentius patre Pleurato,

[2] rege Illyriorum, et matre Eurydica genitus fratres duos, Platorem utroque parente, Caravantium matre eadem natum, habuit.

[3] hoc propter ignobilitatem paternam minus suspecto Platorem occidit et duos amicos eius, Ettritum et Epicadum, impigros viros, quo tutius regnaret.

[4] fama fuit Monuni, Dardanorum principis, filiam Etutam pacto fratri eum invidisse tamquam his nuptiis adiungenti sibi Dardanorum gentem; et simillimum id vero fecit ducta ea virgo Platore interfecto.

[5] gravis deinde dempto a fratre metu popularibus esse coepit, et ⁷² violentiam insitam ingenio intemperantia vini accendebat.

[6] ceterum, sicut ante dictum est, ad Romanum incitatus bellum Lissum omnis copias contraxit.

[7] quindecim milia armatorum fuerunt. inde fratre in Caviorum gentem vi aut terrore subigendam cum mille peditibus et quinquaginta equitibus misso ipse ad Bassaniam urbem quinque milia ab Lisso ducit.

[8] socii erant Romanorum; itaque per praemissos nuntios prius temptati obsidionem pati quam dedere sese maluerunt.

[9] Caravantium in Caviis Durnium oppidum advenientem benigne accepit; Caravandis, altera urbs, exclusit; et cum agros eorum effuse vastaret, aliquot palati milites agrestium concursu interfecti sunt.

[10] iam et Ap. Claudius adsumptis ad eum exercitum, quem habebat, Bullinorum et Apolloniatium et Dyrrachinorum auxiliis profectus ex hibernis circa Genusum amnem castra habebat, audito foedere inter Persea et Gentium et.

[11] legatorum violatorum iniuria accensus bellum haud dubie adversus eum gesturus.

[12] Anicius praetor eo tempore Apolloniae auditis, quae in Illyrico gererentur, praemissisque ad Appium ⁷³ litteris, ut se ad Genusum opperiretur, triduo et ipse in castra venit et ad ea,

[13] quae habebat, auxilia Parthinorum iuventute adiuncta, duobus milibus peditum et equitibus ducentis — peditibus Epicadus, equitibus Algalsus praeerat — parabat ducere in Illyricum, maxime ut Bassanitas solveret obsidione. tenuit impetum eius fama lemborum vastantium maritimam oram.

[14] octoginta erant lembi, auctore Pantaucho missi a Gentio ad Dyrrachinorum et

[15] Apolloniatium Appolloniatium agros populandos. tum classis ad to eo tradiderunt se.

[1]

deinceps et urbes regionis eius idem faciebant, adiuvante inclinationem animorum clementia in omnis et iustitia praetoris Romani.

[2] ad Scodram inde ventum est, quod belli caput erat, non eo solum quod Gentius eam sibi ceperat velut regni totius arcem, sed etiam quod Labeatium gentis munitissima longe est ⁷⁴ et difficilis aditu.

[3] duo cingunt eam flumina, Clausal a latere urbis, quod in orientem patet, praefluens, Barbanna ab regione occidentis, ex Labeatide palude oriens.

[4] hi duo amnes confluentes incidunt Oriundi flumini, quod ortum ex monte Scordo, multis et aliis auctum aquis, mari Hadriatico infertur.

[5] mons Scordus, longe altissimus regionis eius, ab oriente Dardaniam subiectam habet, a meridie Macedoniam, ab occasu Illyricum.

[6] quamquam munitum situ naturali oppidum erat gensque id tota Illyriorum et rex ipse tuebatur, tamen praetor Romanus, quia prima successerant prospere, fortunam totius rei principia secuturam esse ⁷⁵ ratus et repentinum valiturum terrorem, instructo exercitu ad moenia succedit.

[7] quod si clausis portis muros portarumque turris dispositi armati defendissent, vano cum incepto moenibus pepulissent Romanos;

[8] nunc porta egressi proelium loco aequo maiore animo commiserunt quam sustinuerunt.

[9] pulsi enim et fuga conglobati, cum ducenti amplius in ipsis faucibus portae cecidissent, tantum intulerunt terrorem, ut oratores extemplo ad praetorem mitteret Gentius Teuticum et Bellum, principes gentis, per quos indutias peteret, ut deliberare de statu rerum suarum posset.

[10] triduo in hoc dato, cum castra Romana quingentos ferme passus ab urbe abessent, navem conscendit et flumine Barbanna navigat in lacum Labeatum, velut secretum locum petens ad consultandum, sed,

[11] ut apparuit, falsa spe excitus Caravantium fratrem multis milibus armatorum coactis ea regione, in quam missus erat, adventare.

[12] qui postquam evanuit rumor, tertio post die navem eandem secundo amni Scodram demisit praemissisque nuntiis, ut sibi appellandi praetoris potestas fieret, copia facta in castra venit.

[13] et principium orationis ab accusatione stultitiae ⁷⁶ orsus suae, postremo ad preces lacrimasque effusus, genibus praetoris accidens in potestatem sese dedit.

[14] primo bonum animum habere iussus, ad cenam etiam invitatus in urbem ad suos rediit et cum praetore eo die honorifice est epulatus, deinde in custodiam C. Cassio tribuno militum traditus,

[15] vix gladiatorio accepto, decem talentis, ab rege rex, ut in eam fortunam recideret.

[1]

Anicius Scodra recepta nihil prius quam requisitos Petilium Perpennamque legatos ad se duci iussit.

[2] quibus splendore suo restituto Perpennam extemplo mittit ad conprehendendos amicos cognatosque regis;

[3] qui Meteonem, Labeatium gentis urbem, profectus Etlevam uxorem cum filiis duobus, Scerdilaedo Pleuratoque, et Caravantium fratrem Scodram in castra adduxit.

[4] Anicius bello ⁷⁷ Illyrico intra triginta dies perfecto nuntium victoriae Perpennam Romam misit et post dies paucos Gentium regem ipsum cum parente, coniuge ac liberis ac fratre aliisque principibus Illyriorum.

[5] hoc unum bellum prius perpetratum quam coeptum Romae auditum est.

quibus diebus haec agebantur, Perseus quoque in magno terrore erat propter adventum simul Aemili novi consulis, quem cum ingentibus minis adventare audiebat, simul Octavi praetoris.

[6] nec minus terroris a classe Romana et periculo maritumae orae habebat. Thessalonicae Eumenes et Athenagoras praeerant cum parvo praesidio duorum milium cetratorum.

[7] eo et Androclen praefectum mittit, iussum sub ipsis navalibus castra habere. Aenean mille equites cum Creonte Antigonensi misit ad tutandam ⁷⁸ maritumam oram,

[8] ut quocumque litore adplicuisse naves hostium audissent, extemplo ferrent agrestibus opem.

[9] quinque milia Macedonum missa ad praesidium Pythoi et Petrae, quibus praepositi erant Histiaeus et Theogenes et Midon.

[10] his profectis ripam munire Elpei fluminis adgressus est, quia sicco alveo transiri poterat.

[11] huic operi ut omnis multitudo vacaret, feminae ex propinquis urbibus cocta cibaria in castra adferebant; miles iussus ex propinquis silvis benigne

[1]

conferre, postremo sequi se putearios ad mare, quod minus trecentos passus aberat, iussit et in litore alios alibi ⁷⁹ modicis intervallis fodere.

[2] montes ingentis altitudinis spem faciebant, eo magis quia nullos apertos emergerent rivos, occultos contineri latices, quorum venae in mare permanantes undae miscerentur.

[3] vix diducta summa harena erat, cum scaturiges turbidae primo et tenues emicare, dein liquidam multamque fundere aquam velut deum dono coeperunt.

[4] aliquantum ea quoque res duci famae et auctoritatis apud milites adiecit. iussis deinde militibus expedire arma ipse cum tribunis primisque ordinibus ad contemplandos transitus est progressus, qua descensus facilis armatis, qua in ulteriorem ripam minime inicus ascensus esset.

[5] his satis exploratis illa quoque ; primum, ut ordine ac sine tumultu omnia in agmine ad nutum imperiumque ducis fierent, providit:

[6] ubi omnibus simul pronuntiaretur, quod fieret, neque omnes exaudirent, incerto imperio accepto alios, ab se adicientes, plus ⁸⁰ eo, quod imperatum sit, alios minus facere; clamores deinde dissonos oriri omnibus locis, et prius hostes quam ipsos, quid paretur, scire.

[7] placere igitur tribunum militum primo pilo legionis secretum edere imperium, illum et dein singulos proximo cuique in ordine centurioni dicere, quid opus facto sit, sive a primis signis ad novissimum agmen, sive ab extremis ad primos perferundum imperium sit.

[8] vigiles etiam novo more scutum in vigiliam ferre vetuit: non enim in pugnam vigilem ire, ut armis utatur, sed ad vigilandum, ut, cum senserit hostium adventum, recipiat se excitetque ad arma alios.

[9] scuto prae se erecto stare galeatos; deinde, ubi fessi sint, innixos pilo, capite super ⁸¹ marginem scuti posito, sopito stare, ut fulgentibus armis procul conspici ab hoste possint, ipsi nihil provideant.

[10] stationum quoque morem mutavit. armati omnes, et frenatis equis equites, diem totum perstabant; id cum aestivis diebus urente adsiduo sole fieret, tot horarum aestu et languore ipsos equosque fessos integri saepe adorti hostes vel pauci plures vexabant.

[11] itaque ex matutina statione ad meridiem decedi et in postmeridianam succedere alios iussit; ita numquam fatigatos recens hostis adgredi poterat.

[1]

haec cum ita fieri placere contione advocata pronuntiasset, adiecit urbanae contioni convenientem orationem:

[2] unum imperatorem in exercitu providere et consulere, quid agendum sit, debere nunc per se, nunc cum iis, quos advocarit in consilium; ⁸² qui non sint advocati, eos nec palam nec secreto iactare consilia sua.

[3] militem haec tria curare debere, corpus ut quam validissimum et pernicissimum habeat, arma apta, cibum paratum ad subita imperia;

[4] cetera scire de se dis immortalibus et imperatori suo curae esse. in quo exercitu milites consultent, imperator rumoribus volgi circumagatur, ibi nihil salutare esse.

[5] se, quod sit officium imperatoris, provisurum, ut bene gerendae rei occasionem iis praebeat; illos nihil, quid futurum sit, quaerere, ubi datum signum sit, tum militarem navare operam debere.

[6] ab his praeceptis contionem dimisit volgo etiam veteranis fatentibus se illo primum die tamquam tirones, quid agendum esset in re militari, didicisse.

[7] non sermonibus tantum his, cum quanto adsensu audissent verba consulis, ostenderunt, sed rerum praesens effectus erat.

[8] neminem totis mox castris quietum videres; acuere alii gladios, alii galeas bucculasque, scutorum alii alii loricas tergere, ⁸³ alii aptare corpori arma experirique sub his membrorum agilitatem, quatere alii pila, alii micare gladiis mucronemque intueri, ut facile quis cerneret,

[9] ubi primum conserendi manum cum hoste data occasio esset, aut victoria egregia aut morte memorabili finituros bellum.

[1]

Roma norum esse; quae res Romanis auxit animos, Macedonibus regique eorum haud mediocrem attulit terrorem.

[2] et primo supprimere in occulto famam eius rei est conatus missis, qui Pantauchum inde venientem adpropinquare castris vetarent.

[3] sed iam et pueri quidam visi ab suis erant inter obsidis Illyrios ducti, et quo quaeque accuratius celantur, eo facilius loquacitate regiorum ministrorum emanant.

[4] sub idem tempus Rhodii legati in castra venerunt cum iisdem de pace mandatis, quae Romae ingentem iram patrum excitavere.

[5] multo iniquioribus animis a castrensi consilio auditi sunt. itaque cum alii alii praecipites sine responso agendos castris, pronuntiavit post diem quintum decimum se responsum daturum.

[6] interim, ut appareret, quantum pacificantium Rhodiorum auctoritas valuisset, consultare de ratione belli gerendi coepit.

[7] placebat quibusdam et maxime minoribus natu per Elpei ripam munitionesque ⁸⁵ vim facere: confertis et uno facientibus resistere Macedonas non posse, ex tot castellis aliquanto altioribus ac munitioribus, quae validis praesidiis insedissent, priore anno deiectos.

[9] ipsi natura et operibus inexsuperabilis ripa videbatur, et praeterquam quod tormenta ubique disposita essent, missilibus etiam melius et certiore ictu hostis uti audierat.

[10] alio spectabat mens tota ducis; dimissoque consilio Perrhaebos mercatores Coenum et Menophilum, notae iam sibi et fidei et prudentiae homines, accersitos secreto percunctatur, quales ad Perrhaebiam transitus sint.

[11] cum loca non iniqua esse dicerent, praesidiis autem regiis obsideri, spem cepit, si nocte ⁸⁶ inproviso valida manu adgressus necopinantis esset, deici praesidia posse:

[12] iacula enim et sagittas et cetera missilia in tenebris, ubi, quid petatur, procul provideri nequeat, inutilia esse; gladio comminus geri rem in permixta turba, quo miles Romanus vincat.

[13] his ducibus usurus, praetorem Octavium accersitum exposito, quid pararet, Heraclium cum classe petere iubet et mille hominibus decem dierum cocta cibaria habere.

[14] ipse P. Scipionem Nasicam , Q. Fabium Maximum filium suum cum quinque milibus delectis militum Heracleum mittit, velut classem conscensuros ad maritumam oram interioris Macedoniae, quod in consilio agitatum erat, vastandam.

[15] secreto indicatum cibaria his praeparata ad classem esse, ne quid eos moraretur. inde iussi duces itineris ita dividere viam, ut quarta vigilia tertio die Pythoum ⁸⁷ adoriri possent.

[16] ipse postero die, ut detineret regem ab circumspectu rerum aliarum, prima luce medio in alveo cum stationibus hostium proelium commisit, atque pugnatum utrimque est levi armatura; nec gravioribus armis in tam inaequali alveo pugnari poterat.

[17] descensus ripae utriusque in alveum trecentorum ferme passum erat; medium spatium torrentis alibi aliter cavati paulo plus quam mille passus patebat.

[18] ibi in medio spectantibus utrimque ex vallo castrorum hinc rege, hinc consule cum suis legionibus pugnatum est.

[19] missilibus procul regia auxilia melius pugnabant; comminus stabilior et tutior aut parma aut scuto Ligustino Romanus erat.

[20] meridie fere receptui cani suis consul iussit. ita eo die diremptum proelium est haud paucis utrimque interfectis.

[21] sole orto postero die inritatis certamine animis etiam acrius concursum est. sed Romani non ab iis tantum, cum quibus contractum certamen erat, sed multo magis ab ea multitudine, quae disposita in turribus stabat, omni genere missilium telorum ac saxis maxime volnerabantur.

[22] ubi propius ripam hostium ⁸⁸ subissent, tormentis missa etiam ad ultimos perveniebant. multo pluribus eo die amissis consul paulo serius recepit suos.

[23] tertio die proelio abstinuit, degressus ad imam partem castrorum, veluti per devexum in mare bracchium transitum temptaturus.

[24] Perseus, quod in oculis erat

[1]

anni post circumactum solstitium erat; hora diei iam ad meridiem vergebat; iter multo pulvere et incalescente sole factum erat.

[2] lassitudo et sitis iam sentiebatur et meridie stante magis. adcesserunt tum mox adparebat. statuit sic adfectos ⁸⁹ recenti atque integro hosti non obicere;

[3] sed tantus ardor in animis ad dimicandum utcumque erat, ut consuli non minore arte ad suos eludendos quam ad hostis opus esset.

[4] nondum omnibus instructis instabat tribunis militum, ut maturarent instruere; circumibat ipse ordines; animos militum hortando in pugnam accendebat.

[5] ibi primo alacres signum poscebant; deinde quantum incresceret aestus, et voltus minus vigentes et voces segniores erant, et quidam incumbentes scutis nixique pilis stabant.

[6] tum iam aperte primis ordinibus inperat, metarentur frontem castrorum et inpedimenta constituerent.

[7] quod ubi fieri milites sensere, alii gaudere palam, quod fessos viae labore flagrantissimo aestu non coegisset pugnare.

[8] legati circa imperatorem ⁹⁰ ducesque externi erant, inter quos et Attalus, omnes adprobantes, cum pugnaturum consulem credebant — neque enim ne his quidem cunctationem aperuerat suam —

[9] tunc mutatione consilii subita cum alii silerent, Nasica unus ex omnibus ausus est monere consulem, ne hostem ludificatum priores imperatores fugiendo certamen manibus emitteret:

[10] vereri, ne, si nocte abeat, sequendus maximo labore ac periculo in intima Macedoniae sit, aestasque, sicut prioribus ducibus, per calles saltusque Macedonicorum montium vagando circumagatur.

[11] se magnopere suadere, dum in campo patenti hostem habeat, adgrediatur nec oblatam occasionem vincendi amittat.

[12] consul nihil offensus libera admonitione tam clari adulescentis ‘et ego’ inquit ‘animum istum habui, Nasica, quem tu nunc habes, et, quem ego nunc habeo, tu habebis.

[13] multis belli casibus didici, quando pugnandum, quando abstinendum pugna sit. non operae est stanti nunc in acie docere, ⁹¹ quibus de causis hodie quiesse melius sit. rationes alias reposcito;

[14] nunc auctoritate veteris imperatoris contentus eris.’ conticuit adulescens: haud dubie videre aliqua impedimenta pugnae consulem, quae sibi non apparerent.

[1]

Paulus postquam metata castra impedimentaque conlocata animadvertit, ex postrema acie triarios primos subducit,

[2] deinde principes stantibus in prima acie hastatis, si quid hostis moveret, postremo hastatos, ab dextro primum cornu singulorum paulatim signorum milites subtrahens.

[3] ita pedites equitibus cum levi armatura ante aciem hosti oppositis sine tumultu abducti, nec ante, quam prima frons valli ac fossa perducta est, ex statione equites revocati sunt.

[4] rex quoque, cum sine detractatione paratus pugnare eo die fuisset, contentus eo, quod per hostem moram fuisse pugnae scirent, et ipse in castra copias reduxit.

[5] castris permunitis C. Sulpicius Gallus , tribunus militum secundae legionis, qui praetor superiore anno fuerat, consulis ⁹² permissu ad contionem militibus vocatis, pronuntiavit nocte proxima, ne quis id pro portento acciperet,

[6] ab hora secunda usque ad quartam horam noctis lunam defecturam esse. id quia naturali ordine statis temporibus fiat, et sciri ante et praedici posse.

[7] itaque quem ad modum, quia certi solis lunaeque et ortus et ⁹³ occasus sint, nunc pleno orbe, nunc senescentem exiguo cornu fulgere lunam non mirarentur, ita ne obscurari quidem, cum condatur umbra terrae, trahere in prodigium debere.

[8] nocte, quam pridie nonas Septembres insecuta est dies, edita hora cum luna defecisset, Romanis militibus Galli sapientia prope divina videri;

[9] Macedonas ut triste prodigium occasum regni perniciemque gentis portendens movit, nec aliter vates. clamor ululatusque in castris Macedonum fuit, donec luna in suam lucem emersit. ⁹⁴

[10] postero die — tantus utrique ardor exercitui ad concurrendum fuerat, ut et regem et consulem suorum quidam, quod sine proelio discessum esset, accusarent — regi prompta defensio erat non eo solum,

[11] quod hostis prior, aperte pugnam detractans, in castra copias reduxisset, sed etiam quod eo loco signa constituisset, quo phalanx, quam inutilem vel mediocris iniquitas loci efficeret, promoveri non posset.

[12] consul ad id, quod pridie praetermisisse pugnandi occasionem videbatur et locum dedisse hosti, si nocte abire vellet, tunc quoque per speciem immolandi terere videbatur tempus, cum luce prima ad signum propositum pugnae exeundum in aciem fuisset.

[13] tertia demum hora sacrificio rite perpetrato ad consilium vocavit atque ibi, quod rei gerendae tempus esset, loquendo et intempestive consultando videbatur quibusdam extrahere. sermones tamen consul orationem habuit. ⁹⁵

[1]

‘ P. Nasica , egregius adulescens, ex omnibus unus, quibus hesterno die pugnari placuit, denudavit mihi suum consilium; idem postea, ita ut transisse in sententiam meam videri posset, tacuit.

[2] quibusdam aliis absentem carpere imperatorem quam praesentem monere melius visum est.

[3] et tibi, P. Nasica , et quicumque idem, quod tu, occultius senserunt, non gravabor reddere dilatae pugnae rationem.

[4] nam tantum abest, ut me hesternae quietis paeniteat, ut servatum a me exercitum eo consilio credam. in qua me opinione sine causa esse ne quis vestrum credat, recognoscat agedum mecum, si videtur, quam multa pro hoste et adversus nos fuerint.

[5] iam omnium primum, quantum numero nos praestent, neminem vestrum nec ante ignorasse et hesterno die, explicatam intuentis aciem, animadvertisse certum habeo.

[6] ex hac nostra paucitate quarta pars militum praesidio inpedimentis relicta erat; nec ignavissimum quemque relinqui ⁹⁶ ad custodiam sarcinarum scitis.

[7] sed fuerimus omnes: parvom hoc tandem esse credimus, quod ex his castris, in quibus hac nocte mansimus, exituri in aciem hodierno aut summum crastino die, si ita videbitur, dis bene iuvantibus sumus?

[8] nihilne interest, utrum militem, quem neque viae labor eo die neque operis fatigaverit, requietum, integrum in tentorio suo arma capere iubeas atque in aciem plenum virium, vigentem et corpore et animo educas,

[9] an longo itinere fatigatum et onere fessum, madentem sudore, arentibus siti faucibus, ore atque oculis repletis pulvere, torrente meridiano sole, hosti obicias recenti, requieto, qui nulla re ante consumptas vires ad proelium adferat?

[10] quis pro deum fidem ita conparatus, vel iners atque inbellis, fortissimum virum non vicerit? quid, quod hostes per summum otium instruxerant aciem,

[11] praeparaverant animos, stabant conpositi suis ⁹⁷ quisque ordinibus, nobis tunc repente trepidandum in acie instruenda erat et incompositis concurrendum?

[1]

at hercule aciem quidem inconditam inordinatamque habuissemus; castra munita, provisam aquationem, tutum ad eam iter praesidiis inpositis, explorata circa omnia, an nihil nostri habentes praeter nudum campum, in quo pugnaremus?

[2] maiores vestri castra munita portum ad omnis casus exercitus ducebant esse, unde ad pugnam exirent, quo iactati tempestate pugnae receptum haberent.

[3] ideo, cum ⁹⁸ munimentis ea saepsissent, praesidio quoque valido firmabant, quod, qui castris exutus erat, etiamsi pugnando acie vicisset, pro victo haberetur. castra sunt victori receptaculum, victo perfugium.

[4] quam multi exercitus, quibus minus prospera pugnae fortuna fuit, intra vallum conpulsi tempore suo, interdum momento post, eruptione facta victorem hostem pepulerunt?

[5] patria altera est militaris haec sedes, vallumque pro moenibus et tentorium suum cuique militi domus ac penates sunt. sine ulla sede vagi dimicassemus, ut quo victores nos reciperemus?

[6] his difficultatibus et impedimentis pugnae illud opponitur: quid si hostis hac interposita nocte abisset, quantum rursus sequendo eo penitus in ultimam Macedoniam exhauriendum laboris erat?

[7] ego autem neque mansurum eum neque in aciem copias educturum fuisse certum habeo, si cedere hinc statuisset. quanto enim facilius abire fuit, cum procul abessemus, quam nunc, cum in cervicibus sumus, nec fallere nos interdiu aut nocte abeund o potest?

[8] quid autem est nobis optatius quam ut, quorum castra praealta fluminis ripa tuta, vallo insuper saepta ac crebris turribus, ⁹⁹ oppugnare adorti sumus, eos relictis munimentis agmine effuso abeuntis in patentibus campis ab tergo adoriamur? hae dilatae pugnae ex hesterno die in hodiernum causae fuerunt.

[9] pugnare enim et ipsi mihi placet, et ideo, quia per Elpeum amnem saepta ad hostem via erat, alio saltu deiectis hostium praesidiis novom iter aperui neque prius, quam debellavero, absistam.’

[1]

post hanc orationem silentium fuit partim traductis in sententiam eius, partim verentibus nequiquam offendere in eo, quod utcumque praetermissum revocari non posset.

[2] ac ne illo ipso quidem die aut consuli aut regi pugnare placebat, regi, quod nec fessos, ut pridie, ex via neque trepidantis in acie instruenda et vixdum compositos adgressurus erat, consuli, quod in novis castris non ligna, non pabulum convectum erat, ad quae petenda ex propinquis agris magna pars militum e castris exierat.

[3] neutro imperatorum volente fortuna, quae plus consiliis humanis pollet, ¹⁰⁰ contraxit certamen.

[4] flumen erat haud magnum propius hostium castris, ex quo et Macedones et Romani aquabantur praesidiis ex utraque ripa positis, ut id facere tuto possent.

[5] duae cohortes a parte Romanorum erant, Marrucina et Paeligna, duae turmae Samnitium equitum, quibus praeerat M. Sergius Silus legatus;

[6] et aliud pro castris stativom erat praesidium sub C. Cluvio legato, tres cohortes, Firmana, Vestina, Cremonensis, duae turmae equitum, Placentina et Aesernina.

[7] cum otium ad flumen esset neutris lacessentibus, hora circiter nona iumentum e manibus curantium elapsum in ulteriorem ripam effugit.

[8] quod cum per aquam ferme genus tenus altam tres milites sequerentur, Threces duo id iumentum ex medio alveo in suam ripam trahentes , altero eorum occiso receptoque eo iumento ad stationem suorum se recipiebant.

[9] octingentorum Thracum praesidium ¹⁰¹ in hostium ripa erat. ex his pauci primo, aegre passi popularem in suo conspectu caesum, ad persequendos interfectores fluvium transgressi sunt,

[10] dein plures, postremo omnes, et cum praesidio

[1]

proelium ducit. movebat imperii maiestas, gloria viri, ante omnia aetas, quod maior sexaginta annis iuvenum munia in parte praecipua laboris periculique capessebat. intervallum, quod inter cetratos et phalanges erat, inplevit legio atque aciem hostium interrupit.

[2] a tergo cetrati erant, frontem adversus ¹⁰² clupeatos habebat; chalcaspides appellabantur. secundam legionem L. Albinus consularis ducere adversus leucaspidem phalangem iussus;

[3] ea media acies hostium fuit. in dextrum cornu, unde circa fluvium commissum proelium erat, elephantos inducit et alas sociorum;

[4] et hinc primum fuga Macedonum est orta. nam sicut pleraque nova conmenta mortalium in verbis vim habent, experiendo, cum ¹⁰³ agi, non, quem ad modum agatur, edisseri oportet, sine ullo effectu evanescunt, ita tum elephantos Macedonum sine ullo usu fuerunt.

[5] elephantorum impetum subsecuti sunt socii nominis Latini pepuleruntque laevom cornu.

[6] in medio secunda legio inmissa dissipavit phalangem. neque ulla evidentior causa victoriae fuit, quam quod multa passim proelia erant, quae fluctuantem turbarunt primo, deinde disiecerunt phalangem, cuius confertae et intentis horrentis hastis intolerabiles vires sunt;

[7] si ¹⁰⁴ carptim adgrediendo circumagere inmobilem longitudine et gravitate hastam cogas, confusa strue inplicantur; si vero aut ab latere aut ab tergo aliquid tumultus increpuit, ruinae modo turbantur,

[8] sicut tum adversus catervatim incurrentes Romanos et interrupta multifariam acie obviam ire cogebantur; et Romani, quacumque data intervalla essent, insinuabant ordines suos.

[9] qui si universa acie in frontem adversus instructam phalangem concurrissent, quod Paelignis principio pugnae incaute congressis adversus cetratos evenit, induissent se hastis nec confertam aciem sustinuissent.

[1]

ceterum sicut peditum passim caedes fiebant, nisi qui abiectis armis fugerunt, sic equitatus prope integer pugna excessit.

[2] princeps fugae rex ipse erat. iam a Pydna cum sacris alis equitum ¹⁰⁵ Pellam petebat; confestim eos Cotys sequebatur Odrysarumque equitatus.

[3] ceterae quoque Macedonum alae integris abibant ordinibus, quia interiecta peditum acies, cuius caedes victores tenebat, inmemores fecerat sequendi equites.

[4] diu phalanx a fronte, a lateribus, ab tergo caesa est. postremo qui ex hostium manibus elapsi erant, inermes ad mare fugientes, quidam aquam etiam ingressi, manus ad eos, qui in classe erant, tendentes, suppliciter vitam orabant;

[5] et cum scaphas concurrere undique ab navibus cernerent, ad excipiendos sese venire rati, ut caperent potius quam occiderent, longius in aquam, quidam etiam natantes, progressi sunt.

[6] sed cum hostiliter e scaphis caederentur, retro qui poterant nando repetentes terram in aliam foediorem pestem incidebant; elephanti enim ab rectoribus ad litus acti exeuntis ¹⁰⁶ obterebant elidebantque.

[7] facile convenit ab Romanis numquam una acie tantum Macedonum interfectum. caesa enim ad viginti milia hominum sunt; ad sex milia, qui Pydnam ex acie perfugerant, vivi in potestatem pervenerunt, et vagi ex fuga quinque milia hominum capta.

[8] ex victoribus ceciderunt non plus centum, et eorum multo maior pars Paeligni; volnerati aliquanto plures sunt.

[9] quod si maturius pugnari coeptum esset, ut satis diei victoribus ad persequendum superesset, deletae omnes copiae forent; nunc imminens nox et fugientes texit et Romanis pigritiem ad sequendum locis ignotis fecit.

[1]

Perseus ad Pieriam silvam via militari frequenti agmine equitum et regio comitatu fugit.

[2] simul in silvam ventum est, ubi plures diversae semitae erant, et nox adpropinquabat, cum perpaucis maxime fidis via devertit.

[3] equites sine duce relicti alii alia in civitates suas dilapsi sunt; perpauci inde Pellam celerius quam ipse Perseus, quia recta expedita via ierant, pervenerunt. ¹⁰⁷

[4] rex ad mediam ferme noctem et errore et variis difficultatibus viae vexatus est. in regia maesta Perseo qui Pellae praeerant, Eulaeus Euctusque, et regii pueri praesto erant.

[5] contra ea amicorum, qui alii alio casu servati ex proelio Pellam venerant, cum saepe arcessiti essent, nemo ad eum venit.

[6] tres erant tantum cum eo fugae comites, Euander Cretensis, Neo Boeotius et Archidamus Aetolus.

[7] cum iis, iam metuens, ne, qui venire ad se abnuerent, maius aliquid mox auderent, quarta vigilia profugit.

[1]

consulem, cum se in castra victor recepisset, ne sincero gaudio frueretur, cura de minore filio stimulabat.

[2] P. Scipio is ¹⁰⁸ erat, Africanus et ipse postea deleta Carthagine appellatus, naturalis consulis Pauli filius, adoptione Africani nepos.

[3] is septumum decumum tunc annum agens, quod ipsum curam augebat, dum effuse sequitur hostes, in partem aliam turba ablatus erat; et serius cum redisset, tunc demum recepto sospite filio victoriae tantae gaudium consul sensit.

[4] Amphipolim cum iam fama pugnae pervenisset concursusque matronarum in templum Dianae, quam Tauropolon vocant, ad opem exposcendam fieret, Diodorus, qui praeerat urbi, metuens, ne Thraces, quorum duo milia in praesidio erant, urbem in tumultu diriperent, ab subornato ab se per fallaciam in tabellarii speciem litteras in foro medio accepit.

[5] scriptum in iis erat, ad Emathiam classem Romanam adpulsam esse agrosque circa ¹⁰⁹ vexari; orare praefectos Emathiae, ut praesidium adversus populatores mittat.

[6] his lectis hortatur Thracas, ut ad tuendam Emathiae oram proficiscantur: magnam eos caedem praedamque palatis passim per agros Romanis facturos.

[7] simul elevat famam adversae pugnae: quae si vera foret, alium super alium recentes ex fuga venturos fuisse.

[8] per hanc causam Thracibus ablegatis, simul transgressos eos Strymonem vidit, portas clausit.

[1]

Tertio die Perseus, quam pugnatum erat, Amphipolim venit.

[2] inde oratores cum caduceo ad Paulum misit. interim Hippias et Midon et Pantauchus, principes amicorum regis, Beroea, quo ex acie confugerant, ipsi ad consulem profecti Romanis se dedunt.

[3] hoc idem et alii deinceps metu perculsi parabant facere. consul nuntiis victoriae Q. Fabio filio et L. Lentulo et Q. Metello cum litteris Romam missis spolia iacentis hostium exercitus peditibus ¹¹⁰ concessit,

[4] equitibus praedam circumiecti agri, dum ne amplius duabus noctibus a castris abessent. ipse propius mare ad Pydnam castra movit.

[5] Beroea primum, deinde Thessalonica et Pella et deinceps omnis ferme Macedonia intra biduum dedita.

[6] Pydnaei, qui proximi erant, nondum miserant legatos; multitudo incondita plurium simul gentium turbaque, quae ex acie fuga in unum conpulsa erat, consilium et consensum civitatis inpediebat; nec clausae modo portae, sed etiam inaedificatae erant.

[7] missi Midon et Pantauchus sub muros ad conloquium Solonis, qui praesidio praeerat; per eum emittitur militaris turba. oppidum deditum militibus datur diripiendum.

[8] Perseus, una tantum spe Bisaltarum auxilii temptata, ad quos nequiquam miserat legatos, in contionem processit Philippum secum filium habens,

[9] ut et ipsos Amphipolitanos et equitum peditumque, qui aut se persecuti aut fuga eodem delati erant, adhortando animos confirmaret.

[10] sed ¹¹¹ aliquotiens dicere incipientem cum lacrimae praepedissent, quia ipse hiscere nequiit, Euandro Cretensi editis, quae agi cum multitudine vellet, de templo descendit.

[11] multitudo sicut ad conspectum regis fletumque tam miserabilem et ipsa ingemuerat lacrimaveratque, ita Euandri orationem aspernabatur; et quidam ausi sunt media ex contione succlamare ‘abite hinc, ne, qui pauci supersumus, propter vos pereamus.’ horum ferocia vocem Euandri clausit.

[12] rex inde domum se recepit pecuniaque et auro argentoque in lembos, qui in Strymone stabant, delatis et ipse ad flumen descendit.

[13] Thraces navibus se committere non ausi domos dilapsi et alia militaris generis turba; Cretenses spem pecuniae secuti. et quoniam in dividendo plus offensionum quam gratiae erat, quinquaginta talenta iis posita sunt in ripa diripienda.

[14] ab hac direptione cum per tumultum naves conscenderent, lembum unum in ostio amnis multitudine gravatum merserunt.

[15] Galepsum eo die, postero Samothracam, quam petebant, perveniunt; ad duo milia talentum pervecta eo dicuntur. ¹¹²

[1]

Paulus per omnes deditas civitates dimissis, qui praeessent, ne qua iniuria in nova pace victis fieret, retentisque apud se caduceatoribus regis P. Nasicam , ignarus fugae regis, Amphipolim misit cum modica peditum equitumque manu,

[2] simul ut Sinticen evastaret et ad omnes conatus regis impedimento esset.

[3] inter haec Meliboea a Cn. Octavio capitur diripiturque; ad Aeginium, ad quod oppugnandum Cn. Anicius legatus missus erat, ducenti eruptione ex oppido facta amissi sunt ignaris Aeginiensibus debellatum esse.

[4] consul a Pydna profectus cum toto exercitu die altero Pellam pervenit et cum castra mille passus inde posuisset, per aliquot dies ibi stativa habuit situm urbis undique aspiciens, quam non sine causa delectam esse regiam advertit.

[5] sita est in tumulo vergente in occidentem hibernum; cingunt paludes ¹¹³ inexsuperabilis altitudinis aestate et hieme, quas restagnantes faciunt . arx Phacus in ipsa palude,

[6] qua proxima urbi est, velut insula eminet aggeri operis ingentis imposita, qui et murum sustineat et umore circumfusae paludis nihil laedatur.

[8] et gaza regia in eo loco erat; sed tum nihil praeter trecenta talenta, quae missa Gentio regi, deinde retenta fuerant, inventum est.

[9] per quos dies ad Pellam stativa fuerunt, legationes frequentes, quae ad gratulandum convenerant, ¹¹⁴ maxime ex Thessalia, auditae sunt.

[10] nuntio deinde accepto Persea Samothracam traiecisse, profectus a Pella consul quartis castris Amphipolim pervenit.

[11] effusa omnis obviam turba cuivis indicio erat non bono ac iusto rege orba

Translations (3)

History of Rome Perseus (Foster, Benjamin Oliver; Moore, Frank Gardener; Sage, Evan T.; Schlesinger, Alfred C., translators. Cambridge, Mass.; London: Harvard University Press; William Heinemann, Ltd., 1919-1959. (Loeb Classical Library)) — 44.1.1 focus

[1]

AT the beginning of the spring following the ¹ winter campaigns just mentioned, Quintus Marcius Philippus ² the consul left Rome and reached Brundisium with five thousand ³ men whom he planned to take over with him as reinforcements for the

[2] legions. The ex-consul Marcus Popilius ⁴ and some young men of equally high birth accompanied the consul as tribunes of the soldiers ⁵ in the legions for Macedonia. About the same time Gaius Marcius Figulus ⁶ the praetor, who had been assigned

[3] to the fleet, arrived in Brundisium, and the two commanders left Italy together, reached Corcyra the next day, and made port at Actium, the harbour of Acarnania, on the day

[4] after. Thence the consul disembarked at Ambracia and marched overland to Thessaly; the praetor rounded Cape Leucas, entered the Gulf of Corinth and, leaving his ships at Creusa, also took to the land and made for the fleet at Chalcis through the midst of Boeotia-one day's rapid journey.

[5] At this time Aulus Hostilius had his camp in Thessaly near Old Pharsalus, having on the one hand performed no military feat worth mentioning, but on the other hand having accustomed the soldiery to ⁷ strict military discipline in place of uncontrolled laxness and having loyally furthered the interests of the allies and protected them from any kind of harm. On hearing of his successor's approach, he carefully inspected his men, their arms, and their horses, and with his army in parade order went to meet the approaching

[6] consul. Not only was the first meeting of the commanders in accord with the high station both of the men themselves and of the Roman name, but the utmost harmony prevailed in their subsequent operations, for the proconsul remained with the

[7] army.

A few days later the consul addressed a meeting of his

[8] soldiers. Beginning with the unnatural crimes of Perseus committed against his brother and planned against his

[9] father, ⁸ he went on to mention the acquisition of the throne by crime, the subsequent poisonings and slaughter, the attack by scoundrelly bandits on Eumenes, the wrongs committed by Perseus against the Roman people, and the plunderings of cities allied to them, contrary to

[10] treaty.

How hateful all these actions are to the gods also,

said the consul,

Perseus will discover in the outcome of his enterprises; for the gods support the cause of duty and faithfulness, the qualities by which the Roman people has climbed to so great an

[11]

eminence.

The consul then compared the strength of the Roman people, who now controlled the whole earth, with that of Macedonia, and the military

[12] forces of the one with the other, and asked how much greater were the resources of Philip and Antiochus, which had been shattered by forces no greater than this Roman army?

[1]

After the consul had aroused the ardour of ⁹ the soldiers by a speech to this effect, he began to hold councils on strategy. Gaius Marcius the praetor, after picking up the fleet at Chalcis, arrived in camp.

[2] It was decided not to waste more time by lingering in Thessaly, but to break camp at once and proceed thence into Macedonia, while

[3] the praetor was to make sure that the fleet should simultaneously attack the hostile coast-line.

[4] After the praetor's departure, the consul ordered his soldiers to take with them grain for a month and broke camp nine days after having assumed command;

[5] after a day's march, he summoned the guides for various routes, bade each explain before the council the route by which he would guide them, and then, after dismissing the guides, laid before the council the question of which route to choose.

[6] Some preferred the road via Pythoüs; others the one over the Cambunian Mountains used the preceding year by the consul Hostilius; others, a route past Lake Ascuris. ¹⁰

[7] For a certain distance yet there was no divergence in the routes; therefore the discussion as to this choice was postponed until they should encamp near the point of separation of the roads.

[8] Thence the consul led his army into Perrhaebia and settled down between Azorus and Doliche ¹¹ for further conference as to the road to take.

[9] During the same time Perseus, knowing that the enemy was approaching, but unaware which route he would choose, ¹² decided to occupy all the passes with forces.

[10] To the summit of the Cambunian Mountains (which the Macedonians themselves call Volustana) he sent ten thousand light-armed young men ¹³ under the command of Asclepiodotus; near the fort above Lake Ascuris —Lapathus is the name of the place —Hippias

[11] was ordered to hold the pass with a force of twelve thousand Macedonians. ¹⁴

[12] The king himself with the rest of his forces remained in camp near Dium; later, so planlessly that he seemed to have lost his mind, he would dash with some unencumbered cavalry along the shore, now to Heracleum, now to Phila, returning without halt to Dium. ¹⁵

[1]

Meanwhile the consul had settled on the plan of proceeding by the pass where the king's officer was encamped near Ottolobus. ¹⁶

[2] It was decided, however, to send ahead four thousand men to seize valuable advance positions; the commanders of this force were Marcus Claudius and Quintus Marcius, the son of the consul.

[3] Immediately the whole Roman army followed. However, so steep, rough, and rugged was the road that the advance forces, travelling light, barely completed a two days' march of fifteen miles before pitching camp. The place they occupied is ¹⁷ called Dierus.

[4] Thence on the following day they advanced seven miles, seized a hill not far from the enemy's camp, and reported by messenger to the consul that they were in contact with the enemy, that they had occupied a place safe and suitable for all purposes, and that he should follow them as rapidly as he could march.

[5] While the consul was worrying both over the difficulty of the journey upon which he had entered and over the fate of the small force which he had sent ahead into the midst of hostile garrisons, he was met by the messenger near Lake Ascuris.

[6] The consul thereupon gained confidence, and after joining the advance force encamped beneath the hill which had been seized, in the place best adapted through the nature of the terrain.

[7] Not only the enemy camp, a little over a mile away, but the whole region to Dium, Phila, and the seashore was before their eyes in the extensive view from so lofty a ridge.

[8] This sight roused the spirits of the soldiery, after they had a birds eye view of the whole campaign including all the king's forces and the land of the enemy, from so near by.

[9] Although the soldiers, made eager by this sight, urged the consul to lead them at once to the enemy's camp, one day's rest was given them, since they were weary from the toil of the march.

[10] Next day, the consul, leaving part of his forces to guard the camp, advanced against the enemy.

[1]

Hippias had recently been sent by the king to guard the pass; as soon as he saw the Roman camp on its hill, he roused the spirits of his men to combat; and now he marched out against the oncoming column of the consul.

[2] The Romans had come out unencumbered for battle and the enemy were light troops, a ¹⁸ type very ready to stir up combat.

[3] Therefore immediately on meeting they discharged their weapons; many wounds were both received and inflicted by either side in the hasty encounter; small numbers of both forces were killed.

[4] Now that their spirits had been roused for the succeeding day, a more stubborn clash of larger forces occurred; and the decisive battle of the war would have been fought if there had been room enough to deploy the battle line; but the ridge of the mountain running up to a narrow peak barely allowed for a front of three files.

[5] And so while a few fought, the large remainder, especially the heavy-armed, stood by as onlookers of the battle.

[6] Light forces were also able to charge forward over the rolling slopes of the ridge and engage the opposing light forces in flanking attacks over terrain favourable and unfavourable. More had been wounded than killed that day when the battle was broken off at nightfall.

[7] On the third day the Roman commander was at a loss; for he could neither remain on the ridge without supplies nor retire without disgrace and even danger, if the enemy pursued his retreat from the higher ground. There remained indeed no alternative to amending a bold undertaking by persistent boldness, which is occasionally wise in the long run.

[8] In fact, the position was such that, had the consul confronted an enemy like to the old-time kings of Macedonia, he might have suffered a great disaster. ¹⁹

[9] But though ²⁰ the king was scouring the shore near Dium with cavalry, and at a distance of twelve miles could almost hear the shouts and din of the fighting men, he neither added to his forces by reinforcing his weary men with fresh troops, nor did he himself appear on the battle-field —a matter of greatest moment —although the Roman commander, aged over sixty and overburdened with flesh, performed vigorously in person all the duties of a soldier.

[10] Magnificently he pursued his bold undertaking to the end;

[11] he left Popilius to guard the ridge during his advance over pathless ground, sent ahead men to clear out a road, and ordered Attalus and Misagenes, each with the auxiliaries of his own nation, to act as guard for the men clearing the pass.

[12] The consul himself sent the cavalry and baggage ahead of him and brought up the rear with the legions.

[1]

The toil of the descent and the damage to baggage-animals and their loads cannot be put into words. After they had advanced a mere four miles, they would have given anything to return as they had come, if they but could.

[2] The confusion of an attack by an enemy was caused by the elephants, which on arriving at the pathless places cast off their mahouts and with horrible trumpetings caused a great panic, especially among the horses, until a plan was devised for getting them through.

[3] On the steep hillside the slope was marked off, and at the lower end two long strong posts were set in the ground, separated by a distance slightly greater than the width of one of the beasts;

[4] on a cross-beam laid upon these posts, planks, each thirty feet long, were ²¹ fastened together to form a runway, and earth thrown on top of them. ²²

[5] Next, at a slight interval below, a second runway of the same sort was built, then a third, and others one after the other, where the cliffs were sheer.

[6] From firm ground an elephant would advance on to the runway; before he could proceed to its end, the posts were cut and the tilting of the runway forced the animal to slide gently to the head of the next runway.

[7] Some of the elephants would slide standing erect, others would squat on their haunches. Whenever they were met with the level expanse of another runway, they were again carried down by a like collapse of the lower structure, until they arrived at the more passable valley.

[8] The Romans advanced on that day hardly more than seven miles. Very little of the journey did they accomplish on their feet. Usually they advanced by casting themselves down, arms, baggage, and all, while meeting with every kind of difficulty, so that even the leader who had chosen the route could not deny that a small force could have destroyed the whole army.

[9] By nightfall they reached a scant level area, nor did men who had unexpectedly at long last found a place which offered sure footing, have the leisure to observe the unfriendly nature of the place, hemmed in as it was on all sides.

[10] For the next day as well they were compelled to wait in the depths of this valley for Popilius and the troops left behind with him. These troops too, though threatened from ²³ no direction by the enemy, were harassed as by an enemy by the ruggedness of the terrain.

[11] On the third day, they proceeded with the united forces through the pass called Callipeuce ²⁴ by the natives.

[12] On the fourth day, they descended through country as pathless as before, but their skill was greater through practice, and their morale was higher, since the enemy had not showed himself anywhere and they were reaching the sea. On reaching the plains between Heracleum and Libethrum they pitched a camp, most of which occupied hills.

[13] This was the infantry camp; they embraced part of the plain too within the rampart, where the cavalry might encamp.

[1]

The king was in his bath, they say, when the presence of the enemy was announced. At this message he leapt in terror from his tub and dashed out crying that he had been beaten without a battle.

[2] And thereafter, as his terror drove him to a succession of fear-struck plans and orders, he sent out two of his friends, one to Pella to cast into the sea the money stored in Phacus, ²⁵ the other to Thessalonica to burn the dockyards. He recalled Asclepiodotus and Hippias and their forces from outpost duty and opened every approach for attack.

[3] The king ran off with all the gilded statues at Dium, to prevent their falling into the hands of the enemy, and compelled the inhabitants of that region to move to Pydna. Thereby what might have seemed the rashness of the consul ²⁶ in advancing to a position from which he could not retire without the consent of the enemy, was turned by the king into well-calculated boldness.

[4] For the Romans had two passes by which they could extricate themselves: one through Tempe into Thessaly, the other into Macedonia past Dium.

[5] Both of the passes were being held by the king's forces;

[6] therefore if the king, by fearlessly holding his own, had resisted the first false appearance of approaching danger, he would have left the Romans no retreat through Tempe to Thessaly, nor any route for bringing up provisions from that direction. ²⁷

[7] For even without the opposition of an enemy Tempe is a defile difficult of passage; for besides five miles of narrows through which the road is cramped for a loaded animal, the cliffs on either side are so sheer that one can hardly look down without some dizziness of eye and brain.

[8] An additional source of fear is the roar and depth of the Peneüs River flowing through the midst of the canyon. This place, so unfriendly by its very nature, was blocked at four separate points by the king's garrisons.

[9] One was at the very entrance near Gonnus, the second at Condylus, an impregnable fort, the third in the vicinity of Lapathus, which they call the Palisade, the fourth set by the road itself where the canyon, in the middle of its course, is at its narrowest.

[10] where it can easily be defended by no more than ten soldiers.

[11] If the Romans' access to supplies through Tempe, as well as their line of ²⁸ retreat, had been cut off, they would have had to return to the mountains through which they had descended.

[12] As they had deceived the enemy in this by stealth, they could not duplicate the feat without concealment and while the enemy were in possession of the higher summits; and the difficulty they had undergone would have laid low all hope.

[13] There was no alternative left in this rash enterprise but to get out into Macedonia past Dium in the teeth of the enemy, and this undertaking, had not the gods deprived the king of his wits, would itself have been of the utmost difficulty.

[14] For between the foothills of Mount Olympus and the sea lies an interval of a little more than a mile, half of which space is taken up with the broad estuary of the Baphyrus River, while part of the plain is obstructed by either the temple of Jupiter ²⁹ or the town.

[15] The very small remainder could have been barred off by a ditch of no extravagant size and a palisade, and there was such an abundance of stone and of forest timber at hand that even a wall could have been thrown up and towers erected.

[16] Since none of these possibilities revealed themselves to a mind blinded by sudden panic, the king stripped away all his defences and opened every approach to assault

[17] before taking refuge in Pydna.

[1]

The consul sighted much security as well as hope in the folly and inaction of the king; he sent back a message to Spurius Lucretius ³⁰ at Larisa to seize the forts abandoned by the enemy in the region of Tempe, and sending Popilius to reconnoitre the crossings around Dium, arrived at that city in two days' march, since he learned that everything lay open in all directions.

[2] He ordered his camp to be pitched next to the temple itself, so that no sacrilege ³¹ against the sacred precinct might be committed.

[3] On personally inspecting the city which, though not large, was adorned with public installations and an abundance of statues ³² and was magnificently fortified, the consul could hardly convince himself that no ruse lurked in the unreasonable abandonment of such remarkable objects.

[4] After a day's delay for general reconnaissance all around, he advanced, and being convinced that there would be abundant grain in Pieria, he proceeded on that day to a river named Mitys.

[5] Continuing on the following day, he accepted the surrender of the city of Agassae by its inhabitants; and to win over the hearts of the other Macedonians, he contented himself with hostages and promised to leave the city to its people without garrison, and to accord them autonomy and freedom from tribute. Advancing thence a day's journey, he encamped by the Ascordus River.

[6] Because he felt more strongly the want of every sort of supplies the further he advanced from Thessaly, he retired to Dium, thereby demonstrating beyond a doubt to everyone what he would have suffered had he been cut off from Thessaly, since he found it unsafe to advance far from there.

[7] After Perseus had assembled all his forces and officers, he blamed the commanders of his outposts, above all Asclepiodotus and Hippias;

[8] they, he said, had surrendered the keys to Macedonia to the Romans —a crime for which no one would have been more justly prosecuted than himself.

[9] After the sight of the Roman fleet at sea had brought to the consul hope that the ships were bringing provisions —for

[10] there was a great scarcity of grain and almost a famine —he heard from the men just come into port that the freight ships had been left ³³ in Magnesia.

[11] As the consul was debating what should be done —so completely was his struggle directed against the mere difficulty of the situation, without the slightest effort on the part of the enemy to make matters worse —in

[12] the nick of time a despatch arrived from Spurius Lucretius that he was in possession of the forts above Tempe and around Phila, and that he had found a supply of grain and other useful materials in them.

[1]

Greatly pleased by this news, the consul moved from Dium to Phila, both to strengthen its garrison and to distribute to the soldiers the grain, transportation of which was slow.

[2] This march started unpleasant rumours; for some put it that he had retired from before the enemy out of fear, because he would have had to fight a battle if he had remained in Pieria, while others said that

[3] in his ignorance of the daily fluctuations in the fortunes of war, and as if events were awaiting his signal, he had dropped from his grasp advantages which presently could not be recovered.

[4] For at one move he had lost his grip on Dium and had stirred up the enemy to perceiving at long last that he must recover what previously he had shamefully lost.

[5] For on hearing of the departure of the consul, the king returned to Dium, rebuilt what had been cast down and despoiled by the Romans, replaced the battlements knocked off the walls, and strengthened the walls all around. Then he placed his camp five miles from the city on the nearer bank of the Elpeüs River, intending to use the river itself as a fortification since it was very hard to cross.

[6] It flows from a ravine of Mount Olympus, is scanty in summer, but again in winter is swollen by rains; it forms great rapids ³⁴ above its boulders, and below, by carrying off the eroded earth to the sea, produces great abysses and banks sheer on either side above a deeply-hollowed channel.

[7] Thinking that the enemy's advance was barred by this river, the king intended to use up the rest of the summer.

[8] Meanwhile the consul sent Popilius with two thousand soldiers from Phila to Heracleum.

[9] This is about five miles from Phila, on a cliff overhanging the river midway between Dium and Tempe.

[1]

Before Popilius brought his men against the walls, he sent envoys to persuade the magistrates and chief citizens to prefer making trial of the good faith and mildness of the Romans rather than of their force.

[2] This advice availed nothing, because the fires of the king's camp at the Elpeüs were in sight. Then the siege began, both with assaults and with field-works and engines, both from land and sea, for the fleet, too, had arrived and occupied the shore side.

[3] The younger Romans even captured the lowest part of the wall by turning to military use a performance of the arena.

[4] It was the custom then, before there had been introduced the present extravagance ³⁵ of cramming the arena with animals from all over the earth, to hunt out various sorts of spectacles, for one race with four-horse chariots and one with bareback riders hardly occupied the space of an hour for the two events.

[5] As one of these performances, groups of about sixty ³⁶ youths (occasionally more at more elaborate games) entered under arms. Their entrance ³⁷ was in some respects an imitation of military manoeuvres, but in other respects was of a style more showy than the military and more akin to the fashion of gladiatorial combats.

[6] After passing through various evolutions in this manoeuvre, they would form in ranks, with shields close-set over their heads, the front rank erect, the second somewhat stooped, the third and fourth more so, and the rear rank down on their knees, so that they would form a

tortoise

sloped like the roof of a house.

[7] Next two armed men, separated by an interval of some fifty feet, would rush out, feint at each other, and mount from bottom to top of the

tortoise

over the close-set shields. They would then act as if skirmishing at the outer edges of the

tortoise,

now clash with each other in the centre, and leap about just as if they were on solid ground.

tortoise

like this was brought up to the lowest part of the wall.

[8] When soldiers on top came up to the wall, they were at their highest elevation level with the defenders of the wall; the defenders were routed and the soldiers of two maniples ³⁸ crossed into the city.

[9] The only difference from the show was that the front rank and those exposed on the flanks did not raise their shields over their heads, but held them out in the usual position for battle in order not to expose their bodies. In this way the missiles hurled from the wall did not injure the men as they approached and those cast on the

tortoise

slid harmlessly like rain down to the bottom of the ³⁹ slippery slope.

[10] On capturing Heracleum, the consul advanced his camp there, as if he were going to advance to Dium and thence, after dislodging the king, into Pieria as well.

[11] But as he was already making ready for wintering, he ordered the roads from Thessaly to be repaired for the transport of provisions and suitable sites for granaries to be chosen and houses built where those transporting the provisions could lodge.

[1]

Perseus at length recovered his courage from the panic which had struck him down. and would have preferred that his commands had not been obeyed when he ordered the treasure at Pella to be cast into the sea and the dockyards at Thessalonica to be burned.

[2] Andronicus, the envoy to Thessalonica, had killed time to allow for the very thing which happened, a change of mind. ⁴⁰

[3] Nicias at Pella was less wary in casting away part of

[4] the money which was in Phacus, but he seemed to have made his mistake in a manner not irreparable, since almost all the money was brought up by divers. So great was the king's shame at this panic of his that he ordered the divers secretly to be put to death, and after them Andronicus and Nicias, too, so that there should be no one having knowledge of so crazy an order.

[5] Meanwhile, Gaius Marcius set out with the fleet from Heracleum for Thessalonica, ravaged the countryside far and wide by setting ashore forces at several points, and in several successful battles drove back those who sallied from the city headlong within their walls.

[6] He was striking terror into the city itself, when from the engines of all types which were distributed ⁴¹ about, stones shot by machine struck down not only the skirmishers about the walls who rashly approached, but even the men in the ships.

[7] Recalling the soldiers to the ships and abandoning the siege of Thessalonica, they made thence for Aenea. This city is fifteen miles away, set opposite Pydna in fertile land.

[8] After devastating its territory they followed the shore and arrived at Antigonea. There they disembarked and for a time both ravaged the fields round about and carried some booty off to their ships.

[9] Then the Macedonians, cavalry and infantry together, attacked the scattered raiders and pursuing as they fled in disorder, killed about five hundred and captured as many.

[10] Nothing but utter necessity, when they were kept from finding safety in their ships, aroused the spirits of the Roman soldiers, both by despair of other means of safety and by indignation. The fight was renewed on the shore; those aboard the ships came to the rescue.

[11] Here about two hundred of the Macedonians were slain and an equal number captured. From Antigonea the fleet sailed to the peninsula of Pallene and landed troops to ravage it. This land belonged to the territory of Cassandrea ⁴² and was by far the most fertile of all the coast they had passed.

[12] Here they were met by King Eumenes, who had set out from Elaea ⁴³ with twenty decked ⁴⁴ ships, as well as by five decked ships sent by King Prusias. ⁴⁵

[1]

With this accession of strength, the praetor's spirits rose to the point of attacking Cassandrea.

[2] This was founded by King Cassander precisely in the ⁴⁶ narrows which connect the peninsula of Pallene with the rest of Macedonia and are bounded on the one side by the Gulf of Macedonia, and on the other by that of Torone.

[3] For the peninsula on which this city is situated rises high and projects into the sea quite as far as Mount Athos, which is noted for its size; it forms, opposite to the district of Magnesia, two unequal promontories, the larger named Posideum and the smaller Canastraeum. ⁴⁷

[4] The siege was begun in separate divisions. The Roman commander constructed works, including chevaux-de-frise, extending from the Macedonian to the Toronaic gulf, in the quarter called Clitae, in order to cut off the highway. On the other side is a narrow strait ⁴⁸ ; there Eumenes was attacking.

[5] The Romans found that their greatest task was filling the moat which Perseus had lately built as a defence. When the praetor inquired why there were no mounds to be seen, where the earth dug from the moat would be, he was shown certain arches. ⁴⁹ These, he heard, were built up not to the same strength as the old wall, but only to the thickness of a single brick. He therefore adopted the plan of opening a path into the city by piercing the brickwork.

[6] He further expected to effect surprise in this move if he attacked the walls elsewhere with scaling ladders and, by raising confusion, drew off the defenders of the city to the protection of this second spot.

In the garrison of Cassandrea there were, besides ⁵⁰ a respectable contingent of young citizens, eight hundred Agrianes ⁵¹ and two thousand Illyrian Penestae ⁵² sent from their home by Pleuratus —both peoples being good fighters. They were defending the walls as the Romans struggled with the utmost energy to mount them, when the piercing of the brickwork of the arches in the twinkling of an eye, laid open the city.

[8] If men had been there to dash in armed, they would have taken the town at once.

[9] When the accomplishment of this breakthrough was reported to the Roman soldiers, they at once eagerly raised a shout of joy, expecting to burst into the city at several points.

[1]

The enemy were first struck with wonder as to the meaning of this sudden uproar.

[2] After the commanders of the garrison, Pytho and Philip, had been informed that the city lay open, they considered that the work had been done for the benefit of the side first to press the attack, and made a sally with a strong force of Agrianes and Illyrians.

[3] The Romans, who were coming up and being summoned from various points to advance into the city, were routed in their scattered and unorganized state and chased to the moat, into which they were driven and which they filled with the fallen. About six hundred were killed there and almost to a man those caught between the wall and the moat were wounded.

[4] The praetor, being so grievously dashed by his own undertaking, had become less eager to form other plans. Not even Eumenes, who was attacking both by sea and land, gained any worth-while advantage.

[5] Both ⁵³ commanders therefore determined to strengthen the forces on guard, so that no reinforcement from Macedonia might be sent in, and since open assault was unsuccessful, to attack the fortifications with siege-works.

[6] During the preparation of these works, ten Macedonian scout-ships, sent from Thessalonica with picked Gallic auxiliaries, saw that the besieging ships were anchored out to sea, and in the dead of night, in single column, hugging the shore as closely as possible, entered the city. Report of this new defence force compelled both the Romans and the king to abandon the siege.

[7] They sailed around the cape and put in near Torone.

[8] After attempting to besiege this city too, and observing that it was defended by a strong force, they gave up their undertaking, and made for Demetrias. On approaching it they saw the walls filled with armed men, and sailed past to make a landing at Iolcus, planning to ravage the fields and then attack Demetrias too.

[1]

Meanwhile the consul, for his part, in order not merely to remain sluggishly idle in hostile territory, sent Marcus Popilius with five thousand soldiers to assail the city of Meliboea.

[2] This is situated in the foothills of Mount Ossa, on the side sloping toward Thessaly, and conveniently threatening Demetrias. ⁵⁴

[3] The first arrival of the enemy dismayed the inhabitants of the place; then, after rallying their spirits from the unexpected fright, they ran under arms to their posts at gates and wall, where the expected lines of attack were, and at once dispelled the hope that the town could be taken at the first rush.

[4] Preparations for a siege were therefore made and the construction of works for the assault was begun.

When Perseus heard that Meliboea was being ⁵⁵ attacked by the consul's army at the same time that the fleet was anchored at Iolcus, in order to attack Demetrias from there, he sent a certain Euphranor, one of his officers, with two thousand picked soldiers to Meliboea.

[5] Euphranor's orders were that if he dislodged the Romans from Meliboea, he was to enter Demetrias unobserved before the Romans brought their camp up to the city from Iolcus.

[6] The besiegers of Meliboea, in great panic when Euphranor suddenly made his appearance on higher ground, abandoned their works and set them afire. So the siege of Meliboea was given up.

[7] After freeing one city from siege, Euphranor at once advanced to Demetrias. He entered the walls by night and gave the inhabitants such confidence that they felt sure of their ability not only to defend their walls, but to protect their land from raids. Sallies were made against the scattered ravagers, not without casualties to the enemy.

[8] However, the praetor and the king rode around the walls, reconnoitring the situation of the city, in case they could attempt an assault by works or by main force at any point.

[9] There was a rumour that Cydas the Cretan ⁵⁶ and Antimachus, the commander in Demetrias, were agents in discussing terms of friendship between Eumenes and Perseus. At any rate, the Romans departed from Demetrias.

[10] Eumenes sailed to the consul, and after offering congratulations on his successful entrance into Macedonia, left for Pergamum in his own kingdom.

[11] The praetor Marcius Figulus sent part of his fleet into winter quarters at Sciathus, and made for Oreüs in Euboea with the rest of his ships, thinking that this ⁵⁷ city was most suitable for the forwarding of supplies to the armies in Macedonia and Thessaly.

The historians give highly different accounts of King Eumenes.

[12] If you trust Valerius Antias, ⁵⁸ his account is that although the praetor summoned the king with frequent despatches, he did not even receive naval assistance from him, nor did Eumenes on his way to Asia part on good terms with the consul, being indignant because he was not permitted to encamp in the Roman area;

[13] Eumenes, says Valerius, could not even be persuaded to leave behind the Galatian cavalry he had brought with him.

[14] His brother Attalus, continues Valerius, not only remained with the consul, but displayed genuine and unwavering good faith and notable exploits in this campaign.

[1]

While the war was continuing in Macedonia, envoys from across the Alps from a Gallic chieftain —his name is given as Balanos, but there is no record of his tribe —came to Rome promising aid for the Macedonian campaign.

[2] Thanks were expressed by the senate and gifts sent the envoys, a twisted necklace of two pounds of gold and golden bowls of four pounds, a horse with ornamental trappings, and cavalry weapons.

[3] After the Gauls, Pamphylian ⁵⁹ envoys presented in the senate-house a gold crown made of twenty thousand philips ⁶⁰ and their request was granted that they be permitted to deposit this ⁶¹ present in the temple of Jupiter, Greatest and Best, and to offer sacrifice on the Capitol;

[4] a gracious answer was given to the envoys' request for a renewal of the state of friendship, and a gift of two thousand asses apiece was sent them.

[5] Next, an audience was given to envoys from King Prusias, and shortly thereafter to those from the Rhodians, who made a very different presentation of the same request.

[6] Both embassies treated of making terms again with King Perseus. Prusias' attitude was more that of entreaty than demand, for he declared that up to this time he had taken the part of the Romans, and would so continue as long as the war lasted;

[7] however, inasmuch as envoys from Perseus had come to him to discuss ending the war with the Romans, he had promised to plead Perseus' cause before the senate; he requested that if they could bring themselves to do so, they would put an end to their wrath, and would accord him, too, their thanks for the restoration of peace. So spoke the king's envoys.

[8] The Rhodians haughtily reviewed their services to the Roman people, and claimed for themselves almost the greater part of the victories, especially over King Antiochus; they then added that while peace had existed between the Macedonians and Romans, they had entered upon friendship with King Perseus;

[9] this they had broken off against their will and on account of no fault of his toward them, but because it had seemed good to the Romans to draw them into participation in the war.

[10] For the third year, they said, they were feeling many ⁶² inconveniences from this war because of the interruption of commerce; their island was poor, and could not be inhabited without the assistance of sea-borne supplies.

[11] Since therefore they could no longer endure this privation, they had sent other envoys to Perseus in Macedonia, to inform him that it was the Rhodians' wish that he should arrange a peace with the Romans, and that they had sent a similar announcement to Rome.

[12] If either party was responsible for preventing the ending of the war, the Rhodians would deliberate as to what action they ought to take against this party.

[13] I feel sure that even now these statements cannot be read or heard without indignation; from this one can judge what the senate's state of mind was as they listened. ⁶³

[1]

Claudius has it that the senate returned no answer, but only had read its decree that the Roman people gave the Carians and Lycians their freedom ⁶⁴ and that despatches should be immediately sent to both peoples, on hearing which the

[2] chief of the Rhodian embassy, for whose proud language the ⁶⁵ senate-house had but a moment before seemed too small, now suffered deflation.

[3] Other historians record the following answer:

At the outset of this war the Roman people were informed by no trifling sources that the Rhodians had entered upon secret plots with King Perseus against the Roman state, ⁶⁶ but even had this been doubtful before, the words of the embassy just uttered have made the matter certain.

[4]

Frequently treachery unmasks itself, even if it is more wary at first. And now the Rhodians pass judgment throughout the world as to peace and war!

[5]

At the beck and call of the Rhodians will the Romans take up and lay down their arms! Now we are no longer to call upon the gods to witness treaties, but rather the Rhodians!

[6]

Unless obedience is rendered them, and our armies are removed from Macedonia, the Rhodians will see, will they, what they must do?

[7]

What the Rhodians will see, they themselves know. But surely the Roman people, after their conquest of Perseus, which they hope will take place any day, will see that they repay a suitable reward for the actions of each state during the war.

[8] Nevertheless, a present of two thousand sesterces apiece was sent to the envoys, which they refused.

[1]

Thereafter despatches from Quintus Marcius the consul were read, describing his crossing over into Macedonia, by forcing the pass;

[2] in Macedonia he had procured supplies in advance of winter from various localities, and in particular had received ⁶⁷ twenty thousand bushels of wheat and ten thousand of barley from the Epirotes, so that payment for this grain should be arranged with their envoys at Rome.

[3] Clothes, said the consul, should be sent to the army from Rome; there was need for about two hundred horses, especially Numidians, and he had no supply of them where he was. A decree of the senate was passed to carry out these requests of the consul.

[4] Gaius Sulpicius the praetor ⁶⁸ let a contract for transporting to Macedonia six thousand togas, ⁶⁹ thirty thousand tunics, and two hundred horses, and for depositing them where the consul chose. Sulpicius also paid the envoys of the Epirotes the price of the grain, and brought before the senate Onesimus, son of Pytho, a Macedonian noble.

[5] He had always been a proponent of peace to the king, and had advised him to adopt frequently, if not regularly, the practice which his father Philip had begun and continued to the last day of his life —namely, that of reading through twice daily the treaty he had made with the Romans. After Onesimus had been unable to discourage the king from war, Onesimus began at first to withdraw on one excuse or another, so as not to be associated with projects of which he disapproved.

[6] Finally, when he saw that he was an object of suspicion and that occasionally he was being charged by innuendo with treachery, he deserted to the Romans and made himself very useful to the consul.

[7] On being introduced to the senate, he recited these facts, and the senate ordered that he be enrolled in the category of allies, that a residence and entertainment be provided for him, that two hundred acres of the ⁷⁰ public land of the Roman people in the district of Tarentum be given him, and that a house be bought for him at Tarentum. ⁷¹ Gaius Decimius the praetor ⁷² was entrusted with the execution of these orders.

[8] The censors conducted the census on the thirteenth of December more strictly than before. Many were deprived of their rank of knights, among them Publius Rutilius who as tribune of the commons had violently assailed the censors; he was also removed from his tribe and disenfranchised. ⁷³

[9] As half the revenues of the year had by decree of the senate been assigned by the quaestors to the censors for the construction of public works, Titus Sempronius, out of the funds assigned to him, bought for the

[10] state the house of Publius Africanus behind the Old Shops in the direction of the statue of Vortumnus, as well as the butcher's stalls and the shops adjacent, and saw to the construction of the basilica which afterward received the name of Sempronian. ⁷⁴

[1]

The year was drawing to its close, and because of concern, especially for the war with Macedonia, men were discussing what consuls they should elect for this year, to bring this war at last to an end.

[2] A resolution of the senate was therefore passed, that Gnaeus Servilius should come as promptly as possible to hold the elections.

[3] The praetor ⁷⁵ Sulpicius forwarded the resolution to the consul, and read to the senate a few days later the return despatch from that officer. In this, he set the day for the elections as . . ., and announced his return to the city previous to that time. The consul made haste, and the elections were completed on the day set.

[4] There were elected as consuls Lucius Aemilius Paulus for the second time, in the fourteenth year after his first term, and Gaius Licinius Crassus.

[5] On the following day, there were elected to the praetorship Gnaeus Baebius Tamphilus, Lucius Anicius Gallus, Gnaeus Octavius, Publius Fonteius Balbus, Marcus Aebutius Helva, and Gaius Papirius Carbo. Concern for the war with Macedonia induced the speeding up of the whole procedure.

[6] Therefore it was voted that these magistrates-elect should be allotted their fields of operation immediately, so that when it was

[7] known which consul had received Macedonia and which praetor the fleet, the designated men might begin their plans and preparations of the supplies necessary for war and might consult the senate if there was need for consultation on any subject.

[8] It was determined to hold the Latin Festival as soon as was possible on religious grounds after the entrance upon office of the magistrates, to avoid any delay to the consul who was to set out for Macedonia.

[9] In these decrees, the fields of operation for the consuls were designated as Macedonia and Italy; those for the praetors were, besides the two jurisdictions in the city, the fleet, Spain, Sicily, and Sardinia. Macedonia fell to the lot of the consul Aemilius, ⁷⁶ Italy to ⁷⁷ Licinius.

[10] Of the praetors, Gnaeus Baebius received the jurisdiction over citizens, Lucius Anicius was given that over aliens and was placed at the disposal of the senate, Gnaeus Octavius received the fleet, Publius Fonteius Spain, Marcus Aebutius Sicily, and Gaius Papirius Sardinia.

[1]

It was at once obvious to everyone that Lucius Aemilius was going to prosecute this war in no sluggish fashion, not only because he was a warlike man, but also because without relaxing by day or night he turned over in his mind nothing but what concerned this war.

[2] First of all he requested the senate to send envoys to Macedonia to inspect the armies and the fleet and to report their findings as to what was needed by way of forces on land or sea;

[3] moreover, they were to collect information as far as possible about the king's forces and about the terrain under our control and under that of the enemy.

[4] They were to investigate the following: whether the Romans were encamped among the mountains or whether all the narrows had been passed and the plains reached; which of the allies were loyal to us, which were wavering and of a loyalty dependent on fortune, and which seemed definitely hostile; how large a supply of provisions had been prepared and whence they could be brought, by a land route or by ships, respectively; what had been achieved on land and sea during this summer.

[5] From good information on these points sure decisions might be made for the future, said Aemilius. The senate gave the consul ⁷⁸ Gnaeus Servilius the task of choosing three men satisfactory to Lucius Aemilius as envoys to Macedonia. Two days later the envoys set out —Gnaeus Domitius Ahenobarbus, Aulus Licinius Nerva, and Lucius Baebius.

[6] Report was made of two showers of stones near the end of this year, one on Roman land, one on that of Veii. On both occasions a nine-day rite was performed.

[7] The priests who died during this year were Publius Quinctilius Varus, the flamen of Mars, ⁷⁹ and Marcus Claudius Marcellus of the Board of Ten. Gnaeus Octavius replaced the latter.

[8] Display being now on the increase, it is recorded that at the games in the arena by the curule aediles Publius Cornelius Scipio Nasica and Publius Lentulus, sixty-three leopards and forty bears and elephants participated.

[1]

In the consulship of Lucius Aemilius Paulus ⁸⁰ and Gaius Licinius, on the fifteenth of March, at the beginning of the new year, the senators were on the qui vive, especially as to what the consul in charge of Macedonia would bring before them about his field of operations.

[2] But Paulus said that he had nothing to present until the envoys returned, but that the envoys were now at Brundisium, after having been blown back twice to Dyrrachium on their voyage.

[3] As soon as he acquired the information which was the first necessity, he would lay matters before the senate, and this would take place within a very few days.

[4] In order to avoid any delay to his settingout, said Paulus, the day for the Latin Festival had ⁸¹ been set at April twelfth ⁸² ; after the proper performance of the sacrifice, if the senate concurred, he and Gnaeus Octavius would both set out.

[5] His colleague Gaius Licinius would take care, in his absence, to get ready and send out what should be made ready and sent to the war; meanwhile, said Paulus, the embassies of foreign nations might be given audience.

[6] First the envoys from King Ptolemy and Queen Cleopatra at Alexandria were announced.

[7] Grimy, ⁸³ with untrimmed beard and hair, they entered the senate-house bearing olive-branches, and prostrated themselves; their speech was more pitiable than their array.

[8] Antiochus, the king of Syria, who had been a hostage at Rome, under the decent pretext of restoring the elder Ptolemy to his throne, was waging war against the younger brother, who was then in possession of Alexandria. ⁸⁴

[9] Antiochus had won a naval battle at Pelusium and, after leading his forces across the Nile on a hastily-constructed bridge, was overawing Alexandria with his siege and seemed to be on the very point of laying his hands on a very rich kingdom. Complaining of this attack, the envoys begged the senate to come to the rescue of a kingdom and a royal pair who were friends of Roman rule.

[10] Such, they argued, were the benefits conferred on Antiochus by the

[11] Roman people, and such their influence with all kings and nations that, if they sent envoys to declare to Antiochus that the senate did not ⁸⁵ wish war to be made on kings allied to it, Antiochus would at once depart from the walls of Alexandria and would lead his army back into Syria.

[12] If they hesitated to do this, shortly Ptolemy and Cleopatra, robbed of their kingdom, would arrive in Rome, somewhat to the shame of the Roman people, because they had offered no aid in the final crisis of their fortunes.

[13] The senators, stirred by the entreaties of the Alexandrines, at once ⁸⁶ sent Gaius Popilius Laenas, Gaius Decimius, and Gaius Hostilius as envoys to bring an end to the war between the kings.

[14] They were instructed to approach first Antiochus and then Ptolemy, and to proclaim that if war was not concluded, the party constituting the obstacle would not be considered either a friend or an ally to the Romans.

[1]

This embassy left within three days along with the envoys from Alexandria. The mission from Macedonia arrived on the last day of the Quinquatrus ⁸⁷ amid such eagerness that, had it not been evening, the consuls would have summoned the senate at once.

[2] Next day the session was held and the envoys were heard. They reported as follows:

The army has been led into Macedonia by trackless passes at a risk disproportionate to the gain.

[3]

Pieria, which the army has reached, is in the hands of the king; the encampments are so nearly in contact that hardly more than the Elpeüs River separates them.

[4]

The king does not offer battle, and our forces have not the strength to compel him to do so. Also the ⁸⁸ winter is an added obstacle to an active campaign. The soldiers are being supported in idleness and have grain for no more than six days.

[5]

The Macedonian forces are said to number thirty thousand. If Appius Claudius ⁸⁹ had sufficient strength in the region of Lychnidus, he could have distracted the king with a second front; as it is, Appius and the force with him are in the greatest danger unless either a full-fledged army is quickly sent him or his present force is extricated.

[6]

As to the fleet, we heard after we left the camp that some of the sailors have been lost by disease, and some, especially the Sicilians, have gone home, so that the ships lack crews. Those who are there have not received their pay and are insufficiently clothed.

[7]

Eumenes and his fleet have come and gone for no good reason, as if his ships were drifting before the wind; and there is no good evidence that the spirit of this king is unwavering.

⁹⁰ The envoys reported that Attalus was as gallantly unswerving as Eumenes was entirely undependable.

[1]

After hearing the envoys, Lucius Aemilius laid before the senate the question of the conduct of the war.

[2] The senate decreed that the consuls and the people should each choose half of the tribunes for eight legions; however, it was voted that no one who ⁹¹ had not held office should be chosen that year. ⁹²

[3] Then from among the tribunes Lucius Aemilius was to choose whomever he preferred for the two legions for Macedonia. It was further voted that after the completion of the Latin Festival, the consul Lucius Aemilius and Gnaeus Octavius, the praetor to whom the fleet had been allotted, should depart for their field of operations.

[4] To them was added the praetor Lucius Anicius, whose post was the court for aliens; it was voted that he should succeed Appius Claudius in the Illyrian theatre near Lychnidus.

[5] Charge over the levy was given to the consul Gaius Licinius. He was instructed to enroll seven thousand Roman citizens and two hundred horsemen and to demand of the allies of the Latin Name seven thousand infantry and four hundred cavalry, and

[6] he was to send a despatch to

[7] Gnaeus Servilius the commander in the province of Gaul, instructing him to enroll six hundred cavalry.

[8] This force Licinius was ordered to send as promptly as possible to his colleague in Macedonia; a limit of two legions was placed on the army on that front, and each legion was to be reinforced till it contained six thousand infantry and three hundred cavalry; the surplus infantry and cavalry were to be distributed as garrisons.

[9] Men unfit for military service were to be discharged. An added levy was imposed on the allies of ten thousand infantry and eight hundred cavalry.

[10] This force was given to Anicius besides the two legions which he was ordered to transport to ⁹³ Macedonia, each legion having five thousand two hundred infantry and three hundred cavalry. Moreover, five thousand sailors were enrolled for the fleet.

[11] Licinius the consul was ordered to hold his area with two legions, and to add to them ten thousand infantry and six hundred cavalry of the allies.

[1]

When the senate had finished its voting, the consul Lucius Aemilius went from the senate-house to a public meeting and made the following speech:

[2]

I seem to have noticed, fellow-citizens, that greater congratulations were offered me when I was allotted Macedonia as my field of operations than when my election as consul was announced, or on the day when I entered upon office. The reason for this was none other, I believe, than that you regard me as capable of bringing the long-drawn-out war in Macedonia to an end worthy of the high position of the Roman people.

[3]

The gods too, I hope, approve this fall of the lot and will likewise be at my side in action.

[4]

So far I can partly prophesy, and partly hope; another matter I dare to assert as sure namely, that I will strive with every effort that the hope you have conceived for me shall not be vain.

[5]

What is required for the war has been voted by the senate, and since it is determined that I shall set out at once, for which I am not reluctant, the preparations will be made by that excellent man, my colleague Gaius Licinius, as vigorously as if he were going to conduct the campaign.

[6]

For your part, see to it that you have confidence only in the reports I make to the senate and to you, and beware of nourishing by your credulity the gossip for which no sponsor will appear.

[7]

For I have noticed that, as is commonly the case, so now especially in this war no one is so scornful of ⁹⁴ rumour that his spirit cannot be weakened.

[8]

In all the clubs and even —God save us! —at dinner-tables there are experts who lead armies to Macedonia, who know where camp should be pitched, what places should be held with garrisons, when or by what pass Macedonia should be invaded, where granaries should be set up, by what routes on land or sea provisions should be supplied, when we must join battle with the enemy and when it is better to remain inactive.

[9]

Not only do they decide what should be done, but when anything is done contrary to their opinion, they accuse the consul as if he were in the dock. Such behaviour is a great obstacle to the men in the field.

[10]

For not everyone is as unwavering and as steadfast of spirit against hostile gossip as was Quintus Fabius, who preferred to have his independence of command lessened by popular folly rather than to neglect the best interests of the state for the sake of acclaim.

[11]

I am not, fellow-citizens, one who believes that no advice may be given to leaders; nay rather I judge him to be not a sage, but haughty, who conducts everything according to his own opinion alone. What therefore is my conclusion?

[12]

Generals should receive advice, in the first place from the experts who are both specially skilled in military matters and have learned from experience; secondly, from those who are on the scene of action, who see the terrain, the enemy, the fitness of the occasion, who are sharers in the danger, as it were aboard the same vessel.

[13]

Thus, if there is anyone who is confident that he can advise me as to the best advantage of the state in this campaign which I am about to conduct, let him not refuse his services to the state, but come with me into Macedonia. I will ⁹⁵ furnish him with his sea-passage, with a horse, a tent, and even travel-funds. If anyone is reluctant to do this and prefers the leisure of the city to the hardships of campaigning, let him not steer the ship from on shore.

[14]

The city itself provides enough subjects for conversation; let him confine his garrulity to these; and let him be aware that I shall be satisfied with the advice originating in camp.

⁹⁶

[15] After this address and the due completion of the sacrifice at the Latin Festival,

[16] which was held on March 31 ⁹⁷ on the Alban Mount, both the consul and the praetor Gnaeus Octavius immediately set out for Macedonia.

[17] History records that the consul was escorted by an unusually great throng of persons paying their respects to him, and that men prophesied with almost sure expectation that the Macedonian war would come to an end, and that the return of the consul would be prompt and in great triumph.

[1]

While these events were occurring in Italy, Perseus decided that since he had discovered that the Romans had entered the pass and that the final crisis of the war impended, he must no longer postpone the project which he could not bring himself to complete because expenditure of money was required-namely, gaining the adherence of Gentius, king of Illyria.

[2] Inasmuch as Perseus had agreed through his envoy Hippias ⁹⁸ on a payment of three hundred talents of silver, on condition of an exchange ⁹⁹ of hostages, he sent Pantauchus, one of his most trusty friends, to complete the agreement.

[3] At Meteon in the region of Labeatis, Pantauchus met the Illyrian king; there he received the king's oath and his hostages. Gentius too sent an envoy named Olympio to require the oath and the hostages of Perseus.'

[4] Others were sent with him to receive the money; and, at Pantauchus' suggestion, Parmenio and Morcus were named as envoys to go with the Macedonians to Rhodes.

[5] To them instructions were given to set out for Rhodes only after the oath, the hostages, and the money had been received; it was thought that by the prestige of two kings at once the Rhodians could be induced to war with the Romans, and that once the kings were joined by the state to which

[6] belonged a unique reputation for sea-power, no hope on land or sea would be left the Romans.

[7] On the arrival of the Illyrians, Perseus left his camp at the Elpeüs River with all his cavalry and met them at Dium.

[8] There the terms agreed upon were executed in the presence of the surrounding column of cavalry, whom the king wished to be present at the ratification of the alliance with Gentius, thinking that it would somewhat raise their spirits.

[9] The hostages were also given and received in the sight of all, those who were to receive the money were sent to the royal treasury at Pella and those who were to accompany the Illyrian envoys to Rhodes were ordered to take ship at Thessalonica.

[10] Metrodorus ¹⁰⁰ was at that port, a recent arrival from Rhodes, who stated, on the authority of Dinon and Polyaratus, the heads of the state, ¹⁰¹ that the Rhodians were ready for ¹⁰² war. Metrodorus was assigned as the leader of the combined embassy with the Illyrians.

[1]

At the same time, identical messages, suggested by the state of affairs, were sent both to Eumenes and to Antiochus, as follows: by nature a free state and a king were things hostile to each other; the Roman people attacked kings one by one, and —an unjust state of affairs —assailed kings with the help of kings;

[2] Perseus' father had been overcome with the aid of Attalus;

[3] with Eumenes helping, and to a certain extent Perseus' father Philip as well, Antiochus had been assailed ¹⁰³ ; now both Eumenes and Prusias were in arms against Perseus;

[4] if the kingdom of Macedonia were out of the way, next would come Asia Minor, which the Romans had already made their own to some extent under pretext of freeing communities, and after Asia Minor, Syria.

[5] Already Prusias was being given a position above Eumenes, already Antiochus, though victorious, was being barred from Egypt, his prize of war.

[6] Perseus bade each king, on considering these facts, to take such steps that either he might force the Romans to make peace with Perseus, or if Rome persevered in an unjust war might regard the Romans as the common enemy of all kings.

[7] The message to Antiochus was open; to Eumenes the envoy was sent under guise of ransoming prisoners, but in fact certain more secret matters were under discussion, which for the time being embarrassed Eumenes, who was already an object of hatred and suspicion to the Romans, with false and more serious charges;

[8] for he was already regarded as a traitor and almost an enemy, while the two kings with grasping hands vied with each other in guile and greed. ¹⁰⁴

[9] There was a Cretan, Cydas, one of Eumenes' henchmen. He had held conversations, first at Amphipolis with a certain Chimarus, a fellow-countryman who was serving in Perseus' army, then later at Demetrias, beneath the very walls of the city, once with a certain Menecrates and again with Antimachus, both of whom were officers of the king. ¹⁰⁵

[10] Herophon also, who was then sent by Perseus, had similarly undertaken two previous missions to Eumenes.

[11] These conversations were secret, and the missions caused bad rumours, but there was no knowledge of what had been discussed or upon what the kings had agreed. The actual state of affairs, however, was as follows.

[1]

Eumenes did not want a victory for Perseus, nor did he intend to assist him in winning one by military means, not so much because of the mutual hostility of their fathers, as because of the hatred engendered between himself and Perseus. ¹⁰⁶

[2] The jealousy of kings is such that Eumenes would not have viewed with calmness the attainment by Perseus of such great strength and prestige as awaited him if he defeated the Romans.

[3] Eumenes also perceived that from the very outset of the war Perseus had nurtured the hope of peace in every way ¹⁰⁷ and as time went on had come more and more, as the threat ¹⁰⁸ came closer, to treat and think of nothing else.

[4] Since the war was dragging on longer than the Romans had hoped, they too, their commanders, and their senate would not be averse, so Eumenes thought, to ending so disturbing and difficult a war.

[5] Having ascertained this willingness on either side, Eumenes was eager to put on sale his good offices in an effort to negotiate the peace which he thought might even come about automatically through the weariness of the stronger and the fears of the weaker side.

[6] Therefore Eumenes tried to negotiate for a reward, now for not aiding the Romans' military effort on land or sea, now for securing peace with the Romans; for his abstention from war, his price was a thousand talents, ¹⁰⁹ for negotiating peace, fifteen hundred.

[7] He showed himself always ready not only to pledge his word to either course of action, but even to give hostages.

Perseus was very ready to undertake the attempt under pressure of fear, and as

[8] to the acceptance of hostages the discussion proceeded without delay, and it was agreed that, when accepted, the hostages should be sent to Crete.

[9] When the subject of money came up, there Perseus hesitated, and said that especially for the first alternative the payment of money was dishonourable and base for kings of so high a reputation, not only for the giver, but even more for the recipient;

[10] for the hope of peace with the Romans, he would not refuse an expenditure, but he would pay on the completion of the enterprise, and meanwhile would deposit the funds in the temple on Samothrace.

[11] Since this island was in Perseus' realm, Eumenes saw that it made no difference whether the money was there or at Pella; he ¹¹⁰ attempted to secure some sort of down payment.

[12] And so having tried vainly to overreach each other, the kings got themselves nothing but a bad reputation.

[1]

This was not the only failure incurred by Perseus because of miserliness, when by payment of money he could either through Eumenes' efforts have secured peace. which he should have bought even at the price of part of his kingdom, or had he been deceived, he could have exposed his enemy with the booty on him and aroused just hostility toward him on the part of the Romans.

[2] But a previous parallel case was that of the alliance with King Gentius, ready for the taking; and at this same time Perseus lost through miserliness the tremendous assistance of the Gauls who were scattered through the region of Illyria. ¹¹¹

[3] There were on their way ten thousand cavalry and an equal number of infantry who matched their pace to that of the horses, and in turn seized the riderless horses of fallen cavalrymen for further fighting.

[4] These men had been pledged a cash payment of ten gold pieces per cavalryman, five per infantryman, and a thousand for their leader.

[5] When they approached, Perseus went to meet them from his camp at the Elpeüs with half of his forces and began to give orders throughout the villages and cities near the road to bring out provisions so that there would be plenty of grain, wine, and animals.

[6] He himself brought horses, breast-ornaments, and capes ¹¹² as presents for the chief men, and a small amount of gold to distribute among a few, supposing that the rank and file could be led along by expectations.

[7] He reached the city of Almana and pitched camp on the banks of the Axius River. The force of Gauls halted near Desudaba in Maedica, ¹¹³ waiting for their promised pay.

[8] Thither Perseus sent Antigonus, one of the wearers of the purple, to order the rank and file of the Gauls to shift camp to Bylazora (this is a place in Paeonia) and the leaders to come in a body to him. The Gauls were seventy-five miles from the Axius River and the king's camp.

[9] Antigonus carried this message to them and added an account of the abundance of all supplies prepared through the thoughtfulness of the king, through which they would travel, and of the gifts of garments, silver, and horses with which the king proposed to greet their leaders on their arrival.

[10] The Gauls replied that they would certainly find out about these matters from personal observation, but they asked about what had been promised for immediate delivery —whether he had brought with him the gold which was to be distributed among the individual horsemen and footmen.

[11] When they received no reply on this point, Clondicus, their chieftain, declared:

Go back then and report to the king that the Gauls will not move a step farther unless they receive the gold and hostages.

[12] When this message was reported to the king, he summoned his council, but when it became clear what everyone would advise, the king, a trustier guardian of his cash than of his kingdom, began to discourse on the treachery and savagery of the Gauls, which had been demonstrated long since by disasters to many people;

[13] it was dangerous, he said, to receive ¹¹⁴ such large numbers into Macedonia, for fear that they would find the Gauls more deadly as allies than the Romans were as enemies; a force of five thousand cavalry was sufficient, for these they could use for military

[14] purposes and would not themselves be overawed by their numbers.

[1]

It was obvious to everyone that he was troubled about the pay and nothing else; but as no one dared to give him the advice he asked for, Antigonus was sent back to announce that the king could use the services of five thousand cavalry only, and would not keep the rest of the host.

[2] When the barbarians heard this, there was an indignant outcry from the remainder that they had been to no purpose lured away from their homes.

[3] Clondicus again asked whether he would pay what had been agreed upon to these five thousand; and when he saw that to this, too, a devious reply was being concocted, the Gauls returned to the Danube, without injury to the messenger who had tricked them (a fate he had hardly hoped could befall him), but plundering that part of Thrace which adjoined their route.

[4] This force of Gauls, even had the king remained inactive at the Elpeüs before the Romans, could if brought into Thessaly through the pass of Perrhaebia have not only stripped the fields by their ravages, so that the Romans could have looked for no provisions from there, but could even have stormed cities as long as Perseus held the Romans

[5] at the Elpeüs, in order to prevent their rescuing the cities of their allies.

[6] The Romans would have had to consider their own plight, since they could neither remain if Thessaly, the army's source of supplies, were lost, nor could they advance while the camp of the Macedonians lay before them. ¹¹⁵

[7] By losing this added strength, Perseus weakened to no small degree the morale of the Macedonians, who had been depending on this source of hope.

[8] The same miserliness caused a rift with Gentius. For when Perseus had counted out three hundred talents for the envoys sent by Gentius to Pella, he permitted them to affix their seal to the money; then he sent ten talents to Pantauchus and ordered this paid at once to the king.

[9] His own people were transporting the rest of the money marked with the seal of the

[10] Illyrians, and he ordered them to convey it by short stages, and then when the Macedonian frontier was reached, to halt there and wait for messengers from him.

[11] After Gentius had received a scant portion of the money, he was continually spurred on by Pantauchus to assail the Romans with an act of hostility, and so he threw into prison Marcus Perpenna and Lucius Petilius, the ambassadors who happened to reach him at this time. ¹¹⁶

[12] On hearing of this Perseus thought that Gentius had committed himself to fight the Romans in any case, and sent a recall to the one conveying the money, as if his only concern was to save as much booty as possible for the Romans after his own defeat.

Herophon also returned from the court of Eumenes, the secret negotiations being still unrevealed.

[13] The Macedonians spread the word that discussion about prisoners had taken place, and Eumenes, to avoid suspicion, informed the consul to this same effect.

[1]

After the disappointment of Herophon's return from the court of Eumenes, Perseus sent Antenor and Callippus, his naval commanders, with forty scout-ships —there were five cutters ¹¹⁷ added to ¹¹⁸ this number —to

[2] Tenedos, in order to protect from that base the ships scattered through the Cyclades islands on their way to Macedonia with grain.

[3] The ships were launched at Cassandrea, and after crossing first to the harbours under Mount Athos and thence on a calm sea to Tenedos, they sent away unharmed and even with kind addresses some undecked Rhodian ships which were at the port with Eudamus their commander.

[4] Then Antenor discovered that on the other side of the island fifty of their freight ships were blockaded by warships of Eumenes, under command of Damius, which were stationed at the mouth of the harbour.

[5] Antenor promptly sailed around and by threat caused the enemy ships to retreat; the freight ships were sent to Macedonia under convoy of ten scout-ships, which were instructed to return to Tenedos after seeing them safe.

[6] On the ninth day thereafter they returned to the fleet, which was now anchored at Sigeum. Thence they crossed to Subota, an island lying between Elaea and Chios.

[7] On the day after the arrival of the fleet at Subota, thirty-five of the ships called horse-transports, setting out from Elaea with Galatian cavalry and their mounts, were making for Phanae, a cape of Chios, from which they could cross to Macedonia. They were being sent to Attalus by Eumenes.

[8] When a signal reached Antenor from a lookout post that these ships were at sea, he started from Subota and met them between the cape of Erythrae and Chios, where the strait is narrowest.

[9] Eumenes' officers least of ¹¹⁹ all suspected that a Macedonian fleet was at large in that sea; now they thought them to be Romans, now Attalus, or some men sent back by Attalus from the Roman camp and on their way to Pergamum. But when the shape of the approaching scout-ships was unmistakable and the rapid motion of the oars and the pointing of the prows head-on revealed that enemies were approaching, then panic fell upon them.

[10] Since there was no hope of resistance, both because of the unwieldly type of vessel and because the Galatians could hardly withstand an undisturbed voyage,

[11] some of them, who were nearer to the mainland, swam ashore at Erythrae and some set sail for Chios, ran their ships aground, and abandoning their horses fled in rout to the city.

[12] But as the scoutships put troops ashore nearer the city at a more convenient landing-place, the Macedonians overtook the Galatians and cut them down, partly as they fled along the road and partly when they were shut out of the city gates.

[13] For the Chians had closed their gates, not knowing who were fleeing or who pursuing. ¹²⁰ About eight hundred of the Galatians were killed and two hundred taken alive; some of the horses were destroyed in the sea as the ships were wrecked, some were hamstrung on shore by the Macedonians.

[14] Antenor ordered twenty horses of exceptional beauty, along with the prisoners, to be taken to Thessalonica by the same ten scout-ships he had sent before, which he ordered to return as soon as possible to the fleet;

[15] he said he would await them at Phanae. ¹²¹ For about three days the fleet anchored before the city.

[16] Then they moved on to Phanae, and setting sail on the unexpectedly early arrival of the ten scout-ships, crossed the Aegean Sea to Delos.

[1]

While these events were taking place, the Roman envoys, ¹²² Gaius Popilius, Gaius Decimius, and Gaius Hostilius, set out from Chalcis in three five-banked ships and on arriving at Delos found there forty Macedonian scout-ships and five five-bankers of King Eumenes.

[2] The holiness of the temple and the island kept them all from harm. And so the Roman, the Macedonian, and Eumenes' sailors mingled in the temple under the truce provided by the sacredness of the place.

[3] Whenever signals came from the lookouts that any freight-ships were passing out at sea, Antenor, Perseus' officer, would himself pursue with some ships, while others of his ships were distributed among the Cyclades, and either sank or plundered every ship not sailing for Macedonia.

[4] Popilius would come to the rescue with what ships he had either of his own or Eumenes'; but the Macedonians would evade him by sailing at night mostly in groups of two or three ships.

[5] At about this same time, the envoys from Macedonia and Illyria

[6] arrived together at Rhodes, and weight was lent their words not only by the arrival of the scoutships roaming all around the Cyclades and the Aegean Sea, but also by the very fact of the combination between the kings Perseus and Gentius, and the rumour of the arrival of the Gauls in great numbers both of infantry and cavalry.

[7] Since, then, the boldness of Dinon and Polyaratus, who sided with Perseus, was on the increase, not only was a cordial ¹²³ response given to the kings, but the flat statement was made that the Rhodians would by their influence bring an end to the war, and that therefore the kings

[8] themselves should make up their minds calmly to accept peace. ¹²⁴

[1]

By now spring was beginning ¹²⁵ and the new commanders arrived in the field, the consul Aemilius in Macedonia, Octavius with the fleet at Oreüs, and in the region of Illyria, Anicius, whose task was the campaign against Gentius. ¹²⁶

[2] This king, the son of Pleuratus, king of the Illyrians, and Eurydice, had two brothers, Plator, a full brother, and Caravantius, born of the same mother.

[3] The latter Gentius suspected less because of the obscurity of his father, but the king killed Plator and two friends of his, Ettritus and Epicadus, energetic men, for the greater security of his reign.

[4] The rumour was that he envied his brother his betrothal to Etuta, daughter of Monunius the chieftain of the Dardani, since by this marriage Plator would secure the support of the Dardani; and Gentius made this really very probable by marrying the girl after the murder of Plator.

[5] Once the fear of his brother was removed, Gentius began to be oppressive to his people, and the violence innate in his character was inflamed by overuse of wine.

[6] However, when he had been stirred up to fight the Romans, as has been related above, he collected all his forces at Lissus. These were fifteen thousand men.

[7] From there he sent his brother with a thousand infantry and fifty cavalry to subdue the ¹²⁷ tribe of the Cavii either by force or threats, while he himself advanced from Lissus five miles to the city of Bassania.

[8] The inhabitants were allied to the Romans; and so when overtures were made by messengers sent ahead of Gentius, they preferred to stand siege rather than to surrender.

[9] As Caravantius arrived among the Cavii, the town of Durnium received him hospitably; Caravandis, another city, shut him out; and while he was ravaging their territory far and wide, a few scattered soldiers were killed by the rallying farmers.

[10] By now Appius Claudius too had added auxiliaries of the Bullini and the citizens of Apollonia and Dyrrachium to the army he had with him, and had set out from winter quarters to a camp by the Genusus River, since he had heard of the treaty between Perseus and Gentius and was incensed by the mistreatment of the molested envoys, so that he was bent on campaigning against Gentius.

[11] About this time Anicius the praetor heard at Apollonia of affairs in the region of Illyria, and sending ahead orders to Appius to wait for him at the Genusus, he himself arrived in camp in three days.

[12] He added to the auxiliaries he had two thousand infantry and two hundred cavalry of the young men of the Parthini —Epicadus commanded the infantry, Algalsus the cavalry —and made ready to march into the region of Illyria, especially in order to relieve the siege of Bassania. His urgency was restrained by a rumour of scout-ships ravaging the coast.

[13] There were eighty of these ships, sent by Gentius at the suggestion of Pantauchus to plunder the territory of Dyrrachium and Apollonia.

[14] Then a ¹²⁸ fleet at . . . ¹²⁹ . . . they surrendered.

[1]

Thereafter the cities of the region did the same, the turn of their thoughts being assisted by the mildness and justice of the Roman praetor.

[2] Next he arrived at Scodra, the centre of resistance not only because Gentius had appropriated it as the citadel for his whole kingdom, but also because it is the best-fortified town of the Labeate tribe, and is hard to approach.

[3] Two rivers surround it, the Clausal flowing by on the side of the city which faces eastward, the Barbanna on the west side, flowing from the Labeate Lake. (These two streams after joining fall into the Oriundes River ¹³⁰ which rises on Mount Scordus, is swelled by many other streams, and falls into the Adriatic Sea.

[4] Mount Scordus, by far the highest of that region, overlooks Dardania to the eastward, Macedonia to the south, and the Illyrian region to the west.)

[5] Although the town was fortified by its surroundings and the whole nation of the Illyrians, as well as their, king, was defending it, nevertheless the Roman praetor decided that since his first moves had met with success, good fortune in the campaign as a whole would follow these beginnings, and that a fast-moving threat would be efficacious;

[6] so he advanced to the wall with his army in formation.

[7] If well-placed forces had shut the gates and defended the walls and gate-towers, they would have routed the Romans from the wall and ¹³¹ made their attempt worthless; as it was, they sallied from the gate and on level ground joined battle with more spirit than they maintained.

[8] For they were routed and huddled in flight, while over two hundred fell in the very mouth of the gate, and they

[9] brought in with them such panic that Gentius at once sent representatives named Teuticus and Bellus, leading men of the nation, to the praetor to ask for a truce so that the king might deliberate over his situation.

[10] When he was given three days for this purpose, he boarded a ship, since the Roman camp was about half a mile from the city, and sailed up the Barbanna River to Lake Labeate, as if seeking a secluded spot for taking council; actually, as became evident, he was stirred by an unfounded hope that his brother Caravantius ¹³² would arrive with many thousands of soldiers gathered in the region to which he had been sent.

[11] After the talk about this had evaporated, on the third day he brought the same ship downstream to Scodra.

[12] First sending messengers to secure an opportunity for addressing the praetor and on being given the opportunity, he came into camp. At the outset of his speech he began by blaming his own stupidity, and at the end gave himself up to entreaties and a flood of tears, and falling at the praetor's knees, put himself into his hands.

[13] Immediately he was bidden to take heart, and after being invited to dinner, returned to his own people in the city.

[14] On that day he was banqueted with marks of distinction by the praetor, and then put under the guard of Gaius Cassius, tribune of the soldiers, after having received a mere ten talents, hardly the fee of ¹³³ a gladiator, though he

[15] was a king dealing with a king, to induce him to sink to such misfortune.

[1]

On taking over Scodra, Anicius' very first order was that the ambassadors Petilius and Perpenna should be searched out and brought to him.

[2] When they had been restored to a properly dignified state, he immediately sent Perpenna to arrest the friends and relatives of the king.

[3] Perpenna set out for Meteon, the city of the Labeate tribe, and brought to camp at Scodra Etleva, ¹³⁴ the queen, with her two children, Scerdilaedus and Pleuratus, and Caravantius the king's brother.

[4] After completing the Illyrian campaign within thirty days, Anicius sent Perpenna to Rome as messenger of this victory, and a few days later sent on King Gentius himself with his mother, wife, children, and brother, as well as other leading Illyrians.

[5] This campaign was unique in that its conclusion was reported at Rome before its beginning.

During the time that this was going on, Perseus also was in great fear because of the arrival not only of Aemilius the new consul, who he heard had come on the scene bringing dire threats, but also of Octavius the praetor.

[6] The king was feeling equally keenly the threat from the Roman fleet and the danger to the coastal area. At Thessalonica, Eumenes and Athenagoras were in command with a small garrison of two thousand light infantry. ¹³⁵

[7] To that place Perseus sent the officer Androcles also, under orders to encamp right by the dockyards.

[8] To Aenea a thousand cavalry under Creon of Antigonea were sent to protect the coastal area, in order to come at once to ¹³⁶ the aid of the country folk at any point on the shore where they heard that enemy ships had put in.

[9] Five thousand Macedonians were sent to garrison Pythoüs and Petra, ¹³⁷ the commanders being Histiaeus, Theogenes, and Midon.

[10] When these forces had left, Perseus set himself to fortifying the bank of the Elpeüs, because its dry bed could be crossed. In order that his entire force might be free for this operation, women gathered from the near-by cities brought foodstuffs into camp;

[11] the soldiers, under orders, from the woods near by generously . . . ¹³⁸

[1]

... to gather, and finally he ordered the water-carriers to follow him to the sea, which was less than three-tenths of a mile away, and to dig wells on the beach, some here, some there, at slight intervals.

[2] The immense height of the mountains, ¹³⁹ especially inasmuch as they produced no visible rivers, gave him the hope that underneath were hidden streams, the veins of which trickled through to the sea and mingled with the salt water.

[3] Hardly had the uppermost sand been penetrated when jets of water spurted out, at first muddy and slight, but then proceeding to pour out, as if by a miracle, with clear and copious water.

[4] This success too gave the commander no little glory and power of leadership with the soldiers. Then when the soldiers were ordered to put their weapons in condition, the consul with the tribunes and ranking centurions went forward to reconnoitre the crossings, in order to find out where the way down was easy for men under arms and where ¹⁴⁰ on the farther bank there was the least unfavourable way up.

[5] After gathering sufficient information on these points, he introduced other changes, too; in the first place, he saw to it that everything in the column should take place in good order and without confusion at the beck and call of the commander;

[6] when orders were given to the whole army at once and not all were within hearing, he said, some, after receiving an unclear order, made additions of their own and did more than was bidden, while others did less; hence discordant outcries arose everywhere and the enemy found out what was afoot sooner than one's own men.

[7] Therefore the consul decided that the tribune of the soldiers should first give an order privately to the chief centurion of the legion, and he and his subordinates in rank should then each tell to the next in rank ¹⁴¹ what was to be done, whether the order was to be passed from the head of the column to the rear, or from the last to the first.

[8] The consul also made the innovation of forbidding sentries to carry a shield ¹⁴² on post; for he said that a sentry is not going into combat to use his weapons, but is to keep on guard so that when he perceives the approach of the enemy, he may retire and rouse the others to arms.

[9] Men set the shield before them and stand there, helmet on head; then when they are tired, they lean on the spear, rest the head on the shield-rim, and stand there drowsing, so that with their shining armour they can be detected by the enemy from afar, while they themselves do not see ahead at all. The consul also changed the practice of the outposts.

[10] All were used to spending the entire day under arms, cavalry with their horses bridled; when this took place on summer days under an unremitting -and ¹⁴³ burning sun, after so many hours of heat and weariness the tired men and horses were often attacked by fresh enemy troops and superior numbers thrown into confusion by even a few.

[11] So he gave orders that men on duty in the morning should be relieved at noon by a different afternoon detail; in this way a fresh enemy could never attack tired men.

[1]

After he had announced to an assembly of the soldiers the decision to adopt these measures, the consul added a speech in the vein of his address in Rome:

[2]

There should be a single general in an army who foresees and plans what should be done, sometimes by himself, sometimes with the advisers he calls into council. Those who are not called into council should not air their own views publicly or privately.

[3]

A soldier should concern himself with the following: his body, to keep it as strong and as nimble as possible; the good condition of his weapons; and the readiness of his food-supply for unexpected orders.

[4]

For the rest, he should realize that the immortal gods and his general are taking care of him. In an army in which the soldiers deliberate and the general is led about by the gossip of the rank and file, conditions are utterly unsound.

[5]

For my part, I shall do the duty of a general —that is, see to it that you have an opportunity for successful action. You ought not to ask what is going to happen, but when the signal is given, then do your duty as soldiers.

After these instructions, he dismissed the assembly, while throughout the army even the veterans admitted that they, like raw recruits, had for the first time learned how military matters should be handled.

[6] Not only did they show by such remarks with how ¹⁴⁴ much approval they had heard the words of the consul, but there was also an immediate response in action.

[7] Soon you could have seen no one idle in the whole camp; some were sharpening swords, others were polishing helmets and cheek-pieces, still others shields and coats of mail;

[8] some were fitting their armour to their bodies and trying the nimbleness of their bodies under arms, others were brandishing spears, others fencing with their swords and inspecting the point ¹⁴⁵ ; so that anyone could easily see that as soon as an opportunity of joining battle with the enemy had been

[9] given, they would put an end to the war either by a glorious victory or by a death that would go down in history.

[10] When Perseus, too, noticed that on the arrival of the consul and the beginning of spring everything in the enemy camp was full of noise and bustle as if the war were just beginning, that the camp had been shifted from Phila to the bank opposite the Macedonians, and the hostile commander was now going about to view Perseus' defences, no doubt because he was reconnoitring a passage, now .. . ¹⁴⁶ . of the Romans was.

[1]

This affair raised the spirits of the Romans. It also brought no little panic to the Macedonians and their king.

[2] At first he tried to hide the report of the event in secret, by sending men to forbid Pantauchus, who was coming from there, to approach the camp.

[3] But now some boys were seen by their relatives being led along with the Illyrian hostages and the more carefully the various details were ¹⁴⁷ concealed, the more easily they leaked out through the garrulity of the king's servants.

[4] About the same time envoys from Rhodes came into camp with the same message about peace which had aroused great wrath in the senators at Rome. They received a much less favourable audience from the council in the camp.

[5] So while some advised that the envoys be thrown into chains, others that they be driven headlong out of camp without an answer, the consul announced that he would make a reply a fortnight later. Meanwhile, to make it clear how much influence the Rhodian peace-makers had succeeded in exerting, he began to hold consultations as to the plan of campaign.

[6] Some, especially the younger, wished to force a way through the bank of the Elpeüs and the fortifications;

[7] a solid formation, they said, attacking in single column would be irresistible to the Macedonians, who had the previous year been driven out of so many forts, ¹⁴⁸ rather higher and better fortified and held with strong garrisons.

[8] Others advised that Octavius with his fleet should make for Thessalonica and by ravaging the coastal area create a diversion of the king's forces, so that on the appearance of another attack in his rear the king would be pulled about to guard the inner part of his kingdom and be compelled to open a crossing somewhere over the Elpeüs. The consul himself regarded the riverbank as impregnable by nature and by fortification and, besides the fact that artillery had been placed everywhere, he had heard that the enemy employed missile weapons better and with more deadly aim. ¹⁴⁹

[9] The whole thought of the Roman commander inclined in a different direction;

[10] and dismissing his council, he summoned the Perrhaebian merchants Coenus and Menophilus, men already known to him for loyalty and wisdom, and secretly inquired what the passes into Perrhaebia were like.

[11] When they said that the terrain was not difficult, but was blocked by the king's guard-forces, ¹⁵⁰ the consul conceived the hope that the guards could be dislodged if he attacked suddenly by night with a strong force and surprised them; for, he argued, javelins, arrows, and other missiles are useless in the dark when the target cannot be sighted at a distance;

[12] the sword is the weapon used at close quarters in a confused throng, and with that weapon the Roman soldier would win. Planning to use the abovementioned merchants as guides, the consul summoned the praetor Octavius, explained his plans, and ordered him to sail for Heracleum with the fleet and have ten days' cooked rations for a thousand men.

[13] For his own part, he sent Publius Scipio Nasica and his own son Quintus Fabius Maximus ¹⁵¹ with five thousand picked

[14] men ¹⁵² to Heracleum, in order to feign an embarkation for the purpose of the plan mentioned in the council, namely, of ravaging the coastal area of inner Macedonia. Scipio and Fabius were privately informed that food was ready for them at the fleet, ¹⁵³ so that they would not be

[15] delayed. Next, the guides were instructed to arrange the stages of the journey so that they could attack Pythoüs in the fourth watch of the third day. Next day at dawn the consul himself, in order to keep the king from investigating the other projects, joined battle with the enemy's outposts in the middle of the

[16] river-bed. The fight was conducted with light-armed troops on both sides. It was impossible to fight with heavier troops in so rough a stream-bed. The slope of either bank to the bottom was about three hundred paces; between the banks, a space of a little over a mile lay open where the torrent had hollowed it out in varying degrees from place to

[17] place. There the fight took place in sight of the watchers from the walls of both camps, the king on one side, the consul and his legions on the

[18] other. The king's light troops fought better at long range with missiles; at close quarters the Romans were steadier, and better protected by either the cavalry targe or the Ligurian rectangular

[19] shield. ¹⁵⁴ About noon the consul ordered the recall to be sounded for his

[20] men. So that day the fight was broken off with no small losses to both sides. At sunrise the next day an even sharper fight took place, since their spirits had been roused by the

[21] combat. But the Romans received a great many wounds not only from those with whom the fight had been joined, but much more from the large numbers posted on the towers with all sorts of missile weapons and stones. As they came nearer to the enemy's bank, the shots from the engines reached even the rear ranks. After far more severe losses that day, the consul recalled his men somewhat

[22] later. On the third day, he desisted from battle and went down to ¹⁵⁵ the lower side of the camp as if he were going to attempt the crossing through the spur of the fortifications which ran down to the

[23] sea. What was before Perseus' eyes ... ¹⁵⁶

[1]

The season was that immediately following the turn of midsummer ¹⁵⁷ ; the time of day was approaching noon; the journey had been made through much dust and an ever-hotter sun.

[2] Weariness and thirst now began to make themselves felt, and since it was presently obvious that midday would intensify the blazing heat, the consul decided not to expose men so weakened to a fresh and unwearied enemy;

[3] but such zeal was in their hearts for fighting at all costs that the consul needed as much skill to out manoeuvre his own men as the enemy.

[4] Since all were not yet in formation, he urged on the tribunes of the soldiers to hasten the deployment; he himself went about the ranks and was engaged in rousing the spirits of the men to battle by exhortation.

[5] At this they first kept eagerly calling for the signal; then, in proportion as the heat increased their countenances were less lively and their cries slacker, and some stood lolling on their shields and leaning on their spears. Then the consul proceeded openly to give the order to the ranking centurions to layout the front of the camp and place the baggage. ¹⁵⁸

[6] When the soldiers perceived that this was being done, some rejoiced

[7] openly that he had not compelled men wearied by the toil of marching to fight a battle in scorching heat.

[8] Surrounding the general were his staff and the foreign commanders, among whom was ¹⁵⁹ Attalus, all showing approval as long as they believed the consul was going to fight (for he had not revealed his doubts even to them); then at the sudden change of plan they were all silent except Nasica,

[9] who alone dared to advise the consul not to loose his grasp on an enemy who had baffled previous generals by avoiding an encounter.

[10] Nasica feared that if the enemy departed by night, he would have to be pursued with the greatest toil and risk into the interior of Macedonia, and that the summer would be wasted, as under previous leaders, ¹⁶⁰ in roaming about the bypaths and passes of the Macedonian mountains;

[11] for his own part he strongly urged attack while the consul had the enemy in open country, so as not to lose the opportunity for victory which had been offered. The consul, nothing offended by the outspoken warning from so famous a young man, replied:

[12]

I too have had the spirit which you now have, Nasica, and you will come to have the spirit I now have. From many vicissitudes of war I have learned when to fight and when to refuse battle.

[13]

There is not time to instruct you while you are standing-to for battle as to the reasons why it is better to be inactive today. You shall ask for my reasoning at another time; now you will be satisfied to take the word of an experienced general.

[14] The young man held his tongue, thinking that no doubt the consul saw some obstacles to battle which he himself did not envisage.

[1]

After Paulus saw that the camp had been laid out and the baggage placed, he quietly withdrew the

[2] rear formation first from behind the battle-line, next the chief formation, while the forward ¹⁶¹ formation stood its ground at the front of the battle-line, in case the enemy should make a move; last of all he withdrew the forward formation, taking the soldiers of one maniple at a time, starting with the right wing.

[3] In this way, while the cavalry and the light-armed troops faced the enemy from in front of the battle-line, the infantry were withdrawn without confusion, and the cavalry were not called away from their posts until the facade of the rampart and the ditch facing the enemy had been completed.

[4] Although the king would have been prepared to fight that day without reluctance, he was satisfied to let it be seen that the delay was due to the enemy, and he too withdrew his forces into camp.

[5] After the fortification of the camp was complete, Gaius Sulpicius Gallus, ¹⁶² tribune of the soldiers with the second legion, who had been praetor the year before, summoned the soldiers to an assembly, by permission of the consul, and announced that no one should regard it as a bad omen when on the following night an eclipse of

[6] the moon would take place from the second to the fourth hour of the night.

[7] Since this occurred in the regular order of nature at certain times, said Sulpicius, it could be calculated ahead of time and foretold. Therefore just as they were not surprised —inasmuch as both the risings and the settings of the sun and moon are well understood —when they saw the moon shining now full, now during its wane with a narrow arc, no more ought they to count it a prodigy that the moon is darkened whenever it is hidden in the shadow of the earth. ¹⁶³

[8] On the night preceding the 4th of September, when the moon was eclipsed at the predicted hour, the Roman soldiers regarded the wisdom of Gallus as almost divine;

[9] the Macedonians took it as a dire portent, foretelling the downfall of the kingdom and the nation, and no soothsayer shook their conviction. There was uproar and wailing in the Macedonian camp until the moon emerged to shine as usual.

[10] On the following day, so great was the eagerness of both armies for battle that some of their followers blamed both the king and the consul for separating without a fight.

[11] The king had a rejoinder ready at hand: not only that the enemy had taken the lead in openly declining battle and leading his men back to camp, but that he had posted his forces in a position to which the phalanx could not be advanced, since even slightly unfavourable terrain makes a phalanx useless.

[12] As for the consul, besides his seeming loss of an opportunity for battle on the previous day and his giving the enemy a chance of withdrawing by night if they wished, he seemed on this day too to be wasting time on the pretext of offering sacrifice, although he should have given the signal at dawn and gone out to battle. ¹⁶⁴

[13] At the third hour, after due completion of the sacrifice, he at last called a council, and in doing so seemed to some to be expending in talk and untimely advisement the time needed for carrying out action. In reply to such talk the consul delivered the following speech:

[1]

"That excellent young man, Publius Nasica, alone among all those who favoured fighting ¹⁶⁵ yesterday disclosed his opinion to me; he too kept silent later, so that he may have seemed to have exchanged his view for mine.

[2] Certain others thought it better to criticize their general behind his back rather than to advise him openly.

[3] Both to you, Publius Nasica, and to any others who less openly shared your opinion, I shall not hesitate to give an accounting for having postponed the battle.

[4] For I am so far from regretting our inactivity yesterday that I believe I saved the army by so planning. That none of you may believe me to hold this opinion groundlessly, come let each, if he please, review with me how many factors weighed for the enemy and against us. First of all, of their great superiority in numbers I am sure that you were all previously aware, and that you took notice of it on seeing the battle-line drawn up yesterday.

[5] Out of this small force of ours, one-fourth of the men were left to guard the baggage; and you know that the guarding of the packs is not put in the hands of the most cowardly.

[6] But suppose we had been united: can we possibly consider it a small advantage that we shall go out, with the good help of the gods, ¹⁶⁶ from this camp in which we have spent last night, to do battle either today or at latest tomorrow if we so determine?

[7] Does it make no difference whether you bid a soldier take up arms and lead him into battle when he is wearied neither by the toil of a

[8] journey nor by construction on that day, when he is rested and refreshed in his own tent, when he is full of strength and vigorous in body and in spirit? Or whether he is wearied by a long march and tired by his load, ¹⁶⁷ dripping with sweat, his throat dry with thirst, his mouth and eyes full of dust, with the midday sun beating down upon him?

[9] Will you pit him against an enemy fresh and rested, who brings into battle a strength unsapped by previous exertion? Who, by the gods' good faith, when he is thus matched, sluggish though he be and unwarlike, will not overcome the bravest fighter?

[10] "What of the fact that the enemy had drawn up their line completely at leisure, had made ready their spirits, were standing each

[11] at his post in the ranks, while we at that time had to incur the hasty turmoil of drawing up our line and had to enter battle in disorder?

[1]

Oh yes, you say, we should have had a battle-line undeployed and disorderly; but our camp was fortified, our water-supply found, the way to it secured by placing guards, and reconnaissance made all around.

[2] Or did our men have nothing but the bare ground on which to fight . . .? Your ancestors regarded a fortified camp as a haven against all the mischances of an army, whence they might go out to fight, and whither they might find shelter from the storm of battle.

[3] Therefore when they had walled in their camp with fortifications, they used also to strengthen it with a powerful garrison, because one who had been stripped of his camp, even though he had won the battle, would be considered the loser. Camp is the shelter of the conqueror, the refuge of the conquered.

[4] How many armies meeting with none too favourable fortune in battle, after being driven within their rampart, have in their own good time, sometimes after only a moment, sallied forth and routed the victorious enemy?

[5] This abode is a second home for the soldier, its rampart takes the place of ¹⁶⁸ city walls and his own tent is the soldier's dwelling and hearthside. Should we have fought like nomads with no abode, so that, whether conquered or conquerors, we might return —where?

[6] "To this statement of the difficulties and hindrances to battle, here is the rejoinder: what if the enemy had departed during the interval of last night? How much toil would we have had to expend in the renewed pursuit far into the utmost end of Macedonia?

[7] For my part I am sure that he would never have remained here or led his forces out into battle-line had he decided to retreat from here. For how much easier it would have been to depart while we were at a distance than now when we are on his neck and he cannot trick us by leaving either by night or day?

[8] What more can we wish than to attack our enemy in open country from the rear of his retreating and dispersed column after he has left his fortifications, instead of attacking, as we have attempted to do, his camp protected by the lofty bank of a river, and barricaded as well with a rampart and plenty of towers?

These were my reasons for postponing battle from yesterday to today.

[9]

For I too prefer to fight; and therefore since the way to the enemy was barred by the Elpeüs River, I have opened a new road by expelling the enemy's guards from a different pass, and I will not turn back till I have fought to a finish.

[1]

After this speech silence ensued, partly because men had changed over to his opinion, partly because they shrank from offending him to no purpose in a matter which was in any case a lost opportunity and could not be brought back. Nor even on that day did either the consul or the king ¹⁶⁹ care to fight, the king because he would have had to attack men no longer weary from travel as on the previous day, nor in turmoil as they marshalled their line of battle and hardly in formation, the consul because neither wood nor fodder had been collected in the new camp and a large number of soldiers had gone out of camp to seek them from the near-by countryside. Without either general wishing it, Fortune, which is stronger than human planning, brought on the battle. There was a stream of no great size nearer the camp of the enemy, from which both the Macedonians and the Romans were drawing water after posting guards on either bank in order to accomplish this mission safely. There were two cohorts on the Roman side, a Marrucinian and a Paelignian, and two troops of Samnite cavalry under the command of the staff-officer Marcus Sergius Silus; another fixed outpost was stationed before the camp under the staff-officer Gaius Cluvius, composed of three cohorts, from Firmum, the Vestini, and Cremona respectively, and two troops of cavalry from Placentia and Aesernia. ¹⁷⁰

[2] While there was quiet at the river, since neither side took the offensive, about the ninth hour a baggage-animal shied from the hands of his grooms and escaped toward the other bank. ¹⁷¹ While three soldiers were chasing him through the water, which was about knee-deep, two Thracians dragged the animal from mid-stream to their bank; the Romans pursued them, killed one, recaptured the animal, and retired to their post. ¹⁷² There was a guard of eight hundred Thracians on the Macedonian bank. At first a few of these, angry at the killing of their fellow-countryman before their eyes, crossed the river in pursuit of the killers, then more went, and finally the whole force, and with the guard . . ¹⁷³

[1]

... led... the battle. The men were stirred by the prestige of his office, the fame of the man, and above all by his age, for though he was over sixty he kept assuming functions of men in their prime in undergoing an outstanding amount of toil and danger. The legion filled the space between the light infantry and the phalanxes and broke the enemy line.

[2] In the rear were the light infantry; the consul faced a unit with metal shields —these were called the Bronze Shields. Lucius Albinus the ex-consul was ordered to lead the second legion against the White Shield phalanx ¹⁷⁴ ; this was the centre of the hostile line.

[3] On the right wing, where the battle had begun near the river, the consul brought up the elephants and the squadrons of the allies; and from this point the flight of the Macedonians first began.

[4] For, as frequently men's new inventions appear strong when described, but in actual trial, when there is need for action rather than a description of how they will act, these inventions disappear without achieving any result, so in this battle the anti-elephant corps was a mere name without practical effect. ¹⁷⁵

[5] The charge ¹⁷⁶ of the elephants was followed up by the allies of the Latin Name, who routed the left wing.

[6] In the centre the charge of the second legion scattered the phalanx. No reason for the victory was more obvious than the fact that there were many scattered engagements which first threw into confusion and then disrupted the wavering phalanx. The power of this formation when closed up and bristling with spears extended is irresistible;

[7] but if by attacks at several points you compel them to swing their spears about, unwieldy because of their length and weight, they become tangled in a haphazard mass; and if indeed some sort of uproar is heard on a flank or from the rear,

[8] they are involved in utter confusion. Such was the case on this occasion, when the phalanx was compelled to meet the Romans who were attacking in groups, while the Macedonian line was broken at many points. The Romans for their part kept infiltrating their units wherever gaps presented themselves.

[9] If they had attacked frontally in solid line against an orderly phalanx, as happened to the Paelignians who at the beginning of the battle recklessly met the light infantry, the Romans would have spitted themselves on the spears and would not have withstood the solid line. ¹⁷⁷

[1]

However, while the infantry were being slaughtered all over the field, except for those who cast away their weapons and fled, the cavalry on the other hand retired from the fight almost unscathed. ¹⁷⁸

[2] The king himself was the leader in the flight. Directly from Pydna he set out for Pella with the Sacred Squadrons of cavalry; immediately Cotys and the Odrysan cavalry followed them.

[3] The other Macedonian squadrons also continued to retreat in orderly formation because the line of the infantry in between kept the victors busy with slaughter and caused them to forget the pursuit of the cavalry.

[4] For a long time the phalanx was cut to pieces from the front, from the flanks, and from the rear. Finally those who slipped through the hands of the Romans fled weaponless to the sea, and some even entered the water and raising their hands to the men on board ship humbly begged for life.

[5] When they saw small boats gathering from all around the fleet, they thought that these were coming to pick them up, to take them prisoner rather than to kill them, and so they advanced farther into the water, some even swimming.

[6] But when they were mercilessly cut down from the boats, those who could made for shore again by swimming and ran into a more dreadful form of destruction; for the elephants, guided by their mahouts to the shore, trampled and crushed the men coming out of the water.

[7] It is readily agreed that the Romans never killed so many Macedonians in any other single battle. For about twenty thousand men were slain; about six thousand who escaped from the battlefield to Pydna were taken alive, and five thousand stragglers were captured in flight. Of the victors not more than one hundred fell and by far the greater part of them were Paeligni; somewhat more were wounded. If fighting had broken out earlier, so that sufficient daylight would have remained for the victors to ¹⁷⁹ pursue, the entire Macedonian force would have been wiped out; as it was, the approach of night both sheltered the fugitives and inspired in the Romans a reluctance to pursue over unknown terrain.

[1]

Perseus fled to the Pierian Forest along the military road with a large column of cavalry and the royal entourage.

[2] As soon as they arrived in the forest, where there were many divergent ways, and night was approaching, the king left the road with a very few of his most trusty men.

[3] The cavalry, left without a commander, took various routes in dispersing to their own cities; a very few went on to Pella more rapidly than the king, since they had gone by the direct and clear way.

[4] The king was bothered till about midnight by losing his way and by various difficulties of the route.

[5] At the palace Perseus was waited upon by the commanders of Pella, Euctus, and Eulaeus, ¹⁸⁰ and the royal pages. On the other hand, of his friends who by various haps had come safely from the battle to Pella, not one came to him, though they were summoned many times.

[6] There were only three companions in flight with him, Evander the Cretan, Neon the Boeotian, and Archidamus the Aetolian.

[7] With these he escaped in the fourth watch, being now afraid that those who refused to come to him would presently venture on a bolder stroke.

[8] His escort was composed of about five hundred Cretans. He was making for Amphipolis; but he had left Pella at night because of his anxiety to cross the Axius River before dawn, since he thought that because of the difficulty of crossing this would be the limit of the Roman pursuit.

[1]

When the consul returned victorious to ¹⁸¹ camp, he was prevented from enjoying an unalloyed delight by the sting of worry over his younger son.

[2] This was Publius Scipio, who was also called Africanus later after the destruction of Carthage, born son to the consul Paulus and by adoption grandson of Africanus.

[3] This son was then in his seventeenth year, a fact which in itself increased the anxiety for him, and had been carried away in another direction by a crowd while in hot pursuit of the enemy. When he returned very late, then at last on the safe recovery of his son the consul felt the joy of so great a victory. ¹⁸²

[4] At Amphipolis the news of the battle had by now arrived; there was a gathering of the matrons in the temple of Diana whom they call Tauropolos, to pray for help. Diodorus, who was in charge of the city, feared that the Thracians, two thousand of whom were in the garrison, would plunder the city during the confusion. Hence he craftily hired a man to play the part of dispatch bearer, from whom he received papers in the middle of the market place.

[5] The message in these despatches was that the Roman fleet had put in at Emathia ¹⁸³ and was harassing the surrounding countryside, and that the officers in charge of Emathia requested him to send a force against the ravagers.

[6] After reading this, he urged the Thracians to start out to defend the coast of Emathia, telling them that they would cause great slaughter and get great booty among the Romans scattered all over the fields.

[7] At the same time he minimized the report of the loss of a battle; if this were true, he said, man after man would have been arriving direct from the rout.

[8] Having got rid of the Thracians on this pretext, he barred the gates as ¹⁸⁴ soon as he saw that they had crossed the Strymon.

[1]

On the second day after the battle Perseus arrived at Amphipolis.

[2] From there he sent ambassadors with the staff of Mercury to Paulus. Meanwhile Hippias, Midon, and Pantauchus, the chief among the king's friends, set out of their own accord from Beroea, where they had taken refuge after the battle, and surrendered to the Romans at the consul's camp. Others too, overcome with fear, were thereafter preparing to do the same.

[3] The consul sent as messengers of his victory his son Quintus Fabius, Lucius Lentulus, and Quintus Metellus with despatches to Rome and granted the spoils of the slain enemy to the infantry,

[4] and to the cavalry the right to plunder the surrounding territory, provided that they were not absent from camp for more than two nights. He himself moved camp nearer to the sea by Pydna.

[5] Beroea first, then Thessalonica and Pella, and then almost all Macedonia was surrendered within two days.

[6] The people of Pydna who were nearest had not yet sent envoys; a heterogeneous crowd of numerous nationalities together and the mob which had been amalgamated by flight from the battlefield were standing in the way of planning and agreement among the citizens. The gates were not only closed but built up solid.

[7] Midon and Pantauchus were sent up to the walls to confer with Solon, who was in charge of the garrison; through him dismissal of the mob of soldiers was arranged. The city when surrendered was given to the Roman troops to plunder.

[8] After Perseus had tried his only expedient, to get aid from the Bisaltae, ¹⁸⁵ to whom he sent envoys without result, he appeared before an assembly bringing ¹⁸⁶ his son Philip with him,

[9] in order to strengthen by exhortation the spirits of the people of Amphipolis themselves, and of the cavalry and infantry who had either accompanied him or had in their flight reached the same goal.

[10] He began to speak several times, but tears choked him, and when he could not open his mouth he instructed Evander the Cretan in the matters which he wished to discuss with the people and went down from the sacred spot. ¹⁸⁷

[11] At the sight of the king and his truly pitiable weeping the crowd itself groaned and wept; but with equal readiness they would have none of Evander's speech; and some dared to shout from the midst of the assembly,

Get away from here so that we few survivors may not perish on your account.

The vehemence of these interruptions choked off Evander's speech.

[12] Thereafter the king went home, put his money, his gold, and his silver into the scout-ships which were moored in the Strymon and himself went down to the river.

[13] The Thracians and the rest of the mob of soldiers, not daring to trust themselves to ships, slipped away to their homes; the Cretans followed Perseus in hopes of cash. Because apportionment would create more hard feelings than gratitude, fifty talents were set out on the river-bank for them to scramble for.

[14] When after this scramble they were boarding the ships in riotous fashion, they sank one scout-ship at the mouth of the river by overcrowding it. On that day the party reached Galepsus, on the next Samothrace, their destination;

[15] it is said that two thousand talents were brought there.

[1]

Paulus sent men to take charge of all the surrendered cities, so that no wrong should be done ¹⁸⁸ to the conquered in the first days of peace; he kept the king's ambassadors with him and, since he did not know of the king's flight, sent Publius Nasica to Amphipolis with a small force of infantry and cavalry,

[2] both to ravage Sintica and to interfere with any moves of the king.

[3] Meanwhile Meliboea was captured and plundered by Gnaeus Octavius. At Aeginium, to besiege which the staff-officer Gnaeus Anicius had been sent, two hundred men were lost in a sally from the town because the people of Aeginium did not know that the war was over.

[4] The consul set out from Pydna with his whole army and on the second day reached Pella, pitched camp a mile from there, and remained in this camp for a few days, examining the site of the city from all sides and noticing that it had not been chosen to be the capital without good reason.

[5] It is situated on a hill sloping to the south-west; swamps of a depth impenetrable in summer or winter surround it, formed by the ponding of rivers.

[6] The citadel Phacus projects like an island from the swamp itself, where it comes nearest the city, and is set on an embankment, a huge construction designed to bear the weight of a wall and remain undamaged by the water of the surrounding swamp.

[7] At a distance it appears to be joined to the city wall, but it is separated by a river within the walls and likewise connected by a bridge, so that there is no approach for a besieger from without nor is there any escape for anyone imprisoned by the king within, except over a very easily guarded bridge.

[8] The royal treasury was located there; but at that time nothing was found except the three hundred talents which had been sent to King Gentius and then withheld.

[9] During the days in camp at Pella, numerous embassies ¹⁸⁹ were received which came, especially from Thessaly, to offer congratulations.

[10] Then on receiving the news that Perseus had crossed to Samothrace, the consul set out from Pella and arrived at Amphipolis on the fourth day's march.

[11] The pouring out of the entire populace to meet him showed to any one that Paulus had not robbed them of a just and good king. . . ¹⁹⁰

Summary of Book XLIV

Quintus Macius Philippus entered Macedonia over trackless passes and seized a number of cities. The Rhodians sent envoys to Rome threatening to help Perseus unless the Roman People established peace and friendship with him. This was regarded as an insult. When the campaign in Macedonia was put in charge of Lucius Aemilius Paulus, consul for the second time in the following year, Paulus prayed before an assembly that any disaster which threatened the Roman People might be turned against his own household,¹⁹¹ and after setting out for Macedonia, he conquered Perseus and brought all Macedonia under control. Before the battle, he¹⁹² announced beforehand to the army, to forestall surprise, that the moon was to be eclipsed on the following night. Gentius also, the king of Illyria, broke the peace with Rome and after being beaten by Lucius Anicius the praetor offered his submission and was sent to Rome with his wife, his children, and his relatives. Envoys from Alexandria came from Queen Cleopatra and King Ptolemy complaining of Antiochus, the king of Syria, because he was attacking them. Although Perseus had urged Eumenes, king of Pergamum, and Gentius, king of Illyria, to help him, he was abandoned by them because he withheld the money which he had promised them.

History of Rome Perseus (Spillan, D.; Edmonds, Cyrus; McDevitte, William A., translators. London: Henry G. Bohn, 1849-1868. (Bohn's Classical Library)) — 44.1.1 focus

[1]

EARLY in the spring which succeeded the winter in which these transactions took place, the consul, Quintus Marcius Philippus, set out from Rome, with five thousand men, whom he was to carry over to reinforce his legions, and arrived at Brundusium. Marcus Popilius, of consular rank, and other young men of equal dignity, accompanied him, in the capacity of military tribunes for the legions in Macedonia.

[2] Nearly at the same time, Caius Marcius Figulus, the praetor, whose province was the fleet, came to Brundusium; and, both sailing from Italy, made Corcyra on the second day, and Actium, a port of Acarnania, on the third.

[3] The consul, then, disembarking at Ambracia, proceeded towards Thessaly by land. The praetor, doubling Cape Leucate, sailed into the gulf of Corinth; then, leaving his ships at Creusa, he went by land also through the middle of Bœotia, and, by a quick journey of one day, came to the fleet at Chalcis.

[4] Aulus Hostilius at that time lay encamped in Thessaly, near Palaepharsalus; and though he had performed no warlike act of any consequence, yet he had reformed his troops from a state of dissolute licentiousness, and brought them to exact military discipline; had faithfully consulted the interest of the allies, and defended them from every kind of injury.

[5] On hearing of his successor's approach, he carefully inspected the arms, men, and horses; and then, with the army in complete order, he marched out to meet the consul. Their first meeting was such as became their own dignity and the Roman character; and in transacting business afterwards, they preserved the greatest harmony and propriety.¹ The proconsul, addressing himself to the troops, exhorted them to behave with courage, and with due respect to the orders of their commander. He then recommended them, in warm terms, to the consul, and, as

[6] soon as he had despatched the necessary affairs, set off for Rome. ² A few days after, the consul

[7] made a speech to his soldiers, which began with the unnatural

[8] murder which Perseus had perpetrated on his brother, and meditated against his father; he then mentioned

his acquisition of the kingdom by nefarious practices; his poisonings and murders; his abominable attempt to

[9]

assassinate Eumenes; the injuries he had committed against the Roman people; and his plundering the cities of their allies, in violation of the treaty.

How detestable such proceedings were in the sight of the gods, Perseus would feel,

he said,

in the issue of his

[10]

affairs; for the gods always favoured righteous and honourable dealings; by means of which the Roman people had risen to so great an exaltation.

He next compared the strength of the Roman people, which now embraced the whole world, with that of Macedonia, and the armies of the one with those of the

[11] other; and then added,

How much more powerful armies of Philip and Antiochus had been conquered by forces not more numerous than the present!

[1]

Having animated the minds of his soldiers by such exhortations, he began to consult on a general plan of operations for the campaign; being joined by the praetor, Caius Marcius, who, after receiving the command of the fleet, came thither from Chalcis.

[2] It was resolved not to waste time by delaying longer in Thessaly; but to decamp immediately, and advance thence into Macedonia;

[3] and that the praetor should exert himself to the utmost, that the fleet might appear, at the same time, on the enemy's coasts.

[4] The praetor then having been sent away, the consul, having ordered the soldiers to carry with them a month's provisions, struck his tents, on the tenth day after he received the command of the army, and proceeded one day's march.

[5] He then called together his guides, and ordered them to explain, in the presence of the council, by what road each of them proposed to lead him; then, having dismissed them, he asked the opinion of the council, as to what route he should prefer.

[6] Some advised the road through Pythium; others, that over the Cambunian mountains, by which the consul Hostilius had marched the year before; while others, again, preferred that which passed by the side of the Lake Ascuris.

[7] There was yet before him a considerable length of road common to each of these routes; the further consideration of this matter was therefore postponed until they should encamp near the place where the roads diverged.

[8] He then marched into Perrhaebia, and posted himself between Azorus and Doliche, in order to consider again which was the preferable road.

[9] In the mean time, Perseus, understanding that the enemy was marching towards him, but unable to guess what route he might take, resolved to secure all the passes by guards.

[10] To the top of the Cambunian mountains, called by the natives Volustana, he sent ten thousand light infantry, under the command of Asclepiodotus; ordering Hippias, with a detachment of twelve thousand Macedonians, to guard the pass called Lapathus, near a fort which stood over the Lake Ascuris.

[11] He himself, with the rest of his forces, lay for some time in camp at Dium;

[12] but afterwards, as if he had lost the use of his judgment, and was incapable of forming any plan, he used to gallop along the coast, with a party of light horse, sometimes to Heracleum, sometimes to Phila, and then return with the same speed to Dium.

[1]

By this time the consul had determined to march through the pass near Octolophus, where, as we have mentioned, the camp of the king formerly stood.

[2] But he deemed it prudent to despatch before him four thousand men, to secure such places as might be useful: the command of this party was given to Marcus Claudius, and Quintus Marcius the consul's son.

[3] The main body followed close after; but the road was so steep, rough, and craggy, that the advanced party of light troops, with great difficulty, effected in two days a march of fifteen miles; and then encamped. They call the place which they took, the tower of Eudieru.

[4] Next day they advanced seven miles; and, having seized on a hill at a small distance from the enemy's camp, sent back a message to the consul, that

they had come up with the enemy; and had taken post in a place which was safe and convenient in every respect; urging him to join them with all possible speed.

[5] This message came to the consul at the Lake Ascuris, at a time when he was full of anxiety, on account of the badness of the road on which he had entered, and for the fate of the small force he had sent forward into the midst of the posts of the enemy.

[6] His spirits were therefore greatly revived; and, soon effecting a junction of all his forces, he pitched his camp on the side of the hill that had been seized, where the ground was the most commodious.

[7] This hill was so high as to afford a wide-extended prospect, presenting to their eyes, at one view, not only the enemy's camp, which was little more than a mile distant, but the whole extent of territory to Dium and Phila, together with a large tract of the sea-coast;

[8] circumstances which greatly enlivened the courage of the soldiers, giving them so near a view of the grand theatre of the war, of all the king's forces, and of the country of the enemy.

[9] So eager were they, that they pressed the consul to lead them on directly to the enemy's camp; but, after the fatigue that they had suffered on the road, one day was set apart for repose.

[10] On the third day, the consul, leaving one half of his troops to guard the camp, drew out his forces against the enemy.

[1]

Hippias had been sent by the king, a short time before, to maintain that pass; and having employed himself, since he first saw the Roman camp on the hill, in preparing his men's minds for a battle, he now went forth to meet the consul's army as it advanced.

[2] The Romans came out to battle with light armour, as did the enemy; light troops being the fittest to commence the engagement.

[3] As soon as they met, therefore, they instantly discharged their javelins, and many wounds were given and received on both sides in a disorderly kind of conflict; but few of either party were killed.

[4] This only roused their courage for the following day, when they would have engaged with more numerous forces, and with greater animosity, had there been room to form a line; but the summit of the mountain was contracted into a ridge so narrow, as scarcely to allow space for three files in front;

[5] so that, while but few were fighting, the greater part, especially such as carried heavy arms, stood mere spectators of the fight. The light troops even ran through the hollows of the hill, and attacked the flanks of the light-armed troops of the enemy; and alike through even and uneven places, sought to come to action.

[6] That day, greater numbers were wounded than killed, and night put a stop to the dispute.

[7] The Roman general was greatly at a loss how to proceed on the third day; for to remain on that naked hill was impossible, and he could not return without disgrace, and even danger, if the enemy with the advantage of the ground, should press on his troops in their retreat:

[8] he had therefore no other plan left than to improve his bold attempt, by persevering resolution, which sometimes, in the issue, proves the wiser course.

[9] He had, in fact, brought himself into such a situation, that if he had had to deal with an enemy like the ancient kings of Macedon, he might have suffered a severe defeat. But while the king, with his horsemen, ran up and down the shore at Dium; and though at a distance of twelve miles, he was almost within hearing of the shout and noise of his forces who were engaged, neither strengthened his forces by sending up fresh men to relieve the weary, nor, what was most material, appeared himself in the action;

[10] the Roman general, notwithstanding that he was above sixty years old, and unwieldy through corpulency, performed actively every duty of a commander.

[11] He persisted with extraordinary resolution in his bold undertaking; and, leaving Popilius to guard the summit, marched across, through trackless places, having sent forward a party to open a road. Attalus and Misagenes, with the auxiliary troops of their own nations, were ordered to protect them, while clearing the way through the forests.

[12] He himself, keeping the cavalry and baggage before him, closed the rear with the legions.

[1]

In descending the mountain, the men suffered inexpressible fatigue, besides the frequent falling of the cattle and their loads, so that, before they had advanced quite four miles, they began to think that their most eligible plan would be to return, if they could, by the way they had come.

[2] The elephants caused almost as much confusion among the troops as an enemy could; for, when they came to impassable steeps, they threw off their riders, and set up such a hideous roar, as spread terror through all, especially among the horses, until a method was contrived for bringing them down.

[3] They fastened in the earth, in the line of descent, some way from the top, two long, strong posts, distant from each other a little more

[4] than the breadth of the animal, on which were fastened beams thirty feet long, so as to form a kind of bridge, and covered it with earth;

[5] after a little intermediate space, a second and similar bridge was formed; then a third bridge, with several others one after another, where the rocks were precipitous.

[6] The elephant walked forward on solid footing upon the bridge; but, before he came to the end, the posts underneath were cut, and the bridge falling, obliged him to slide down gently to the beginning of the next bridge, which some of them performed standing, others on their haunches.

[7] When they arrived at the level of another bridge, they were again carried down, by its falling in like manner; and so on until they came to more level ground. The Romans advanced that day scarcely more than seven miles; and even of this journey little was performed on foot.

[8] Their method of proceeding in general was rolling themselves down, together with their arms and other encumbrances, with every kind of discomfort; insomuch, that even their commander, who led them such a march, did not deny, but that the whole army might have been cut off by a small party.

[9] During the night, they arrived at a small plain; but, as it was hemmed in on every side, there was no opportunity of discover- ing whether it was a position of danger or not. However, as they had, beyond their expectation, at length found good footing, they judged it necessary to wait, during the next day, in that deep valley for Popilius, and the forces left behind with him;

[10] who, though the enemy gave them no disturbance from any quarter, suffered severely from the difficulties of the ground, — as if they had been harassed by an enemy.

[11] These having joined the main body, the whole proceeded, on the third day, through a pass called by the natives Callipeuce.

[12] On the fourth day they marched down through places equally trackless, but more cleverly in consequence of their experience, and with more comfortable hopes, as they saw no enemy any where, and as they were coming nearer to the sea, into the plains, where they pitched their camp of infantry between Heracleum and Libethrus, the greater part being posted on hills, the rest occupying a valley and part of the plain where

[13] the cavalry encamped.

[1]

The king, it is said, was bathing, when he was informed of the enemy's approach; on hearing which, he started up from his seat, and rushed out in a fright, crying out, that he was conquered without a battle;

[2] and afterwards, in a state of great perturbation, amidst plans and orders dictated by fear, he recalled two most intimate friends from his garrisons, and sent one to Pella, where his treasure was lodged, and the other to Parthus, and opened all the passes to the invasion of the enemy.

[3] He himself, having suddenly removed from Dium all the gilded statues, that they might not fall a prey to the enemy, ordered all the inhabitants to remove to Pydna; and thus made the conduct of the consul, in venturing into a situation out of which he could not retreat without the enemy's permission, although it might have been deemed rash and inconsiderate, to wear the appearance of judicious boldness.

[4] For there were only two passes through which the Romans could remove from their present situation; one through Tempe into Thessaly, the other by Dium into Macedonia; and both these were occupied by parties of the king's troops.

[5] So that if an intrepid commander had, only for ten days, maintained his ground, without yielding to the first appearance of an approaching terror, the Romans could neither have retreated by Tempe into Thessaly, nor have had any road open for the conveyance of provisions to their position.

[6] For Tempe is a pass of such a nature, that even supposing no obstruction was given by an enemy, it is difficult to get through it;

[7] being so narrow for the distance of five miles, that there is barely room for a loaded horse to pass:

[8] the precipices, also, on both sides, are so abrupt, that it is scarcely possible to look down from them, without a dizziness alike of the eyes and the mind; while the roaring and depth of the river Peneus, flowing through the middle of the glen, increases the terrific effect.

[9] This defile, in its nature so dangerous, was guarded by parties of the king's troops, stationed in four different places: one near Gonnus, at the first entrance; another in an impregnable fortress at Condylos; a third near Lapathus, in a place called Charax; and the fourth on the road itself about midway, where the valley is narrowest, and might have been easily defended even by half a score men.

[10] All possibility either of retreating, or of receiving provisions through Tempe, being cut off, the Romans, in order to return, must have crossed over the same mountains from which they came down;

[11] but even though they might have been able to effect this by passing unobserved, they never could have accomplished it openly, and while the enemy kept possession of the heights;

[12] and besides, the difficulties which they had already experienced would have precluded every hope of the kind.

[13] In this rash enterprise they would have no other plan left than to force their way into Macedonia, through the midst of the enemy posted at Dium; and if the gods had not deprived the king of his understanding, this would have been extremely difficult.

[14] For the space between the foot of Mount Olympus and the sea is not much more than a mile in breadth;

[15] one half of which is taken up by the mouth of the river Baphirus, which forms a large morass, and, of the remaining plain, a great share is occupied by the town and the temple of Jupiter: the rest, being a very small space, might have been shut up with a trench and rampart of no great length; or, so great was the plenty of stones and timber on the spot, that a wall might have been drawn across, and towers erected.

[16] But the king's judgment was so entirely blinded by the sudden fright, that he reflected not upon any one of these circumstances;

[17] on the contrary, he evacuated all his strong posts, and leaving them open to the enemy, fled back to Pydna.

[1]

The consul, perceiving in the folly and sloth of the enemy a most favourable prospect, not only of safety, but of success, sent back a messenger to Larissa, with orders to Spurius Lucretius to seize on the deserted forts about Tempe;

[2] then, sending forward Popilius, to examine all the passes round Dium, and learning that all was clear, he marched in two days to that town, ordering the camp to be fixed under the walls of the temple, that no violation might be offered to that sacred place.

[3] He went himself into the city; and seeing it, though not large, yet highly ornamented with public buildings and abundance of statues, and remarkably well fortified, he could scarcely believe that there was not some stratagem concealed in the abandonment of such important advantages without cause.

[4] He waited therefore one day to examine all the country round; then he decamped; and supposing that he should find plenty of corn in Pieria, advanced to a river called the Mytis.

[5] On the day following, continuing his march, he received the voluntary surrender of the city of Agasse; whereupon, in order to gain the good opinion of the rest of the Macedonians, he contented himself with receiving hostages, assuring the inhabitants, that he would leave them their city without a garrison, and that they should live free from taxes, and under their own laws.

[6] Proceeding thence one day's march, he encamped at the river Ascordus; but, finding that the farther he removed from Thessaly, the greater was the scarcity of every thing, he returned to Dium;

[7] which clearly demonstrated how much he must have suffered if he had been cut off from Thes- saly, since he found it unsafe to go to any great distance from it.

[8] Perseus, having drawn all his forces into one body, and assembled all his generals, reprimanded severely the commanders of the garrisons, and particularly Hippias, and Asclepiodotus;

[9] asserting that they had betrayed to the Romans the keys of Macedonia; of which charge no one was more truly guilty than himself.

[10] The consul, on seeing the fleet at sea, conceived hopes that they were coming with provisions, for every article had now become very dear and very scarce; but when the ships came into harbour, he was informed that the transports had been left behind at Magnesia.

[11] He was then under great perplexity to determine what measures to take; so hard did he find it to struggle with the difficulties of his situation, though not aggravated by any effort of the enemy;

[12] when, very seasonably, a letter arrived from Lucretius, acquainting him that he was in possession of all the forts about Tempe and Phila, and had found in them great plenty of corn and other necessaries.

[1]

The consul, highly delighted with this intelligence, removed his quarters from Dium to Phila, in order to strengthen that post, and, at the same time, to distribute corn to the soldiers, on the spot, as the carriage of it thence would be tedious.

[2] That march gave rise to opinions not at all favourable to his reputation: some said that he retired from the enemy through fear; because if he had staid in Pieria he must have risked a battle:

[3] others, that, not considering the daily changes produced by fortune in the affairs of war, he had let slip out of his hands advantages which threw themselves in his way, and which, in all probability, he could never regain.

[4] For, by giving up the possession of Dium, he at once roused the enemy to action; who at length saw the necessity of endeavouring to recover what he had lost before, through his own fault.

[5] On hearing of the consul's departure, therefore, Perseus marched back to Dium, repaired whatever had been destroyed and laid waste by the Romans, rebuilt the battlements which they had thrown down, strengthened the fortifications all round, and then pitched his camp within five miles of the city, on the hither bank of the Enipeus, in order to have the river itself, the passage of which was extremely difficult, as a defence to his post.

[6] The Enipeus, which rises in a valley of Mount Olympus, is a small stream during the summer, but is raised by the winter rains to a violent torrent, when, as it runs over the rocks, it forms furious eddies, and, by sweeping away the earth at the bottom into the sea, makes very deep gulfs, while the sinking of the middle of the channel renders the banks both high and steep.

[7] Perseus, thinking that the advance of the enemy was sufficiently obstructed by this river, contemplated spending there the remainder of the summer.

[8] In the mean time, the consul sent Popilius, with two thousand men, from Phila to Heracleum.

[9] It is distant about five miles from Phila, midway between Dium and Tempe, and stands on a steep rock hanging over the river.

[1]

Popilius, before he brought his troops up to the walls, sent to recommend to the magistrates and principal men, rather to try the honour and clemency of the Romans than their power;

[2] but this advice produced no effect, the fires in the king's camp on the Enipeus being now within their sight The attack was then commenced by assaults, and with works and machines, as well on the side facing the sea, (for the ships had been brought up close to the shore,) as on land.

[3] A party of Roman youths actually gained possession of the lowest part of the wall, by turning to the purposes of war a kind of sport which they were accustomed to practise in the circus.

[4] In those times, when the present extravagant fashion of filling the area with beasts of every kind was yet unknown, it was customary to contrive various kinds of amusements; for when one chariot race and one equestrian performer were exhibited, both the performances scarcely filled up the space of an hour.

[5] Among other diversions, in the more elaborate games, about sixty young men in arms, sometimes more, used to be introduced, whose performances were partly a representation of troops going through the military exercise, and partly a display of more accurate skill than appeared in the practice of soldiers, and which approached nearer to the mode of fighting used by gladiators.

[6] After performing various evolutions, they formed in a square body with their shields raised over their heads, and closed together, the foremost standing upright, the next stooping a little, the third and fourth lines more and more, and so on, until the hindmost rested on their knees, thus composing a covering in the shape of a tortoise-shell, and sloping, like the roof of a house.

[7] Then two armed men, who stood at the distance of about fifty feet, ran forward, and after some menacing flourishes of their arms, mounted over the closed shields, from the bottom to the top of this roof; and, treading as steadily as if on solid ground, sometimes paraded along the extreme edges of it, as if repelling an enemy, and sometimes encountered each other on the middle of it.

[8] A body similar to this was brought up against the lowest part of the wall, and the soldiers, standing thereon, mounted until they were as high as the defendants on the battlements; and these having been beaten off, the soldiers of two companies climbed over into the town.

[9] The only difference was, that here the outside men in the front and in the two flanks alone did not raise their shields over their heads, lest they should expose their bodies, but held them before them, as in battle; so that the weapons thrown at them from the walls, as they advanced, did them no injury, while those that were poured like a shower on the roof glided down the smooth slope to the bottom, without doing any mischief.

[10] When Heracleum was taken, the consul removed his quarters thither, as if he intended to besiege Dium; and, after driving the king thence, to advance to Pieria. But as he was now preparing his quarters for the winter, he ordered roads to be made for the conveyance of provisions from Thessaly, and proper places to be chosen for store-houses;

[11] also huts to be built, where the people employed in bringing the provisions might lodge.

[1]

Perseus, having at length recovered his spirits, after the panic with which he had been seized, began to wish that obedience had not been paid to the orders which he had given in his fright, to throw the treasures at Pella into the sea, and to burn the naval arsenals at Thessalonica.

[2] Andronicus, indeed, whom he had sent to Thessalonica, had spun out the

[3] time, leaving him time for repentance, which actually took place; but Nicias, less provident, threw into the sea what money he found at Pella.

[4] He seems, however, to have fallen into a mistake which was not without remedy, inasmuch as the greatest part of that treasure was brought up again by divers. Nevertheless, such shame did the king feel for his terror on the occasion, that he caused the divers to be privately put to death, together with Andronicus and Nicias, that there might be no living witnesses of so preposterous an order.

[5] In the mean time, Caius Marcius, with the fleet, sailed from Heracleum to Thessalonica. Landing his men, he made wide depredations on the country; and when the troops from the city came out against him, he defeated them in several actions, and drove them back in dismay within their walls.

[6] He even alarmed the city itself; but the townsmen, erecting engines of every kind, wounded, with stones thrown from them, not only such as straggled carelessly near the walls, but even those who were on board the ships.

[7] He therefore re-embarked his troops; and giving up the design of besieging Thessalonica, proceeded thence to Aenia, fifteen miles distant, situated opposite to Pydna, in a fertile country. After ravaging the lands in that quarter, he coasted along the shore until he arrived at Antigonea.

[8] Here his troops landed, and for some time carried their depredations through all the country round, putting a great deal of booty on board the ships;

[9] but afterwards a party of Macedonians, consisting of foot and horse intermixed, fell upon them as they straggled, and, pursuing them as they fled to the shore, killed near five hundred, and took as many prisoners.

[10] Extreme necessity, on finding themselves hindered from safely regaining their vessels, roused the courage of the Roman soldiers, at once with despair of any other means of safety, (than by resistance,) and also with indignation.

[11] They renewed the fight on the shore, and those who were on board assisted them; and here about two hundred Macedonians were killed, and a like number taken. From Antigonea the fleet sailed on to the district of Pallene, where a descent was made for the purpose of plundering.

[12] This district belonged to the territory of Cassandrea, and was by far the most plentiful of any at which they had yet touched on the coast. There they were met by king Eumenes, who came from Elea with twenty decked ships; and king Prusias also sent thither five ships of war.

[1]

By this accession of strength the praetor was encouraged to lay siege to Cassandrea.

[2] This city was built by king Cassander, in the pass which connects the territory of Pallene with the rest of Macedonia.

[3] It is bounded on one side by the Toronaean, on another by the Macedonian Sea; for it stands on a neck of land which stretches into the ocean, and rises in the part opposite Magnesia to a height equal to that of Mount Athos, forming two unequal promontories, the larger called Posideum, the smaller Canastraeum.

[4] The besiegers formed their attacks on two different sides; the Roman general, at a place called Clitae, drew a trench from the Macedonian to the Toronaean Sea, to which he added pointed palisades, to cut off the communication; while on the other side is the Euripus, where Eumenes carried on his attack.

[5] The Romans underwent a vast deal of labour in filling up a trench, which Perseus had recently dug in the way; and on the praetor inquiring where the earth that had been taken out of it was thrown, as he saw no heaps of it any where, some arches were shown him that were closed up with it, not of equal thickness with the old wall, but with a single row of brick.

[6] On this, he formed the design of opening a way into the city, by breaking through that wall; and he hoped to be able to escape observation, if, by assaulting another part by scalade, and raising a tumult there, he could divert the attention of the besieged to the defence of the place attacked.

[7] There were in garrison at Cassandrea, besides the younger inhabitants, who formed no contemptible body, eight hundred Agrians and two thousand Illyrians from Penestia, sent thither by Pleuratus, each being a warlike race. While these were busy in defending the walls, and the Romans using their utmost efforts to scale them, in an instant of time the arches were broken through, and the city laid open;

[8] and if those who made this irruption had been armed, they must have immediately become masters of the town.

[9] When the soldiers were told that this work was accomplished, they were so elated with joy, that they raised a sudden shout, expecting to force their way in, some in one part, and others in another.

[1]

At first the enemy was seized with wonder at to what this sudden shout could mean;

[2] but when Pytho and Philip, the commanders of the garrison, were told that the city was laid open, they concluded that every advantage resulting from that event would be in favour of whichever party should make the first charge; and, therefore, they sallied out, with a strong body of Agrians and Illyrians, who, while the Romans were coming together and being congregated from various parts that they might march in order into the city, routed them while thus disordered and irregular, and drove them to the trench, into which they tumbled them, in heaps, one over another.

[3] About six hundred were killed in this action, and almost every one that was found between the wall and the trench was wounded.

[4] The blow meditated by the praetor having thus recoiled on himself, made him slower to form any other attempts; and as Eumenes made little or no progress, though he carried on his operations both by land and sea, they concurred in a resolution to strengthen their guards, in order to prevent the introduction of any reinforcement from Macedonia:

[5] and, since they had not succeeded by assault, to carry on the siege by regular approaches.

[6] While they were making preparations for this, ten barks, belonging to the king, sent from Thessalonica, with a chosen body of Gallic auxiliaries, observing the enemy's ships lying at anchor in the road, and keeping as close to the shore as possible, amidst the darkness of the night, in a single line, effected their entrance to the city. Intelligence of this new addition of force obliged both the Romans and Eumenes to raise the siege.

[7] They then sailed round the promontory, and brought the fleet into the harbour of Torone. This town also they attempted to besiege; but, perceiving that it was defended by a strong garrison, they dropped the design, and proceeded to Demetrias.

[8] When they approached this place, they saw the walls fully manned with armed troops; they therefore sailed on, and brought the fleet into harbour at Iolcos, intending, after ravaging the country there, to proceed to the siege of Demetrias.

[1]

In the mean time, the consul, not to lie inactive in the enemies' country, sent Marcus Popilius, with five thousand men, to reduce the city of Melibœa.

[2] This city stands at the foot of the Mount Ossa, where it stretches out into Thessaly, and is very advantageously situated for commanding Demetrias.

[3] The first approach of the enemy struck terror into the inhabitants of the place; but soon recovering from the fright occasioned by the unexpectedness of the event, they ran hastily in arms to the gates and walls, where an entrance was apprehended, and at once put a stop to all hope of taking the place by the first assault.

[4] Preparations were therefore made for a siege, and the works commenced for making the approaches. When Perseus was informed that both Melibœa was being besieged by the consul's army, and that the fleet at the same time was lying at Iolcos, intending to proceed thence to attack Demetrias, he sent Euphranor, one of his generals, with two thousand chosen men, to Melibœa.

[5] His orders were, that, if he could compel the Romans to retire from before Melibœa, he should then march secretly into Demetrias, before the enemy should bring up their troops from Iolcos to that city.

[6] As soon as he suddenly became visible on the high grounds to the besiegers of Melibœa, they abandoned their numerous works in great consternation, and set them on fire.

[7] Thus they withdrew from Melibœa, and Euphranor, having raised the siege of one city, marched instantly to Demetrias. Then the townsmen felt confident that they should be able, not only to defend their walls, but to protect their lands also from depredations; and they made several irruptions on the straggling parties of the plunderers, not without injury to the enemy.

[8] However, the praetor and the king rode round the walls to view the situation of the city, and try whether they might attempt it on any side, either by storm or works.

[9] It was reported, that some overtures of friendship between Eumenes and Perseus were here agitated, through Cydas, a Cretan, and Antimachus, governor of Demetrias.

[10] It is certain, that the armies retired from Demetrias. Eumenes sailed to the consul; and, after congratulating him on his success in penetrating into Macedonia, went home to Pergamus.

[11] Marcius Figulus, the praetor, having sent part of his fleet to winter at Sciathus, with the remainder repaired to Oreum in Eubœa; judging that the most convenient city from which he could send supplies to the armies in Macedonia and Thessaly.

[12] There are very different accounts given respecting king Eumenes: if Valerius Antias is to be believed, he neither gave any assistance with his fleet to the praetor, though often solicited by letters; nor did he depart from the consul for Asia in good humour, being offended at not being permitted to lie in the same camp with him; he says too, that he could not be prevailed on even to leave the Gallic horsemen that he had brought with him.

[13] But his brother Attalus remained with the consul, and in the con- stant tenor of his conduct

[14] evinced a sincere attachment, and an extraordinary degree of zeal and activity in the service.

[1]

While the war was being carried on in Macedonia, ambassadors came to Rome, from a chieftain of the Gauls beyond the Alps, whose name is said to have been Balanos, but of what tribe is not mentioned. They brought an offer of assistance towards the war in Macedonia.

[2] The senate returned him thanks, and sent him presents, —a golden chain of two pounds weight, golden bowls to the amount of four pounds, a horse completely caparisoned, and a suit of horseman's armour.

[3] After the Gauls, ambassadors from Pamphylia, brought into the senate-house a golden crown, of the value of twenty thousand Philippeans, and requested permission to deposit it, as an offering, in the shrine of Jupiter supremely good and great, and to offer sacrifice in the Capitol, which was granted.

[4] The said ambassadors having expressed a wish to renew the treaty of friendship, a gracious answer was given, and a present was made to each of two thousand asses.³

[5] Then audience was given to the ambassadors of king Prusias; and, a little after, to those of the Rhodians, who discoursed on the same subject, but in a widely different manner.

[6] The purpose of both embassies was, to effect a peace with king Perseus. The address of Prusias consisted of entreaties rather than demands; for he declared, that

he had hitherto supported the cause of the Romans, and would continue to support it as long as the war should continue.

[7]

But, on Perseus sending ambassadors to him, on the subject of putting an end to the war with Rome, he had promised them to become a mediator with the senate:

and he requested that,

if they could prevail on themselves to lay aside their resentment, they would place him in the favourable position of mediator of the peace.

Such was the discourse of the king's ambassadors.

[8] The Rhodians, after ostentatiously recounting their many services to the Roman people, and arrogating to themselves rather the greater share of its successes, particularly in the case of king Antiochus, proceeded in this manner;

[9] that,

at a time when peace subsisted between the Macedonians and Romans, they likewise commenced a friendship with king Perseus, which they had, since, unwillingly broken, without having any reason to com- plain of him, but merely because it was the desire of the Romans to draw them into a confederacy in the war, that for three years past they had felt many inconveniences from that war.

[10]

In consequence of the interruption of commerce, and the loss of their port duties and provisions, their island was distressed by a general scarcity.

[11]

When their countrymen could no longer suffer this, they had sent other ambassadors into Macedonia, to Perseus, to announce to him that it was the wish of the Rhodians that he should conclude a peace with the Romans, and had sent them to Rome with the same message.

[12]

The Rhodians would afterwards consider what measures they should judge proper to be taken against either party that should prevent an end being put to the war.

[13] I am convinced that no person, even at the present time, can hear or read such expressions without indignation; we may, then, easily judge what was the state of mind of the senators when they listened to them.

[1]

According to the account of Claudius, no answer was given; and a decree of the senate only was read, by which the Roman people ordered, that the Carians and Lycians should enjoy independence; and that a letter should be sent immediately to each of those nations, acquainting them therewith.

[2] On hearing which the principal ambassador, whose arrogant demeanour, just before, the senate could scarce contain, fell down insensible.

[3] Other writers say, that an answer was given to this effect:

That, at the commencement of the present war, the Roman people had learned, from unquestionable authority, that the Rhodians, in concert with king Perseus, had formed secret machinations against their commonwealth;

[4]

and that, if that matter had been doubtful hitherto, the words of their ambassadors, just now, had reduced it to a certainty; as, in general, treachery, though at first sufficiently cautious, yet, in the end, betrays itself. Were the Rhodians now to act the part of arbiters of war and peace throughout the world?

[5]

were the Romans at their nod to take up arms and lay them down? and henceforth to appeal, not to the gods, but to the Rhodians, for their sanction of treaties?

[6]

And was this indeed the case, that, unless their orders were obeyed, and the armies withdrawn from Macedonia, they would consider what measures they should take?

[7]

What the Rhodians might determine, they themselves knew best; but the Roman people, as soon as the conquest of Perseus should be completed, an event which they hoped was at no great distance, would most certainly consider how to make due retribution to each state, according to its deserts in the course of the war.

[8] Nevertheless the usual presents of two thousand asses each were sent to the ambassadors, which they did not accept.

[1]

Then was read a letter from the consul, Quintus Marcius, informing the senate, that

he had passed the mountains, and penetrated into Macedonia;

[2]

that the praetor had collected there, and procured from other places, stores of provisions for the approaching winter; and that he had brought from the Epirots twenty thousand measures of wheat, ten thousand of barley, the price of which he desired might be paid to their ambassadors in Rome:

[3]

that clothing for the troops must be sent from Rome; and that he wanted about two hundred horses, above all Numidian horses; where he was, he could procure none.

The senate decreed, that every thing should be done in accordance with the consul's letter.

[4] The praetor, Caius Sulpicius, agreed with contractors for conveying into Macedonia six thousand gowns, thirty thousand tunics, and the horses, all to be left to the approbation of the consul; and he paid the Epirot ambassadors the price of the corn. He then introduced to the senate, Onesimus, son of Pytho, a Macedonian of distinction.

[5] He had always advised the king to peaceable measures, and recommended to him, that, as his father Philip had, to the last day of his life, made it an established rule to read over twice every day the treaty concluded with the Romans, so he should, if not daily, yet frequently, observe the same practice. When he could not dissuade him from war, he at first began to absent himself on various pretences, that he might not be present at proceedings which he could not approve.

[6] But at last, having discovered that suspicions were harboured against him, and that he was tacitly accused of the crime of treason, he went over to the Romans, and was of great service to the consul.

[7] When he was introduced into the senate-house, he mentioned these circumstances, and the senate thereupon decreed that he should be enrolled in the number of their allies; that a house and accommodations should be provided for him; also a grant of two hundred acres of land, in that part of the Tarentine territory which was the public property of the Roman people; and a house in Tarentum to be bought for him; the charge of executing all which was committed to Caius Decimius, the praetor.

[8] On the ides of December, the censors performed the general survey with more severity than formerly. A great many were deprived of their horses, among whom was Publius Rutilius, who, when tribune of the people, had carried on a violent prosecution against them; he was, besides, degraded from his tribe, and disfranchised.

[9] In pursuance of a decree of the senate, one-half of the taxes of that year was paid by the quaestors into the hands of the censors, to defray the expenses of public works.

[10] Tiberius Sempronius, out of the money assigned to him, purchased for the public the house of Publius Africanus, behind the old house, near the statue of Vertumnus, with the butchers' stalls and shops adjoining;

[11] where he built the public court-house, afterwards called the Sempronian.

[1]

The end of the year was now approaching, and people chiefly canvassed in their conversation, through their concern about the war in Macedonia, what consuls they should choose, to bring that war, at length, to a conclusion.

[2] The senate therefore passed an order, that Cneius Servilius should come home, at the very first opportunity, to hold the elections.

[3] Sulpicius, the praetor, sent the order of the senate to the consul; and, in a few days after, read his answer in public, wherein he promised to be in the city before the * * day of * * *. The consul came in due time, and the election was finished on the day appointed. The consuls chosen were, Lucius Aemilius Paullus, a second time, fourteen years after his first consulship, and Caius Licinius Crassus.

[4] Next day, the following were appointed praetors: Cneius Baebius Tamphilus, Lucius Anicius Gallus, Cneius Octavius, Publius Fonteius Balbus, Marcus Aebutius Elva, and Caius Papirius Corbo.

[5] The senate's anxiety about the Macedonian war stimulated them to more than ordinary expedition in all their proceedings;

[6] they therefore ordered, that the magistrates elect should immediately cast lots for their provinces, that it might be known which consul was to have the command in Macedonia, and which praetor that of the fleet;

[7] in order that they might, without loss of time, consider and prepare whatever was requisite for the service, and consult the senate on any point where their direction was necessary, they voted, that,

on the magistrates coming into office, the Latin festival should be celebrated as early as the rules of religion permitted;

[8]

and that the consul who was to go into Macedonia should not be detained on account of it.

[9] When these orders were passed, Italy and Macedonia were named as the provinces for the consuls; and for the praetors, besides the two jurisdictions in the city, the fleet, Spain, Sicily, and Sardinia. As to the consuls, Macedonia fell to Aemilius, Italy to Licinius.

[10] Of the praetors, Cneius Baebius got the city jurisdiction; Lucius Anicius the foreign, under a rule to go wherever the senate should direct; Cneius Octavius, the fleet; Publius Fonteius, Spain; Marcus Aebutius, Sicily; and Caius Papirius, Sardinia.

[1]

It immediately became evident to all, that Lucius Aemilius would prosecute the war with vigour; for, besides that he was a different kind of man (from his predecessors), his thoughts were intently employed night and day solely on the business relative to that war.

[2] In the first place, he requested the senate to send commissioners into Macedonia, to review the armies and the fleet, and to bring authentic information as to what might be necessary both for the land and sea forces; to make what discoveries they could respecting the state of the king's forces;

[3] and to learn how much of the country was in our power, how much in that of the enemy; whether the Romans were still encamped among the woods and mountains, or had got clear of all the difficult passes, and were come down into the plains;

[4] who appeared to be faithful allies to us, who were doubtful and suspended their fidelity on fortune, and who avowed enemies; what store of provisions was prepared, and whence new supplies might be brought by land-carriage, whence by the fleet; and what had been achieved during the last campaign, either on land or sea. For he thought that, by gaining a thorough knowledge of all these particulars, decisive plans might be taken for future proceedings.

[5] The senate directed the consul Cneius Servilius to send as commissioners, into Macedonia, such persons as should be approved of by Lucius Aemilius. Cneius Domitius Ahenobarbus, Aulus Licinius Nerva, and Lucius Baebius, accordingly, began their journey two days after.

[6] Towards the close of this year it was reported that two showers of stones had fallen, one in the territory of Rome, the other in that of Veii; and the nine days' solemnity was performed.

[7] Of the priests, died this year, Publius Quintilius Varus, flamen of Mars, and Marcus Claudius Marcellus, decemvir, in whose room was substituted Cneius Octavius.

[8] It has been remarked as an instance of the increasing munificence of the times, that in the Circensian games, exhibited by Publius Cornelius Scipio Nasica and Publius Lentulus, curule aediles, sixty-three panthers, with forty bears and elephants, made a part of the show.

[1]

At the beginning of the following year, Lucius Aemilius Paullus and Caius Licinius, the consuls, having commenced their administration on the ides of March, the senators were impatient to hear what propositions were to be laid before them, particularly with respect to Macedonia, by the consul to whose lot that province had fallen;

[2] but Paullus said, that he had as yet nothing to propose to them, the commissioners not being returned: that

they were then at Brundusium, after having been twice driven back to Dyrrachium in attempting the passage:

[3]

that he intended, shortly, to propose something to their consideration, when he should have obtained the information which was previously necessary, and which he expected within very few days.

[4] He added, that,

in order that nothing should delay his setting out, the day before the ides of April had been fixed for the Latin festival;

[5]

after finishing which solemnity, he and Cneius Octavius would begin their journey as soon as the senate should direct: that, in his absence, his colleague Caius Licinius would take care that every thing necessary to be provided, or sent for the war, should be provided and sent;

[6]

and that, in the mean time, audience might be given to the embassies of foreign nations.

The first introduced were ambassadors from Alexandria, sent by king Ptolemy and queen Cleopatra.

[7] They came into the senate-house dressed in mourning, with their hair and beard neglected, holding in their hands branches of olive; there they prostrated themselves, and their discourse was even more piteous than their dress.

[8] Antiochus, king of Syria, who had formerly been a hostage at Rome, had lately, under the honourable pretext of restoring the elder Ptolemy to the throne, made war on his younger brother, who was then in possession of Alexandria;

[9] and having gained the victory in a sea-fight off Pelusium, and thrown a temporary bridge across the Nile, he led over his army, and was terrifying Alexandria itself, by laying siege to it; so that he seemed almost on the point of taking possession of that very opulent kingdom.

[10] The ambassadors, after complaining of these proceedings, besought the senate to succour those princes, the faithful friends of their empire.

[11] They said, that

such had been the kindness of the Roman people to Antiochus, such its influence over all kings and nations, that if they only sent ambassadors, to give him notice that the senate were displeased at war being made with princes in alliance with them, he would instantly retire from the walls of Alexandria, and lead his army home into Syria.

[12]

But if they hesitated to do this, Ptolemy and Cleopatra would soon come to Rome as exiles from their kingdom, which must excite some degree of shame in the Roman people, for not having brought them assistance in their extreme distress.

[13] The senate, affected by the supplications of the Alexandrians, immediately sent Caius Popilius Laenas, Caius Decimius, and Caius Hostilius, ambassadors, to put an end to the dispute between those kings.

[14] Their instructions were, to go first to Antiochus, then to Ptolemy; and to acquaint them, that, unless hostilities were stopped, whichever party persisted, must expect to be considered by the senate as neither a friend nor an ally.

[1]

These ambassadors set out, within three days, in company with those of Alexandria; and, on the last day of the feast of Minerva, the commissioners arrived from Macedonia. Their coming had been so impatiently wished for, that, if it had not been very late in the day, the consuls would have assembled the senate immediately.

[2] Next day the senate met, and the commissioners had an audience.

[3] They stated, that "the army had been led through pathless and difficult wilds into Macedonia, with more risk than advantage: that Pieria, to which its march had been directed, was then possessed by the king; and the two camps so close to each other, as to be separated only by the river Enipeus:

[4] that the king offered no opportunity to fight, nor were our men strong enough to compel him; and, besides, that the winter had unexpectedly interrupted all military operations: that the soldiers were maintained in idleness, and had not corn sufficient for more than six days:

[5] that the force of the Macedonians was said to amount to thirty thousand effective men: that if Appius Claudius had a sufficient force at Lychnidus, the king might be perplexed by a two-fold hostile array; but that, as the case stood, both Appius, and the troops under his command, were in the utmost danger, unless either a regular army were speedily sent thither, or they were removed thence.

[6]

From the camp,

they stated that

they had gone to the fleet; where they learned, that part of the seamen had perished by sickness; that others, particularly such as came from Sicily, had gone off to their own homes; and that the ships were in want of men, while those who were on board had neither received pay nor had clothing:

[7]

that Eumenes and his fleet, as if driven thither by the wind, had both come and gone away, without any apparent reason; nor did the intentions of that king seem to be thoroughly settled.

While they reported every particular in the conduct of Eumenes as suspicious, they represented the fidelity of Attalus as stedfast in the highest degree.

[1]

After the commissioners were heard, Lucius Aemilius said, that he then proposed for consideration the business of the war:

[2] and the senate decreed, that

tribunes for eight legions should be appointed, half by the consuls, and half by the people; but that none should be named for that year who had not held some magisterial office:

[3]

that, out of all the military tribunes, Lucius Aemilius should select such as he chose for the two legions that were to serve in Macedonia; and that, as soon as the Latin festival should be finished, the said consul, with the praetor Cneius Octavius, to whose lot the fleet had fallen, should repair to that province.

[4] To these was added a third, Lucius Anicius, the praetor who had the foreign jurisdiction; for it was resolved that he should succeed Appius Claudius in the province of Illyria, near Lychnidus.

[5] The charge of raising recruits was laid on the consul Caius Licinius, who was ordered to enlist, of Roman citizens, seven thousand foot and two hundred horse, and to demand, from the Latin confederates, seven thousand foot and four hundred horse;

[6] and also to write to Cneius Servilius, governor of Gaul, to raise there six hundred horse.

[7] This force he was ordered to send, with all expedition, into Macedonia, to his colleague.

[8] It was resolved, that there should be no more than two legions in that province, but that their numbers should be filled up so as that each should contain six thousand foot and three hundred horse; and that the rest of the foot and horse should be placed in the different garrisons;

[9] that such men as were unfit for service should be discharged, and that the allies should be obliged to raise another body of ten thousand foot and eight hundred horse.

[10] These were assigned as a reinforcement to Anicius, in addition to the two legions which he was ordered to carry into Illyria, consisting each of five thousand two hundred foot and three hundred horse; and five thousand seamen were raised for the fleet.

[11] The consul Licinius was ordered to employ two legions in the service of his province, and to add to them ten thousand foot and six hundred horse of the allies.

[1]

When the senate had passed these decrees, the consul Lucius Aemilius went out from the senate-house into the assembly of the people, whom he addressed in a discourse to this effect:

[2]

Romans, I think I have perceived that your congratulations, on my obtaining, by lot, the province of Macedonia, were warmer than either when I was saluted consul, or on the day when I entered on office; and that for no other reason, than your having conceived an opinion, that by me the war with Perseus, which has been long protracted, may be brought to a conclusion becoming the majesty of the Roman people.

[3]

I trust that the gods also have favoured this disposal of the lots, and will give me their aid in the conduct of affairs.

[4]

Some of these consequences I can prognosticate; others I can hope for. One thing I regard as certain, and venture to affirm; that I will endeavour, by every exertion in my power, that this hope which you have conceived of me may not be frustrated.

[5]

Every thing necessary for the service, the senate has ordered; and as it has been resolved, that I am to go abroad immediately, and I do not wish to delay, my colleague, Caius Licinius, an admirable man, will make the preparations with as much zeal, as if he himself were to carry on that war.

[6]

Do you give full credit to whatever I shall write to you, or to the senate; but do not by your credulity encourage mere rumours, of which no man shall appear as the responsible author.

[7]

For, no man is so entirely regardless of reputation, as that his spirits cannot be damped; which I have observed has commonly occurred, especially in this war.

[8]

In every circle, and, truly, at every table, there are people who lead armies into Macedonia; who know where the camp ought to be placed; what posts ought to be occupied by troops; when and through what pass Macedonia should be entered; where magazines should be formed; how provisions should be conveyed by land and sea; and when it is proper to engage the enemy, when to lie quiet.

[9]

And they not only determine what is best to be done, but if any thing is done in any other manner than what they have pointed out, they arraign the consul, as if he were on his trial.

[10]

These are great impediments to those who have the management of affairs; for every one cannot encounter injurious reports with the same constancy and firmness of mind as Fabius did, who chose to let his own authority be diminished through the folly of the people, rather than to mismanage the public business with a high reputation.

[11]

I am not one of those who think that commanders ought never to receive advice; on the contrary, I should deem that man more proud than wise, who did every thing of his own single judgment. What then is my opinion?

[12]

That commanders should be counselled, chiefly, by persons of known talent; by those, especially, who are skilled in the art of war, and who have been taught by experience; and next, by those who are present at the scene of action, who see the country, who see the enemy; who see the advantages that occasions offer, and who, embarked, as it were, in the same ship, are sharers of the danger.

[13]

If, therefore, any one thinks himself qualified to give advice respecting the war which I am to conduct, which may prove advantageous to the public, let him not refuse his assistance to the state, but let him come with me into Macedonia. He shall be furnished by me with a ship, a horse, a tent; and even with his travelling charges.

[14]

But if he thinks this too much trouble, and prefers the repose of a city life to the toils of war, let him not, on land, assume the office of a pilot. The city, in itself, furnishes abundance of topics for conversation;

[15]

let it confine its passion for talking, and rest assured, that we shall be content with such councils as shall be framed within our camp.

[16] Soon after this speech, the Latin festival having been celebrated on the day before the calends of April, and the sacrifice on the mount affording favourable omens, the consul, and Cneius Octavius, the prae- tor, set out directly for Macedonia.

[17] There is a tradition that the consul, at his departure, was escorted by multitudes unusually numerous; and that people, with confident hope, presaged a conclusion of the Macedonian war, and the speedy return of the consul, to a glorious triumph.

[1]

During these occurrences in Italy, Perseus, though he could not, at first, prevail on himself to complete the design which he had projected, of attaching to himself Gentius, king of Illyria, on account of the money which would be demanded for it;

[2] yet, when he found that the Romans had penetrated the passes, and that the final crisis of the war drew near, resolved to defer it no longer, and having, by his ambassador Hippias, consented to pay three thousand talents of silver, ⁴ provided hostages were given on both sides; he now sent Pantauchus, one of his most trusty friends, to conclude the business.

[3] Pantauchus met the Illyrian king at Meteo, in the province of Labeas, and there received from the king his oath and the hostages. Gentius likewise sent an ambassador, named Olympio, to require an oath and hostages from Perseus.

[4] Together with him, were sent persons to receive the money; and by the advice of Pantauchus, to go to Rhodes, with ambassadors from Macedonia. Parmenio and Morcus were appointed.

[5] Their instructions were, first, to receive the king's oath, the hostages, and money; and then to proceed to Rhodes; and it was hoped, that, by the name of the two kings, the Rhodians might be incited to a war against Rome, and that the union of that state, which alone at

[6] that time possessed naval glory, would leave the Romans no prospect of success, either on land or sea.

[7] As the Illyrians approached, Perseus marched with all his cavalry, from his camp on the Enipeus, and met them at Dium. There the articles agreed on were executed;

[8] a body of cavalry having been drawn up around, whom the king chose should be witness to the treaty of alliance made with Gentius, supposing that this event would add greatly to their confidence.

[9] The hostages were given and taken in the sight of all; those who were to receive the money were sent to Pella, where the king's treasure lay; and the persons who were to go to Rhodes, with the Illyrian ambassadors, were ordered to take ship at Thessalonica.

[10] There was present one Metrodorus, who had lately come from Rhodes, and who, on the authority of Dinon and Polyaratus, two principal members of that state, affirmed, that the Rhodians were prepared for the war; he was appointed head of the joint embassy with the Illyrians.

[1]

At this time Perseus sent to Eumenes and Antiochus, a common message, which the state of affairs seemed to suggest; that

a free state, and a king, were, in their natures, hostile to each other.

[2]

That the Roman people were accustomed to attack kings singly; and, what was more shameful, to conquer them, by the power of other kings.

[3]

Thus, his father was overpowered by the aid of Attalus; and by the assistance of Eumenes, and of his father Philip, in part, Antiochus had been vanquished; and now, both Eumenes and Prusias were armed against himself.

[4]

If the regal power should be abolished in Macedonia, the next, in their way, would be Asia, which they had already rendered, in part, their own, under the pretence of liberating the states; and next to that Syria.

[5]

Already Prusias was honoured by them, far beyond Eumenes; and already Antiochus, though victorious, was debarred from Egypt, the prize of his arms.

[6] He desired that each of them,

considering these matters seriously, should see that he either compelled the Romans to make peace with him, or, if they should persist in such an unjust war, he should regard them as the common enemies of all kings.

[7] The message to Antiochus was sent openly; the ambassador to Eumenes went under the pretence of ransoming prisoners. But some more secret business was transacted between them, which, in addition to the jealousy and distrust already conceived by the Romans against Eumenes, brought on him charges of a heavier nature.

[8] For they considered him as a traitor, and nearly as an enemy, while the two kings laboured to overreach each other in schemes of fraud and avarice.

[9] There was a Cretan, called Cydas, an intimate of Eumenes; this man had formerly conferred, at Amphipolis, with one Chimarus, a countryman of his own, serving in the army of Perseus; and he, afterwards, had had one interview with Menecrates, and another with Archidamus, officers of the king, at Demetrias, close under the wall of the town.

[10] Herophon, too, who was sent on that business, had, before that, executed two embassies to the same Eumenes.

[11] These furtive conferences and embassies were notorious; but what the subject of them was, or what agreement had taken place between the kings, remained a secret.

[1]

Now the truth of the matter was this: Eumenes neither wished success to Perseus nor intended to make war upon him; and his ill-will arose not so much from the enmity which they inherited from their fathers, as from the personal quarrels which had broken out between themselves.

[2] The jealousy of the two kings was not so moderate, that Eumenes could, with patience, have seen Perseus acquiring such vast power and glory as awaited him, if he conquered the Romans.

[3] Besides which, he saw that Perseus, from the commencement of the war, by every mean, sought a prospect of peace; and that every day, as the danger approached nearer, he was contriving and contemplating no other object.

[4] He considered, too, that as the war had been protracted beyond the expectations of the Romans, their commanders and senate would not be averse from putting an end to a contest so inconvenient and difficult. Having discovered this inclination in both parties, he concluded, that, from the disgust of the stronger party, and the fears of the weaker, this might take place spontaneously;

[5] and therefore he the more wished, for the sake of conciliating favour to himself, to make his own efforts available in the business.

[6] He therefore, sometimes, laboured to stipulate for a consideration for not affording assistance to the Romans, either on sea or land; at other times, for bringing about a peace with them. He demanded for not interfering in the war, one thousand talents; ⁵ for effecting a peace, one thousand five hundred; ⁶ and for his sincerity in either case, he professed himself prepared, not only to make oath, but to give hostages also.

[7] Perseus, stimulated by his fears, showed the greatest readiness in the beginning of the negotiation, and treated without delay about receiving the hostages; when it was agreed, that, on their being received, they should be sent to Crete.

[8] But when they came to the mention of money, there he hesitated;

[9] remarking that, in the case of kings of their high character, a pecuniary consideration was mean and sordid, both with respect to the giver, and still more so with respect to the receiver.

[10] He preferred not to decline the payment in the hope of a peace with Rome, but said that he would pay the money when the business should be concluded; and that he would lodge it in the mean time in the temple of Samothrace.

[11] As that island was under his own dominion, Eumenes said, that it was all the same as if the money were at Pella; and he struggled hard to obtain some part of it at the present.

[12] Thus, having manœuvred with each other to no purpose, they gained nothing but disgrace.

[1]

This was not the only business which Perseus left unfinished from motives of avarice, since for a small sum of money he might have procured, through Eumenes, a secure peace, well purchased even with half of his kingdom; while, if defrauded, he might have exposed him to public view, as an enemy laden with his pelf, and made the Romans deservedly his enemies.

[2] Through this avaricious spirit the prompt alliance of king Gentius, with the assistance of a large army of Gauls, who had spread themselves through Illyria, and offered themselves to him, was lost.

[3] There came ten thousand horsemen, and the same number of footmen, who themselves kept pace with the horses, and in place of the riders who had fallen, took on the horses to the fight.

[4] They had stipulated that each horseman should receive in immediate payment, ten golden Philippics, each footman five, and their commander one thousand.

[5] Perseus went from his camp on the Enipeus with half of his forces to meet them as they approached; and issued orders through the towns and villages near the road, to prepare provisions, so that they might have plenty of corn, wine, and cattle.

[6] He brought with him some horses, trappings, and cloaks, for presents to the chiefs; and a small quantity of gold to be divided among a few; for the multitude, he supposed, might be amused with hopes.

[7] He advanced as far as the city of Almana, and encamped on the bank of the river Axius, at which time the army of the Gauls lay near Desudaba, in Maedica, waiting for the promised hire.

[8] Thither he sent Antigonus, one of his nobles, with directions, that the said army should remove their camp to Bylazor, a place in Paeonia, and that their chiefs should come to him in a body. They were at this time seventy-five miles distant from the river Axius and the king's camp.

[9] Antigonus, in his message, told them what great plenty of every thing was provided on the road by the king's directions, and what presents of apparel, money, and horses he intended for them on their arrival. They answered, that they would judge of those things when they saw them;

[10] at the same time asking him, whether, according to their stipulation for immediate payment, he had brought with him the gold which was to be distributed to each footman and horseman? When to this no direct answer was given, Clondicus, their prince, said,

Go back,

[11]

then, and tell your king, that, unless they should have received the gold and the host- ages, the Gauls would never move one step farther.

[12] When this message was brought to the king, he called a council: and, as it was very plain what advice all the members would give; he, being a better guardian of his money than of his kingdom, began to descant on the perfidy and savage behaviour of the Gauls.

[13]

The disasters,

he said,

of many states demonstrated, that it would be dangerous to admit such a multitude into Macedonia, lest they might feel such allies more troublesome than their Roman enemies. Five thousand horsemen would be enough for them to employ in the war, and

[14]

that number they need not be afraid to receive.

[1]

It was sufficiently clear to all that what he feared was the paying of such a multitude, and nothing else; but as none had the courage to declare their opinion, when asked, Antigonus was sent again, with a message; that the king chose to employ only five thousand horsemen, but that he could not receive the rest of their number.

[2] When the barbarians heard this, they began to murmur, and show a great deal of anger at being brought so far from home for no purpose; but Clondicus again asked him, whether he would pay even the five thousand the hire agreed on.

[3] When he perceived that an evasive answer was given to this question also, the Gauls, dismissing the insidious envoy unhurt, which was what he himself had scarcely hoped could be his fate, returned home to the Danube, after utterly wasting such lands of Thrace as lay near their road.

[4] Now had this body of troops, while the king lay quiet on the Enipeus, been led against the Romans through the passes of Perrhaebia, into Thessaly, it might not only have stripped that country so bare, that the Romans could not expect supplies from thence;

[5] but might even have destroyed the cities themselves, while Perseus, by detaining his enemy at the Enipeus, would have put it out of their power to succour their allies.

[6] The Romans, indeed, would have been obliged to look out for their own safety, since they could neither stay where they were, after losing Thessaly, whence their army drew sustenance, nor move forward, as the camp of the Macedonians stood in their way.

[7] By this error, Perseus enlivened the hopes of the Romans, and damped not a little those of the Macedonians,⁷ who had depended much on that project. Through the same avarice, he alienated from him king Gentius. When he paid, at Pella, three hundred talents to the persons sent by Gentius, he allowed them to seal up the money. He then ordered ten talents to

[8] be carried to Pantauchus, and these he desired should be given immediately to the king. He ordered his people, who were carrying the rest

[9] of the money, sealed with the seals of the Illyrians, to convey it by short journeys, and when they should come

[10] to the bounds of Macedonia, to halt there, and wait for a message from him. Gentius, having received this small portion of the money, and being incessantly urged by Pantauchus to provoke the Romans by some hostile act, threw into

[11] custody Marcus Perperna and Lucius Petilius, who happened to come at that time as ambassadors. Having heard this, Perseus, thinking that the Illyrian had now laid himself under a necessity of waging war with the Romans at least, sent to recall those who were conveying the money, as if for no other object, than that the greatest possible booty might be reserved for the Romans on his defeat. Herophon,

[12] too, returned from Eumenes, without any one knowing what had been secretly negotiated between them. The parties themselves had mentioned publicly that the business of the prisoners had been concluded, and Eumenes, for the sake of avoiding suspicion, acquainted the consul with it.

[1]

Upon the return of Herophon from Eumenes, Perseus, disappointed in his hope, sent Antenor and Callippus, the commanders of his fleet, with forty barks, to which were added five heavy galleys, to Tenedos, that they might protect the

[2] vessels sailing to Macedonia with corn, and scattered among the Cyclades.

[3] This squadron, setting sail from Cassandrea, steered, first, to the harbour at the foot of Mount Athos, and crossing over thence, with mild weather, to Tenedos, found lying in the harbour a number of Rhodian undecked ships, and their commander Eudamus; these they did not offer to molest, but, after having spoken them in a friendly manner, suffered them to pursue their course.

[4] Then, learning that, on the other side of the island, fifty transports of their own were shut up by a squadron of Eumenes, commanded by Damius, which lay in the mouth of the harbour, they sailed round with all haste;

[5] and the enemy's ships retiring, through fear, they sent on the transports to Macedonia, ten barks having been appointed to accompany them, which were to return to Tenedos as soon as they had convoyed them to a place of safety.

[6] Accordingly, on the ninth day after, they rejoined the fleet, then lying at Sigeum. From thence they sailed over to Subota, an island between Elea and Athos.

[7] The next day after the fleet had reached Subota, it happened that thirty-five vessels, of the kind called horse-transports, sent by Eumenes to Attalus, and which had sailed from Elea, with Gallic horsemen and their horses, were steering towards Phanae, a promontory of Chios, from whence they might cross over to Macedonia, A signal having been given to Antenor,

[8] from a post of observation, that these ships were passing along the main, he left Subota, and met them between Cape Erythrae and Chios, where the strait is narrowest.

[9] The officers of Eumenes believed nothing less probable than that a Macedonian fleet was cruising in that sea; they imagined that they were Romans, or that Attalus, or some people sent home by him from the Roman camp, were on their way to Pergamus.

[10] But when, on their nearer approach, the shape of the vessels was plainly perceived, and when the briskness of their rowing, and their prows being directed straight against themselves, proved that enemies were approaching, a panic was struck into them; for they had no hope of being able to make resistance, their ships being of an unwieldy kind, and the Gauls scarcely able to bear a state of quiet when at sea.

[11] Some, who were nearest to the shore of the continent, swam to Erythrae; some, crowding all their sail, ran the ships aground near Chios; and, leaving their horses behind, made for the city in disorderly flight.

[12] When the barks, however, had landed their troops nearer to the city, where the

[13] access was more convenient, the Macedonians overtook and put to the sword the flying Gauls, some on the road, and some who had been shut out before the gate, for the Chians had shut their gates, not knowing who they were that fled, or who that pursued. About eight hundred Gauls were killed, and two hundred made prisoners.

[14] Of the horses, some were lost in the sea, by the ships being wrecked, and others the Macedonians hamstrung on the shore.

[15] Antenor ordered the same ten barks, which he had employed before, to carry twenty horses of extraordinary beauty, with the prisoners, to Thessalonica, and to return to the fleet as speedily as possible; saying, that he would wait for them at Phanae.

[16] The fleet staid about three days off the city, and then proceeded to Phanae, and the ten barks having returned sooner than was expected, they set sail, and crossed the Aegean Sea to Delos.

[1]

While these things were taking place, the Roman ambassadors, Caius Popilius, Caius Decimius, and Caius Hostilius, having sailed from Chalcis with three quinqueremes, arrived at Delos, and found there forty Macedonian barks, and five quinqueremes belonging to king Eumenes.

[2] The sacred character of the temple and the island secured all parties from injury; so that the Roman and Macedonian seamen, and those of Eumenes, used to meet promiscuously in the temple, a truce being imposed by the religious feeling which the place inspired.

[3] Antenor, the commander of Perseus's fleet, having learned, by signals from his watch-posts, that several transport ships were passing by at sea, went himself in pursuit, with one half of his barks, (distributing the other half among the Cyclades,) and sunk or plundered every ship he met with, except such as were bound for Macedonia.

[4] Popilius and the ships of Eumenes assisted as many as they were able;

[5] but, in the night, the Macedonians sailing out, generally with two or three vessels, passed unseen.

[6] About this time, ambassadors from Macedonia and Illyria came together to Rhodes. Their influence was the greater, in consequence of their squadron cruising freely among the Cyclades, and over all the Aegean Sea, and likewise on account of the junc- tion of Perseus and Gentius, and of the report of the Gauls approaching with a great force both of horse and foot.

[7] Dinon and Polyaratus, the partisans of Perseus, now took fresh courage, and the Rhodians not only gave a favourable answer to the ambassadors, but declared publicly, that

they would put an end to the war by their own influence;

[8]

and therefore desired the kings to dispose themselves to accede to a peace.

[1]

It was now the beginning of spring, and the new commanders had arrived in their provinces; the consul Aemilius in Macedonia, Octavius at Oreum, where the fleet lay, and Anicius in Illyria, to carry on the war against Gentius.

[2] This prince, who was the son of Pleuratus, king of Illyria, and his queen Eurydice, had two brothers, one called Plator, by both parents, the other Caravantius, by the same mother only. The latter, as descended of ignoble ancestors on his father's side, was but little suspected; but, that his reign might be more secure, he had put to death Plator, and two active men his friends, Ettritus and Epicadus.

[3] It was rumoured, that he was actuated by jealousy towards his brother, who had engaged himself to Etuta, the daughter of Hononus, prince of the Dardanians, as if, by that match, engaging that nation in his interest;

[4] and this supposition was rendered the more probable by Gentius marrying her, after the death of Plator. From this time, when he was delivered from the fear of his brother, he began to be oppressive to his subjects, and the natural violence of his temper was inflamed by an immoderate use of wine.

[5] Having been incited, as was mentioned above, to a war with the Romans, he collected all his forces, amounting to fifteen thousand men, at Lissus.

[6] From thence, detaching his brother with one thousand foot and fifty horse, to reduce, either by force or terror, the nation of the Cavians, he marched himself to Bassania, a city five miles distant from Lissus. The inhabitants were in alliance with Rome.

[7] Therefore, having been first solicited by emissaries sent in advance, they determined rather to endure a siege than surrender themselves. In Cavia, the people of the town of Durnium cheerfully opened their gates to Caravantius, on his arrival; but another town, called Caravantis, refused him admittance; and whilst he was carelessly ravaging their lands, many of his straggling soldiers were killed by a muster of the peasants.

[8] By this time Appius Claudius, having joined to the army he had in command some bodies of auxiliaries, composed of Bulinians, Apollonians, and Dyrrhachians, had left his winter quarters, and was encamped near the river Genusus.

[9] Having heard of the treaty between Persius and Gentius, and being highly provoked at the ill-treatment of the outraged ambassadors, he was resolved to make war upon him.

[10] The praetor Anicius, who was now at Apollonia, being informed of what passed in Illyria, despatched a letter to Appius, desiring him to wait for him at the Genusus; and, in three days after, he arrived in the camp. Having added to the auxiliary troops which he then had, two thousand foot and two hundred horse of the Parthinians, (the foot commanded by Epicadus, and the horse by Agalsus,) he prepared to march into Illyria, chiefly that he might relieve the Bassanians from the siege.

[11] But an account brought him, of the sea-coast being ravaged by a number of the enemy's barks, checked his efforts.

[12] These were eighty vessels, which, by the advice of Pantauchus, Gentius had sent to waste the lands of the Dyrrhachians and Apollonians. The Roman fleet was then lying near Apollo- nia. Anicius hastily repaired thither, soon overtook the Illy- rian plunderers, brought them to an engagement, and, defeating them with very little trouble, took many of their ships, and compelled the rest to retire to Illyria. Returning thence to the camp at the Genusus, he hastened to the relief of Bassania.

[13] Gentius did not bear up against the rumour of the praetor's coming; but, raising the siege, retired to Scodra with such precipitate haste, that he did not even take the whole of his army with him.

[14] There was a large body of forces, which, if their courage had been supported by the presence of their com- mander, might have given some check to the Romans;

[15] but, as he had withdrawn, ⁸ they surrendered.

[1]

The cities of that country, one after another, followed the example; their own inclinations being encouraged by the justice and clemency which the Roman praetor showed to all.

[2] The army then advanced to Scodra, which was the chief seat of the war, not merely because Gentius had chosen it for the metropolis of his kingdom, but because it has by far the strongest fortifications of any in the territory of the Labeatians, and is of very difficult access.

[3] Two rivers enclose it; the Clausula flowing past the eastern side of the city, and by the western, the Barbanna, which rises out of the lake Labeatus. These two rivers, uniting their streams, fall into the river Oriuns, which, running down from mount Scodrus, and being augmented by many other waters, empties itself into the Adriatic Sea.

[4] Mount Scordus is much the highest hill in all that country; at its foot, towards the east, lies Dardania; towards the south, Macedonia; and towards the west, Illyria.

[5] Notwithstanding that the town was so strong, from the nature of its situation, and was garrisoned by the whole force of the Illyrian nation, with the king himself at their head,

[6] yet the Roman praetor, encouraged by the happy success of his first enterprises, and hoping that the fortune of the whole undertaking would correspond to its commencement, and thinking also that a sudden alarm might have a powerful effect, advanced to the walls with his troops in order of battle.

[7] But, if the garrison had kept their gates shut, and manned the walls and the towers of the gates with soldiers, they might have repulsed the Romans from the walls with their efforts frustrated, instead of which they marched out

[8] from the gate, and, on equal ground, commenced a battle with more courage than they supported it:

[9] for, being forced to give way, and crowded together in their retreat, and above two hundred having fallen in the very entrance of the gate, the rest were so terrified, that Gentius immediately despatched Teuticus and Bellus, two of the first men of the nation, to the praetor, through whom he begged a truce, in order that he might be able to deliberate on the state of his affairs.

[10] He was allowed three days for the purpose, and, as the Roman camp was about five hundred paces from the city, he went on board a ship, and sailed up the river Barbanna, into the lake of Labeatus, as if in search of a retired place for consultation;

[11] but, as afterwards appeared, he was led by a groundless report, that his brother Caravantius was coming, with many thousands of soldiers collected in the country, to which he had been sent.

[12] This rumour dying away, on the third day he sailed down the river in the same ship to Scodra; and, after sending forward messengers, to request permission to call upon the praetor, and leave being given, came into the camp. He began his discourse with reproaches against himself, for the folly of his conduct; then descended to tears and prayers, and, falling at the praetor's knees, gave himself up into his power.

[13] He was at first desired to keep up his spirits, and having been even invited to supper, he went back into the city to his people, and, for that day, was entertained by the praetor with every mark of respect.

[14] On the day following, he was delivered into custody, to Caius Cassius, a military tribune, having, though a king, received ten talents, scarcely the

[15] hire of a party of gladiators, and that from a king, to reduce himself to these circumstances.

[1]

The first thing Anicius did, after taking possession of Scodra, was, to order the ambassadors, Petilius and Perperna, to be sought for and brought to him;

[2] and having restored to them their former dignity, he immediately despatched Perperna to seize the king's friends and relations, who, hastening to Medeo, a city of Labeatia, conducted to the camp at Scodra, Etleva, the king's consort; his brother Caravantius; with his two sons, Scerdiletus and Pleuratus.

[3] Anicius, having brought the Illyrian war to a conclusion within thirty days, sent Perperna to Rome with the news of his success; and, in a few days after, king Gentius himself, with his mother, queen, children, and brother, and other Illyrians of distinction.

[4] This one war was announced at Rome as finished before it was known to have been begun. At the time when these things took place, Perseus laboured under dreadful apprehensions, on account of the approach, both of the new consul Aemilius, who, as he heard, was coming with formidable threats, and also of the praetor Octavius: nor did he less dread the Roman fleet, and the danger which threatened the sea-coast.

[5] Eumenes and Athenagoras commanded at Thessalonica, with a small garrison of two thousand targeteers. Thither he sent Androcles, as governor, and ordered him to keep the troops encamped close by the naval arsenals. He ordered one thousand horse, under Antigonus, to Aenia, to guard the sea-coast; directing them, whenever they should hear of the enemy's fleet approaching the shore in any part, instantly to hasten thither, to protect the country people.

[6] Five thousand Macedonians were sent to garrison the mountains Pythium and Petra, commanded by Histieus, Theogenes, and Medon. After making these detachments, he set about fortifying the bank of the river Enipeus, the channel being dry and fordable;

[7] and, in order that all the men might apply themselves to this work, the women were obliged to bring provisions from the neighbouring cities into the camp. He ordered the soldiers to fetch timber from the woods which were not far distant.

[8] ⁹

[3] ¹⁰ at last ordered the water-carriers to attend him to the shore, which was not three hundred paces distant, and there to dig holes in several places, not far from each other. The great height of the mountains gave him reason to suppose that they contained hidden springs of water, the veins of which flowing through to the sea, mingled with its waves; and the more so, as they discharged no streams above ground.

Scarcely was the surface of the sand removed, when springs began to boil up, small at first, and muddy, but in a little time they threw out clear water in great plenty, as if through the favourable interference of the gods.

[4] This circumstance added greatly to the reputation and influence of the general in the minds of the soldiers. He then ordered them to get ready their arms; and went himself, with the tribunes and first centurions, to examine the fords, in hopes of finding a passage, where the descent would be easy for the troops, and where the ascending the other bank would be least difficult.

[5] After taking a sufficient view of these matters, he made it his first care to provide, that, in the movements of the army, every thing should be done regularly, and without noise, at the first order and beck of the general.

[6] When notice was proclaimed of what was to be done to all at the same time, every one did not distinctly hear; and as the orders received were not clear, some making additions for themselves, did more than was ordered, while others did less; while dissonant shouts were raised in every quarter, insomuch that the enemy knew sooner than the soldiers themselves what was intended.

[7] He therefore directed, that the military tribune should communicate, secretly, to the first centurion of the legion, then he to the next, and that so on, in order that each should tell the next to him in rank what was requisite to be done, whether the instructions were to be conveyed from front to rear, or from rear to front.

[8] He likewise, by a new arrangement, forbade the sentinels to carry their shields when on duty; for as a sentinel did not go to fight, but to watch, he had no occasion for arms; it was his duty, when he perceived an enemy approaching, to retire, and to rouse the rest to arms.

[9] They used to stand with their hel- mets on, and their shields erected on the ground before them; when tired, they leaned on their spears; or laying their heads on the edge of their shields, stood dozing in such a manner, that from the glittering of their arms they could be seen afar off by the enemy, while themselves could see nothing. He likewise altered the practice of the advanced guards.

[10] Formerly, the guards were kept on duty through the whole day, all under arms, the horsemen with their horses bridled; and when this happened in summer, under a continual scorching sun, both men and horses were so much exhausted by the heat and the languor contracted in so many hours, that very often, when attacked by fresh troops, a few could get the better of a greater number.

[11] He therefore ordered, that they should retire from the morning-watch at noon, and that others should succeed to the duty for the rest of the day; by which means the enemy could never come fresh upon them when they were wearied.

[1]

Aemilius, after publishing, in a general assembly, his orders for these regulations, added a speech of similar purport to that which he had made in the city, that

it was the business of the commander alone to consider what was proper to be done, sometimes singly, sometimes in conjunction with those whom he should call to council;

[2]

and that such as were not called, ought not to pronounce their opinions either in public or in private. That it was a soldier's business to attend to these three things, —his body, that he may keep it in perfect strength and agility; his arms, in good order; and his provisions ready, in case of a sudden order; and to understand, that all other matters relating to him are under the care of the immortal gods and his captain.

[3]

That in any army, where the soldiers formed plans, and that the chief was drawn, first one way, then another, by the rumours of the multitude, nothing was successful.

[4]

For his part,

he declared, that

he would take care, as was the duty of a general, to afford them occasion of acting with success. On their part, they were to make no inquiries whatever as to what was about to take place; but, when the signal was given, to discharge the duty of a soldier.

[5] After these precepts, he dismissed the assembly, while the veterans themselves acknowledged, that on that day, for the first time, they had, like recruits, been taught the business of a soldier. Nor did they, by such expressions only, demonstrate with what perfect conviction they had listened to the consul's discourse; but the practical effect of it was immediate.

[6] In the whole camp, not one person was to be seen idle; some were sharpening their weapons; others scouring their helmets and cheek-pieces, their shields and breastplates; some fitted their armour to their bodies, and tested the agility of their limbs under it; some brandished their spears, others flourished their swords, and tried the points; so that it could be easily perceived that their intention was, whenever they should come to battle, to finish the war at once, either by a splendid victory or a memorable death.

[7] On the other side, when Perseus saw that, in consequence of the arrival of the consul, and of the opening of the spring, all was motion and bustle among the Romans, as in a new war;

[8] and that the camp had been removed from Phila and pitched on the opposite bank, and that the Roman general employed himself busily, sometimes in going round and examining all his works, doubtless looking out for a place to pass the river; ¹¹

[1]

which event greatly raised the spirits of the Romans, and struck no small degree of terror into the Macedonians and their king.

[2] At first, Perseus endeavoured to suppress the intelligence, and sent messengers to Pantauchus, who was on his way from that country, forbidding him to come near the camp; but some of his people had already seen certain boys, carried away among the Illyrian hostages; and it is certain that the more pains there are used to conceal any circumstances the more readily they are divulged, through the gossiping disposition of the attendants of kings.

[3] About this time, ambassadors came to the camp from Rhodes, with the same message which had excited so much resentment in the Roman senate. They were now heard by the council in the camp with much greater indignation than at Rome; some even advised that they should be instantly driven out of the camp without any reply; but the consul said, that he would give them an answer in fifteen days.

[4] Meanwhile, to show how far the influence of the Rhodians as mediators extended, he began to consult on the plan of carrying forward the war. Some, particularly the older officers, advised to force their way across the Enipeus, and through the enemy's works.

When they should advance in close order and make an assault, the Macedonians,

they said,

would never be able to withstand them. They had been, last year, beaten out of many fortresses much higher and better fortified, which they had occupied with much stronger garrisons.

[5] Others recommended, that Octavius, with the fleet, should sail to Thessalonica; and, by committing depredations on the seacoast, to divide the king's forces; so that when, on the appearance of another enemy behind him, he should turn about to protect the interior part of the kingdom, he would be forced to leave a passage over the Enipeus open in some place or other.

[6] The consul himself was of opinion, that the nature of the bank, and the works erected on it, presented insuperable difficulties; and, besides its being every where furnished with engines, he had been informed, that the enemy were remarkable for using missile weapons with uncommon skill, and with a very certain aim. The consul's full conviction leaned quite another way; as soon, therefore, as the council broke up, he sent for Schœnus and Menophilus, Perrhaebian merchants, whom he knew to be men of probity and good sense, and examined them in private about the nature of the passes leading into Perrhaebia.

[7] They told him, that the places themselves were not difficult; but that they were occupied by parties of the king's troops; from which he conceived hopes of being able to beat off those parties, by making a sudden attack with a strong force in the night, when they were off their guard.

[8] For he considered that

javelins, and arrows, and other missile weapons, were useless in the dark, when one cannot see at a distance what to aim at; but that, when combatants closed together in a throng, the business must depend on the sword, in which the Roman soldier was superior.

He resolved to employ those two men as guides; and, sending for the praetor Octavius, explained to him what he intended, ordering him to sail directly with the fleet to Heracleum, and to have in readiness, there, ten days' provisions for one thousand men. He then sent Publius Scipio Nasica, and Quintus Fabius Maximus, his own son, with five thousand chosen men, to Heracleum, as if they were to embark in the fleet, to ravage the coast of the interior parts of Macedonia, as had been proposed in the council. He told them, in private, that there were provisions prepared for them on board, so that they should have no delay.

[9] He then ordered the guides to divide the road in such a manner that they might attack Pythium at the fourth watch on the third day. He himself, on the day following, in order to withdraw the king from the observation of other matters, attacked his advanced guards as soon as it was light in the middle of the channel of the river, where the fight was maintained by the light infantry on both sides, for the bottom was so uneven, that heavy arms could not be used.

[10] The slope of each bank was three hundred paces long, and the breadth of the channel, which was of various depths, somewhat more than a mile. In this middle space the fight was carried on, while the king on one side, and the consul with his legions on the other, stood spectators on the ramparts of their camps.

[11] At a distance, the king's troops had the advantage in fighting with missile weapons; but in close fight the Roman soldier was more steady, and was better defended, either with a target or a Ligurian buckler. About noon, the consul ordered the signal of retreat to be given, and thus the battle ended for that day, after considerable numbers had fallen on both sides.

[12] Next morning at sun-rise, the fight was renewed with greater fury, as their passions had been irritated by the former contest; but the Romans were wounded, not only by those with whom they were immediately engaged, but much more by the multitudes that stood posted in the towers, with missiles of every sort, particularly stones; so that whenever they advanced towards the enemy's bank, the weapons thrown from the engines reached even the hindmost of their men. The consul, having lost far more men on that day, somewhat later called off his men.

[13] On the third day he declined fighting, and moved down to the lowest side of the camp, as if intending to attempt a passage through an intrenchment which stretched down to the sea. Perseus, who did not extend his cares beyond the objects that lay before his eyes, ¹²

[1]

The season of the year¹³ was a little after the summer solstice; the time of the day was approaching towards

[2] noon; and his march had been performed amidst great quantities of dust, and the increasing heat

[3] of the sun. Lassitude and thirst were already felt, and both would certainly be aggravated by mid-day coming on. He resolved, therefore, not to expose his men in that condition to an enemy, fresh and in full vigour; but so great was the ardour for battle in the minds of both parties, that the general

[4] had occasion for as much art to elude the wishes of his own men, as those of the enemy. He urged the military tribunes to hasten

[5] the forming of the troops, went himself round the ranks, and with exhortations inflamed their courage for the fight. At first, they called to him for the signal briskly; but afterwards, as the heat increased, their looks

[6] became less lively, and their voices fainter, while many stood resting on their shields, or leaning on their javelins. He then, at length, openly ordered the foremost ranks to measure out the front of a camp, and store the baggage; on seeing which, some undisguisedly rejoiced

[7] that he had not compelled them to fight when they were wearied with marching and with the scorching heat. Immediately about the general were the lieutenants-general, and the commanders of the foreign troops; among others Attalus, who, when they thought that the consul intended

[8] to fight, (for even to them he did not disclose his intention of delaying,) had all approved the measure. On this sudden alteration of his plan, while the rest were silent, Nasica alone of them all ventured to advise the

[9] consul, not to let slip from his hands an enemy, who, by shunning a battle, had baffled former commanders.

There was reason to fear,

he said,

that if he should march off

[10]

in the night, he would have to be pursued with extreme toil and danger, into the heart of Macedonia; and the troops must be led about, as under former generals, wandering through the glens and forests of the Macedonian mountains. He therefore earnestly recommended to attack the enemy while he had

[11]

him in an open plain, and not to lose the opportunity of obtaining a victory, which now presented itself.

The consul, not in the least offended at the frank advice of so illustrious a

[12] youth, answered:

Nasica, I once thought as you do now; hereafter you will come to think as I do. By the many chances of war, I have learned when it is proper to fight, when to abstain from fighting. It would not be right in me, at present, standing

[13]

at the head of the troops, to explain to you the causes that render it better to rest to-day. Ask my reasons some other time. At present you will acquiesce in the judgment of an old commander.

The

[14] youth was silent, concluding that the consul certainly saw some objections to fighting, which did not appear to him.

[1]

Paullus, as soon as he saw the camp marked out, and the baggage laid up, drew off,

[2] first, the veterans from the rear line, then the first-rank men, while the spear-men stood in the front, lest the enemy might make any attempt; and lastly, the spear-men, beginning at the right wing, and leading them away, gradually, by single companies.

[3] Thus were the infantry drawn off without tumult; and, in the mean time, the cavalry and light infantry faced the enemy; nor were the cavalry recalled from their station, until the rampart and trench were finished.

[4] The king, though he was disposed to have given battle that day, was yet satisfied; since his men knew, that the delay was owing to the enemy: and he led back his troops to their station.

[5] When the camp had been thoroughly fortified, Caius Sulpicius Gallus, a military tribune of the second legion, who had been praetor the year before, with the consul's permission collected the soldiers in assembly, and gave them notice, lest they should any of them consider the matter as a prodigy, that,

on the following night, the moon would be eclipsed, from the second hour to the fourth.

[6] He mentioned that,

as this happened in the course of nature, at stated times, it could be known, and foretold.

[7]

As, therefore, they did not wonder at the regular rising and setting of the sun and moon, or at the moon's sometimes shining with a full orb, and sometimes in its wane, showing only small horns, so neither ought they to construe as a portent, its being obscured when covered with the shadow of the earth.

[8] When on the night preceding the day before the nones of September, at the hour mentioned, the eclipse took place, the Roman soldiers thought the wisdom of Gallus almost divine; but the Macedonians were shocked, as at a dismal prodigy, foreboding the fall of their kingdom and the ruin of their nation; nor did their soothsayers explain it otherwise.

[9] There was shouting and yelling in the camp of the Macedonians, until the moon emerged forth into its full light.

[10] Both armies had been so eager for an engagement, that, next day, both the king and the consul were censured by many of their respective men for having separated without a battle.

[11] The king could readily excuse himself, not only as the enemy had led back his troops into camp, openly declining a battle; but, also, as he had posted his men on ground of such a nature, that the phalanx (which even a small inequality of surface renders useless) could not advance on it.

[12] The consul, besides appearing to have neglected an opportunity of fighting, and to have given the enemy room to go off in the night, if he were so inclined, was thought to waste time at the present, under pretence of offering sacrifice, though the signal had been displayed, at the first light, for going out to the field.

[13] At last, about the third hour, the sacrifices being duly performed, he summoned a council, and there, too, he was deemed by several to spin out, in talking and unseasonable consultation, the time that ought to be employed in action; after the conversation, however, the consul addressed to them the following speech.

[1]

"Publius Nasica, a youth of uncommon merit, was the only one of those who were for fighting yesterday, that disclosed his sentiments to me; and even he was afterwards silent, so that he seems to have come over to my opinion.

[2] Some others have thought proper, rather to carp at their general in his absence, than to offer advice in his presence.

[3] Now, I shall, without the least reluctance, make known to you, Publius Nasica, and to any who, with less openness, entertained the same opinion with you, my reasons for deferring an engagement.

[4] For, so far am I from being sorry for yesterday's inaction, that I am convinced that by that course I preserved the army. And if any of you think that I hold this opinion groundlessly, let him come forward, if he pleases, and take with me a review of how many things were favourable to the enemy and adverse to us.

[5] In the first place, how far they surpass us in numbers, I am sure not one of you was at any time ignorant; and yesterday, I am convinced that you must have observed it, when you saw their line drawn out.

[6] Of our small force, a fourth part had been left to guard the baggage; and you know that they are not the worst of the soldiers who are left in custody of the baggage.

[7] But suppose we were all here, can we believe it a matter of little moment, that, with the blessing of the gods, we shall this day, if judged proper, or tomorrow at farthest, march to battle out of this our own camp, where we have lodged last night?

[8] Is there no difference, whether you order a soldier to take arms in his own tent, when he has not suffered any fatigue on that day, either from a long march or laborious work; after he has enjoyed his natural rest, and is fresh; so as to lead him into the field vigorous both in body and mind; or whether, when he is wearied by such a march, or fatigued with carrying a load;

[9] while he is wet with sweat, and while his throat is parched with thirst, and his mouth and eyes filled with dust, you oppose him, under a scorching noon-day sun, to an enemy who has had full repose, and who brings into the battle his strength unimpaired by any previous circumstance?

[10] Is there, in the name of the gods, any one so dastardly, that, if matched in this manner, he would not overcome the bravest man?

[11] We must consider, that the enemy had, quite at their leisure, formed their line of battle; had recruited their spirits, and were standing in regular order; whereas we must have formed our line in hurry and confusion, and have engaged before it was completed.

[1]

We should then confessedly have an irregular and disorderly line, but should we have had a camp fortified, a watering-place provided, and the passage to it secured by troops, and all the country round reconnoitred; or should we have been without any one spot of our own, except the naked field on which we fought?

[2]

Your fathers considered a fortified camp as a harbour of safety in all the emergencies of an army; out of which they were to march to battle, and in which, after being tossed in the storm of the fight, they had a safe retreat.

[3]

For that reason, besides enclosing it with works, they strengthened it further with a numerous guard; for any general who lost his camp, though he should have been victorious in the field, yet was deemed vanquished. A camp is a residence for the victorious, a refuge for the conquered.

[4]

How many armies, to whom the fortune of the fight has been adverse, when driven within their ramparts, have, at their own time, and sometimes the next moment, sallied out and defeated their victors!

[5]

This military settlement is another native country to every soldier: the rampart is as the wall of his city, and his own tent his habitation and his home. Should we have fought while in that unsettled state, and without quarters prepared, to which, even if victorious, we might retire?

[6]

In opposition to these considerations of the difficulties and impediments to the fighting at that time, one argument is urged: What if the enemy had marched off in the course of last night? What immense fatigue, it is observed, must have been undergone in pursuing him to the remotest parts of Macedonia!

[7]

But, for my part, I take it as a certainty, that if he had had any intention of retreating, he would neither have waited, nor drawn out his troops to battle. For, how much more easily could he have gone off while we were at a great distance, than now, when we are close behind him! Nor could he escape observation in departing either by day or by night.

[8]

What could be more desirable to us, who were obliged to attack their camp, defended as it was by a very high bank of a river, and enclosed likewise with a rampart and a number of towers, than that they should quit their fortifications, and, marching off with haste, give us an opportunity of attacking their rear in an open plain? These were the reasons for deferring a battle from yesterday to this day.

[9]

For I am myself also inclined to fight; and for that reason, as the way to come at the enemy over the river Enipeus was stopped, I have opened a new way, by dislodging the enemy's guards from another pass. Nor will I rest until I shall have brought the war to a conclusion.

[1]

Silence ensued after this address; for some were convinced by his arguments, and the rest were fearful of giving offence needlessly in a matter which, from whatever cause overlooked, could not now be regained. Even on that day, neither the king nor the consul was desirous of engaging; not the king, because he was not going, as on the day before, to attack men who were fatigued after their march, were hurried in forming their line, and not completely marshalled; nor the consul, because, in his new camp, no collection was yet made of wood or forage, to bring which from the adjacent country a great number of his men had gone forth from the camp. Still fortune, whose power prevails over all human schemes, brought about a battle.

[2] Nearer to the enemy's camp was a river, not very large, from which both parties supplied themselves with water; and that this might be done with safety, guards were stationed on each bank. On the Roman side were two cohorts, a Marrucinian and a Pelignian, with two troops of Samnite horse, commanded by a lieutenant general, Marcus Sergius Silus; and in the front of the camp there was posted another guard, under Caius Cluvius, lieutenant-general, composed of three cohorts, a Firmian, a Vestinian, and a Cremonian; besides two troops of horse, a Placentine and an Aesernian. While there was quiet at the river, neither party making an attack; about the ninth hour, a horse, breaking loose from those who had the care of him, ran off towards the farther bank, and three Roman soldiers followed him through the water, which was about as high as their knees. At the same time two Thracians endeavoured to bring the horse from the middle of the channel to their own bank; but one of these having been slain, and the horse having been recovered, they retired to their post. On the enemy's bank there was a body of eight hundred Thracians, of whom a few, at first enraged at their countryman being killed before their eyes, crossed the river in pursuit of his slayers; in a little time some more, and at last all of them, and engaged with the guard which defended the bank on the Roman side. Some authors say, that by the command of Paullus, the horse was driven without a bridle to the enemy's side, and men sent to bring him back, in order that the enemy might first provoke the conflict. For when favourable auspices were not obtained by the first twenty victims, at length the haruspices declared,

that the entrails of the twenty-first portended victory to the Romans, provided they acted only upon the defensive, without striking the first blow.

[3] However, whether by the design of the leader or by accident, the battle was certainly brought about from this commencement, and, in a short time, was so augmented by party after party on both sides flying to carry succour to their comrades, that the commanders were compelled to come down to a general decision of the contest; for Aemilius, on hearing the tumult, came forth from his tent, and when it seemed neither easy nor safe to recall or stop the impetuosity of those who were rushing to arms, he thought it best to avail himself of the ardour of the soldiers, and to turn an accident into an opportunity.

[4] He therefore led out his forces from the camp, and riding among their ranks exhorted them to enter upon the contest they had so greatly desired with corresponding ardour. At the same time Nasica, having been sent forward to reconnoitre what was the position of affairs amongst those who were engaged in the commencing conflict, announced that Perseus was approaching with his army in battle-array. First marched the Thracians, men of fierce countenance and tall of stature, and protected on their left side by bucklers which shone with remarkable brightness. A black cloak covered both shoulders, and on their right they brandished from time to time a sword of enormous weight. Next to the Thracians stood the hired auxiliaries, their armour and costume differing according to their respective nations; and among these were some Paeonians.

[5] Next came a band of the Macedonians themselves, which they called the phalanx of the Leucaspides. A few selected for their strength and valour were more conspicuous, shining in gilded armour and scarlet cloaks: this was the middle of the army. These were succeeded by those whom they called Chalcaspides, from their brazen and glittering bucklers. This phalanx was placed next to the other on the right wing.

[6] Besides these two phalanxes, which constituted the chief strength of the Macedonian army, the targeteers, who were also Macedonians, and carried pikes like those of the phalanx, but in other respects more lightly armed, were distributed on the wings advanced, and projecting beyond the rest of the line. The plain was illuminated with the brightness of their arms, the neighbouring hills echoed with their shouts, as they mutually cheered each other on. Such was the swiftness and boldness of all these forces as they came out to the fight, that those who were first slain fell at two hundred and fifty paces from the Roman camp.

[7] Meanwhile Aemilius advanced, and when he saw not only the other Macedonians, but those who constituted the phalanx, some with their bucklers, and some with their targets removed from their shoulders, and with their pikes inclined in one direction receiving the attack of the Romans, admiring the firmness of the serried ranks, and the bristling rampart of outstretched pikes, he was smitten at once with astonishment and terror, as if he had never seen so fearful a spectacle, and was afterwards in the habit of frequently referring to it, and making this statement respecting himself. Carefully concealing however at the time the agitation of his troubled mind, he with serene countenance and careless aspect, and with his head and body undefended, drew up his line. The Pelignians were now fighting against the targeteers, who were ranged opposite to them, and when, after long and laborious efforts, they were unable to break through that compact array, Salius, who was commanding the Pelignians, seized a standard and threw it among the enemy.

[8] On this a prodigious conflict was excited, whilst on the one side the Pelignians strove with all their might to recover the standard, the Macedonians on the other to retain possession of it. The former strove either to cut through the long spears of the Macedonians, or to repel them with the bosses of their bucklers, or in some instances to turn them aside even with their naked hands, while the latter drove them firmly grasped with both hands with such force against the enemy, who rushed on with rash and heedless fury, that, penetrating shields and bucklers, they overthrew the men transfixed in like manner. The first ranks of the Pelignians having been thus defeated, those who stood behind them were also cut down, and the rest retreated towards the mountain which the inhabitants call Mount Olocrus, though not yet in open flight. On this the grief of Aemilius burst forth, so that he even rent his robe with mortification, for in other places as well he saw that his men were hanging back and approaching with timidity that hedge of steel, as it were, with which the Macedonian line bristled in every part.

[9] But that skilful general observed that this conjunction of the foe was not every where close, but that here and there it opened with little interstices, either on account of the unevenness of the ground, or on account of the very length of its front, which was immensely extended, while those who attempted to occupy higher ground were necessarily, though unwillingly, separated from those who occupied lower positions, or those who were slower from those who were faster, and those who advanced from those who held back, and lastly, those who pressed upon the enemy from those who were repulsed. In order, therefore, entirely to break the ranks of the enemy, and to distribute the irresistible attack of the entire phalanx into a number of separate conflicts, he commanded his men, that wherever they should see the line of the enemy present openings, they should individually rush to those spots, and insinuating themselves like a wedge into such spaces, however narrow their extent, they should fight with impetuosity.

[10] This order having been issued and spread through the whole army, he led on in person one of the legions to the battle.

[1]

The troops were impressed by the high dignity of his office, the personal renown of the man, and, above all, by his age: for, though more than sixty years old, he discharged the duties of youth, taking on himself the principal share both of the labour and danger. His legion filled up the space between the targeteers and the phalanxes, and thus disunited the enemy's line.

[2] Behind him were the targeteers, and his front faced the shielded phalanx of Chalcaspides. Lucius Albinus, a man of consular rank, was ordered to lead on the second legion against the phalanx of the Leucaspides, which formed the centre of the enemy's line.

[3] On the right wing, where the fight began, at the river, he brought forward the elephants, with the cohorts of allied cavalry; and from this quarter the retreat of the Macedonians first began.

[4] For as new contrivances generally make an important figure in the words of men, but on being put in practice ofttimes prove vain and ineffectual, so on that occasion the elephants in the line of battle were a mere name, without the least use. Their attack was followed by the Latin allies, who forced the enemy's left wing to give way.

[5] In the centre, the second legion charged and dispersed the phalanx;

[6] nor was there any more evident cause of the victory, than there being many distinct fights, which first disordered that body, when it wavered, and at last quite broke it. Its force, while it is compact and bristling with extended spears, is irresistible; but if, by attacking them separately, you force them to turn about their spears, which, on account of their length and weight, are unwieldy, they are mingled in a confused mass; and, if any disorder arises on the flank or rear, they fall into irretrievable disorder.

[7] Thus, now, they were obliged to oppose the Romans in small parties, and with their own line broken into numerous divisions; and the Romans, when any opening was made, worked themselves into their ranks.

[8] But had they advanced with their entire line, straight against the phalanx when in its regular order, just as happened to the Pelignians, who, in the beginning of the battle, incautiously engaged the targeteers;

[9] they would have impaled themselves on the spears, and would have been unable to withstand such a firm body.

[1]

But though a massacre was made of the infantry on all sides, except those who threw away their arms and fled, the cavalry quitted the field with scarcely any loss.

[2] The king himself was the first in flight. With the sacred squadrons of horse he took the road to Pella, and was quickly followed by Cotys and the Odrysian cavalry.

[3] The other wings of the Macedonians, likewise, went off with full ranks: because, as the line of infantry stood in the way, the slaughter of them detained the conquerors, and made them careless of pursuing the cavalry.

[4] For a long time, the men of the phalanx were cut off, in front, on the flanks, and on the rear; at last, such as could avoid the enemy's hands, fled unarmed towards the sea; some even ran into the water, and, stretching out their hands to those on board the fleet, humbly begged their lives.

[5] And when they saw boats coming from all the ships, supposing that they were coming to take them in rather than to slay them, advanced farther into the water, so that some of them even swam.

[6] But, when they were cut to pieces as enemies by the boats, such as were able regained the land by swimming back, where they met with a more dreadful death; for the elephants, which their riders had driven down to the shore, trod them under foot, and crushed them in pieces.

[7] It was generally acknowledged, that the Macedonians never lost so great a number of men in any battle with the Romans; for their killed amounted to twenty thousand; six thousand, who made their escape from the field to Pydna, fell alive into the hands of the Romans, and five thousand were taken straggling through the country.

[8] Of the victorious army there fell not more than one hundred, the greater part of whom were Pelignians; but a much greater number were wounded.

[9] If the battle had been begun earlier, so that the conquerors might have had daylight enough for a pursuit, all their troops must have been utterly destroyed. As it happened, the approach of night both screened the fugitives, and made the Romans unwilling to follow them through an unknown country.

[1]

Perseus fled as far as the Pierian wood, with a military appearance, being attended by a numerous body of horse, together with his royal retinue;

[2] but when he came into the thicket, where there were numerous paths in different directions, and when darkness came on, he turned out of the main path with a very few, in whom he placed the greatest confidence.

[3] The horsemen, abandoned by their leader, dispersed, in different directions, to their respective homes; some of whom made their way to Pella, quicker than Perseus himself, because they went by the straight and open road.

[4] The king was hindered by his fears and the many difficulties of the way, till near midnight.

[5] Perseus was met at the palace by Euctus, governor of Pella, and the royal pages; but of all his friends who had escaped from the battle by various chances, and had reached Pella, not one would come near him, though they were repeatedly sent for. Only three persons accompanied him in his flight; Evander a Cretan, Neo a Bœotian, and Archidamus an Aetolian.

[6] With these he continued his retreat, at the fourth watch;

[7] for he began to fear, lest those who had refused to obey his summons, might, presently, attempt something more audacious. He had an escort of about five hundred Cretans.

[8] He took the road to Amphipolis; leaving Pella in the night, and hastening to get over the river Axius before daylight, as he thought that it, from the difficulty of passing it, would put an end to the further pursuit of the Romans.

[1]

The consul, when he returned victorious to his camp, to mar his entire joy, was much distressed by concern for his younger son.

[2] This was Publius Scipio, who afterwards acquired the title of Africanus by the destruction of Carthage. He was, by birth, the son of the consul Paullus, and by adoption, the grandson of the elder Africanus.

[3] He was then only in the seventeenth year of his age, which circumstance heightened his father's anxiety; for, pursuing the enemy with eagerness, he had been carried away by the crowd to a distant part. But when he returned late in the evening, the consul, having received his son in safety, felt unmixed joy for the very important victory.

[4] When the news of the battle reached Amphipolis, the matrons ran together to the temple of Diana, whom they style Tauropolos, to implore her aid. Diodorus, who was governor of the city, fearing lest the Thracians, of whom there were two thousand in garrison, might, during the confusion, plunder the city, contrived to receive in the middle of the forum a letter through a person whom he had deceitfully suborned to personate a courier.

[5] The contents of it were, that

the Romans had put in their fleet at Emathia, and were ravaging the territory round; and that the governors of Emathia besought him to send a reinforcement to oppose the ravagers.

[6] After reading this, he desired the Thracians to march to the relief of the coast of Emathia, telling them, as an encouragement, that the Romans being dispersed through the country, they might easily kill many of them, and gain a large booty.

[7] At the same time he threw discredit on the report of the defeat, alleging that, if it were true, many would have come thither direct from the retreat.

[8] Having, on this pretence, sent the Thracians out of the town, he no sooner saw them pass the river Strymon, than he shut the gates.

[1]

On the third day after the battle, Perseus arrived at Amphipolis, and sent thence to Paullus suppliant ambassadors, with the wand of peace.

[2] In the mean time, Hippias Medon, and Pantauchus, the principal friends of the king, went themselves to the consul, and surrendered to the Romans the city of Berœa, to which they had fled after the battle; and several other cities, struck with fear, prepared to do the same.

[3] The consul despatched to Rome, with letters and the news of his victory, his son Quintus Fabius, Lucius Lentulus, and Quintus Metellus. He gave to his infantry the spoils of the enemy who were slain, and to his cavalry the plunder of the circumjacent country, provided, however, that they did not stay out of the camp longer than two nights. He himself then removed nearer the sea towards Pydna.

[4] Berœa, Thessalonica, and Pella, and indeed almost every city in Macedonia, successively surrendered within two days.

[5] The inhabitants of Pydna, which was the nearest, had not yet sent any ambassadors;

[6] the confused multitude, made up of many different nations, with the numbers who had been driven into one place in their flight from the battle, embarrassed the counsels and unanimity of the inhabitants; the gates, too, were not only shut, but closed up with walls. Milo and Pantauchus were sent to confer, under the wall, with Solon, who commanded in the place.

[7] By his means the crowd of military people were sent away, and the town was surrendered and given up to the soldiers to be plundered.

[8] Perseus, after making a single effort to procure the assistance of the Basaltians, to whom he had sent ambassadors in vain, came forth into a general assembly, bringing with him his son Philip, in order to encourage the Amphipolitans themselves, and to raise the spirits of those horse and foot soldiers who had either constantly accompanied him, or had happened to fly to the same place.

[9] But, though he made several attempts to speak, he was always stopped by his tears;

[10] so that, finding himself unable to proceed, he told Evander, the Cretan, what he wished to have laid before the people, and came down from the tribunal.

[11] Although the multitude, on observing the aspect of the king, and his pitiable weeping, had themselves sighed and wept with him, yet they refused to listen to the discourse of Evander; and some, from the middle of the assembly, had the assurance to interrupt him, exclaiming,

Depart to some other place, that the few of us who are left alive may not be destroyed on your account.

Their daring opposition stopped Evander's mouth.

[12] The king retired to his palace; and, causing his treasures to be put on board some barks which lay in the Strymon, went down himself to the river. The Thracians would not venture to trust themselves on board, but went off to their own homes, as did the rest of the soldiers.

[13] The Cretans only followed in hope of the money: but, as any distribution of it among them would probably raise more discontent than gratitude, fifty talents ¹⁴ were laid for them on the bank, to be scrambled for. After this scramble they went on board, yet in such hurry and disorder, that they sunk one of the barks, which was swamped by numbers in the mouth of the river.

[14] They arrived that day at Galepsus, and the next at Samothrace, to which they were bound.

[15] Thither it is said that as many as two thousand talents ¹⁵ were conveyed.

[1]

Paullus sent officers to hold the government of the several cities which had surrendered; lest, at a time when peace was but newly restored, the conquered might suffer any ill treatment. He detained with himself the ambassadors of Perseus;

[2] and, being uninformed of the flight of the king, detached Publius Nasica, with a small party of horse and foot, to Amphipolis, both that he might lay waste the country of Sintice, and be ready to obstruct every effort of the king. In the mean time, Melibœa was taken and sacked by Cneius Octavius.

[3] At Aeginium, to which Cneius Anicius, a lieutenant-general, had been despatched, two hundred men were lost by a sally made from the town; the Aeginians not being aware that the war was at an end. The consul, quitting Pydna, arrived with his whole army, on the second day, at Pella; and, pitching his camp at the distance of a mile from it, remained in that station for several days, reconnoitring on all sides the situation of the city; and he perceived that it was chosen to be the capital of the kingdom, not without good reason.

[4] It stands on a hill which faces the south-west, and is surrounded by morasses, formed by stagnant waters from the adjacent lakes, so deep as to be impassable either in winter or summer.

[5] In the part of the morass nearest to the city the citadel rises up like an island, being built on a mound of earth formed with immense labour, so as to be capable of supporting the wall, and secure against any injury from the water of the surrounding marsh.

[6] At a distance it seems to join the city rampart, but is divided from it by a river, and united by a bridge; so that if externally invaded it has no access from any part, and if the king chooses to confine any person within it, there is no way for an escape except by that bridge, which can be guarded with great ease.

[7] This was the depository of the royal treasure; but, at that time, there was nothing found there but the three hundred talents which had been sent to king Gentius, and afterwards brought back. While they were stationed at Pella, audience was given to a great number of embassies, which came with congratulations, especially out of Thessaly. Then, receiving intelligence that Perseus had passed over to Samothrace, the consul departed from Pella, and after four days' march, arrived at Amphipolis.

[8] Here the whole multitude poured out of the town to meet him; a plain demonstration that the people considered themselves not as ¹⁶

History of Rome Perseus (Volumes 1-2. Roberts, Canon, Rev, translator. London, New York: J. M. Dent and Sons; E. P. Dutton and Co., 1912.) — 44.1.1 focus

[1]

At the beginning of the following spring, the consul Q. Marcius Philippus arrived in Brundisium with the 5000 men who were to reinforce his legions. M. Popilius, an ex-consul, and a number of young men of equally noble birth, followed the consul as military tribunes for the legions in Macedonia.

[2] C. Marcius Figulus, who was to command the fleet, reached Brundisium at the same time, and he and the consul left Italy together.

[3] The following day they made Corcyra, the next day Actium, the seaport of Acarnania. The consul landed at Ambracia and proceeded by land to Thessaly. Figulus sailed past Leucatas and entered the Gulf of Corinth.

[4] Leaving his ship at Creusa he hurried on through the middle of Boeotia-a one day's march for a lightly-equipped soldier-to join the fleet at Chalcis. A. Hostilius was at the time in a camp near Palaepharsalus in Thessaly.

[5] He had not fought any important action but he had checked the licence and disorder of his soldiers and brought them up to a state of complete military efficiency, and he had been consistently honourable in his conduct towards the allies and protected them from all injustice and oppression. On hearing of the arrival of his successor he made a careful inspection of the arms, the men and the horses, and went to meet the consul with his army in complete equipment.

[6] Their first meeting was quite in accord with their rank and their character as Romans, and subsequently they worked in perfect harmony as long as the proconsul stayed with the army.

[7] A few days later the consul addressed his troops. He first alluded to Perseus's contemplated assassination of his father, and his actual murder of his brother, and then went on to describe how, after his

[8] crimes had secured him the crown, he had recourse to poisoning and bloodshed; how he laid an infamous plot against Eumenes, inflicted injuries against the people of Rome, and plundered the cities of the allies of Rome in violation of the existing treaty.

[9] He would find out in the ruin of his fortunes how hateful all this conduct was to the gods, for the gods bestowed their favour on natural affection and honourable dealing; it was by these that the Roman people gained their lofty position in the world.

[10] He next drew a comparison between the strength of Rome, embracing as she does the world, and the strength of Macedonia, army against army.

[11] "How much greater," he exclaimed, "were the forces of Philip and Antiochus, and yet they were shattered by armies no stronger than ours today."

[1]

After kindling the spirits of his men by speeches of this kind, he consulted his staff on the strategy of the war. C. Marius, the praetor, who had taken over the command of the fleet, was also present.

[2] They decided not to waste any more time in Thessaly, but to go forward at once into Macedonia, and the praetor was to make

[3] a naval attack on the enemy's coast at the same time.

[4] The consul issued orders for the soldiers to take a month's supply of corn. Ten days after taking over the command of the army he broke up the camp, and at the end of the first

[5] day's march he called the guides together and told them to explain to the council what route each of them would choose. After they had withdrawn he asked the council to say which they thought best.

[6] Some preferred the route through the Pythian Pass; others were in favour of the road over the Cambunian Range which the consul Hostilius had taken the previous year; others again chose the road by Lake Ascuris.

[7] All these routes had a considerable section in common; the further discussion was therefore adjourned until they reached the point where they began to diverge.

[8] From there he marched into Perrhaebia and went into camp between Azorus and Doliche, to hold a second consultation as to the best route to take. During this time Perseus had heard that the enemy were approaching, but did not know which route they were taking.

[9] He decided to occupy all the passes, and sent 10,000 light infantry under Asclepiodotus to hold a peak in the Cambunian Range-its local name is Volustana.

[10] At a fortified place above Lake Ascuris, called Lapathus, Hippias with 12,000 Macedonians was posted to defend the pass.

[11] Perseus himself with the rest of his force formed an entrenched camp at Dium. And here it would almost seem as if his reasoning faculties were benumbed and he

[12] was destitute of all resource, for he used to start from his camp at Dium with an escort of light cavalry, and gallop to Heraclea or to Phila, returning at the same speed to Dium.

[1]

In the meanwhile the consul had made up his mind to march through the pass near Ottolobus, where as already stated the king's forces were; 4000 men were nevertheless sent on in advance to occupy suitable positions.

[2] They were under the command of M. Claudius and Q. Marcius, the consul's son.

[3] The whole of the force followed very soon afterwards. The road, however, was so steep and rough and stony that the light troops in advance had, with great difficulty, covered only fifteen miles when they formed their camp and rested at a place called Dierum.

[4] On the following day they advanced seven miles and after seizing some rising ground not far from the enemy's camp, they sent word to the consul that they had reached the enemy, and had established themselves in a safe and extremely advantageous position, so that he might follow at such speed as he could.

[5] The messenger found the consul at Lake Ascuris in a state of anxiety about the difficulties of the route upon which he had entered and also about the fate of those few troops whom he had sent in advance to the positions occupied by the enemy.

[6] He was greatly relieved at hearing the message sent him, and marching on with his main body reunited the whole of his force and encamped in an admirable position on the slopes of the hill already occupied.

[7] Its height was such that it commanded a view not only of the enemy's camp, which was not more than a mile distant, but of the whole of the country up to Dium and Phila and the far-extended line of the sea coast.

[8] The soldiers' spirits rose when they saw the whole weight of the war, the entire military strength of the king and the hostile country so near them.

[9] They pressed the consul to lead them at once against the enemy, but he allowed them one day's rest after the toils of the march.

[10] The next day, leaving a detachment to guard the camp, he led them out to battle.

[1]

Hippias had recently been sent by the king to guard the pass, and as soon as he caught sight of the Roman camp on the hill he prepared his men for battle and marched to meet the enemy's column as it advanced.

[2] The Romans went into the fight in light equipment; the enemy force, too, consisted of light infantry; these troops are the readiest to commence an action.

[3] When the two bodies met they at once discharged their missiles; many wounds were inflicted in their random charges, a few were killed.

[4] The following day they engaged in a more exasperated temper and in great strength, and had there been more space in which to deploy their lines a decisive action might have been fought. The summit of the mountain narrows into a wedge-shaped ridge which hardly allows a front to be formed of three men abreast. So while the actual fighting was carried on by a few, the rest, especially the heavy infantry, stood and watched it.

[5] The light infantry were able to run forward through the dips in the ridge and attack the flanks of the enemy's light infantry, both where the ground was favourable and where it was not.

[6] Night put an end to the battle in which more had been wounded than killed.

The next day the Roman commander was at a loss what to do.

[7] To stay on the bare mountain height was impossible; it was equally impossible for him to retreat without loss of honour and even without danger should the enemy attack him from the higher ground. There was only one course left, to carry through the adventure with the same rashness with which he had entered upon it;

[8] a policy which the result sometimes proves to be a wise one. Matters had come to this-if the consul had had an enemy like the old kings of Macedonia he might have incurred a crushing defeat.

[9] Whilst, however, Perseus was riding with his cavalry along the coast at Dium and heard twelve miles away the noise and clamour of the fighting, he did not strengthen his line by sending fresh men to replace those who had borne the burden of the combat, nor, what was most important of all, did he himself appear on the field. And yet the Roman commander, more than sixty years old and very stout, was discharging personally all the duties of a soldier with unflagging energy.

[10] To the very last he showed the same splendid audacity as he had at the beginning.

[11] Leaving Popilius to hold the summit he made preparations to cross the ridge and sent men to clear a way where before there was not even a track. Attalus and Misagenes with their two contingents were told off to protect the pioneers.

[12] The cavalry and baggage formed the front part of the column, the consul with his legions followed.

[1]

It is impossible to describe the toil and difficulty they experienced in descending the mountain, with the baggage and animals and their packs perpetually falling.

[2] They had hardly gone four miles when the one thing they desired above all else was to return if possible to their starting point. The elephants caused almost as much confusion in the line as the enemy might have done; when they came to places which could not be crossed they flung their drivers off and created great alarm, especially among the horses, by their appalling roar, until a plan was devised for getting them across.

[3] The steepness of the slope was measured and two long stout poles were firmly fastened in the ground at the bottom of it somewhat wider apart than the breadth of the animal.

[4] On the top of the poles a cross-beam was fastened and with their ends resting on this beam, balks 30 feet long were fastened together so as to form a bridge, and then covered with earth.

[5] A short distance away another similar bridge was constructed, and then a third, and so on wherever the descent was precipitous.

[6] The elephant went from the solid ground on to the bridge, and just before he reached the lower end of it the poles were cut away and the bridge subsided down to the beginning of the next bridge below it.

[7] The elephants were thus compelled to slide quietly down, some on their feet, some on their haunches. When the level of the next bridge was reached. the lower end was made to fall in the same way and the elephants were carried down until they reached more level ground.

[8] The Romans advanced little more than seven miles that day. Very little of this was done on their feet; their mode of progression was for the most part to roll down with their arms and the other things they had to carry in a most uncomfortable and painful manner; so much so indeed that even their general himself who was responsible for the expedition admitted that the entire army could have been annihilated by a small body of assailants.

[9] At nightfall they came to a small plain shut in on all sides. They had at last reached a place which afforded them a sure foothold, but they had not much time for looking round and seeing how exposed the position was.

[10] The next day they had to wait in this valley for Popilius and the detachment left with him, and these men, though the enemy nowhere threatened them, found a most troublesome enemy in the difficulties of the descent.

[11] The army, once more united, marched the next day through the pass called by the natives Callipeuce. From there the march was as rough and difficult as before, but they had learnt by experience and were in a more hopeful mood because the enemy nowhere showed himself, and they were approaching the sea.

[12] When they had descended into the level country between Heracleum and Libethrum, they formed their camp.

[13] The greater part of the infantry were on rising ground; that part of the plain where the cavalry had their tents was enclosed with the rest by the rampart.

[1]

The king was having his bath when news was brought of the approach of the enemy. On hearing it he sprang in a panic from his seat and rushed out, exclaiming that he was conquered without a battle.

[2] Amidst distracted plans and contradictory orders he sent two of his ''friends", the one to Pella to throw into the sea the treasures that were stored at Phacus, the other to burn the fleet. He recalled Asclepiodotus and Hippias and their troops from the places they were occupying, and left all the approaches to Macedonia open to the enemy.

[3] All the gilded statues were carried off from Dium to prevent their falling into the hands of the enemy, and the inhabitants were forced to remove to Pydna. Thus what might have been thought recklessness on the part of the consul in advancing to a place from which he could not retreat, had the enemy chosen to stop him, was actually made to look like a carefully-planned-out act of daring.

[4] The Romans had two passes through which they might emerge from their present position:

[5] one through Tempe into Thessaly, the other past Dium and into Macedonia; and both were held by the king's troops.

[6] If, therefore, there had been an intrepid general who could have held out for ten days against what at first sight looked like a steadily advancing danger, there would have been no retreat open to the Romans through Tempe into Thessaly, nor any possibility of carrying supplies through;

[7] for the pass of Tempe is a difficult one to traverse, even if it is not occupied by an enemy.

[8] In addition to the narrowness of the road which for five miles affords scanty footing for a loaded animal, there are on both sides sheer cliffs, so precipitous that you cannot look down without feeling dizzy. The noise and depth of the Peneus flowing through the middle of the ravine adds to the stern and forbidding effect. This district, so strong by nature, was held by detachments of the king's troops at four different places.

[9] One was posted at the mouth of the pass at Gonnus; a second in Condylus, an impregnable stronghold;

[10] a third at Lapathus, which they call Charax; a fourth on the road itself in the middle of the narrowest part of the valley. where ten men could easily make a successful defence.

[11] The conveyance of supplies and their own return through Tempe were thus alike cut off, and they would have had to make their way back to the mountains over which they had come.

[12] They had escaped the observation of the enemy before; they could not do so now with his troops posted on the commanding heights, and the difficulties they had experienced destroyed all hopes.

[13] There was no course left in this rash adventure but to go through the midst of the enemy and enter Macedonia by way

[14] of Dium, and this, if the gods had not deprived the king of his reason, would have been a task of enormous difficulty. The spurs of Mount Olympus leave only a width of a mile between the mountain and the sea.

[15] Half this space is filled by the broad marshes at the mouth of the Baphyrus, the rest of the ground is taken up either by the temple of Jupiter or the town itself. The little bit that is left could be blocked by a small fosse and rampart, and there was such a quantity of stones and growing timber at hand that a wall might have been thrown up and turrets raised.

[16] Blinded by the suddenness of the danger, the king took none of these things into consideration;

[17] he withdrew his garrisons, leaving every place open and defenceless, and fled to Pydna.

[1]

The consul saw in the foolish and cowardly conduct of his enemy the strongest assurance of safety for himself and his army, and the bright prospect of final victory. Orders were despatched to Sp. Lucretius at Larisa to seize the strongholds round Tempe which the enemy had abandoned and Popilius was sent forward to reconnoitre the passes round Dium.

[2] When he found that the country was clear in every direction he made an advance, and after marching for two days arrived at Dium. He ordered the site for the camp to be marked out just under the temple in order that the sanctity of the place might in no way be violated.

[3] On entering the place he found that though it was not large, it was, nevertheless, so adorned by public buildings and a whole multitude of statues, and so strongly fortified, that it was difficult to believe there was not some sinister motive behind the purposeless abandonment of so much wealth and splendour.

[4] After spending a day in thoroughly exploring the neighbourhood, he resumed his advance, and in the belief that there would be an abundant supply of corn in Pieria, he marched as far as the River Mitys, and the next day to Agassae.

[5] The population surrendered this city to him, and with the view of making a favourable impression on the rest of the Macedonians, he contented himself with demanding hostages, and left the city without stationing a garrison and promised that the citizens should be exempt from tribute and live under their own laws.

[6] Another day's march brought him to the River Ascordus, where he encamped. As he found that the further he advanced from Thessaly the greater was the difficulty of obtaining any supplies whatever, he returned to Dium, and there was no doubt

[7] in any one's mind as to what they would have had to endure had they been cut off altogether from Thessaly, seeing that it was not safe to march any distance from it.

[8] Perseus assembled all his troops together with their generals and severely censured the commandants of the garrisons-Asclepiodotus and Hippias most of all.

[9] He declared that they had handed over the keys of Macedonia to the Romans, but no one could more justly be charged with this than he himself.

[10] When the consul descried the fleet out at sea, he quite hoped that the ships were bringing supplies, for provisions were extremely dear and the supply almost exhausted. But from those who had already entered the harbour he learnt that the cargo ships had been left behind at Magnesia.

[11] Whilst he was quite undecided what to do-for he had to contend with the difficulties of the situation quite apart from anything the enemy might do to aggravate them-a despatch was handed to him from Sp. Lucretius stating that he had discovered that the strongholds commanding the Vale of

[12] Tempe, and those in the neighbourhood of Phila, all held abundance of corn and of other necessary supplies.

[1]

The consul was highly delighted at receiving this information and marched from Dium to Phila that he might strengthen the garrison there, and at the same time distribute the corn to his men, as the supplies were being so slowly brought up.

[2] This movement provoked comments that were anything but favourable. Some said he retreated through fear of the enemy, because had he remained in Pieria he would have had to give battle.

[3] Others held that unaware of the perpetual changes of fortune, he had thrown away the opportunities which presented themselves, and let slip through his fingers what it would very soon be impossible to recover.

[4] For the evacuation of Dium woke up his enemy, who then for the first time realised the necessity of recovering what had been previously lost through his own fault.

[5] When he heard of the consul's withdrawal he returned to Dium, repaired what had been shattered and devastated by the Romans, replaced the battlements which had been shaken down, strengthened the walls in all directions, and finally fixed his camp on the other bank of the Elpeus. This river is an extremely dangerous one to cross, and it served to protect his camp.

[6] It rises on Mount Olympus; in summer it is a narrow brook, but when swollen by winter storms it rushes over the boulders in enormous eddies and washing out the earth at the bottom and carrying it down to the sea, it forms whirlpools of great depth, and the continual hollowing out of the channel leaves the banks precipitous on both sides.

[7] As Perseus believed that the advance of the enemy would be arrested by this river, it was his intention to spend the rest of the summer there.

[8] The consul meanwhile sent Popilius with 2000 men from Phila to Heracleum.

[9] This place is about five miles distant from Phila, midway between Dium and Tempe, and is situated on a cliff which overhangs the river.

[1]

Before Popilius commenced the assault he tried to induce the magistrates and chief men to test the good faith and clemency of the Romans rather than their strength.

[2] His appeal made no impression on them, for they saw the fires in the distance of the king's camp by the Elpeus. Then the attack began in earnest, by land and also by sea-for the fleet was moored off the shore-by direct assault as well as by the employment of siege engines and artillery.

[3] Some young Romans turned their training in the Circus games to purposes of war and in this way seized the lowest portion of the wall.

[4] Before the extravagant habit came in of filling the Circus with animals from all parts of the world, it was the practice to devise various forms of amusement, as the chariot and horse races were over within the hour.

[5] Amongst other exhibitions, bodies of youths, numbering generally about sixty, but larger in the more elaborate games, were introduced fully armed. To some extent they represented the maneuvers of an army, but their movements were more skilful and resembled more nearly the combat of gladiators.

[6] After going through various evolutions, they formed a solid square with their shields held over their heads, touching one another; those in the front rank standing erect; those in the second slightly stooping; those in the third and fourth bending lower and lower; whilst those in the rear rank rested on their knees. In this way they formed a testudo, which sloped like the roof of a house.

[7] From a distance of fifty feet two fully armed men ran forward and, pretending to threaten one another, went from the lowest to the highest part of the testudo over the closely locked shields; at one moment assuming an attitude of defiance on the very edge, and then rushing at one another in the middle of it just as though they were jumping about on solid ground.

A testudo formed in this way was brought up against the lowest part of the wall.

[8] When the soldiers who were mounted on it came close up to the wall they were at the same height as the defenders, and when these were driven off, the soldiers of two companies climbed over into the city.

[9] The only difference was that the front rank and the files did not raise their shields above their heads for fear of exposing themselves; they held them in front as in battle. Thus they were not hit by the missiles from the walls, and those which were hurled on the testudo rolled off harmlessly to the ground like a shower of rain from the roof of a house.

[10] Now that Heracleum was taken, the consul encamped there, apparently with the intention of marching to Dium and, after driving the king from there, on to Pieria. But he was already making his preparations for wintering, and ordered roads to be constructed for the transport of supplies

[11] from Thessaly, suitable places for storing corn to be selected and houses to be built where those who brought up the supplies could be lodged.

[1]

When Perseus had recovered from his panic, he began to wish that his commands had not been obeyed, when in his hurry he ordered his treasure at Pella to be thrown into the sea and the naval arsenal at Thessalonica to be burnt.

[2] Andronicus, who had been sent for that purpose to

[3] Thessalonica, had delayed carrying out his orders and, as it happened, left the king time for repentance.

[4] Nicias was not so cautious and had thrown that part of the money which was lying at Phacus overboard, but the mistake proved to be not irremediable, for almost the whole was fished up by divers.

[5] The king was so ashamed of his fright that he ordered the divers to be secretly put to death, and the same fate overtook Andronicus and Nicias, in order that no one alive might know anything about his insane orders. C. Marcius sailed with his fleet from Heracleum to Thessalonica and disembarking armed forces on many points along the coast devastated the country far and wide.

[6] He engaged successfully the troops who hurried out of the city and drove them back in hasty flight to the shelter of their walls.

[7] He was now creating alarm in the city itself, but the citizens placed artillery of all kinds on the walls, and not only those who ventured near the walls but even the men on board were hit by the stones which hurtled from their engines.

[8] The troops were accordingly ordered again on board and the siege of Thessalonica was abandoned.

[9] They sailed thence to Aelia, about fifteen miles distant, lying opposite to Pydna, and possessing a fertile soil. After devastating this district they coasted along as far as Antigonea.

[10] Here they went ashore and carried off a considerable amount of plunder to the ships. While thus engaged they were attacked by a composite force of Macedonian infantry and cavalry, who put them to flight and pursued them down to the shore, killing some 500 of them and taking quite as many prisoners.

[11] Finding themselves prevented from gaining the safe shelter of their ships, the very necessity of their situation rekindled the courage of the Romans, and under the incentives of shame and despair they renewed the fight on the beach.

[12] The men in the ships helped them and about 200 Macedonians were slain and an equal number were taken prisoners.

[1]

The fleet sailed on to the territory of Pallene where they went ashore to plunder.

[2] This district, by far the most fertile of all those on the coast along which they had sailed, belonged to Cassandrea. Here Eumenes, who had sailed from Elaea, met them with twenty decked ships, and five had also been sent by Prusias.

[3] This accession of strength emboldened the praetor to attempt the capture of Cassandrea. This city was built by Cassander on the narrow isthmus which connects the district of Pallene with the rest of Macedonia, and is washed on one side by the Toronaic Gulf and on the other by the Gulf of Macedonia.

[4] The tongue of land on which it stands projects into the sea, forming a promontory equal in extent to the towering Mount Athos. In the direction of Magnesia it has two headlands; the larger one is called the Posideum, the smaller the Cape of Canastra. The attack was commenced on two sides.

[5] The Roman commander, at a place called Clitae, carried his lines through from the Macedonian to the Toronaic Gulf and hedged them with forked poles to cut off all communication with the north. On the other side there was a canal, and here Eumenes was operating. The Romans had a very heavy task in filling up a fosse which Perseus had recently excavated for the defence of the town. The praetor, seeing no heaps lying about anywhere, enquired where the earth out of the fosse had been carried.

[6] Some arches were pointed out to him which had been built, not up to the thickness of the old wall, but to that of a single brick. The consul formed the design of breaking through these and penetrating into the city, and he thought he might do this unobserved, if the scaling parties assaulted the walls elsewhere and called off the defenders to these threatened points.

[7] The garrison of Cassandrea consisted of a far from contemptible force of able-bodied townsmen, and in addition 800 Agrianes and 2000 Illyrians sent by Pleuratus from Peneste, all keen fighters.

[8] Whilst these were defending the walls where the Romans were doing their utmost to surmount them, the brickwork of the arches was broken down in a moment and the city laid open. If those who had made the breaches had been armed, they would have taken the place at once.

[9] When the soldiers heard that this had been effected, they were so delighted that they raised a sudden cheer and prepared to break into the city at various points.

[1]

For a moment the enemy wondered what this sudden cheer meant.

[2] Then, on learning that the city lay open, the commandants of the garrison, Pytho and Philip, thinking that this would be an advantage to whichever side was the first to attack, made a sortie with a strong body of Agrianes and Illyrians and charged the Romans who were coming up from all sides and were massing with the intention of entering the city in regular formation. Unable to present a firm front or proper line of battle, they were routed and pursued as far as the fosse, into which they were driven headlong, and lay in heaps.

[3] Nearly 600 were killed there, and almost all who were caught between the wall and the fosse were wounded.

[4] His attempt thus recoiling on himself made the praetor somewhat slow in forming other plans. Eumenes, too, who was making a combined attack by land and sea, was equally unsuccessful.

[5] It was decided therefore to post strong detachments on both sides of the city to prevent any succour being introduced from Macedonia, and then, as direct assault had failed, to commence a regular siege. Whilst they were preparing for this, ten swift ships belonging to Perseus's fleet were sent up from Thessalonica with a picked force of Gaulish mercenaries on board.

[6] When they caught sight of the Roman fleet standing out to sea, they waited till the depth of night, and then sailing in single line they made for the nearest point on which to disembark, and so entered the city.

[7] The news of this addition to the defence compelled Eumenes and the Romans to raise the siege. Sailing round the promontory they brought up at Torone.

[8] This place, too, they prepared to attack, but on finding that there was a strong body of defenders they gave up the attempt and shaped their course to Demetrias. On approaching the walls they saw that they were fully manned, so they sailed on to Iolcus, intending after devastating the district to attack Demetrias from that side.

[1]

In order that he might not remain perfectly inactive in the enemy's country, the consul sent M. Popilius with 5000 men to attack Meliboea.

[2] This city lies on the lower spurs of Ossa, looking towards Thrace and in a position to command Demetrias.

[3] At first the appearance of the enemy dismayed the inhabitants, but on recovering from their alarm, they flew to arms and ran to the gates and walls, wherever they suspected that an entrance might be forced, and in this way put an end to any hopes that the city might be taken at the first assault.

[4] Preparations were accordingly made for a regular siege and the construction of the necessary works was commenced. Perseus heard that Meliboea was being attacked by the consul's army and that the fleet was lying off Iolcus, preparatory to an attack on Demetrias.

[5] He sent one of his generals, a man called Euphranor, with a picked force of 2000 men to Meliboea. This officer was ordered, in case he cleared the Romans away from Meliboea, to make a secret march to Demetrias and enter the city before the Romans advanced against it from Iolcus.

[6] His sudden appearance on the ground above the Roman lines created great alarm amongst the besiegers of Meliboea; their works were abandoned and burnt.

[7] The siege of the one city being raised, Euphranor hurried on to Demetrias. In the night . . . not only the walls . . . but even their fields they felt sure could be protected from ravages. They made sorties and attacked the scattered groups of plunderers, not without wounding many of them.

[8] However, the praetor and Eumenes rode round the walls, examining the situation of the city, to see if they could not make an attempt somewhere, either by siege-works or by storm.

[9] There was a rumour that negotiations for the establishment of friendly relations between Perseus and Eumenes had been carried on by Cydas of Crete and Antimachus, the governor of Demetrias.

[10] At all events, the Romans withdrew from Demetrias. Eumenes sailed away to visit the consul, and after congratulating him upon his successful invasion of Macedonia, went home.

[11] The praetor sent part of his fleet to Sciathus to lie up for the winter; with the rest of his ships he steered for Oreum in Euboea, as he considered that city the most suitable base from which supplies could be sent to the armies in Macedonia and Thessaly.

[12] Very different accounts are given of Eumenes. If you are to believe Valerius Antias, the praetor received no assistance from his fleet, though he had often written for his co-operation, and further, when he left for Asia, he was not on good terms with the consul, nor could the consul induce him to leave behind the Gaulish cavalry whom he had brought with him.

[13] Valerius goes on to say that Eumenes's brother Attalus remained with the

[14] consul, was unswervingly loyal to him and rendered splendid service in the war.

[1]

Whilst the Macedonian war was going on, envoys from a Transalpine Gaulish chieftain Balanos-his name is given but not that of his tribe-went to Rome with promises of assistance in the war.

[2] Thanks were accorded to them by the senate, and presents sent to their chief-a golden chain, two pounds in weight, and four golden bowls, each weighing one pound, a horse with all its trappings, and a complete set of equestrian armour.

[3] The Gauls were followed by a deputation from Pamphylia, who brought into the senate-house a golden crown made out of 20,000 "philippei," and begged that they might be allowed to place it as an offering in the shrine of Jupiter Optimus Maximus in the Capitol.

[4] Permission was granted, and the senate also acceded to their request for a renewal of the league of friendship with Rome; they each received a present of 2000 ases.

[5] An audience was then granted to envoys from Prusias, and shortly afterwards to those from Rhodes. Both embassies dealt with the same subject, but on very different lines; they both pleaded for peace with Perseus.

[6] The tone of Prusias's representatives was one of entreaty rather than demand. Prusias declared that he had stood by the Romans up to that time, and would continue to do so as long as the war lasted, but when envoys from Perseus approached him with the object of bringing the war with Rome to an end he had promised to intercede for him with the senate.

[7] He begged them, if they could make up their minds to lay aside their resentment, to look favourably upon him as the instrument of procuring peace. Such was the appeal which the king's envoys made.

[8] The Rhodians were far less deprecatory. They enumerated the services they had rendered to the people of Rome, and practically claimed the greater share in the victory over Antiochus at all events.

[9] Whilst there was peace between Macedonia and Rome, friendly relations were formed between them and Perseus. Much against their will they had broken off that friendship, without his having done anything to deserve such treatment, because the Romans had thought good to draw them as allies into the war.

[10] For three years they had been suffering many of the evils of war; the sea had been closed to them, and without supplies by sea their island was in a state of destitution.

[11] They could not put up with this state of things any longer, and had therefore sent to Macedonia to inform Perseus that the Rhodians wished him to come to terms with Rome, and they had sent their envoys on a similar mission to Rome.

[12] The Rhodians would consider how they would have to act against those who prevented the war from being brought to a close. I am quite certain that even today such language cannot be read or heard without a deep feeling of indignation.

[13] It can then be imagined what the state of mind of the senators was as they listened to it.

[1]

According to Claudius no reply was vouchsafed to them, but the decree of the senate was read over, in which the people of Rome made an order that Caria and Lycia should be free States, and it was decided that this decree should be at once transmitted to both nations.

[2] On hearing this the leader of the legation, whose boastful language the House had a few moments before hardly been able to endure, fell down in a state of collapse.

[3] Other writers assert the reply they received was to the following effect: At the outset of the war the Roman people had ascertained on trustworthy evidence that the Rhodians had been forming secret designs in conjunction with Perseus against the Republic,

[4] and if there had been any doubt as to this before, the language of the envoys had now reduced it to a certainty. Dishonest dealing, even if at the beginning it has been somewhat cautious, generally betrays itself in the long run.

[5] The Rhodians were now acting as arbitrators of peace and war over the whole world; the Romans were to take up and lay down their arms at the beck and nod of Rhodes; it was no longer the gods who were to be invoked as the witnesses and guardians of treaties, but the Rhodians.

[6] Was this really so? Unless they obeyed the orders of Rhodes and withdrew their armies from Macedonia, were the Rhodians going to consider what steps to take?

[7] What steps they would take the Rhodians knew best, but the people of Rome would consider, after Perseus had been crushed, and they hoped that time was not far off, what recompense they should make to each State according to its deserts in that war.

[8] However, a present of 2000 ases was sent to each of the delegates, but they refused to accept it.

[1]

The next thing was a despatch from the consul Q. Marcius, which was read in the senate, describing his march over the mountains and his invasion of Macedonia.

[2] Supplies had been accumulated there and drawn from other places against the winter, and he had received from the Epirots 20,000 modii of wheat and 10,000 of barley on the understanding that the money for that corn should be paid to their agents in Rome.

[3] Clothing for the soldiers would have to be sent from Rome; about 200 horses were needed, mainly for the Numidians; he had no chance of getting them in the country where he was.

[4] The senate made an order that everything should be carried out in accordance with the consults requirements. The praetor C. Sulpicius contracted for the supply of 6000 togas, 30,000 tunics and 200 horses to be transported to Macedonia and delivered to the consul, subject to his approval.

[5] He also paid the Epirot representatives for the corn and introduced to the senate Onesimus the son of Pytho, a Macedonian of high rank, who had always urged peaceful counsels on the king and advised him to keep up the custom, which his father Philip had observed to the last days of his life, of reading over twice daily the text of his treaty with Rome, or if he could not always do so, to do it frequently.

[6] When he saw that he could not deter him from war, he gradually withdrew himself on various pretexts from attendance on the king so that he might not be involved in proceedings which he did not approve of. At last, when he found that he had aroused suspicion and that now and again charges of treason were brought against him, he went over to the Romans and became extremely useful to the consul.

[7] On his introduction to the senate he mentioned these circumstances, and the senate made an order for him to be formally enrolled amongst the allies, quarters and free hospitality to be provided for him, 200 jugera of the State domain in the Tarentine district to be allotted to him, and a house to be purchased for him in Tarentum. The praetor C. Decimius was charged with the execution of this order.

[8] On December 13 the censors revised the roll of burgesses more strictly than on the last occasion. Many of the equites were degraded; amongst them P. Rutilius who, as tribune of the plebs, had shown so much bitterness in prosecuting them. He was now expelled from his tribe and registered among the aerarii.

[9] On a resolution of the senate, half the proceeds of the year's revenue was assigned to them by the quaestor for the construction of public works.

[10] Out of the sum allotted to him Tiberius Sempronius purchased for the State the dwelling-house of P. Africanus behind the "Old Shops" by the statue of Vertumnus, together with the butchers' stalls and the booths adjoining.

[11] He also signed a contract for the construction of the building afterwards known as the Basilica Sempronia.

[1]

It was now near the end of the year and as men's thoughts were mainly preoccupied with the Macedonian war, there was much discussion as to whom they were to choose as consuls for the year to bring the war to a close.

[2] The senate accordingly passed a resolution that Cneius Servilius should come to hold the elections as soon as possible.

[3] The praetor Sulpicius forwarded the resolution to the consul and a despatch was received from him a few days later which he read to the senate, in which he said that he would come to the City on . . . The consul arrived in good time and the elections were held on the day fixed.

[4] The new consuls were L. Aemilius Paulus for the second time, fourteen years after his first consulship, and C. Licinius Crassus.

[5] The election of praetors followed. Anxiety about the Macedonian war stimulated the senate to expedite all their business.

[6] They desired the consuls designate to ballot for their provinces immediately, so that as soon as it was known to which consul Macedonia

[7] was allotted, and which praetor was to command the fleet, they might at once form their plans and make every preparation for the war, and in case the necessity arose, refer any question to the senate.

[8] When they had entered upon office, the magistrates were to celebrate the Latin Festival at the earliest date which the religious observances connected with it allowed, in order that nothing might detain the consul who was to go to Macedonia.

[9] Macedonia fell to Aemilius, the other consular province was Italy and that fell to Licinius. The praetors' provinces were assigned as follows: Cn. Baebius received the civic and L. Anicius the alien jurisdiction; the latter was to be at the disposal of the senate for any special service.

[10] Cn. Octavius took the command of the fleet, P. Fonteius went to Spain, M. Aebutius to Sicily, and C. Papirius to Sardinia.

[1]

It very soon became clear to everybody that L. Aemilius was not going to show any lack of energy in the prosecution of the war; amongst other proofs of this was the exclusive attention he gave night and day to everything that had to do with it.

[2] The very first thing he did was to ask the senate to send a commission to Macedonia to inspect the armies and the fleet and to report from their own personal knowledge what was required for the land and sea forces.

[3] They were also to find out what they could about the king's troops and how much of the country was under our control and how much under the king's, and whether the Romans were still encamped in mountainous and difficult country, or whether they had cleared all the passes and reached open country.

[4] Then with regard to our allies they were to ascertain who were still faithful, who were making their fidelity depend upon the issue of the war, and what States were openly hostile. They were further to find out what amount of supplies had been accumulated; from what sources further supplies could be brought by land or sea; and what were the results of the year's campaign by land and sea.

[5] When accurate information on these points had been received, it would be possible to form definite plans for the future. The senate authorised the consul Cn. Servilius to send as commissioners into Macedonia those whom L. Aemilius approved of. Those selected were C. Domitius Ahenobarbus, A. Licinius Nerva, and L. Baebius. They started in two days' time.

[6] As the year was closing, reports came in of two showers of stones: one in the Roman district, the other on Veientine ground. Intercessions and sacrifices were offered for nine days on each occasion.

[7] Two members of the priesthood died this year: P. Quinctilius Varus, a Flamen of Mars, and M. Claudius Marcellus, a keeper of the Sacred Books. Cn. Octavius was appointed in his place.

[8] It has been noted as a sign of the increasing scale on which the Circus games were conducted that in those of the curule aediles P. Cornelius Scipio Nasica and P. Lentulus, sixty-three African panthers and forty bears and elephants formed part of the show.

[1]

The new consuls, L. Aemilius Paulus and C. Licinius, entered on their duties at the beginning of the year, March 15. The senate were mainly anxious to know what the consul who was to command in Macedonia had to report about his province.

[2] Paulus said that he had nothing to lay before them, as the commissioners had not yet returned; after being twice driven out of their course back to Dyrrhachium they were now at Brundisium.

[3] When he had received the necessary information, which would be in a very few days. he would make his report.

[4] That nothing might delay his departure, he had fixed the Latin Festival for April 12. When the sacrifice had been duly performed, he and Cn. Octavius would go as soon as the senate authorised their departure.

[5] In his absence it would be his colleague's care to see that whatever had to be prepared or despatched to the war would be got ready and sent off. Meantime the foreign deputations could be received in audience.

The first to be called in were the envoys from the two monarchs, Ptolemy and Cleopatra.

[6] They were in mourning garb with beard and hair untrimmed, and when they entered the House holding the olive branch of supplication, they prostrated themselves to the ground.

[7] Their language was even more piteous than their dress.

[8] Antiochus, king of Syria, who had been in Rome as a hostage, was now, under the specious pretext of restoring the elder Ptolemy to his throne, waging war against his younger brother and was threatening Alexandria at the time.

[9] He had won a naval victory off Pelusium, and after hurriedly throwing a bridge over the Nile he had led his army across, and was terrifying Alexandria with the prospect of a siege, and it seemed almost certain that he would gain possession of the powerful realm of Egypt. After stating these facts the envoys implored the senate, to come to the assistance of the kingdom and its rulers, who were friends of Rome.

[10] They urged that the kindness which the Roman people had shown to

[11] Antiochus and their authority amongst all kings and nations were such that if they sent word to him and informed him that the senate disapproved of war being levied against monarchs who were their friends, he would at once quit the walls of Alexandria and take his army back to Syria.

[12] If the senate hesitated to do this, they would soon have Ptolemy and Cleopatra coming as fugitives from their realm, and the Roman people would feel somewhat ashamed at not having sent them help in their extremity.

[13] The senators were much moved by the appeal of the Alexandrians, and at once sent C. Popilius Laenas, C. Decimius and C. Hostilius to put an end to the war between the monarchs.

[14] They were instructed to approach Antiochus first and then Ptolemy, and announce to them that if they did not abstain from war they should not regard the one who was responsible for its continuance as either a friend or an ally.

[1]

The Roman delegates accompanied by the Alexandrians left in three days' time. On the last day of the Quinquatrus the commissioners arrived from Macedonia. Their return had been so anxiously awaited that had it not been in the evening the consuls would at once have convened the senate.

[2] The next day the senate gave them audience. They reported that the passage of the army over pathless mountains had resulted in more peril than profit.

[3] They had advanced into Pieria, but the king was holding the country, and the armies were in such close contact that only the River Enipeus separated them.

[4] The king did not give any opportunity of fighting, nor were our men strong enough to force a battle; winter, too, had stopped active operations; our men were living in idleness, and had not corn for more than six . . . The Macedonians were said to number 30,000 fighting men.

[5] If Appius Claudius had had a strong enough army at Lychnidus, the king might have had his attention distracted between two fronts; at the present moment, Appius and such force as he had with him were in the utmost danger, unless either a regular army was sent there without delay, or they were withdrawn from their present position.

[6] On leaving the camp they proceeded to the fleet. Here they learnt that some of the crews had been carried off by disease, some, mostly the Sicilian seamen, had gone home, and the ships were undermanned; the men who were in them had not received their pay and were without proper clothing.

[7] Eumenes and his fleet had come and gone without any apparent reason, just as though they had been carried there by the wind; no dependence could be placed on that king. Whilst all Eumenes's movements were doubtful, Attalus was behaving with exemplary fidelity.

[1]

When the commissioners had been heard, L. Aemilius said that the question before the House was the conduct of the war.

[2] The senate decreed that the consuls and the people should each appoint an equal number of military tribunes for the eight legions, but they wished that none should be appointed that year who had not held high office;

[3] L. Aemilius was to choose out of the whole number those whom he wished for the two legions in Macedonia, and when the Latin Festival was over the consul and Cn. Octavius, the praetor who was to command the fleet, should leave for their respective commands.

[4] In addition to these, L. Anicius, who had the alien jurisdiction, was to go to Illyria and succeed Appius Claudius in command at Lychnidus.

[5] The task of raising fresh troops was imposed on the consul C. Licinius. He was ordered to enrol 7000 Roman citizens and 200 cavalry, and from the Latin allies 7000 infantry and 400 cavalry.

[6] He was also to send written

[7] instructions to Cn. Servilius in Gaul, requiring him to enrol 600 cavalry.

[8] He was to send this new army as soon as possible to his colleague in Macedonia. In that province there were not more than two legions: they were each to be brought up to the full strength of 6000 infantry and 300 cavalry;

[9] the rest of the infantry and cavalry were to be distributed amongst the various garrisons; those who were unfit for military service were to be discharged. There were, in addition, the 10,000 infantry and 800 cavalry furnished by the allies.

[10] This force was supplementary to the two legions, each consisting of 5000 infantry and 300 cavalry, which Anicius was ordered to transport to Macedonia; 5000 seamen were also conscripted for the fleet.

[11] Licinius was ordered to hold his province with the two legions and the 10,000 infantry and 800 cavalry from the allies.

[1]

After the senate had made all these arrangements, the consul L. Aemilius left the House and proceeded to the Assembly, where he delivered the following speech:

[2] "I think, Quirites, that my having received, through the ballot, Macedonia as my province has been greeted more warmly than when I was congratulated on my election as consul, or on the day when I entered on office. And the sole reason for this, I believe, is that you thought I could be the means of bringing this long-protracted war to such a close as shall be worthy of the greatness of Rome.

[3] I hope that the decision of the ballot has been regarded with favour by the gods also, and that they will aid me in executing the task before me.

[4] Some things I can prognosticate, others I can feel hopeful about. This I venture to affirm with absolute certainty-I will strive to the utmost of my power, that the hopes you have formed of me shall not turn out to be vain.

[5] All measures necessary for the war the senate has already taken, and as they have decided that I must start immediately, and there is nothing to hinder me, my distinguished colleague, C. Licinius, will carry out those measures with as much energy as if he himself were going to conduct the war.

[6] "What I write to the senate or to you, I ask you to believe, and not strengthen, by giving credence to them, the idle rumours of which no one will confess himself the author.

[7] For it is a common experience, and I have noticed it especially in this war, that no one can be so indifferent to public opinion as not to find his courage and energy influenced by it.

[8] In all public places where people congregate, and actually-would you believe it! —in private parties, there are men who know who are leading the armies into Macedonia, where their camps ought to be placed, what strategical positions ought to be occupied, when and by what pass Macedonia ought to be entered, where the magazines are to be formed, by what mode of land and sea transport

[9] supplies are to be conveyed, when actions are to be fought, and when it is better to remain inactive.

[10] And they not only lay down what ought to be done, but when anything is done contrary to their opinion they arraign the consul as though he were being impeached before the Assembly. This greatly interferes with the successful prosecution of a war, for it is not everybody who can show such firmness and resolution in the teeth of hostile criticism as Fabius did; he preferred to have his authority weakened by the ignorance and caprice of the people rather than gain popularity by disservice to the State.

[11] I am not one of those who think that generals are not to be advised; on the contrary, the man who always acts on his own initiative shows, in my judgment, more arrogance than wisdom.

[12] How then does the case stand? Commanders ought first of all to get the advice of thoughtful and far-seeing men who have special experience of military affairs; then from those who are taking part in the operations, who know the country and recognise a favourable opportunity when it comes, who, like comrades on a voyage, share the same dangers.

[13] If, then, there is any man who in the interests of the commonwealth feels confident that he can give me good advice in the war which I am to conduct, let him not refuse to help his country, but go with me to Macedonia. I will supply him with a ship, a horse, a tent, and with his travelling expenses as well.

[14] If anyone thinks this too much trouble, let him not try to act as a sea pilot whilst he is on land.

[15] The city itself affords plenty of subjects for conversation, let him confine his loquacity to these; he may rest assured that the discussions in our councils of war will satisfy us."

[16] After delivering this speech and offering the customary sacrifice on the Alban Mount at the Latin Festival on March 31, the consul left, in company with the praetor, for Macedonia.

[17] It is recorded that the consul was escorted by an unusually large crowd of well-wishers, and that people predicted with hopeful confidence the near close of the Macedonian war and the early return and brilliant triumph of the consul.

[1]

During these proceedings in Italy, Perseus could not make up his mind to carry out his project of gaining Gentius, king of the Illyrians, as an ally, as he would have to spend money in so doing.

[2] But when he found that the Romans had cleared the passes and that the supreme crisis of the war was at hand, he felt that this business ought not to be put off any longer. Through Hippias, who acted for him, he agreed to pay a sum of 300 silver talents on condition that hostages were exchanged on both sides.

[3] Pantauchus, one of his closest friends, was sent to complete the transaction. Pantauchus met the Illyrian king at Meteon in the district of Libea, and there he received the king's sworn word and the hostages.

[4] Gentius sent as his representative a man called Olympius to claim from Perseus his sworn word and the hostages. Men were sent with him to receive the money, and at the suggestion of Pantauchus, Parmenio and Morcus were selected to accompany them to Rhodes.

[5] Their instructions were not to go to Rhodes till they had received the king's sworn word and the hostages, as at the request of both kings the Rhodians might be induced to declare war against Rome.

[6] The adhesion of that nation, whose naval reputation was then at its height, would, it was supposed, leave the Romans no hope of victory either on sea or land.

[7] Perseus went from his camp by the Elpeus with all his cavalry, and met the Illyrians at Dium.

[8] There, with the cavalry drawn up all round them, the contracting parties ratified the covenant between them, Perseus thinking that their presence at this solemn ratification would give them fresh courage.

[9] Then the hostages were exchanged in the sight of all; those who were to receive the money were then sent to the royal treasury at Pella; those who were to accompany the Illyrian envoys to Rhodes received instructions to embark at Thessalonica.

[10] Metrodorus, who had recently come from Rhodes, was there, and he asserted on the authority of Dinon and Polyaratus, leading men in the city, that the Rhodians were prepared for war. He was appointed head of the joint Macedonian and Illyrian legation.

[1]

At the same time some considerations, suggested by the political conditions of the time, were submitted in common to Eumenes and Antiochus. Perseus reminded them that free commonwealths and monarchs are in the nature of things antagonistic.

[2] Rome was attacking them one by one, and what was still worse, kings were using their power against kings.

[3] His own father had been crushed by the help of Attalus; the attack on Antiochus had been made with the assistance of Eumenes and, to some extent, of his own father Philip; now Eumenes and Prusias were in arms against himself.

[4] If royalty were abolished in Macedonia, Asia would be the next. They had already become masters of some parts of it under the pretext of making the cities free.

[5] Then Syria's turn would come. Prusias was now held in higher honour than Eumenes, and Antiochus was kept out of the Egypt which he had conquered-the prize of war.

[6] He urged them to reflect on these things, and either insist upon the Romans making peace with him, or else regard those who persisted in carrying on an unjust war as the common enemies of all kings.

[7] The communication to Antiochus was sent openly, the emissary to Eumenes was sent ostensibly to arrange for the ransom of the prisoners.

[8] As a matter of fact, more clandestine negotiations were going on, which for the time aroused suspicion and ill-will against Eumenes amongst the Romans, and still graver, though unfounded, charges were made against him, for he was regarded as a traitor and a declared enemy.

[9] There was a Cretan called Cydas, an intimate friend of Eumenes. This man went with a certain Chimarus, a country man of his, who was serving under Perseus, to Amphipolis, then afterwards to Demetrias, where he held conversations under the actual walls of the city, first with Menecrates and then with Antimachus, both of them generals of Perseus.

[10] Hierophon also, who was the emissary on this occasion, had previously been on two missions to Eumenes.

[11] These secret missions and colloquies were notorious, but what had actually taken place, or what agreement had been come to between the monarchs, was not known. The facts were these.

[1]

Eumenes was not eager for Perseus to be victorious, nor had he any intention of helping him in the war, not so much because of the differences he had with his father as because of personal aversion he and the son felt for each other.

[2] The jealousy of the two monarchs was such that Eumenes would not have seen with complacency Perseus winning such an accession of power and glory as would have awaited him had he defeated the Romans.

[3] He knew also that from the very beginning of the war Perseus had tried every means of gaining peace, and the nearer the danger the more his actions and thoughts were, day and night, turned to this object.

[4] As regarded the Romans, he believed that since the war had dragged on longer than they expected, both their generals and the senate would not be averse from bringing to a close such a tedious and difficult war.

[5] Having thus discovered what both sides wished for, he was all the more desirous of winning their good graces by offering for a consideration his assistance towards securing what he believed would come about of itself through the weariness of the stronger and the fears of the weaker side.

[6] He fixed his price in the one case for not lending assistance to the Romans either by land or sea, and in the other for mediating peace.

[7] For refusing assistance he asked 1000 talents, for bringing about peace, 1500. Impelled by his fears Perseus was very prompt in commencing negotiations and made no delay in discussing the question of hostages; it was settled that those whom he received should be sent to Crete.

[8] But when it came to the mention of money he drew back and said that a money payment for another object would, between monarchs of so great a name,

[9] be in any case sordid and unbecoming both to him who made it and him who accepted it.

[10] Still in the hope of obtaining peace with Rome he did not grudge the expense, though he would only hand over the money when the transaction was completed; meanwhile he would deposit it in the temple at Samothrace.

[11] As that island belonged to Perseus, Eumenes saw that it made no difference whether it were there or at Pella, and he proposed to carry away a portion at once.

[12] Thus after trying unsuccessfully to trick each other they gained nothing but an evil name.

[1]

This was not the only chance which Perseus threw away in his avarice. Had he paid the money, it is possible that he might have had peace through Eumenes's instrumentality, and this was worth purchasing even at the cost of a part of his kingdom, or if Eumenes had played him false he could have

[2] held him up as his enemy loaded with his gold, and made the Romans regard him justly as their enemy. But the alliance with Gentius which had been already mooted and the invaluable support now offered of the Gauls who were pouring through Illyria, were both lost to him through his avarice.

[3] A body of 1000 cavalry came to offer their services, and with them the same number of foot soldiers.

[4] These latter used to run alongside the horses and when the trooper fell they seized the riderless horses and rode on them into the battle.

[5] These men had agreed to serve for ten gold pieces for each horseman and five for each footman; their leaders were to receive a thousand. Perseus went with half his whole force from his camp at the Elpeus and began to give notice through all the villages and cities adjoining their route that they were to prepare ample supplies of corn, wine and cattle.

[6] He took with him some horses with their trappings and some military cloaks as presents to their officers, and a

[7] small quantity of gold to be distributed amongst a few of the troops, trusting that the mass of the soldiery would be attracted by the hope of more. He went as far as the city of Almana and fixed his camp by the River Axius.

[8] The Gaulish army was lying in the neighbourhood of Desudaba in Maedica waiting for the stipulated pay. Perseus sent Antigonus, one of the nobles of his Court, to order the soldiers to shift their camp to Bylazora, a place in Paeonia, and their officers to go in a body to him.

[9] They were seventy-five miles distant from the king's camp on the Axius. After Antigonus had given them these orders and told them what an abundance of everything the king's care had provided for them on their line of march, and what presents of clothing and silver and horses the king had ready for the officers when they

[10] arrived, they replied that they would find out all about this on the spot. They then enquired whether they had brought the gold to be distributed according to the agreement amongst the horse and foot.

[11] To this there was no reply. Then their chief Claudicus said, "Go back! Tell the king the Gauls will not move a step further unless they receive the gold and the hostages."

[12] On this being reported to the king he held a council of war. When it became obvious what the unanimous decision would be, the king began to descant on the perfidy and savagery of the Gauls, vices which many had already experienced to their ruin.

[13] It was a dangerous thing to admit so vast a multitude into Macedonia; they might find them more troublesome as allies than the Romans as enemies;

[14] 5000 cavalry were quite enough to make use of in the war, and not too many to be dangerous.

[1]

It was quite clear to every one that the only thing the king was afraid of was having to pay such a large host, and as no one had the courage to attempt to dissuade him, Antigonus was sent back to say that the king would only employ 5000 of their cavalry and would not detain the rest.

[2] When the barbarians heard this, there were murmurs of indignation from the rest of the army at having been called away from their homes to no purpose.

[3] Claudicus again enquired whether he would pay the stipulated sum to the 5000. He detected something evasive in the answer and sent the crafty messenger back unhurt-treatment which the man himself hardly ventured to hope for. The Gauls returned to the Hister, devastating those parts of Thrace which lay near their line of march.

[4] This band might have been led against the Romans through the mountain pass of Perrhaebia into Thessaly while the king remained quiet at the Elpeus, and could not only have plundered and stripped the fields so that the Romans could have looked for no supplies from those districts, but also have utterly destroyed the cities to prevent their affording any assistance to their allies, while Perseus was holding the Romans

[5] at the Elpeus.

[6] The Romans would have had to think of their own safety, for they could not have stayed where they were when Thessaly which fed their army was lost, nor could they have made any advance with the camp of the Macedonians in front of them.

[7] By losing such an opportunity Perseus encouraged the Romans and discouraged to a great extent the Macedonians who had hung their hopes on his taking advantage of it.

[8] The same niggardly conduct turned Gentius against him. After he had paid 300 talents to the emissaries of Gentius at Pella, he allowed them to seal the money up. Then ten talents were sent to Pantauchus with instructions that they were to be given to the king at once.

[9] He told his people, who were carrying the rest of the money sealed with the seal of the Illyrians, to make

[10] short journeys, and when they had reached the frontier, to wait there for his instructions.

[11] After Gentius had received that small portion of the money, he was constantly being urged by Pantauchus to provoke the Romans by some hostile act; accordingly he threw the two Roman envoys into prison, who happened to be with him at the time, M. Perpenna and L. Petilius.

[12] On hearing this, Perseus thought that Gentius was, in any case, driven by the force of circumstances into war with Rome, and in this belief he sent a message to have the money brought back, as though his one idea was that after his defeat as much spoil as possible might be reserved for the Romans. Hierophon returned from Eumenes without any one knowing what secret understanding had been arrived at between them.

[13] They themselves gave it out in public that it had to do with the exchange of prisoners, and Eumenes sent the same explanation to the consul to allay his suspicions.

[1]

Seeing how his schemes had miscarried, Perseus sent his two naval commanders, Antenor and Calippus, with forty swift ships and five cutters to Tenedos to protect the corn ships which were making their way

[2] to Macedonia through the scattered groups of the Cyclades.

[3] The ships took the water at Cassandrea, in the two harbours under Mount Athos, and from there sailed to Tenedos in a calm sea. Some undecked vessels belonging to Rhodes were lying in the harbour and Eudamus, their commander, was allowed to take them away unharmed, as though they were friends.

[4] On learning that fifty of his transports on the other side of the island were blockaded by the war-galleys of Eumenes which were stationed at the entrance to the harbour, Antenor promptly sailed round and the enemy ships made off on his appearance.

[5] Ten swift ships were told off to escort the transports to Macedonia, and when they had seen them safe they were to return to Tenedos.

[6] Eight days afterwards they rejoined the fleet which was now anchored off Sigeum. From here they sailed to Sabota, an island situated between Elaea and Chios.

[7] The day after they arrived, thirty-five vessels called "hippagogi," carrying Gaulish horses and troopers, happened to be on their way from Elaea to Phanae, a headland in Chios, intending to sail from there to Macedonia. They were sent to Attalus by Eumenes.

[8] When Antenor received a signal that these ships were at sea, he started for Sabota and met them in the narrowest part of the channel between the headland of Erythrae and Chios. The last thing that Eumenes's officers expected was the appearance of a Macedonian fleet cruising in those waters.

[9] They first thought that they were Romans and then that it was Attalus or some that had been sent back by Attalus from the Roman camp and were on their way to Pergamum.

[10] But when the build of the approaching vessels could no longer be mistaken and the prows steering straight for them at increasing speed revealed the approach of an enemy, there was great alarm. The clumsy nature of their ships and the difficulty of keeping the Gauls quiet, destroyed all hope of resistance.

[11] Some of those who were nearer to the mainland swam to Erythrae; others crowded on all sail and ran their ships aground in Chios, and, abandoning the horses, fled in wild disorder towards the city.

[12] But the Macedonian vessels, taking a shorter course, landed their marines nearer the city and some of the Gauls were cut down as they fled along the road, others outside the city gate.

[13] The Chians had closed their gates, not knowing who were fleeing and who were pursuing. Nearly 800 Gauls were killed and 200 made prisoners.

[14] Some of the horses in the wrecked ships were drowned; others were hamstrung by the Macedonians on the beach. There were twenty horses of exceptional beauty, and Antenor gave orders for the ten vessels which he had previously sent to carry these and the prisoners to Thessalonica and return as soon as possible; he should wait for them at Phanae.

[15] The fleet lay off Chios for three days and then sailed to Phanae.

[16] The ten ships returned sooner than was expected; the whole fleet then put out to sea and sailed across the Aegean to Delos.

[1]

During these operations the Roman commissioners, C. Popilius, C. Decimius and C. Hostilius, left Chalcis with three quinqueremes and arrived at Delos. There they found the forty vessels belonging to the Macedonians and five quinqueremes belonging to Eumenes.

[2] The sanctity of the temple and the island prevented them from injuring one another. The Romans, the Macedonians and the crews from Eumenes' ships went about together in the city and the temple in the peaceful security of a locality sacred and inviolate.

[3] Antenor received a signal from the look-out that several transports were sailing past. He started in pursuit with some of his ships and dispersed the rest among the Cyclades. He either sunk or plundered them all, with the exception of those heading for Macedonia.

[4] Popilius tried to save all he could, both of his own ships and those of Eumenes, but

[5] the Macedonian barques sailed by night, two or three together, and so escaped observation.

[6] About this time the Macedonian and Illyrian envoys arrived in Rhodes. Their representations had all the more weight owing to the appearance of the Macedonian ships cruising amongst the Cyclades and in the Aegean, the united action which Perseus and Gentius were taking, and the rumour that the Gauls were coming with a large force of infantry and cavalry.

[7] Dinon and Polyaratus, the leaders of Perseus' faction, felt themselves now strong enough to send a favourable reply to the two monarchs, and even went so far as to proclaim publicly that they possessed sufficient authority to put an end to the war, the kings themselves therefore

[8] must resign themselves to the acceptance of peace terms.

[1]

It was now the beginning of spring, and the new generals had reached their provinces. The consul Aemilius was in Macedonia, Octavius with the fleet at Oreum, and Anicius was in Illyria to conduct the war against Gentius.

[2] The father of Gentius was Pleuratus, formerly king of Illyria; his mother's name was Eurydice. Gentius had two brothers, one named Plator, the other, a half-brother, named Caravantius.

[3] He felt no uneasiness about the latter, as the father was a man of low birth, but to make his throne more secure he put Plator to death, and two of his friends with him, Ettritus and Epicadus, both of them able and enterprising men.

[4] It was commonly said that his jealousy was aroused by Plator's betrothal to Etuta, a daughter of Monunus, the prince of the Dardani, as though by this marriage he would secure the whole nation to his interest, and the fact that after Plator's death his brother married the girl made this conjecture highly probable.

[5] When all fear of his brother was removed, Gentius began to harass and oppress his people, and his naturally violent temper was inflamed by excessive indulgence in wine.

[6] However, as I have said above, he was bent upon war with Rome, and assembled the whole of his forces at Lissus.

[7] They numbered 15,000 men. He sent his brother Caravantius with 1000 infantry and 500 horse to effect the subjugation of the Cavii, either by intimidation or force, whilst he himself advanced against Bassania, a city five miles distant from Lissus.

[8] The population were friendly to Rome, and when Caravantius sent a demand for submission they chose to stand a siege rather than surrender.

[9] One of the towns belonging to the Cavii, Durnium, opened its gates to Caravantius; another city, Caravandis, shut its gates against him, and when he began an extensive devastation of their fields the peasants rose and killed a considerable number of the scattered plunderers.

[10] By this time Appius Claudius, who had strengthened the army he had with him by contingents from the Ballini, the Apolloniates and the Dyrrhachians, had left his winter quarters and was encamped near the River Genusus. The intelligence brought to him of the league between Perseus and Gentius, and the outrageous treatment of the Roman envoys, decided him to commence hostilities against him.

[11] The praetor Anicius, who was at this time in Apollonia, heard what was going on in Illyria, and sent a message to Appius requesting him to wait for him by the Genusus.

[12] In three days he arrived at the camp and brought with him in addition to his own force 2000 infantry and 200 cavalry, sent by the Parthini, the infantry under the command of Epicadus, the cavalry under that of Algalus. He was making preparations to march into Illyria, his principal object being the raising of the siege of Bassania.

[13] The projected invasion was delayed by a report that eighty pirate barques were ravaging the coast.

[14] They had been sent by Gentius on the advice of Pantauchus to devastate the fields of Apollonia and Dyrrhachium.

[15] Then the fleet . . . they surrendered.

[1]

One after another the cities in that part of the country took the same course; their natural inclinations were strengthened by the clemency and justice with which the Roman praetor treated them all.

[2] He marched on to Scodra, the most important place in the war. Gentius had selected it as the stronghold, so to speak, of his kingdom, and it was by far the most strongly fortified and most difficult of access of any place in the country of the Libeates.

[3] It is surrounded by two rivers, the Clausal on the eastern side and the Barbanna, which rises in the Libeatus Lake, on the west.

[4] These two rivers meet and flow into the Oriundis, which rises in Mount Scordus and, augmented by many tributaries in its course, empties itself into the Hadriatic. Mount Scordus is quite the loftiest mountain in the country, and overlooks Dardania on the east, Macedonia on the south, and Illyria on the west.

[5] Although the town was protected by its situation and defended by the whole strength of Illyria under the king himself, the Roman praetor determined to attack it.

[6] His first operations had been successful, and he believed that the same good fortune would carry him through, and that the alarm created by his sudden appearance would have its effect. Had the gates been kept shut and the defenders stationed on the walls and towers, the attempt would have failed and the Romans would have been driven away from the walls.

[7] As it was, however, they made a sortie from the gate, and they began a

[8] battle on open ground with more courage than they kept it up.

[9] They were driven back, and more than 200 men were killed as they squeezed together in their flight through the confined space of the gate. This created such a panic that Gentius at once sent two of the foremost men in the country, Teuticus and Bellus, to the praetor to ask for a cessation of hostilities, to allow him time to consider his position.

[10] He was allowed three days-the Roman camp was only five miles away-and went on board ship and sailed up the Barbanna to Lake Libeatus as though in quest of a retired spot for reflection but, as it turned out, he had been misled by a false report that his brother Caravantius was

[11] approaching with several thousand men, whom he had raised in the country to which he had been sent. After the rumour proved groundless he went down in the same ship to Scodra, and sent to ask for permission to interview the praetor.

[12] His request was granted and he went to the camp. He began his speech by blaming his own folly, and then, falling on his knees, amidst tears and supplications he placed himself entirely in the hands of the praetor.

[13] He was told to be of good courage, and even received an invitation to supper. He went back to the city to see his friends, and was for that day treated with all honour at the praetor's table.

[14] The next thing was his being handed over to the custody of C. Cassius, one of the military tribunes, after having, himself a king, received from a king a paltry ten

[15] talents-hardly as much as a gladiator earns-in order that he might sink into this condition.

[1]

After the capture of Scodra the first thing Anicius did was to order the two envoys, Petilius and Perpenna, to be found and brought to him.

[2] They were provided with the clothing and insignia of their rank, and Perpenna was at once sent to arrest the friends and kinsfolk of the king.

[3] He went to Metione and brought back to the camp at Scodra Etleva, the king's wife, and his two sons, Scerdilaedus and Pleuratus, and also Caravantius his brother.

[4] Anicius had brought the war in Illyria to a close in less than a month, and Perpenna was sent to Rome to announce his victory. A few days later he sent Gentius to Rome, together with his mother, his wife, his children and his brother, and also some of the principal men of Illyria.

[5] This is the only war the close of which was reported in Rome before they had heard that it had begun. All through this time, Perseus on his side was in a state of great alarm by the advance of the consul Aemilius who, he understood, was on the march in

[6] a most dangerous mood, and no less so by the forward movement of Octavius with the Roman fleet menacing the coast. Eumenes and Athenagoras were in command of Thessalonica with a small force of 2000 cetrati.

[7] He sent Androcles there also with orders to remain encamped close to the naval arsenal;

[8] 1000 cavalry under Creon of Antigonea were sent to Aenea to guard the coast, so that at whatever point they heard the hostile ships were threatening, they might at once go to the help of the country folk;

[9] 5000 Macedonians were sent to garrison Pytho and Petra under the command of Histieaus, Theogenes and Midon. After they had left, Perseus set himself to fortify the bank of the Elpeus, because, as the river-bed was now dry, it could easily be crossed.

[10] To allow of the whole army being free for this work, supplies of food were brought into the camp by women from the neighbouring cities.

[11] Out of the woods near the soldiers were ordered . . .

[1]

Lastly he ordered the water-carriers to follow him to the sea, which was less than 300 paces distant, and to dig at short intervals from each other on the shore.

[2] The towering height of the mountains led him to expect that as no rivulets flowed from above the ground they contained hidden streams which flowed as it were through veins into the sea and mingled with its waters.

[3] Hardly had the surface of the sand been removed when springs bubbled up, muddy at first and scanty, but they soon poured forth a clear and copious supply of water, as though it were a gift from the gods. This incident added much to their general's prestige and authority amongst the soldiers.

[4] Orders were then issued for the troops to get their arms ready, and the consul with the military tribunes and the centurions of the first rank went out to examine the place where they were to cross, where the men under arms could find an easy descent, and where the ascent of the opposite bank presented least difficulty.

[5] After satisfying himself on these points, the consul's first care was that everything should be done in an orderly fashion and without confusion, in obedience to the word of command.

[6] When an order was promulgated to all the troops at the same time, it was not distinctly heard by everybody, and in their uncertainty as to what had been said, some made additions for themselves and went beyond what had been ordered, while some did less than they were told to do. Then confused shouts arose throughout the column and the enemy knew the general's intentions before they did.

[7] He therefore gave directions for the military tribunes to communicate the order privately to the first centurion of the legion and he was to notify what was to be done to each of the centurions, rank by rank, whether the order was to be transmitted from front to rear of the column or from rear to front. He also forbade the sentinels to follow the new fashion of wearing their shields; a sentinel did not go into battle to make use of his arms; his duty was on becoming aware of the enemy's approach to retire and call the rest to arms.

[8] They used to stand, wearing their helmets and holding their shields in front of them, and then, when they were tired, they leaned on their spears, rested their heads on the rim of their shields and went to sleep as they stood, so that the glitter of their armour made them visible to the enemy while they themselves saw nothing in front of them.

[9] He also altered the regulations with regard to the outlying pickets. They used to stand all day under arms, the cavalry with their horses bridled, and in the days of summer under a cloudless and scorching sun, the men themselves and their horses were

[10] so languid and exhausted by the heat after so many hours that often, when attacked by a small body of the enemy who were fresh and unwearied, they were discomfited, though greatly superior in numbers. He thereupon gave orders that those who were sent out in the morning should quit their posts at noon and be relieved by others who went on duty for the rest of the day.

[11] In this way it was never possible for a fresh and unwearied enemy to attack them when they were suffering from fatigue.

[1]

After Aemilius had paraded his troops and announced to them his intention of making these reforms, he went on to address them on very much the same lines as in his speech to the Assembly.

[2] He reminded them that it was the duty of the commander alone to provide for the welfare of his army and to advise as to what ought to be done, sometimes alone and sometimes in consultation with those whom he has called into council.

[3] Those who were not called into council had no right to ventilate their own opinions either publicly or privately. It was the soldier's duty to be careful about these three things: To keep his body as strong and agile as possible; to keep his arms in good order, and to have his food ready against any sudden order of his commander.

[4] All other matters, he must understand, are under the care of the gods and of his general. In an army where the soldiers take upon them to give advice and the general is swayed by the opinions of the multitude, there is no safety.

[5] He, as their commander, would do his duty and be on the watch to give them an opportunity of fighting a successful battle. It was not for them to ask what was going to happen, as soon as the signal was given, it was their duty to do all that a soldier could do.

[6] With these instructions he dismissed the troops, and even the veterans generally confessed that on that day they had for the first time, as though they were raw recruits, learnt what military service meant.

[7] And it was not only by remarks of this kind that they showed how greatly they appreciated the consul's words-they began at once to act on them.

[8] In a short time you would see no one in the camp idle; some were sharpening their swords; others rubbing up their helmets and cheek-pieces and their cuirasses; others fastening on their armour and testing their agility under its weight; others poising their spears; others again making their swords flash with rapid thrusts and keeping their eyes on the point.

[9] So that anyone could easily see that on the very first opportunity of coming to close quarters with the enemy they would finish the war by a splendid victory or, in their own case, by a glorious death.

[10] Perseus, too, when he saw that after the consul's arrival-it was the beginning of spring as well-all was bustle and movement with the enemy as though for a fresh campaign, and that the camp was shifted from Phila to the bank of the river, and the consul was going on his rounds, at one time to inspect the works and evidently looking out for a place where he could cross the river; at another . . .

[1]

This incident raised the spirits of the Romans and produced considerable alarm amongst the Macedonians and their king.

[2] At first he tried to stifle the report by sending to Pantauchus, who was on his way to the camp, to forbid him from entering it; but some boys, who were being taken away amongst the Illyrian hostages, had been seen by their friends.

[3] So the greater the pains taken to conceal the details, the more easily did they leak out through the love of gossip in the king's Court.

[4] Just after this the envoys from Rhodes arrived at the Roman camp bringing with them the same demand for peace which had so roused the ire of the Roman senate. They received a much more hostile hearing from the council of war in the camp.

[5] Some thought they ought to be driven helter-skelter out of the camp; the consul said he would give them an answer in a fortnight's time. Meanwhile, to make it clear how far the influence of the Rhodians extended in their efforts to bring about peace, he began to discuss the plan of operations with his council.

[6] Some, mainly the younger officers, were for crossing the Elpeus and storming the opposite bank and the defensive works above it.

[7] After their expulsion the year before from their forts, which were on higher ground, better fortified and strongly held, they thought the Macedonians would be unable to stand a general attack made in full force. Others were of opinion that Octavius ought to take his fleet to Thessalonica and devastate the coast.

[8] By thus menacing his rear they would compel the king to divide his forces and march away to protect the interior of his kingdom, thus leaving the passage of the river in some direction open. The consul considered the river bank insurmountable, owing to its steepness and the works which defended it, especially as artillery was in position everywhere, and he had heard that the enemy used their missile weapons more skillfully, and with a surer aim.

[9] The consul had quite made up his mind to adopt another course, and the council broke up. There were two Perrhaebian traders, Coenus and Menophilus, whose honesty and sagacity he knew he could trust.

[10] He sent for them and questioned them privately about the routes leading into Perrhaebia. They told him that the country was not difficult; it was held by detachments of the king's troops.

[11] Hearing this he thought that by a sudden night attack delivered in force, when the enemy were not expecting it, they could be dislodged and driven back. Javelins and arrows and other missiles were useless in the dark, when it was impossible to see what to aim at; it was in close hand-to-hand fighting with the sword, in the melee of battle, that the Roman soldier was victorious.

[12] He decided to take these men as guides, and sent for Octavius, to whom he explained his plans, and he gave him instructions to sail to Heracleum and have in readiness ten days' rations for 1000 men.

[13] P. Scipio Nasica and Q. Fabius Maximus, his own son, were sent overland to Heracleum with 5000 select troops, as though they were going on board the fleet to devastate the Macedonian coast-the scheme which had been advocated in the council.

[14] They were privately informed that, to avoid any delay, there was food ready for these troops on board the fleet. The two guides were then ordered so to regulate the length of each day's march as to allow of an attack being made on Pythium in the fourth watch of the third day.

[15] To prevent the king from directing his attention elsewhere, the consul, at dawn on the following day, commenced an action with the enemy's outposts in the middle of the river-bed, and the fighting was kept up by the light infantry on both sides; heavier troops could not possibly fight on such uneven ground.

[16] From the top of each bank down to the river-bed was about 300 paces; the actual channel of the river between the banks, which varied in depth, was over a mile wide.

[17] There in mid-channel the fight went on, the king watching it from his intrenchments on the one side and the consul from the rampart surrounded by his legionaries on the other.

[18] As long as they were not in touch and could use their missiles the king's men fought at an advantage, but when it came to close fighting the Roman was more steady and better protected, whether by the shield or the Ligurian buckler.

[19] About noon the consul ordered the retreat to be sounded, so the action was broken off for that day with a not inconsiderable number killed on both sides.

[20] The next day the conflict was renewed at sunrise with even greater bitterness, as their passions had been roused by the previous contest.

[21] But the Romans were wounded, not only by those with whom they were actually fighting, but to a much greater extent by the missiles of every kind which were discharged by the multitude of assailants posted on the turrets, and especially by the huge stones from the ballistae. Whenever they got nearer to the bank held by the enemy the discharges from the catapults reached even the hindmost. After losing far more on that day, the consul recalled his men somewhat later than the day before.

[22] On the third day he abstained from fighting and went down to the lowest part of the camp, as if to attempt a passage through that part of the enemy's line, which was carried down to the sea.

[23] . . .

[1]

It was past the summer solstice and the time of day was approaching noon; the march had been made amidst clouds of dust and under a burning sun.

[2] Lassitude and thirst were already felt, and it was certain that both would be aggravated at high noon. The consul was determined not to expose his men while thus suffering to an enemy who was fresh and in full vigour.

[3] But such was the eagerness of the men for battle under any circumstances that it needed as much skill on the part of the consul to beguile his own men as to deceive the enemy.

[4] The battle line was not completely formed, and he urged the military tribunes to hasten its formation; he rode round the ranks and fired the spirits of the men by his words.

[5] On this they at first eagerly demanded the signal for battle; then under the increasing heat their faces showed less animation and their voices became weaker; some hung over their shields and propped themselves up with their spears. Now at last he gave the order to the centurions of the first rank to mark out the front line for a camp and to deposit the baggage.

[6] When the soldiers became aware of what was happening, some openly expressed their delight that he

[7] had not compelled them to fight, exhausted as they were with the toilsome march and the intense heat.

[8] The staff officers and the commandants of the foreign contingents, Attalus amongst them, were standing round the commander-in-chief and unanimously approving of what they thought was his decision, namely, to give battle. Not even to them had he disclosed his intention of delaying action. The sudden change of plan made nearly all of them silent.

[9] Nasica alone had the courage to admonish the consul not to do as former commanders had done, and by avoiding battle let the enemy slip through his fingers.

[10] If Perseus got away in the night, he was afraid that infinite trouble and danger would be incurred in following him into the heart of Macedonia, and they would spend the summer as previous generals had done, in feeling their way through the passes and tracks of the Macedonian mountains.

[11] He strongly advised the consul to attack the enemy while he had him in level and open country, and not to lose the proffered chance of victory. The consul was not at all offended at the frank admonition of so distinguished a youth.

[12] "Nasica," he replied, "I, too, once felt as you do now, and one day you will feel as I do now. I have learnt, through the many accidents of war, when to fight and when to abstain from fighting.

[13] I have no time now, standing as I am at the head of the line, to explain to you why it is better to rest today. Ask me for my reasons some other time; for the time being you will be content to submit to the authority of a veteran commander."

[14] The young man was silent; he was sure that his general saw some impediments in the way of a battle which were not apparent to him.

[1]

When Aemilius Paulus saw that the site of the camp had been marked out and the baggage

[2] collected, he first quietly withdrew the triarii from the back of the line, then the principes, leaving the hastati standing in front, in case the enemy made any movement. Finally he retired these also, withdrawing those on the right first, maniple by maniple.

[3] In this way the infantry were withdrawn without creating any confusion, leaving the cavalry and light infantry facing the enemy. The cavalry were not recalled from their position until the rampart and fosse in front of the camp were carried their full length.

[4] The king was quite ready to give battle that day, but as his men were aware that the delay was due to the enemy he was quite content, and he too led his men back to camp.

[5] When the fortification of the camp was completed, C. Sulpicius Gallus, a military tribune attached to the second legion, who had been a praetor the year before, obtained the consul's permission to call the soldiers on parade. He then explained that on the following night the moon would lose her light from the second hour to the fourth, and no one must regard this as a portent, because this

[6] happened in the natural order of things at stated intervals, and could be known beforehand and predicted.

[7] Just in the same way, then, as they did not regard the regular rising and setting of the sun and moon or the changes in the light of the moon from full circle to a thin and waning crescent as a marvel, so they ought not to take its obscuration when it is hidden in the shadow of the earth for a supernatural portent.

[8] On the next night-September 4-the eclipse took place at the stated hour, and the Roman soldiers thought that Gallus possessed almost divine wisdom. It gave a shock to the Macedonians as portending the fall of their kingdom and the ruin of their nation, nor could their soothsayers give any other explanation.

[9] Shouts and howls went on in the Macedonian camp until the moon emerged and gave her light.

[10] So keen had both sides been to encounter one another that on the morrow both Perseus and the consul were alike blamed by some of their own men for having retired without a battle The king was at no loss for his defence-the enemy had openly declined battle and was the first to withdraw his troops into camp;

[11] and, besides, the position which he had chosen was such that the phalanx could not be brought up to it, even a slightly uneven ground would make it useless.

[12] As to the consul, not only did it look as if he had let slip the opportunity of fighting the previous day and given the enemy a chance, if he wished, of going away in the night, but even now he seemed to be wasting time on the pretext of offering sacrifice, although the signal for battle had been hoisted at dawn and he ought to have taken the field.

[13] It was not till the third hour after the sacrifices had been duly performed that he summoned a council of war and even then he was thought by some to be wasting the time, which ought to have been spent on the battlefield, in unseasonable speeches and discussions.

[1]

The consul addressed the council as follows: "Out of all those who were in favour of my giving battle yesterday, P. Nasica, a most excellent young man, was the only one who disclosed his real thoughts to me, and after that he remained

[2] silent, so that it would seem that he has come over to my side.

[3] There are some others who preferred to find fault with their commander behind his back rather than offer their advice in his presence. I have no objection to giving my reasons for delaying battle to you, Nasica, and to all who entertain the same sentiments as you did, though less openly, for I am so far from regretting our inaction yesterday that I believe I have saved the army through it.

[4] If any of you think that I have no grounds for this belief, I ask him to consider with me, if he will, how many things there were in the enemy's favour and to our disadvantage.

[5] First of all, as to his superiority in numbers, I am perfectly certain that none of you were unaware how great that is and especially yesterday when you watched his men deploying into line.

[6] Out of our own scanty numbers one-fourth had been left to guard the baggage, and you know that it is not the least efficient who are left in charge of that.

[7] But supposing we had been in full force, are we to take no account of the fact that we have remained undisturbed in the camp last night, ready with the help of the gods to take the field this very day or, at the latest, tomorrow?

[8] Is it a matter of indifference whether you order the soldier to take up his arms on a day when he has not been fatigued by a toilsome march and the labour of intrenching the camp, when he has been resting undisturbed in his tent, and so lead him into battle full of energy and vigorous in body and mind, or whether on the other hand you expose him fatigued by a long march and exhausted by the work of preparing

[9] the camp, with the sweat pouring from him and his jaws parched with thirst, his mouth and eyes full of dust, under a scorching noonday sun, to an enemy who is fresh, rested and bringing into battle a strength and energy which have not been used up beforehand?

[10] Who, in heaven's name, being thus prepared for battle, even though he were an utter coward, would not conquer the bravest of men? After the enemy had, quite at their leisure, formed their line, their minds prepared

[11] for battle, and all standing in their ordered ranks, do you suppose that we were then to form our line in haste and confusion and meet them when we were in disorder?

[1]

"Some might say: 'Even if we had not our battle line in proper formation, had we no fortified camp, no provision for water, no troops to guard the access to it? Had we nothing which we could call our own except the bare ground on which to fight?'

[2] Your ancestors looked upon a camp as a safe haven for the army against every mischance, from which they went out to battle, where, after being tossed in the storm of battle, they could find a safe retreat.

[3] It was for that reason that after they had fenced it with earthworks, they strengthened it with a powerful guard, for he who lost his camp, even if victorious on the field, was held to be defeated. A camp is a resting-place for the victor, a shelter for the vanquished.

[4] How many armies to whom the fortune of battle has proved unkindly have been driven inside their ramparts and then at their own time, sometimes almost immediately, have made a sortie and repulsed their victorious foe?

[5] Here is the soldier's second fatherland, here is his abode, with the rampart for its walls; here each finds in his tent, his home and his household gods. Ought we to have fought as homeless wanderers with no place to receive us after our victory?

[6] "In reply to these difficulties and hindrances it is asked, 'What if the enemy had gone off last night?' How much exhausting toil should we have had to endure in following him into the heart of Macedonia!

[7] I am perfectly certain that if he had decided to depart he would not have awaited us, nor drawn up his troops on the field. How much easier would it have been for him to get away when we were at a distance, than it is now when we are close upon him and he cannot withdraw by day or night without our becoming aware of it!

[8] What could we wish for better than, instead of being obliged to attack their camp in its strong position on the bank of a river, fenced with a rampart and numerous towers, we attack them in the rear after they have left their intrenchments and are making their way in a straggling column through open country?

[9] These were my reasons for postponing the battle from yesterday to today, for it is my intention to give battle, and as the way to the enemy across the Elpeus has been blocked by him, I have opened up a fresh way by dislodging his men who were holding another pass, and I shall not stop till I have brought the war to a close."

[1]

When he had finished there was silence; some had been brought round to his view; others were afraid of giving needless offence by criticising the neglect of an opportunity which, to whatever it might be due, could not be remedied.

[2] Even on this day neither the consul nor the king was prepared to engage. The king would not be able to attack them as they were yesterday, wearied with their march, deploying hurriedly into line and not in battle order; the consul held back because neither wood nor fodder had been brought into the newly-formed camp, and a large proportion of his troops had left the camp to collect these from the fields near.

[3] Against the intention of both commanders Fortune, who overrides the plans of men, brought about a conflict.

[4] There was a river, not a large one, near the enemy's camp from which both the Romans and the Macedonians drew their water, protected by detachments stationed on either bank.

[5] On the Roman side were two cohorts, Marrucinians and Paelignians, and two squadrons of Samnite horse under the command of M. Sergius Silus.

[6] Another body was stationed in front of the camp under C. Cluvius; these consisted of Firman, Vestinian and Cremensian troops, and two squadrons of cavalry from Placentia and Aeserna.

[7] Whilst all was quiet at the river, neither side offering any provocation, a mule broke loose about three o'clock in the afternoon from the men in charge and escaped to the opposite bank.

[8] Three soldiers went after it through the water, which was up to their knees. Two Thracians were dragging the beast out of the river back to their own bank, when they were followed by some Romans, who killed one of them, recaptured the mule, and went back to their posts. There were 800 Thracians guarding the enemy's bank.

[9] A few of these, enraged at seeing a comrade killed before their eyes, ran across the river in pursuit of those who slew him;

[10] then more joined in and at last the whole body, and with them the . . .

[1]

. . . led them into battle. His men were deeply impressed by reverence for his authority, the reputation he had acquired, and, above all, his age, for though more than sixty years old, he took upon himself to a large extent the duties and dangers which are usually the lot of younger men.

[2] The interval between the "caetrati" and the divisions of the phalanx was filled up by the legion, and thus the enemy's line was interrupted. The "caetrati" were in their rear; the legion were fronting the shieldmen of the phalanx, who were known as the "chalcaspides."

[3] L. Albinus, an ex-consul, was ordered to lead the second legion against the phalanx of "leucaspides"; these formed the centre of the enemy's line. On the Roman right, where the battle had begun, close to the river, he brought up the elephants and the cohorts of allied troops.

[4] It was here that the Macedonians first gave ground. For just as most new devices amongst men seem valuable as far as words go, but when they are put to a practical test and have to be acted upon they fail to produce results, so it was with the elephants; those of the Macedonians were of no use whatever.

[5] The contingents of the Latin allies followed up the charge of the elephants and repulsed the left wing.

[6] The second legion which had been sent against the centre broke up the phalanx. The most probable explanation of the victory is that several separate engagements were going on all over the field, which first shook the phalanx out of its formation and then broke it up. As long as it was compact, its front bristling with levelled spears, its strength was irresistible.

[7] If by attacking them at various points you compel them to bring round their spears, which owing to their length and weight are cumbersome and unwieldy, they become a confused and involved mass, but if any sudden and tumultuous attack is made on their flank or rear, they go to pieces like a falling house.

[8] In this way they were forced to meet the repeated charges of small bodies of Roman troops with their front dislocated in many places, and wherever there were gaps the Romans worked their way amongst their ranks.

[9] If the whole line had made a general charge against the phalanx while still unbroken, as the Paeligni did at the beginning of the action against the "caetrati," they would have spitted themselves upon their spears and have been powerless against their massed attack.

[1]

The infantry were being slaughtered all over the field; only those who threw away their arms were able to make good their escape.

[2] The cavalry, on the other hand, quitted the field with hardly any loss, the king himself being the first to flee. He was already on his way to Pella with his "sacred" cavalry, and Cotys and the Odrysaeans were following at his heels.

[3] The rest of the Macedonian horse also got away with their ranks unbroken, because the infantry were between them and the enemy, and the latter were so fully occupied in massacring the infantry that they forgot to pursue the cavalry.

[4] For a long time the slaughter of the phalanx went on in front, flank and rear. At last those who had escaped out of the hands of the enemy threw away their arms and fled to the shore; some even went into the water and, stretching out their hands in supplication to the men in the fleet, implored them to save their lives.

[5] When they saw boats from all the ships rowing to the place where they were they thought that they were coming to take them up as prisoners rather than slay them, and they waded further into the water, some even swimming.

[6] But when they found that they were being killed by the men in the boats, those who could swim back to land met with a more wretched fate, for the elephants, forced by their drivers to the water's edge, trampled on them and crushed them to death as they came out.

[7] It is universally admitted that never had so many Macedonians been killed by the Romans in a single battle. As many as 20,000 men perished; 6000 who had fled to Pydna fell into the enemy's hands, and 5000 were made prisoners in their flight.

[8] Of the victors not more than 100 fell, and of these the majority were Paelignians; the wounded were much more numerous.

[9] If the battle had begun earlier and there had been sufficient daylight for the victors to continue the pursuit, the whole force would have been wiped out. As it was, the approach of night shielded the fugitives and made the Romans chary of following them over unknown country.

[1]

Perseus fled to the Pierian forest, accompanied by his suite and a numerous body of cavalry.

[2] When he had entered the forest at a point where several roads diverged, as night was approaching he struck into a side-path with a very small body of those most faithful to him.

[3] The cavalry, left without a leader, dispersed to their various cities; and a few reached Pella in advance of Perseus himself, having gone by a straight road.

[4] Up to midnight the king had considerable trouble and anxiety in trying to find his way.

[5] Eulacus and Euctus and the royal pages were ready to meet the king in the gloomy palace, but of all his friends who had lived through the battle and regained Pella, not one came to him in spite of his repeated invitations. There were only three who shared his flight, Euander of Crete, Neo a Boeotian, and Archidamus the Aetolian.

[6] Fearing that those who refused to go to him might soon venture

[7] upon a more serious step, he fled away at the fourth watch, followed by certainly not more than 500 Cretans.

[8] He was intending to go to Amphipolis, but he had left Pella in the night, anxious to cross the Axius before daylight, as he thought the difficulty of crossing that river might stop the Roman pursuit.

[1]

On his return to camp the consul's joy in his victory was damped by his anxiety about his younger son.

[2] This was P. Scipio, who had been adopted as grandson by Scipio Africanus, and himself received the title of Africanus, from the destruction of Carthage in after years.

[3] He was only seventeen at the time-a further cause for anxiety-and while he was in full pursuit of the enemy, he was carried away by the press into another part of the field. On his return late in the day to the camp, his father, finding him safe and sound, could at last feel unmixed joy in his great victory.

[4] The news of the battle had already been carried to Amphipolis, and the matrons flocked to the temple of Diana-the Tauropolon-to invoke her aid. Diodorus, the governor of the city, was apprehensive lest the Thracian garrison, some 2000 strong, should in the tumult and confusion plunder the city. He therefore hired a man to impersonate a letter-carrier, and received a pretended despatch from him in the middle of the forum. It stated that the Roman fleet had put in at Emathia, and the fields all round were being ravaged.

[5] The officers in charge of Emathia implored him to send the garrison to deal with the ravagers.

[6] After reading the despatch he urged the Thracians to go and defend the coast of Emathia; they would inflict great slaughter on the Romans while scattered through the fields, and would also secure large booty.

[7] At the same time he made light of the report of an unfavourable battle; if, he said, it were true, fugitive after fugitive would have come in fresh from the fight.

[8] In this way he got rid of the Thracians, and as soon as he saw that they had crossed the Strymon, he shut the gates.

[1]

Three days after the battle Perseus arrived at Amphipolis, and from that city he sent heralds with a caduceus to Paulus.

[2] In the meanwhile Hippias, Midon, and Pantauchus, the principal men among the king's friends who had fled from the field of battle to Beroea, went and made their surrender to the Roman consul. In the case of others also, their fears prompted them, one after another, to do the same.

[3] The consul sent his son Q. Fabius, together with L. Lentulus and Q. Metellus, with despatches to Rome announcing his victory. He gave the spoils taken from the enemy's army lying on the field of battle to the foot soldiers and the plunder from the surrounding country to the cavalry on condition that they were not

[4] absent from the camp more than two nights. The camp at Pydna was shifted to a site nearer the sea.

[5] First of all Beroea, then Thessalonica and Pella, and almost the whole of Macedonia, city by city, surrendered within two days.

[6] The people of Pydna, who were the nearest to the consul, had not yet sent envoys, for their citizens were prevented from coming to any decision in their council by the mixed population drawn from many nationalities and also by the crowd of fugitives from the battle. The gates were not only closed but walled up.

[7] Midon and Pantauchus were sent up to the walls to hold a parley with Solon, the commandant of the garrison; by his means the mob of fighting men was sent way.

[8] The surrendered town was given up to the soldiers to plunder. Perseus' one hope was in the help of the Bisaltians, but finding this hope vain he came before the assembled citizens of

[9] Amphipolis, with his son Philip, with the intention of kindling the courage of the Amphipolitans themselves and of the men, both infantry and cavalry, who had accompanied him or been carried there in their flight.

[10] But as often as he tried to speak he was prevented by his tears, and finding that he could not utter a word, he told Euander what he wanted to bring before the people and went down from the tribunal.

[11] The sight of the king and his distressful weeping moved the people themselves to groans and tears, but they would not listen to Euander. Some in the middle of the Assembly had the audacity to shout out, "Go away, both of you, lest we, the few survivors, perish on your account."

[12] Their daring opposition closed Euander's lips. Then the king retired to his house, and after placing an amount of gold and silver on board some boats lying in the Strymon, went down to the river.

[13] The Thracians would not venture on board and dispersed to their homes, so did the rest of the soldiers; the Cretans, attracted by the money, followed him. As the distribution of it amongst them would cause more jealousy than gratitude, 50 talents were placed on the bank to be scrambled for. Whilst they were going on board, after the scrambling, in wild confusion, they sunk a boat in the mouth of the river through overcrowding.

[14] That day they arrived at Galepsus and the day after they reached Samothrace, for which they were making.

[15] It is asserted that 2000 talents were conveyed there.

[1]

Paulus placed Roman officers in charge of the cities which had surrendered, so that the vanquished party might not be ill-treated now that peace was established.

[2] He kept the heralds from Perseus with him, and as he was unaware of the king's flight he sent P. Nasica with a small detachment of horse and foot to Amphipolis for the purpose of ravaging Sintice and frustrating any attempt which the king might make.

[3] At the same time Meliboea was taken and sacked by Cn. Octavius. Cn. Anicius was sent to Aegeum, but as the citizens did not know that the war was over they made a sortie from the town and the Romans lost 200 men.

[4] The following day the consul left Pydna with the whole of his army and formed his camp two miles distant from Pella. He remained there several days, surveying the city from every side, and he observed that it was not without good reason that it had been chosen as the royal residence. It is situated on the south-west slope of a hill and surrounded by a marsh too deep to be crossed on foot either in summer or winter.

[5] The citadel the "Phacus," which is close to the city, stands in the marsh itself,

[6] projecting like an island, and is built on a huge substructure which is strong enough to carry a wall and prevent any damage from the infiltration from the water of the lagoon.

[7] At a distance it appears to be continuous with the city wall, but it is really separated by a channel which flows between the two walls and is connected with the city by a bridge. Thus it cuts off all means of access from an external foe, and if the king shut anyone up there, there could be no possibility of escape except by the bridge, which could be very easily guarded.

[8] The royal treasure was kept there, but nothing was found there at that time beyond the 300 talents which had been sent to Gentius and then kept back.

[9] During the time the camp was at Pella numerous embassies of congratulation were received, mostly from Thessaly. On receiving intelligence that Perseus had sailed to Samothrace the consul left Pella, and after a few days' march arrived at Amphipolis.

[10] The fact of the whole population coming out to meet him was a sufficient proof that they

[11] were not mourning the loss of a good and just king.

Titus Livius (Livy) Ab urbe condita 44s

ed. Wilhelm Weissenborn, ed. Moritz Müller

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