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periocha libri XLI

ignis in aede Vestae extinctus est. Tib. Sempronius Gracchus pro cos. Celtiberos victos in deditionem accepit, monimentumque operum suorum Gracchurim oppidum in Hispania constituit; et a Postumio Albino pro cos. Vaccaci ac Lusitani subacti sunt. uterque triumphavit. Antiochus, Antiochi filius, obses a patre Romanis datus mortuo fratre Seleuco, qui patri defuncto successerat, in regnum Syriae ab urbe dimissus. qui praeter religionem, qua multa templa magnifica multis sociis erexit, Athenis Iovis Olympii et Antiochiae Capitolini, vilissimum regem egit. lustrum a censoribus conditum est: censa sunt civium capita CCLVIII CCXCHII. Q. Voconius Saxa tribunus plebis legem tulit, ne quis mulierem heredem institueret. suasit legem M. Cato. exstat oratio eius. praeterea res adversus Liguras et Histros et Sardos et Celtiberos a compluribus ducibus prospere gestas et initia belli Macedonici continet, quod Perseus Philippi tilius moliebatur. miserat ad Carthaginienses legationem, et ab his nocte audita erat. sed et alias Graeciae civitates sollicitabat.

Ab urbe condita. Titus Livius (Livy). ed. Wilhelm Weissenborn, ed. Moritz Müller. Medford, MA. .

Funding provided by The National Endowment for the Humanities.

Current edition Perseus

Ab urbe condita (Latin) (Pars I-IV, Libri I-XL. Editio Stereotypica. Weissenborn, Wilhelm; Mueller, Moritz, editors. Leipzig: Teubner, 1884-1911.)

Editions (2)

Ab urbe condita Perseus (Livy in Fourteen Volumes. Foster, Benjamin Oliver; Moore, Frank Gardener; Schlesinger, Alfred C., editors. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press; London: William Heinemann, Ltd., 1919-1959 (printing).) — 43.1.1 focus

[1]

eadem aestate qua in Thessalia haec gesta sunt ¹² ..., ³ legatus in Illyricum a consule missus ⁴ opulenta duo oppida oppugnavit.

Ab urbe condita libri, erklärt von M. Weissenborn Perseus (Weissenborn, W.; Müller, H. J., editors. Berlin: Weidmannsche Buchhandlung, 1873-1883.) — 41.1.1 focus

a patre in pace habitam armasse eoque iuventuti praedandi cupidae pergratus esse dicebatur. consilium de Histrico bello cum haberet consul, alii gerendum extemplo, antequam contrahere copias hostes possent, alii consulendum prius senatum censebant.

[2] vicit sententia, quae diem non proferebat. profectus ab Aquileia consul castra ad lacum Timavi posuit; inminet ¹ mari is lacus. eodem decem navibus C. Furius duumvir navalis venit.

[3] adversus Illyriorum classem creati duumviri navales erant. qui tuendae viginti navibus maris superi orae Anconam velut cardinem haberent; inde L. Cornelius dextra litora usque ad Tarentum, C. Furius laeva usque ad Aquileiam tueretur.

[4] eae naves ad proximum portum in Histriae fines cum onerariis et magno commeatu missae, secutusque cum legionibus consul quinque ferme milia a mari posuit castra.

[5] in portu emporium brevi perfrequens factum, omniaque hinc in castra subportabantur. et quo id tutius fieret, stationes ab omnibus castrorum partibus circumdatae sunt:

[6] in Histriam versum praesidium stativum repentina cohors Placentina obposita; inter mare et castra et, ut idem aquatoribus ad fluvium esset praesidium, M. Aebutius tribunus militum secundae legionis duos manipulos militum ducere iussus est;

[7] T. et C. Aelii tribuni militum legionem tertiam, quae pabulatores et lignatores tueretur, via, quae Aquileiam fert, duxerant.

[8] ab eadem regione mille ferme passuum castra erant ² Gallorum; Catmelus pro regulo praeerat tribus haud amplius milibus armatorum.

[1]

Histri, ut primum ad lacum Timavi castra sunt Romana mota,

[2] ipsi post collem occulto loco consederunt, et inde obliquis itineribus agmen sequebantur in omnem occasionem intenti, nec quicquam eos, quae terra marique agerentur, fallebat.

[3] postquam stationes invalidas esse pro castris, forum turba inermi frequens inter castra et mare mercantium sine ullo terrestri aut maritimo munimento viderunt, duo simul praesidia, Placentinae cohortis et manipulorum secundae legionis, adgrediuntur.

[4] nebula matutina texerat inceptum; qua dilabente ad primum teporem solis perlucens iam aliquid, incerta tamen, ut solet, lux speciem omnium multiplicem intuenti reddens, tum quoque frustrata Romanos, multo maiorem iis, quam erat, hostium aciem ostendit.

[5] qua territi utriusque stationis milites ingenti tumultu cum in castra confugissent, haud paulo ibi plus, quam quod secum ipsi adtulerant, terroris fecerunt.

[6] nam neque dicere, quid ³ fugissent, nec percunctantibus reddere responsum poterant, et clamor in portis, ut ubi nulla esset statio, quae sustineret impetum, audiebatur, et concursatio in obscuro incidentium aliorum in alios incertum fecerat, an hostis intra vallum esset.

[7] una vox audiebatur ad mare vocantium; id forte temere ab uno exclamatum totis passim personabat castris.

[8] itaque primo, velut iussi id facere, pauci, armati alii, maior pars inermes, ad mare decurrunt, dein plures, postremo prope omnes, et ipse consul, cum frustra revocare fugientes conatus nec imperio nec auctoritate nec precibus ad extremum valuisset.

[9] unus remansit M. Licinius Strabo , tribunus militum secundae legionis, cum tribus signis ab legione sua relictus. hunc in vacua castra impetu facto Histri, cum alius armatus iis nemo obviam isset, in praetorio instruentem atque adhortantem suos obpresserunt.

[10] proelium atrocius quam pro paucitate resistentium fuit, nec ante finitum est, quam tribunus militum quique circa eum constiterant interfecti sunt.

[11] praetorio deiecto, direptisque quae ibi fuerunt, ad quaestorium, forum quintanamque hostes pervenerunt.

[12] ibi cum omnium ⁴ rerum paratam expositamque copiam et stratos lectos in quaestorio invenissent, regulus accubans epulari coepit.

[13] mox idem ceteri omnes, armorum hostiumque obliti, faciunt et, ut quibus insuetus liberalior victus esset, avidius vino ciboque corpora onerant.

[1]

nequaquam eadem est tum rei forma apud Romanos; terra mari trepidatur; nautici tabernacula detendunt commeatumque in litore expositum in naves rapiunt;

[2] milites in scaphas et mare territi ruunt; nautae metu, ne compleantur navigia, alii turbae obsistunt, alii ab litore naves in altum expellunt.

[3] inde certamen, mox etiam pugna cum vulneribus et caede in vicem militum nautarumque oritur, donec iussu consulis procul a terra classis submota est.

[4] secernere inde inermes ab armatis coepit. vix mille ducenti ex tanta multitudine, qui arma haberent, perpauci equites, qui equos secum eduxissent, inventi sunt; cetera deformis turba velut lixarum calonumque, praeda vere futura, si belli hostes meminissent.

[5] tunc demum nuntius missus ad tertiam legionem revocandam et Gallorum praesidium, et simul ex omnibus locis ad castra recipienda demendamque ignominiam rediri coeptum est.

[6] tribuni militum tertiae legionis pabulum lignaque proicere iubent, centurionibus imperant, ut graviores ⁵ aetate milites binos in ea iumenta, ex quibus onera deiecta erant, inponant, equites ut singulos e iuvenibus pedites secum in equos tollant:

[7] egregiam gloriam legionis fore, si castra metu secundanorum amissa sua virtute recipiant. et recipi facile esse, si in praeda occupati barbari subito obprimantur; sicut ceperint, posse capi.

[8] summa militum alacritate adhortatio audita est. ferunt citati signa, nec signiferos armati morantur. priores tamen consul copiaeque, quae a mari reducebantur, ad vallum accesserunt.

[9] L. Atius tribunus primus secundae legionis non hortabatur modo milites,

[10] sed docebat etiam, si victores Histri, quibus armis cepissent castra, iisdem capta retinere in animo haberent, primum exutum castris hostem ad mare persecuturos fuisse, deinde stationes certe pro vallo habituros: vino somnoque veri simile esse mersos iacere.

[1]

sub haec A. Baeculonium signiferum suum, notae fortitudinis virum, inferre signum iussit.

[2] ille, si signum seque sequerentur, quo celerius fieret, facturum dixit, conisusque cum trans vallum signum traiecisset, primus omnium ⁶ portam intravit.

[3] et parte alia T. et C. Aelii tribuni militum tertiae legionis cum equitatu adveniunt. confestim et quos binos oneraria in iumenta inposuerant secuti et consul cum toto agmine.

[4] at Histrorum pauci, qui modice vino usi erant, memores fuerant fugae; aliis somno mors continuata est, integraque sua omnia Romani, praeterquam quod vini cibique absumptum erat, receperunt.

[5] aegri quoque milites, qui in castris relicti fuerant, postquam intra vallum suos senserunt, armis arreptis caedem ingentem fecerunt.

[6] ante omnes insignis opera fuit C. Popili equitis; Sabello cognomen erat. is pede saucio relictus longe plurimos hostium occidit.

[7] ad octo milia Histrorum sunt caesa, captus nemo, quia ira et indignatio inmemores praedae fecit. rex tamen Histrorum temulentus ex convivio raptim a suis in equum inpositus fugit.

[8] ex victoribus ducenti triginta septem milites perierunt, plures in matutina fuga quam in recipiendis castris.

[1]

forte ita evenit, ut Cn. et L. Gavillii Novelli , Aquileienses, cum commeatu venientes, ignari prope in capta castra ab Histris inciderent.

[2] ii cum Aquileiam relictis inpedimentis refugissent, omnia terrore ac tumultu non Aquileiae modo, sed Romae ⁷ quoque post paucos dies impleverunt;

[3] quo non capta tantum castra ab hostibus nec fuga, quae vera erant, sed perditas res deletumque exercitum omnem adlatum est.

[4] itaque quod in tumultu fieri solet, dilectus extra ordinem non in urbe tantum, sed tota Italia indicti. duae legiones civium Romanorum conscriptae et decem milia peditum cum equitibus quingentis sociis nominis Latini imperata.

[5] M. Iunius consul transire in Galliam et ab civitatibus provinciae eius quantum quaeque posset militum exigere iussus.

[6] simul decretum, ut Ti. Claudius praetor militibus legionis quartae et socium Latini nominis quinque milibus, equitibus ducentis quinquaginta Pisas ut convenirent ediceret, eamque provinciam, dum consul inde abesset, tutaretur;

[7] M. Titinius praetor legionem primam, parem numerum sociorum peditum equitumque, Ariminum convenire iuberet.

[8] Nero paludatus Pisas in provinciam est profectus; Titinius C. Cassio tribuno militum Ariminum, qui praeesset legioni, misso dilectum Romae habuit.

[9] M. Iunius consul ex Liguribus in provinciam Galliam transgressus, ⁸ auxiliis protinus per civitates Galliae militibusque coloniis imperatis, Aquileiam pervenit.

[10] ibi certior factus exercitum incolumem esse, scriptis litteris Romam, ne tumultuarentur, ipse remissis auxiliis, quae Gallis imperaverat, ad collegam est profectus.

[11] Romae magna ex necopinato laetitia fuit; dilectus omissus est, exauctorati, qui sacramento dixerant, et exercitus, qui Arimini pestilentia adfectus erat, domum dimissus.

[12] Histri magnis copiis cum castra haud procul consulis castris haberent, postquam alterum consulem cum exercitu novo advenisse audierunt, passim in civitates dilapsi sunt, consules Aquileiam in hiberna legiones reduxerunt.

[1]

sedato tandem Histrico tumultu senatus consultum factum est, ut consules inter se compararent, uter eorum ad comitia habenda Romam rediret.

[2] cum absentem Manlium tribuni plebis Licinius Nerva et C. Papirius Turdus in contionibus lacerarent rogationemque promulgarent, ne Manlius post idus Martias — prorogatae namque consulibus iam in annum provinciae erant — imperium retineret, uti causam extemplo dicere, cum abisset ⁹ magistratu,

[3] posset, huic rogationi Q. Aelius collega intercessit magnisque contentionibus obtinuit, ne perferretur.

[4] per eos dies Ti. Sempronius Gracchus et L. Postumius Albinus ex Hispania Romam cum revertissent, senatus iis a M. Titinio praetore datus in aede Bellonae ad disserendas res, quas gessissent, postulandosque honores meritos ut diis inmortalibus haberetur honos.

[5] eodem tempore et in Sardinia magnum tumultum esse literis T. Aebuti praetoris cognitum est, quas filius eius ad senatum adtulerat.

[6] Ilienses adiunctis Balarorum auxiliis pacatam provinciam invaserant, nec eis invalido exercitu et magna parte pestilentia absumpto resisti poterat.

[7] eadem et Sardorum legati nuntiabant orantes, ut urbibus saltem — iam enim agros deploratos ¹⁰ esse — opem senatus ferret. haec legatio totumque, quod ad Sardiniam pertinebat, ad novos magistratus reiectum est.

[8] aeque miserabilis legatio Lyciorum, qui crudelitatem Rhodiorum, quibus ab L. Cornelio Scipione adtributi erant, querebantur:

[9] fuisse se sub dicione Antiochi; eam regiam servitutem conlatam cum praesenti statu praeclaram libertatem visam. non publice tantum se premi imperio, sed singulos iustum pati servitium.

[10] ipsos coniuges liberosque vexari; in corpus, in tergum saeviri, famam, quod indignum sit, maculari dehonestarique, et palam res odiosas fieri iuris etiam usurpandi causa, ne pro dubio habeant nihil inter se et argento parata mancipia interesse.

[11] motus his senatus litteras Lyciis ad Rhodios dedit, nec Lycios Rhodiis ¹¹ nec ullos alii cuiquam, qui nati liberi sint, in servitutem dari placere;

[12] Lycios ita sub Rhodiorum simul imperio et tutela esse, ut in dicione populi Romani civitates sociae sint.

[1]

triumphi deinde ex Hispania duo continui acti. prior Sempronius Gracchus de Celtiberis sociisque eorum,

[2] postero die L. Postumius de Lusitanis aliisque eiusdem regionis Hispanis triumphavit. quadraginta milia pondo argenti Ti. Gracchus transtulit, viginti milia Albinus.

[3] militibus denarios quinos vicenos, duplex centurioni, triplex equiti ambo diviserunt, sociis tantumdem quantum Romanis.

[4] per eosdem forte dies M. Iunius consul ex Histria comitiorum causa Romam venit.

[5] eum cum in senatu fatigassent interrogationibus tribuni plebis Papirius et Licinius de iis, quae in Histria essent acta, in contionem quoque produxerunt.

[6] ad quae cum consul se dies non plus undecim in ea provincia fuisse ¹² responderet, quae se absente acta essent, se quoque, ut illos, fama comperta habere,

[7] exsequebantur deinde quaerentes, quid ita non potius A. Manlius Romam venisset, ut rationem redderet populo Romano, cur ex Gallia provincia, quam sortitus esset, in Histriam transisset?

[8] quando id bellum senatus decrevisset, quando [id bellum] populus Romanus iussisset? at hercule privato quidem consilio bellum susceptum esse, sed gestum prudenter fortiterque.

[9] immo utrum susceptum sit nequius an inconsultius gestum, dici non posse. stationes duas necopinantes ab Histris oppressas, castra Romana capta, quod peditum, quod equitum in castris fuerit caesum;

[10] ceteros inermes fusosque, ante omnes consulem ipsum, ad mare ac naves fugisse. privatum rationem redditurum earum rerum esse, quoniam consul noluisset.

[1]

comitia deinde habita. consules creati C. Claudius Pulcher Ti. Sempronius Gracchus . et postero die praetores facti P. Aelius Tubero iterum C. Quinctius Flamininus C. Numisius L. Mummius Cn. Cornelius Scipio C. Valerius Laevinus .

[2] Tuberoni ¹³ urbana iurisdictio, Quinctio peregrina evenit, Numisio Sicilia, Mummio Sardinia; sed ea propter belli magnitudinem provincia consularis facta.

[3] [Gracchus eam sortitur, Histriam Claudius.] Scipio et Laevinus Galliam in duas divisam provincias sortiti sunt.

[4] idibus Martiis, quo die Sempronius Claudiusque consulatum inierunt, mentio tantum de provinciis Sardinia Histriaque et utriusque hostibus fuit, qui in his provinciis bellum concivissent.

[5] postero die legati Sardorum, qui ad novos magistratus dilati erant, et L. Minucius Thermus , qui legatus Manli consulis in Histria fuerat, in senatum venit. ab his edoctus est senatus, quantum belli eae provinciae haberent.

[6] moverunt senatum et legationes socium nominis Latini, quae ¹⁴ et censores et priores consules fatigaverant, tandem in senatum introductae.

[7] summa querellarum erat, cives suos Romae censos plerosque Romam commigrasse; quod si permittatur, perpaucis lustris futurum, ut deserta oppida, deserti agri nullum militem dare possent.

[8] Fregellas quoque milia quattuor familiarum transisse ab se Samnites Paelignique querebantur, neque eo minus aut hos aut illos in dilectu militum dare.

[9] genera autem fraudis ¹⁵ duo mutandae viritim civitatis inducta erant. lex sociis [ac] nominis Latini, qui stirpem ex sese domi relinquerent, dabat, ut cives Romani fierent. ea lege male utendo alii sociis, alii populo Romano iniuriam faciebant.

[10] nam et ne stirpem domi relinquerent, liberos suos quibusquibus Romanis in eam condicionem, ut ¹⁶ manumitterentur, mancipio dabant, libertinique cives essent; et quibus stirpes deesset, quam relinquerent, ut cives Romani fiebant.

[11] postea his quoque imaginibus iuris spretis, promiscue sine lege, sine stirpe in civitatem Romanam per migrationem et censum transibant.

[12] haec ne postea fierent, petebant legati, et ut redire in civitates iuberent socios; deinde, ut lege caverent, ne quis quem civitatis mutandae causa suum faceret neve ¹⁷ alienaret, et si quis ita civis Romanus factus esset, civis ne esset. haec impetrata ab senatu.

[1]

provinciae deinde, quae in bello erant, Sardinia atque Histria consulibus decretae.

[2] in Sardiniam duae legiones scribi iussae, quina milia in singulas et duceni pedites, treceni equites, et duodecim milia peditum sociorum ac Latini nominis et sescenti equites et decem quinqueremes naves, si deducere ex navalibus vellet.

[3] tantumdem peditum equitumque in Histriam, quantum in Sardiniam, decretum. et legionem unam cum equitibus trecentis et quinque milia peditum sociorum et ducentos quinquaginta mittere equites in Hispaniam consules ad M. Titinium iussi.

[4] priusquam consules provincias sortirentur, prodigia nuntiata sunt: lapidem in agro Crustumino in lucum Martis de caelo cecidisse,

[5] puerum trunci corporis in agro Romano natum et quadrupedem anguem visum, et Capuae multa in foro aedificia de caelo tacta, et Puteolis duas naves fulminis ictu concrematas esse.

[6] inter haec, quae nuntiabantur, lupus etiam Romae interdiu agitatus, cum Collina porta intrasset, per Esquilinam magno consectantium tumultu evasit.

[7] eorum prodigiorum causa consules maiores hostias inmolarunt et diem unum circa omnia pulvinaria supplicatio fuit.

[8] sacrificiis rite perfectis provincias sortiti sunt; Claudio Histria, Sempronio Sardinia obvenit.

[9] legem dein de sociis C. Claudius tulit ex senatus consulto ¹⁸ et edixit, qui socii ac nominis Latini ipsi maioresve eorum M. Claudio T. Quinctio censoribus postve ea apud socios nominis Latini censi essent, ut omnes in suam quisque civitatem ante kal.

[10] Novembres redirent. quaestio, qui ita non redissent, L. Mummio praetori decreta est. ad legem et edictum consulis senatus consultum adiectum est,

[11] ut dictator, consul, interrex, censor, praetor, qui nunc esset quive postea futurus esset, apud eorum quem ¹⁹ qui manu mitteretur, in libertatem vindicaretur, ut ius iurandum daret, qui eum manu mitteret, civitatis mutandae causa manu non mittere; in quo id non iuraret, eum manu mittendum non censuerunt.

[12] haec in posterum cauta, iussique edicto C. Claudi cons. Claudio decreta est.

[1]

dum haec Romae geruntur, M. Iunius et A. Manlius , qui priore anno consules fuerant, cum Aquileiae hibernassent, principio veris in finis Histrorum exercitum introduxerunt;

[2] ubi cum effuse popularentur, dolor magis et indignatio diripi res suas cernentes Histros, quam certa spes satis sibi virium adversus duos esse exercitus, excivit.

[3] concursu ex omnibus populis iuventutis facto repentinus et tumultuarius exercitus acrius primo inpetu quam perseverantius pugnavit.

[4] ad quattuor milia eorum in ²⁰ acie caesa; ceteri omisso bello in civitates passim diffugerunt. inde legatos primum ad pacem petendam in castra Romana, deinde obsides imperatos miserunt.

[5] haec cum Romae cognita litteris proconsulum essent, C. Claudius consul veritus, ne forte ea res provinciam et exercitum sibi adimeret, non votis nuncupatis, non paludatis lictoribus, uno omnium certiore facto collega nocte profectus, praeceps in provinciam abiit; ubi inconsultius quam venerat se gessit.

[6] nam cum contione advocata fugam e castris A. Manli adversis auribus militum, quippe qui primi ipsi fugissent, iactasset et ingessisset probra M. Iunio , quod se dedecoris socium collegae fecisset, ad extremum utrumque decedere provincia iussit.

[7] ad quod cum illi tum consulis imperio dicto audientes futuros esse dicerent, cum is more maiorum, secundum vota in Capitolio nuncupata,

[8] lictoribus paludatis profectus ab urbe esset, furens ira vocatum, qui pro quaestore Manli erat, catenas poposcit, vinctos se Iunium Manliumque minitans Romam missurum.

[9] ab eo quoque spretum consulis imperium est; et circumfusus exercitus, favens imperatorum causae et consuli infestus, animos ad non parendum addebat.

[10] postremo fatigatus consul et contumeliis singulorum et multitudinis — nam insuper inridebant —

[11] ludibriis, nave eadem, qua venerat, Aquileiam rediit. inde collegae ²¹ scripsit, ut militum novorum ei parti, quae scripta in Histriam provinciam esset, ediceret, Aquileiam ut conveniret, ne quid se Romae teneret, quo minus votis nuncupatis paludatus ab urbe exiret.

[12] haec a collega obsequenter facta, brevisque dies ad conveniendum edicta est. Claudius prope consecutus est litteras suas.

[13] contione adveniens de Manlio et Iunio habita, non ultra triduum moratus Romae, paludatis lictoribus votisque in Capitolio nuncupatis, in provinciam aeque ac prius praecipiti celeritate abit.

[1]

paucis ante diebus Iunius Manliusque oppidum Nesactium, quo se principes Histrorum et regulus ipse Aepulo receperat, summa vi oppugnare coeperant.

[2] eo Claudius duabus legionibus novis adductis, vetere exercitu cum suis ducibus dimisso, ipse oppidum circumsedit et vineis oppugnare intendit amnemque praeterfluentem moenia,

[3] qui et inpedimento oppugnantibus erat et aquationem Histris praebebat, multorum dierum opere exceptum novo alveo avertit.

[4] ea res barbaros miraculo terruit abscisae aquae; et ne tum quidem memores pacis, in caedem coniugum ac liberorum versi, etiam ut spectaculo hostibus tam foedum facinus esset, palam in muris trucidatos praecipitabant.

[5] inter simul ²² conplorationem feminarum puerorumque, simul nefandam caedem, milites transgressi murum oppidum intrarunt.

[6] cuius capti tumultum ubi ex pavido clamore fugientium accepit rex, traiecit ferro pectus, ne vivus caperetur;

[7] ceteri capti aut occisi. duo deinde oppida, Mutila et Faveria, vi capta et deleta.

[8] praeda, ut in gente inopi, spe maior fuit, et omnis militibus concessa est. quinque milia capitum sescenta triginta duo sub corona venierunt.

[9] auctores belli virgis caesi et securi percussi. Histria tota trium oppidorum excidio et morte regis pacata est, omnesque undique populi obsidibus datis in dicionem venerunt.

[10] sub Histrici finem belli apud Ligures concilia de bello haberi coepta.

[1]

Ti. Claudius proconsul, qui praetor priore anno fuerat, cum praesidio legionis unius Pisis praeerat.

[2] cuius litteris senatus certior factus, eas ipsas litteras ad C. Claudium — nam alter consul iam in Sardiniam traiecerat —

[3] deferendas censet et adicit decretum, quoniam Histria provincia confecta esset, si ei videretur, exercitum traduceret in Ligures.

[4] simul ex litteris consulis, quas de rebus in Histria gestis scripserat, in biduum supplicatio decreta. et ab altero consule Ti. Sempronio in Sardinia prospere ²³ res gesta.

[5] exercitum in agrum Sardorum Iliensium induxit. Balarorum magna auxilia Iliensibus venerant; cum utraque gente signis conlatis conflixit. fusi fugatique hostes castrisque exuti, duodecim milia armatorum caesa.

[6] postero die arma lecta conici in acervum iussit consul, sacrumque id Vulcano cremavit.

[7] victorem exercitum in hiberna sociarum urbium reduxit. et C. Claudius litteris Ti. Claudi et senatus consulto accepto ex Histria legiones in Ligures transduxit.

[8] ad Scultennam flumen in campos progressi castra habebant hostes. ibi cum iis acie dimicatum. quindecim milia caesa, plus septingenti aut in proelio aut in castris — nam ea quoque expugnata sunt — capti et signa militaria unum et quinquaginta capta.

[9] Ligures, reliquiae caedis, in montes refugerunt passim, populantique campestris agros consuli nulla usquam apparuerunt arma.

[10] Claudius duarum gentium uno anno victor, duabus, quod raro alius, in consulatu, perdomitis pacatisque provinciis Romam revertit.

[1]

prodigia eo anno nuntiata, in Crustumino avem sanqualem, quam vocant,

[2] sacrum lapidem rostro cecidisse, bovem in Campania locutam, vaccam aeneam Syracusis ab agresti tauro, qui ²⁴ pecore aberrasset, initam ac semine aspersam.

[3] in Crustumino diem unum in ipso loco supplicatio fuit et in Campania bos alenda publice data Syracusanumque prodigium expiatum editis ab haruspicibus dis, quibus supplicaretur.

[4] pontifex eo anno mortuus est M. Claudius Marcellus , qui consul censorque fuerat. in eius locum suffectus est pontifex filius eius M. Marcellus . et Lunam colonia eodem anno duo milia civium Romanorum sunt deducta.

[5] triumviri deduxerunt P. Aelius , M. Aemilius Lepidus , Cn. Sicinius ; quinquagena et singula iugera et semisses agri in singulos dati sunt. de Liguribus captus ager erat; Etruscorum ante anta quam Ligurum fuerat.

[6] C. Claudius consul ad urbem venit; cui, cum in senatu de rebus in Histria Liguribusque prospere gestis disseruisset, postulanti triumphus est decretus, triumphavit in magistratu de duabus simul gentibus.

[7] tulit in eo triumpho denarium trecenta septem milia et victoriatum octoginta quinque milia septingentos ²⁵ duos. militibus in singulos quini deni denarii dati, duplex centurioni, triplex equiti.

[8] sociis dimidio minus quam civibus datum. itaque taciti, ut iratos esse sentires, secuti sunt currum.

[1]

Cum is triumphus de Liguribus agebatur, Ligures, postquam senserunt non consularem tantum exercitum Romam abductum, sed legionem ab Ti. Claudio Pisis dimissam,

[2] soluti metu, clam exercitu indicto, per transversos limites superatis montibus in campos degressi, agrum Mutinensem populati, repentino impetu coloniam ipsam ceperunt.

[3] id ubi Romam adlatum est, senatus C. Claudium consulem comitia primo quoque tempore habere iussit creatisque in annum magistratibus in provinciam redire et coloniam ex hostibus eripere.

[4] ita, uti censuit senatus, comitia habita. consules creati Cn. Cornelius Scipio Hispallus Q. Petilius Spurinus .

[5] praetores inde facti M. Popilius Laenas P. Licinius Crassus M. Cornelius Scipio L. Papirius Maso M. Aburius L. Aquilius Gallus .

[6] C. Claudio consuli prorogatum in annum imperium et Gallia provincia; et ne Histri idem, quod et Ligures, ²⁶ facerent, socios nominis Latini in Histriam mitteret, quos triumphi causa de provincia deduxisset.

[7] Cn. Cornelio et Q. Petilio consulibus, quo die magistratum inierunt, immolantibus Iovi singulis bubus, uti solet, in ea hostia, qua Q. Petilius sacrificavit, in iocinere caput non inventum. id cum ad senatum rettulisset, bove perlitare iussus.

[8] de provinciis deinde consultus senatus Pisas et Ligures provincias consulibus decrevit;

[9] cui Pisae provincia obvenisset, cum magistratuum creandorum tempus esset, ad comitia reverti iussit.

[10] additum decreto, ut binas legiones novas scriberent et trecenos equites, et dena milia peditum sociis nominique Latino et sescenos imperarent equites.

[11] Ti. Claudio prorogatum est imperium in id tempus, quo in provinciam consul venisset.

[1]

dum de iis rebus in senatu agitur, Cn. Cornelius evocatus a viatore, cum templo egressus esset, paulo post redit confuso vultu et exposuit patribus conscriptis bovis sescenaris, quem ²⁷ inmolavisset, iecur defluxisse.

[2] id se victimario nuntianti parum credentem ipsum aquam effundi ex olla, ubi exta coquerentur, iussisse et vidisse ceteram integram partem extorum, iecur omne inenarrabili tabe absumptum.

[3] territis eo prodigio patribus, et alter consul curam adiecit, qui se, quod caput iocineri defuisset, tribus bubus perlitasse negavit.

[4] senatus maioribus hostiis usque ad litationem sacrificari iussit. ceteris diis perlitatum ferunt, Saluti Petilium perlitasse negant. inde consules praetoresque provincias sortiti. Pisae Cn. Cornelio , Ligures Petilio obvenerunt.

[5] praetores L. Papirius Maso urbanam, M. Aburius inter peregrinos sortiti sunt. M. Cornelius Scipio Maluginensis Hispaniam ulteriorem, L. Aquilius Gallus Siciliam habuit.

[6] duo deprecati sunt, ne in provincias irent, M. Popilius in Sardiniam: Gracchum eam provinciam pacare, ei T. Aebutium praetorem adiutorem ab senatu datum esse.

[7] interrumpi tenorem rerum, in quibus peragendis ²⁸ continuatio ipsa efficacissima esset, minime convenire;

[8] inter traditionem imperii novitatemque successoris, quae noscendis prius quam agendis rebus inbuenda sit, saepe bene gerendae rei occasiones intercidere.

[9] probata Popilli excusatio est. P. Licinius Crassus sacrificiis se impediri sollemnibus excusabat, ne in provinciam iret.

[10] citerior Hispania obvenerat. ceterum aut ire iussus aut iurare pro contione sollemni sacrificio se prohiberi. id ubi in P. Licinio ita statutum est, et ab se uti ius iurandum acciperent M. Cornelius postulavit, ne in Hispaniam ulteriorem iret.

[11] praetores ambo in eadem verba iurarunt. M. Titinius et T. Fonteius proconsules manere cum eodem imperii iure in Hispania iussi, et ut in supplementum his tria milia civium Romanorum cum equitibus ducentis, quinque milia socium Latini nominis et trecenti equites mitterentur.

[1]

Latinae feriae fuere ante diem tertium nonas Maias, in quibus quia in una hostia magistratus Lanuvinus precatus non erat populo Romano Quiritium, religioni fuit.

[2] id cum ad senatum relatum esset senatusque ad pontificum collegium reiecisset, pontificibus, quia non recte factae Latinae essent, instauratis Latinis ²⁹ placuit Lanuvinos, quorum opera instauratae essent, hostias praebere.

[3] accesserat ad religionem, quod Cn. Cornelius consul ex monte Albano rediens concidit et parte membrorum captus, ad Aquas Cumanas profectus ingravescente morbo Cumis decessit.

[4] sed inde mortuus Romam adlatus et funere magnifico elatus sepultusque est.

[5] pontifex idem fuerat. consul Q. Petilius cum primum per auspicia posset, collegae subrogando comitia habere iussus et Latinas edicere. comitia in ante diem tertium nonas Sextiles, Latinas in ante diem tertium idus Sextiles edixit.

[6] plenis religionum animis prodigia insuper nuntiata, Tusculi facem in caelo visam, Gabiis aedem Apollinis et privata aedificia conplura, Graviscis murum portamque de caelo tacta. ea patres procurari, uti pontifices censuissent, iusserunt.

[7] dum consules primum religiones, deinde alterum alterius mors et comitia et Latinarum instauratio inpediunt, interim C. Claudius exercitum ad Mutinam, quam Ligures priore anno ³⁰ ceperant, admovit.

[8] intra triduum quam oppugnare coeperat, receptam ex hostibus colonis restituit. octo milia ibi Ligurum intra muros caesa;

[9] litteraeque Romam extemplo scriptae, quibus non modo rem exponeret, sed etiam gloriaretur sua virtute ac felicitate neminem iam cis Alpis esse hostem populo Romano, agrique aliquantum captum, qui multis milibus hominum dividi viritim posset.

[1]

et Ti. Sempronius eodem tempore in Sardinia multis secundis proeliis Sardos perdomuit.

[2] quindecim milia hostium sunt caesa, omnes Sardorum populi, qui defecerant, in dicionem redacti. stipendiariis veteribus duplex vectigal imperatum exactumque;

[3] ceteri frumentum contulerunt. pacata provincia opsidibusque ex tota insula ducentis triginta acceptis legati Romam, qui ea nuntiarent, missi, quique ab senatu peterent, ut ob eas res ductu auspicioque Ti. Semproni prospere gestas diis inmortalibus honos haberetur, ipsique decedenti de provincia exercitum secum deportare liceret.

[4] senatus in aede Apollinis legatorum verbis auditis supplicationem in biduum decrevit, et quadraginta maioribus hostiis consules sacrificare iussit, Ti. Sempronium proconsulem exercitumque eo anno in provincia manere.

[5] comitia deinde consulis unius subrogandi, quae in ante diem tertium nonas Sextiles edicta erant, eo ipso die sunt confecta.

[6] Q. Petilius consul collegam, qui extemplo magistratum occiperet, creavit C. Valerium Laevinum . ipse iam diu cupidus ³¹ provinciae, cum opportunae cupiditati eius litterae adlatae essent Ligures rebellasse, nonis Sextilibus paludatus senatus litteris auditis tumultus eius causa legionem tertiam ad C. Claudium proconsulem in Galliam proficisci iussit,

[7] et duumviros navales cum classe Pisas ire, qui Ligurum oram, maritumum quoque terrorem admoventes, circumvectarentur.

[8] eodem Pisas et Q. Petilius consul ad conveniendum exercitui diem edixerat.

[9] et C. Claudius proconsul audita rebellione Ligurum praeter eas copias, quas secum Parmae habebat, subitariis collectis militibus, exercitum ad fines Ligurum admovit.

[1]

hostes sub adventum C. Claudi , a quo duce se meminerant nuper ad Scultennam flumen victos fugatosque, locorum magis praesidio adversus infeliciter expertam vim quam armis se defensuri, duos montes Letum et Ballistam ceperunt, muroque insuper amplexi sunt.

[2] tardius ex agris demigrantes oppressi ad mille et quingenti perierunt;

[3] ceteri montibus se tenebant, et ne in metu quidem feritatis ingenitae obliti saeviunt in praedam, quae Mutinae parta erat. captivos cum foeda laceratione interficiunt, pecora in fanis trucidant verius passim quam rite sacrificant.

[4] satiati caede animantium, quae inanima erant parietibus adfligunt, vasa omnis generis, usui magis quam ornamento [in speciem] facta.

[5] Q. Petilius consul, ne absente se debellaretur, ³² litteras ad C. Claudium misit, ut cum exercitu ad se in Galliam veniret:

[6] campis Macris se eum expectaturum. litteris acceptis Claudius ex Liguribus castra movit exercitumque ad campos Macros consuli tradidit. eodem [tempore] paucis post diebus C. Valerius consul alter venit.

[7] ibi divisis copiis, prius quam digrederentur, communiter ambo exercitus lustraverunt. tum sortiti, quia non ab eadem utrumque parte adgredi hostem placebat, regiones, quas peterent.

[8] Valerium auspicato sortitum constabat, quod in templo fuisset; in Petilio id vitii factum postea augures responderunt, quod extra templum sortem in sitellam in templum latam foris ipse oporteret.

[9] profecti inde in diversas regiones. Petilius adversus Ballistae et Leti iugum, quod eos ³³ montes perpetuo dorso inter se iungit, castra habuit.

[10] ibi adhortantem eum pro contione milites, inmemorem ambiguitatis verbi, ominatum ferunt se eo die Letum capturum esse.

[11] duabus simul partibus subire in adversos montes coepit. ea pars, in qua ipse erat, inpigre succedebat; alteram hostes cum propulissent, ut restitueret rem inclinatam, consul equo advectus suos quidem a fuga revocavit, ipse, dum incautius ante signa obversatur, missili traiectus cecidit.

[12] nec hostes ducem occisum senserunt, et suorum pauci, qui viderant, haud neglegenter, ut qui in eo victoriam verti scirent, corpus occultavere.

[13] alia multitudo peditum equitumque deturbatis hostibus montis sine duce cepere. ad quinque milia Ligurum occisa; ex Romano exercitu duo et quinquaginta ceciderunt.

[14] super tam evidentem tristis ominis eventum etiam ex pullario auditum est vitium in auspicio fuisse, nec id consulem ignorasse.

[15] C. Valerius audita ³⁴ periti religionum iurisque publici,

[16] quando duo ordinarii consules eius anni, alter morbo, alter ferro periisset, suffectum consulem negabant recte comitia habere posse.

[1]

deduxit. cis Apenninum Garuli et Lapicini et Hergates, trans Apenninum Briniates fuerant. intra Audenam amnem P. Mucius cum is, qui Lunam Pisasque depopulati erant, bellum gessit, omnibusque in dicionem redactis arma ademit.

[2] ob eas res in Gallia Liguribusque gestas duorum consulum ductu auspicioque senatus in triduum supplicationes decrevit et quadraginta hostiis sacrificari iussit. ³⁵

[3] et tumultus quidem Gallicus et Ligustinus, qui principio eius anni exortus fuerat, haut magno conatu brevi oppressus erat;

[4] belli Macedonici subibat iam cura, miscente Perseo inter Dardanos Bastarnasque certamina. et legati, qui missi ad res visendas in Macedoniam erant, iam reverterant Romam renuntiaverantque bellum in Dardania esse.

[5] simul venerant et ab rege Perseo oratores, qui purgarent nec accitos ab eo Bastarnas nec auctore eo quicquam facere.

[6] senatus nec liberavit eius culpae regem neque arguit; moneri eum tantum modo iussit, ut etiam atque etiam curaret, ut sanctum haberet foedus, quod ei cum Romanis esse videri posset.

[7] Dardani cum Bastarnas non modo non excedere finibus suis, quod speraverant, sed graviores fieri in dies cernerent, subnixos Thracum adcolarum et Scordiscorum auxiliis, audendum aliquid vel temere rati, omnes undique armati ad oppidum, quod proximum castris Bastarnarum erat, conveniunt.

[8] hiemps erat, et id anni tempus elegerant, ut Thraces ³⁶ Scordiscique in fines suos abirent. quod ubi ita factum et solos iam esse Bastarnas audierunt, bifariam dividunt copias, pars ut recto itinere ad lacessendum ex aperto iret, pars devio saltu circumducta ab tergo adgrederetur.

[9] ceterum priusquam circumire castra hostium possent, pugnatum est; victique Dardani compelluntur in urbem, quae fere duodecim milia ab castris Bastarnarum aberat.

[10] victores confestim secuti circumsidunt urbem, haud dubie postero die aut metu dedituris se hostibus aut vi expugnaturi.

[11] interim Dardanorum altera manus, quae circumducta erat, ignara cladis suorum, castra Bastarnarum sine praesidio relicta.

[1]

more sella eburnea posita ius dicebat disceptabatque controversias minimarum rerum.

[2] adeoque nulli fortunae adhaerebat animus per omnia genera vitae errans, uti nec sibi nec aliis, quinam homo esset, satis constaret.

[3] non adloqui amicos, vix notis familiariter arridere, munificentia inaequali sese aliosque ludificari; quibusdam honoratis magnoque aestimantibus se ³⁷ puerilia, ut escae aut lusus, munera dare, alios nihil expectantes ditare.

[4] itaque nescire, quid sibi vellet, quibusdam videri; quidam ludere eum simpliciter, quidam haud dubie insanire aiebant.

[5] in duabus tamen magnis honestisque rebus vere regius erat animus, in urbium donis et deorum cultu.

[6] Megalopolitanis in Arcadia murum se circumdaturum urbi est pollicitus maioremque partem pecuniae dedit; Tegeae theatrum magnificum e marmore facere instituit;

[7] Cyzici in Prytaneo — id est penetrale urbis, ubi publice, quibus is honos datus est, vescuntur — vasa aurea mensae unius posuit. Rhodiis ut nihil unum insigne, ita omnis generis, ut quaeque usus eorum postulaverunt, dona dedit.

[8] magnificentiae vero in deos vel Iovis Olympii templum Athenis, unum in terris incohatum pro magnitudine dei, potest testis³⁸ esse;

[9] sed et Delon aris insignibus statuarumque copia exornavit, et Antiochiae Iovis Capitolini magnificum templum, non laqueatum auro tantum, sed parietibus totis lammina inauratum, et alia multa in aliis locis pollicitus, quia perbreve tempus regni eius fuit, non perfecit.

[10] spectaculorum quoque omnis generis magnificentia superiores reges vicit, reliquorum sui moris et copia Graecorum artificum;

[11] gladiatorum munus Romanae consuetudinis primo maiore cum terrore hominum, insuetorum ad tale spectaculum, quam voluptate dedit;

[12] deinde saepius dando, et modo volneribus tenus, modo sine missione etiam, et familiare oculis gratumque id spectaculum fecit, et armorum studium plerisque iuvenum accendit.

[13] itaque, qui primo ab Roma magnis pretiis paratos gladiatores arcessere solitus erat, iam suo

Scipio inter peregrinos.

[1]

M. Atilio praetori provincia ³⁹ Sardinia obvenerat;

[2] sed cum legione nova, quam consules conscripserant, quinque milibus peditum, trecentis equitibus, in Corsicam iussus est transire. dum is ibi bellum gereret, Cornelio prorogatum imperium, uti optineret Sardiniam.

[3] Cn. Servilio Caepioni in Hispaniam ulteriorem et P. Furio Philo in citeriorem tria milia peditum Romanorum, equites centum quinquaginta, et socium Latini nominis quinque milia peditum, trecenti equites, Sicilia Lucio Claudio sine supplemento decreta.

[4] duas praeterea legiones consules scribere iussi cum iusto numero peditum equitumque, et decem milia peditum sociis imperare et sescentos equites.

[5] dilectus consulibus eo difficilior erat, quod pestilentia, quae priore anno in boves ingruerat, eo veterat in hominum morbos. qui inciderant, haud facile septimum diem superabant, qui superaverant longinquo, maxime quartanae, inplicabantur morbo.

[6] servitia maxime moriebantur; eorum strages per omnis ⁴⁰ vias insepultorum erat; ne liberorum quidem funeribus Libitina sufficiebat.

[7] cadavera intacta a canibus ac volturibus tabes absumebat, satisque constabat nec illo nec priore anno in tanta strage boum hominumque volturium usquam visum.

[8] sacerdotes publici ea pestilentia mortui sunt Cn. Servilius Caepio pontifex, pater praetoris, et Ti. Sempronius Ti. filius Longus decemvir sacrorum et P. Aelius Paetus augur et Ti. Sempronius Gracchus et C. Atellus Mamilius curio maximus et M. Sempronius Tuditanus pontifex.

[9] pontifices suffecti sunt C. Sulpicius Galba in locum Caepionis, in locum Tuditani. augures suffecti sunt in Gracchi locum T. Veturius Gracchus Sempronianus , in P. Aeli Q. Aelius Paetus . decemvir sacrorum C. Sempronius Longus , curio maximus C. Scribonius Curio sufficitur.

[10] cum pestilentiae finis non fieret, senatus decrevit, ut decemviri libros Sibyllinos adirent.

[11] ex decreto eorum diem unum supplicatio fuit, et ⁴¹ Q. Marcio Philippo verba praeeunte populus in foro votum concepit, si morbus pestilentiaque ex agro Romano emota esset, biduum ferias ac supplicationem se habiturum.

[12] in Veienti agro biceps natus puer, et Sinuessae unimanus, et Auximi puella cum dentibus, et arcus interdiu sereno caelo super aedem Saturni in foro Romano intentus,

[13] et tres simul soles effulserunt, et faces eadem nocte plures per caelum lapsae sunt, et in Lanuvino , Caeritesque anguem in oppido suo iubatum, aureis maculis sparsum, apparuisse adfirmabant, et in agro Campano bovem locutum esse satis constabat

[1]

legati nonis Juniis ex Africa redierunt, qui convento prius Masinissa rege Carthaginem ierant; ceterum certius aliquanto, quae Carthagine acta essent, ab rege scierant quam ab ipsis Carthaginiensibus.

[2] conpertum tamen adfirmaverunt legatos ab rege Perseo venisse, iisque noctu senatum in aede Aesculapi datum esse. ab Carthagine legatos in Macedoniam missos et rex adfirmaverat et ipsi parum constanter negaverant.

[3] in Macedoniam quoque mittendos legatos senatus censuit. tres missi sunt, C. Laelius M. Valerius Messala Sex. Digitius . ⁴²

[4] Perseus per id tempus, quia quidam Dolopum non parebant et de quibus ambigebatur rebus disceptationem ab rege ad Romanos revocabant, cum exercitu profectus sub ius iudiciumque suum totam coegit gentem.

[5] inde per Oetaeos montes transgressus, religionibus quibusdam animo obiectis, oraclum aditurus Delphos escendit. cum in media repente Graecia apparuisset, magnum non finitumis modo urbibus terrorem praebuit, sed in Asiam quoque ad regem Eumenen nuntii tumultuosi missi.

[6] triduum non plus Delphis moratus per Phthiotidem Achaiam Thessaliamque sine damno iniuriaque ullorum, per quos iter fecit, in regnum rediit.

[7] nec earum tantum civitatium, per quas iturus erat, satis habuit animos sibi conciliare; aut legatos aut litteras dimisit, petens, ne diutius simultatum, quae cum patre suo ⁴³ fuissent, meminissent, nec enim tam atroces fuisse eas, ut non cum ipso potuerint ac debuerint finiri;

[8] secum quidem omnia illis integra esse ad instituendam fideliter amicitiam; cum Achaeorum maxime gente reconciliandae gratiae viam quaerebat.

[1]

haec una ex omni Graecia gens et Atheniensium civitas eo processerat irarum, ut finibus interdiceret Macedonibus.

[2] itaque, servitiis ex Achaia fugientibus receptaculum Macedonia erat, quia, cum finibus suis iis interdixissent, intrare regni terminos ipsi non audebant.

[3] id cum Perseus animadvertisset, conprensis omnibus litterae . ceterum ne similis fuga servorum postea fieret, cogitandum et illis esse.

[4] recitatis his litteris per Xenarchum praetorem, qui privatae gratiae aditum apud regem quaerebat, et plerisque moderate et benigne scriptas esse censentibus litteras, atque iis maxume, qui praeter spem recepturi essent amissa mancipia, Callicrates ex iis,

[5] qui in eo verti salutem gentis crederent, si cum Romanis inviolatum foedus servaretur, “parva” inquit “

[6] aut mediocris res, Achaei, quibusdam videtur agi; ego maxumam gravissimamque omnium non agi tantum arbitror, sed ⁴⁴ quodam modo actam esse. nam qui regibus Macedonum Macedonibusque ipsis finibus interdixissemus, manereque id decretum , scilicet ne legatos,

[7] ne nuntios admitteremus regum, per quos aliquorum ex nobis animi sollicitarentur, ii contionantem quodam modo absentem audimus regem et, si dis placet, orationem eius probamus.

[8] et cum ferae bestiae cibum ad fraudem suam positum plerumque aspernentur et refugiant, nos caeci specie parvi beneficii inescamur et servulorum minimi pretii recipiendorum spe nostram ipsorum libertatem subrui et temptari patimur.

[9] quis enim non videt viam regiae societatis quaeri, qua Romanum foedus, quo nostra omnia continentur, violetur? nisi hoc dubium alicui est bellandum Romanis cum Perseo esse et, quod vivo Philippo expectatum, morte eius interpellatum est, id post mortem Philippi futurum.

[10] duos, ut scitis, habuit filios Philippus, Demetrium et Persea. genere materno, virtute, ingenio, favore Macedonum longe praestitit Demetrius.

[11] sed quia in ⁴⁵ Romanos odii regnum posuerat praemium, Demetrium nullo alio crimine quam Romanae amicitiae initae occidit, Persea, quem belli cum populo Romano prius paene quam regni heredem futurum sciebat, regem fecit.

[12] itaque quid hic post mortem patris egit aliud quam bellum paravit? Bastarnas primum ad terrorem omnium in Dardaniam inmisit; qui si sedem eam tenuissent, graviores eos accolas Graecia habuisset, quam Asia Gallos habebat.

[13] ea spe depulsus non tamen belli consilia omisit; immo, si vere volumus dicere, iam incohavit bellum. Dolopiam armis subegit nec provocantis de controversiis ad disceptationem populi Romani audivit; inde transgressus Oetam, ut repente in medio umbilico Graeciae conspiceretur, Delphos escendit.

[14] haec usurpatio itineris insoliti quo vobis spectare videtur? Thessaliam deinde peragravit; quod sine ullius eorum, quos oderat, noxa, hoc magis temptationem metuo.

[15] inde litteras ad nos cum muneris specie misit et cogitare iubet, quo modo in reliquum hoc munere non egeamus, hoc est, ut decretum, quo arcentur Peloponneso Macedones,

[16] tollamus, rursus legatos regios et hospitia cum principibus et mox Macedonum exercitus, ipsum quoque a Delphis — quantum enim interfluit fretum? — traicientem in Peloponnesum videamus, inmisceamur Macedonibus armantibus ⁴⁶ se adversus Romanos.

[17] ego nihil novi censeo decernendum servandaque omnia integra, donec ad certum redigatur, vanusne hic timor noster an verus fuerit.

[18] si pax inviolata inter Macedonas Romanosque manebit, nobis quoque amicitia et commercium sit; nunc de eo cogitare periculosum et inmaturum videtur.”

[1]

post hunc Archo, frater Xenarchi praetoris, ita disseruit. “difficilem orationem Callicrates et mihi et omnibus, qui ab eo dissentimus, fecit:

[2] agendo enim Romanae societatis causam ipse temptarique et oppugnari dicendo, quam nemo neque temptat neque oppugnat, effecit, ut, qui ab se dissentiret, adversus Romanos dicere videretur.

[3] ac primum omnium, tamquam non hic nobiscum fuisset, sed aut ex curia populi Romani veniret aut regum arcanis interesset, omnia scit et nuntiat, quae occulte facta sunt.

[4] divinat etiam, quae futura fuerint, si Philippus vixisset, quid ita Perseus regni heres sit, quid parent Macedones, quid cogitent Romani.

[5] nos autem, qui nec ob quam causam nec quem ad modum perierit Demetrius scimus, nec, quid Philippus, si vixisset, facturus fuerit, ad haec, quae palam geruntur,

[6] consilia nostra accommodare accomodare oportet. ac scimus Persea regno accepto ⁴⁷ regem a populo Romano appellatum; audimus legatos Romanos venisse ad regem et eos benigne exceptos.

[7] haec omnia pacis equidem signa esse iudico, non belli, nec Romanos offendi posse, si, ut bellum gerentes eos secuti sumus, nunc quoque pacis auctores sequamur. cur quidem nos inexpiabile omnium soli bellum adversus regnum Macedonum geramus, non video.

[8] opportuni propinquitate ipsa Macedoniae sumus? an infirmissimi omnium, tamquam, quos nuper subegit, Dolopes? immo contra ea vel viribus nostris, deum benignitate, vel regionis intervallo tuti.

[9] sed simus aeque subiecti ac Thessali Aetolique: nihilo plus fidei auctoritatisque habemus adversus Romanos, qui semper socii atque amici fuimus, quam Aetoli, qui paulo ante hostes fuerunt?

[10] quod Aetolis, quod Thessalis, quod Epirotis, omni denique Graeciae cum Macedonibus iuris est, idem et nobis sit. cur exsecrabilis ista nobis solis velut dissertio iuris humani est? ⁴⁸ fecerit aliquid Philippus,

[11] cur adversus eum armatum et bellum gerentem hoc decerneremus; quid Perseus, novus rex, omnis iniuriae insons, suo beneficio paternas simultates oblitterans, meruit, cur soli omnium hostes ei simus?

[12] quamquam et illud dicere poteram, tanta priorum Macedoniae regum merita erga nos fuisse, ut Philippi unius iniurias, si quae forte fuerunt, utique post mortem cum classis Romana Cenchreis staret,

[13] consul cum exercitu Elatiae esset, triduum nos in concilio fuisse consultantis, utrum Romanos an Philippum sequeremur.

[14] nihil metus praesens ab Romanis sententias nostras inclinarit; fuit certe tamen aliquid, quod tam longam deliberationem faceret. [id quod] erat vetusta coniunctio cum Macedonibus, vetera et magna in nos regum merita.

[15] valeant et nunc eadem illa, non ut praecipue amici, sed ne praecipue inimici simus. ne id, quod non agitur, Callicrates, simulaverimus agi; nemo novae societatis aut novi foederis, quo nos temere inligemus, conscribendi est ⁴⁹ auctor,

[16] sed commercium tantum iuris praebendi repetendique sit, ne interdictione finium nostrorum nostros quoque et nos regno arceamus, ne servis nostris aliquo fugere liceat.

[17] quid hoc adversus Romana foedera est? quid rem parvam et apertam magnam et suspectam facimus?

[18] quid vanos tumultus ciemus? quid ut ipsi locum adsentandi Romanis habeamus, suspectos alios invisosque efficimus? si bellum erit, ne Perseus quidem dubitat, quin Romanos secuturi simus. in pace, etiam si non finiuntur odia, intermittantur.

[19] ” cum idem huic orationi, qui litteris regis adsensi erant, adsentirentur, indignatione principum, quod quam rem ne legatione quidem dignam iudicasset Perseus, litteris paucorum versuum impetraret, decretum differtur.

[20] legati deinde postea missi ab rege, cum Megalopoli concilium esset, dataque opera est ab iis, qui offensionem apud Romanos timebant, ne admitterentur.

[1]

per haec tempora Aetolorum in semet ipsos versus furor mutuis caedibus ad internecionem adducturus videbatur gentem. ⁵⁰

[2] fessi deinde et Romam utraque pars miserunt legatos et inter se ipsi de reconcilianda concordia agebant; quae novo facinore discussa res veteres etiam iras excitavit.

[3] exulibus Hypataeis, qui factionis Proxeni erant, cum reditus in patriam promissus esset, fidesque data per principem civitatis Eupolemum,

[4] octoginta inlustres homines, quibus redeuntibus inter ceteram multitudinem Eupolemus etiam obvius exierat, cum salutatione benigna excepti essent dextraeque datae, ingredientes portam, fidem datam deosque testis nequiquam invocantes interfecti sunt.

[5] inde gravius de integro bellum exarsit. C. Valerius Laevinus et Ap. Claudius Pulcher et C. Memmius et M. Popilius et L. Canuleius missi ab senatu venerant.

[6] apud eos cum Delphis utriusque partis legati magno certamine agerent, Proxenus maxime cum causa tum eloquentia praestare visus est; qui paucos post dies ab Orthobula uxore veneno est sublatus; damnataque eo crimine in exilium abiit.

[7] idem furor et Cretenses lacerabat. adventu deinde Q. Minuci legati, qui cum decem navibus missus ad sedanda eorum certamina erat, ad spem pacis venerant. ceterum ⁵¹ indutiae tantum sex mensum fuerunt; inde multo gravius bellum exarsit.

[8] Lycii quoque per idem tempus ab Rhodiis bello vexabantur. sed externorum inter se bella, quo quaeque modo gesta sint, persequi non operae est satis superque oneris sustinenti res a populo Romano gestas scribere.

[1]

Celtiberi in Hispania, qui bello domiti se Ti. Graccho dediderant, pacati manserant M. Titinio praetore obtinente provinciam. rebellarunt sub adventum Ap. Claudi , orsique bellum sunt ab repentina oppugnatione castrorum Romanorum.

[2] prima lux ferme erat, cum vigiles in vallo quique in portarum stationibus erant, cum vidissent procul venientem hostem, ad arma conclamaverunt.

[3] Ap. Claudius signo proposito pugnae, paucis adhortatus milites, tribus simul portis eduxit. obsistentibus ad exitum Celtiberis primo par utrimque proelium fuit, quia propter angustias non omnes in faucibus pugnare poterant Romani;

[4] urguentes deinde alii alios secuti ubi evaserunt extra vallum, ut ⁵² pandere aciem et exaequari cornibus hostium, quibus circumibantur, possent, ita repente inruperunt, ut sustinere impetum eorum Celtiberi nequirent. ante horam secundam pulsi sunt;

[5] ad quindecim milia caesa aut capta, signa adempta duo et triginta. castra etiam eo die expugnata debellatumque; nam qui superfuere proelio, in oppida sua dilapsi sunt. quieti deinde paruerunt imperio.

[1]

censores eo anno creati Q. Fulvius Flaccus et A. Postumius Albinus legerunt senatum; princeps lectus M. Aemilius Lepidus pontufex maximus.

[2] de senatu novem eiecerunt. insignes notae fuerunt M. Corneli Maluginensis , qui biennio ante praetor in Hispania fuerat, et L. Corneli Scipionis praetoris, cuius tum inter civis et peregrinos iurisdictio erat, et L. Fulvi , qui frater ⁵³ germanus et, ut Valerius Antias tradit, consors etiam censoris erat.

[3] consules votis in Capitolio nuncupatis in provincias profecti sunt. ex iis M. Aemilio senatus negotium dedit, ut Patavinorum in Venetia seditionem conprimeret, quos certamine factionum ad intestinum bellum exarsisse et ipsorum legati adtulerant.

[4] legati, qui in Aetoliam ad similis motus conprimendos ierant, renuntiarunt coerceri rabiem gentis non posse. Patavinis saluti fuit adventus consulis; neque aliud quod ageret in provincia cum habuisset, Romam rediit.

[5] censores vias sternendas silice in urbe, glarea extra urbem substruendas marginandasque primi omnium locaverunt, pontesque multis locis faciendos; et scaenam aedilibus ⁵⁴ praetoribusque praebendam,

[6] et carceres in circo, et ova ad notas curriculis numerandis dam , et metas trans et caveas ferrea intromitterentur feriis in monte Albano consulibus,

[7] et clivom Capitolinum silice sternendum curaverunt, et porticum ab aede Saturni in Capitolium et ad senaculum ac super id curiam. ⁵⁵ et extra portam Trigeminam emporium lapide straverunt stipitibusque saepserunt,

[8] et porticum Aemiliam reficiendam curarunt, gradibusque ascensum ab Tiberi in emporium fecerunt.

[9] et extra eandem portam in Aventinum porticum silice straverunt et † eo publico ab aede Veneris fecerunt.

[10] idem Calatiae et Auximi muros faciendos locaverunt; venditisque ibi publicis locis pecuniam, quae redacta erat, tabernis utrique foro circumdandis consumpserunt.

[11] et alter ex iis Fulvius Flaccus — nam Postumius nihil nisi senatus Romani populive iussu se locaturum ipsorum pecunia — Iovis aedem Pisauri, et Fundis, et Potentiae etiam aquam adducendam, et Pisauri viam silice sternendam, et Sinuessae ⁵⁶

[12] magalia addenda aviariae in his et cloacas et murum circumducen dum et forum porticibus tabernisque claudendum et Ianos tris faciendos.

[13] haec ab uno censore opera locata cum magna gratia colonorum. moribus quoque regendis diligens et severa censura fuit. multis equi adempti.

[1]

exitu prope anni diem unum supplicatio fuit ob res prospere gestas in Hispania ductu auspicioque Appi Claudi proconsulis;

[2] et maioribus hostiis viginti sacrificatum. et alterum diem supplicatio ad Cereris, Liberi Liberaeque fuit, quod ex Sabinis terrae motus ingens cum multis aedificiorum ruinis nuntiatus erat.

[3] cum Ap. Claudius ex Hispania Romam redisset, decrevit senatus, ut ovans urbem iniret.

[4] iam consularia comitia adpetebant; quibus magna contentione habitis propter multitudinem petentium creati L. Postumius Albinus et M. Popilius Laenas .

[5] praetores inde facti N. Fabius Buteo M. Matienus C. Cicereius M. Furius Crassipes iterum A. Atilius Serranus iterum C. Cluvius Saxula iterum.

[6] comitiis perfectis Ap. Claudius Centho ex Celtiberis ovans cum ⁵⁷ in urbem iniret, decem milia pondo argenti, quinque milia auri in aerarium tulit.

[7] flamen Dialis inauguratus est Cn. Cornelius .

[8] eodem anno tabula in aede matris Matutae cum indice hoc posita est: “ Ti. Semproni Gracchi consulis imperio auspicioque legio exercitusque populi Romani Sardiniam subegit. in ea provincia hostium caesa aut capta supra octoginta milia.

[9] re publica felicissume gesta atque sociis liberatis, vectigalibus restitutis, exercitum salvom atque incolumem plenissimum praeda domum reportavit; iterum triumphans in urbem Romam rediit. cuius rei ergo hanc tabulam donum Iovi dedit.

[10] ” Sardiniae insulae forma erat, atque in ea simulacra pugnarum picta.

munera gladiatorum eo anno aliquot, parva alia data; unum ante cetera insigne fuit T. Flaminini ,

[11] quod mortis causa patris ⁵⁸ sui cum visceratione epuloque et ludis scaenicis quadriduum dedit. magni tamen muneris ea summa fuit, ut per triduum quattuor et septuaginta homines pugnarint.

Translations (3)

History of Rome Perseus (Foster, Benjamin Oliver; Moore, Frank Gardener; Sage, Evan T.; Schlesinger, Alfred C., translators. Cambridge, Mass.; London: Harvard University Press; William Heinemann, Ltd., 1919-1959. (Loeb Classical Library)) — 41.1.1 focus

[1] ...Aepulo¹ was said to have armed a people² which had been kept in peace by his father and thus to have won great favour with the youth, who were desirous of plundering. When a council regarding a war with the Histrians³ was held by the consul,⁴ some argued that it should be begun at once, before the enemy should be able to draw his forces together, others that the senate should first be consulted.⁵

[2] That opinion prevailed which proposed no delay. The consul, setting out from Aquileia, encamped near the lake of Timavus; this lake lies close to the sea.

[3] Gaius Furius,⁶ the duumvir navalis, came to the same place with a fleet of ten ships. To oppose the fleet of the Illyrians duumviri navales had been elected, who, with twenty ships to protect the coast of the upper⁷sea, were to make Ancona the hinge or pivot,⁸ so⁹ to speak; thence Lucius Cornelius¹⁰ was to defend the coast to the right as far as Tarentum, Gaius Furius the coast to the left as far as Aquileia.

[4] These ships were sent to the nearest harbour in Histrian territory with transports and a large quantity of supplies, and the consul, following with the legions, encamped about five miles from the sea.

[5] In a short time a market, visited by throngs, was established at the harbor, and from there everything was transported to the camp.

[6] And in order that this might be done in greater safety, outposts were established on all sides of the camp: facing Histria there was a permanent post, and an emergency cohort from Placentia stationed there; to a position between the sea and the camp, with the additional mission of protecting water-carriers at the river, Marcus Aebutius, military tribune of the second legion, was ordered to bring two maniples of his troops;

[7] Titus and Gaius Aelius, tribunes of the soldiers, had led the third legion, which was to guard the parties searching for forage and wood, on the road which leads to Aquileia.

[8] In the same area, about a mile distant, was the camp of the Gauls:¹¹ their chief, Catmelus, was in command of not more than three thousand armed men.

[1] The Histrians, as soon as the Romans had moved their camp to the lake of Timavus, themselves took up a hidden position in a spot behind a hill, and thence over byways followed the line of march, prepared for any opportunity;

[2] nor did anything that took place on land or sea escape their observation.

[3] When they saw that the outposts in front of the¹² camp were weak, and that the market, filled with an unarmed throng trafficking between the camp and the sea, was provided with no protection on land or on water, they at the same time attacked the two out-guards, the cohort from Placentia and the maniples of the second legion.

[4] A morning fog had concealed their enterprise; and as this cleared away before the first warmth of the sun, the light now penetrating it to some extent, but as yet, as is usual, not clear and furnishing the beholder a magnified impression of everything, at this time also deceived the Romans and revealed to them a battle-line of the enemy far stronger than it really was.

[5] When the soldiers from both outposts, terrified by this sight, had fled to the camp with mighty uproar they caused far more panic there than they had brought with them.

[6] For they could neither explain from what they had fled nor answer any persons who questioned them; and some shouting at the gates was heard, showing that no guards were there to withstand an assault; and the rushing about in the dark, as one man collided with another, had made it uncertain whether or not the enemy was inside the rampart.

[7] One voice was heard, that of men calling them to the sea; this cry, perhaps raised without design by a single man, rang everywhere through the whole camp.

[8] And so a few at first, as if they had been ordered to do this, some armed, the majority unarmed, rushed down to the sea, then larger numbers, finally almost all of them, and even the consul, when, trying in vain to recall the fugitives, he had failed at the end to accomplish anything by orders or authority or entreaties.

[9] One man alone remained, Marcus Licinius Strabo, military tribune of the third legion,¹³ having along with three companies been left behind by his legion. The Histrians, bursting into the empty camp, when no other armed man had met them, bore down upon him at the headquarters as he was forming his men and encouraging them.

[10] A battle began, fiercer than one would expect considering the small number of defenders, and did not stop until the tribune of the soldiers and the men who had made a stand with him had fallen. The enemy, tearing down the general's tent and plundering whatever was there, moved on to the quaestor's quarters, the market, and the via quintana.¹⁴

[11] When they had found there abundance of everything ready and laid out,

[12] and in the quaestor's quarters couches spread,¹⁵ the chief reclined and began to dine.

[13] Presently all the others, forgetting their arms and the enemy, did the same; and since the rather rich fare was strange to them, they greedily loaded their bodies with wine and food.

[1] The state of affairs among the Romans was not at all the same at this moment; on land, on sea there was confusion; the sailors were striking their tents and were hurrying off to the ships the provisions set out on the shore;

[2] the terrified soldiers were rushing to the small boats and into the sea; some of the sailors, in the fear that the ships would be overcrowded, were blocking the onrush of the crowd while others were pushing out the ships from the shore into deep water.

[3] Then there was a struggle and soon even a battle, marked by the wounding and slaying of soldiers and sailors in turn, until the fleet was removed far from the land by order of the consul, who next began to segregate the armed men from the unarmed.

[4] There were barely¹⁶ twelve hundred out of so great a crowd who had their weapons, and a very few cavalry were found who had brought their horses away with them; the rest were a motley crowd like servants and sutlers, surely destined to be booty if the enemy had bethought himself of the war.

[5] Then finally a messenger was sent to recall the third legion and the Gallic contingent, and at the same time from all sides there began the movement back to recover the camp and to wipe out the disgrace.

[6] The military tribunes of the third legion ordered foraging parties¹⁷ to abandon the forage and wood they had collected, directed the centurions to mount two of the older soldiers on each pack-animal whose load had been removed, and the cavalry to take one each of the younger infantrymen with them on their horses: they told them that the legion would win a fair report if by their valour they should recover the camp which had been lost through the panic of the men of the second legion.

[7] The recovery of the camp would be easy, they said, if the barbarians could be suddenly surprised while engaged with the booty; just as they had taken it, so it could be taken from them.

[8] This exhortation was listened to with great enthusiasm on the part of the soldiers. They advanced the standards at full speed, nor did the troops lag behind the standard-bearers. Nevertheless the consul and the troops who were being brought back from the sea reached the rampart ahead of them.

[9] Lucius Atius, the senior tribune of the second legion, not only urged on the men but also showed them that if the victorious Histrians intended to hold the captured camp with the same arms with which they had captured it, they would first¹⁸ have pursued to the sea the enemy, driven from his camp, and then at least have posted guards in front of the rampart; it was very probable that they were lying sunk in wine and sleep.

[1] Thereupon he directed his guidon-bearer,¹⁹ Aulus Baeculonius, a man of tried courage, to carry forward the standard. He replied that if they would follow him he would cause it to happen the more quickly;

[2] and when with a great effort he had hurled the standard over the rampart, he was the first of all to enter the gate.²⁰

[3] And on another side Titus and Gaius Aelius, military tribunes of the third legion, were coming up with the cavalry. Straightway also came the soldiers whom they had mounted in pairs on the pack-animals, and the consul with the main body.

[4] But a few of the Histrians, who had indulged only moderately in the wine, bethought them of flight, for the rest, death was a prolongation of sleep; and the Romans recovered their possessions in their entirety, except for the wine and food that had been consumed.

[5] Even the sick troops, who had been left inside the camp, when they learned that their comrades were within the rampart, seized their arms and wrought great slaughter.

[6] Conspicuous beyond the rest was the performance of a trooper, Gaius Popilius; his cognomen was Sabellus. He, though wounded in the foot and left behind, killed by far the largest number of the enemy.

[7] About eight thousand of the Histrians were slain, none captured, for rage and passion made the Romans²¹ heedless of booty. Nevertheless the chieftain of the Histrians, drunk as he was from the banquet, was hastily placed on a horse by his companions and escaped.

[8] Of the victors two hundred and thirty-seven fell, more in the flight in the morning than in the retaking of the camp.

[1] It so happened by chance that Gnaeus and Lucius Gavillius Novellus, from Aquileia, coming with provisions and not knowing what had happened, almost stumbled upon the camp which had been taken by the Histrians.

[2] When they, leaving their belongings, had fled to Aquileia, they filled everything with consternation and confusion, not only at Aquileia, but also, a few days later, at Rome;

[3] where the report was brought not merely that the camp had been captured by the enemy and that the Romans had fled (as was the case), but also that all was lost and the whole army destroyed.

[4] And so, as is usually done in times of panic, extraordinary levies were proclaimed not in the City alone but throughout Italy. Two legions of Roman citizens were enlisted and ten thousand infantry with five hundred cavalry were levied upon the allies of the Latin confederacy. Marcus Junius the consul was directed to cross into Gaul and to demand from the states of that province as many soldiers as each could furnish.

[5] At the same time it was decreed that Tiberius Claudius the praetor²² should issue an edict to the soldiers of the

[6] fourth legion and to five thousand foot and two hundred and fifty horse of the allies of the Latin confederacy that they should assemble at Pisa, and that Claudius should defend that province during the consul's absence;

[7] and also that Marcus Titinius the praetor²³ should order the²⁴ first legion²⁵ and an equal number of infantry and cavalry of the allies to assemble at Rimini.

[8] Nero in uniform set out for his province at Pisa; Titinius first sent Gaius Cassius, a tribune of the soldiers, to Rimini as commander of the legion and then conducted the levy at Rome.

[9] Marcus Junius the consul, having gone over from the Ligurians into the province of Gaul, and having immediately levied upon the Gallic states for auxiliaries and upon the colonies for regular troops, arrived at Aquileia.

[10] There he was informed that the army was safe, and sending despatches to Rome in order to allay their fears, he himself sent home the auxiliaries which he had levied on the Gauls and set out to join his colleague.

[11] At Rome there was great and unexpected joy; the levy was stopped, the soldiers who had taken the military oath were discharged, and the army, which had been suffering from a plague at Rimini, was sent home.

[12] Although the Histrians had a strong force in camp not far from the consul's camp, when they learned that the other consul with a new army had arrived they dispersed to their various states. The consuls led the legions into winter-quarters at Aquileia.

[1] The alarm in Histria having finally subsided, the senate passed a decree that the consuls should arrange between themselves which should come to Rome to hold the elections.

[2] When the tribunes of the people, Aulus Licinius Nerva and Gaius Papirius Turdus, were tearing the absent consul Manlius to pieces in their assemblies and proposing a bill that Manlius should not hold his command after the Ides of March —for the provincial commands of the consuls had already been prolonged for a year —²⁶

[3] that he might be able to plead his cause immediately upon his retirement from office, this measure was vetoed by their colleague Quintus Aelius, who after violent arguments prevailed to prevent its passing.²⁷

[4] At about this time, when Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus and Lucius Postumius Albinus²⁸ had returned to Rome from Spain, an audience before the senate was granted to them by the praetor Marcus Titinius, to be held in the temple of Bellona so that they might present an account of their achievements, claim the distinctions they deserved and ask that honour should be paid to the immortal gods.

[5] At the same time there was great confusion in Sardinia also, as was learned from dispatches from Titus Aebutius the praetor which had been brought to the senate by his son.

[6] The Ilienses,²⁹ reinforced by auxiliaries of the Balari,³⁰ had attacked the province while it was at peace, and could not be resisted since the army was weak and had lost a large number of its members as a result of a pestilence.

[7] Ambassadors of the Sardinians also brought the same news and begged that the senate should send aid to the towns at least —for the fields had already been abandoned in despair. This embassy and the whole question about what was to be done concerning Sardinia was postponed to the new administration.

[8] An equally pitiful embassy from the Lycians arrived,³¹ who complained of the cruelty of the Rhodians, under whose control they had been placed³² by Lucius Cornelius Scipio.³³

[9] They said that they had been under the dominion of Antiochus; this slavery to the King, when compared with their present situation, seemed glorious liberty. They were not merely as a state oppressed by their government, but private citizens were suffering downright bondage.

[10] Their wives and children, they said, were abused; cruelty was wreaked upon their bodies and their backs; their reputations —a shameful procedure —were stained and dishonoured; and openly hateful acts were done merely for the sake of displaying an abuse of power, in order to leave no doubt that there was no distinction between themselves and slaves bought with money.³⁴

[11] The senate, moved by this appeal, entrusted the Lycians with a letter for the Rhodians, stating that it was not their pleasure that the Lycians should be enslaved by the Rhodians nor any people who had been born in freedom by any other people;

[12] the Lycians had been placed under the administrative control and at the same time the protection of the Rhodians on the same conditions as the allied states enjoyed under the guardianship of the Roman people.

[1] Then two triumphs over Spain were celebrated in succession.

[2] The first was that of Sempronius Gracchus, who triumphed over the Celtiberians and their allies, and the next day Lucius Postumius triumphed over the Lusitanians and other Spaniards in the same district.³⁵ Gracchus carried in procession forty thousand pounds of silver, Albinus twenty thousand.

[3] Both distributed as³⁶ donatives twenty-five denarii each to the infantry, twice that sum to centurions, and thrice to the cavalry; the allies shared on the same terms with the Romans.³⁷

[4] About this time it chanced that the consul Marcus Junius came from Histria to Rome in order to hold the elections.

[5] When the tribunes of the people, Papirius and Licinius, had worn him out in the senate with questions as to what had happened in Histria, they finally haled him before an assembly.

[6] When the consul said in reply that he had spent not more than eleven days in that province, and that what had happened in his absence he, like the tribunes, knew only from report, they continued to pursue the matter, inquiring why in the world Aulus Manlius rather than himself had

[7] not come to Rome, in order to render an account to the Roman people of the reason why he had gone from the province of Gaul, which he had obtained from the lot, over into Histria? When, they asked, had the senate decreed that war?

[8] When had the Roman people ordered that war? But, by Hercules, he will say that although the war was undertaken on his own initiative, it was conducted wisely and courageously.³⁸ On the contrary, they said, it was impossible to say whether it was undertaken more improperly or prosecuted more imprudently. Two outposts were surprised by the Histrians, a Roman camp captured, and all the infantry and cavalry in the camp slaughtered, the rest, unarmed and routed, the consul himself leading the way, had fled to the sea and the

[9] ships! As a private citizen Manlius would give account of his actions, since he had refused to do this as a consul.

[1] The consular elections were then held.³⁹ The consuls chosen were Gaius Claudius Pulcher and Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus. The next day the praetors were elected, Publius Aelius Tubero (for the second time),⁴⁰ Gaius Quinctius Flamininus, Gaius Numisius, Lucius Mummius, Gnaeus Cornelius Scipio, Gaius Valerius Laevinus.

[2] The jurisdiction between citizens fell to Tubero, that between citizens and aliens to Quinctius, Sicily to Numisius, Sardinia to Mummius; but this, by reason of the seriousness of the war, was made a consular province. Scipio and Laevinus received from the lot Gaul, divided into two provinces.

[3] On the Ides of March, when Sempronius and⁴¹ Claudius were inaugurated consuls, a mere mention was made of the provinces of Sardinia and Histria and the enemies in both who had stirred up war in those provinces.

[4] On the next day the ambassadors of the Sardinians, whose hearing had been postponed to the administration of the new consuls, were heard, and Lucius Minucius Thermus, who had been a lieutenant of the consul Manlius in Histria, came into the senate.

[5] By them the senate was informed to what extent these provinces were engaged in war. The senate was greatly impressed also by the embassies from the allies of the Latin confederacy,⁴² who had wearied both censors and former consuls, and were at length given audience before the senate.

[6] The substance of their complaints was that large numbers of their citizens had been rated at Rome and had moved to Rome;⁴³

[7] but if this were allowed it would come to pass in a very few decades that there would be deserted towns and deserted farms which would be unable to furnish a single soldier.⁴⁴

[8] Similarly the Samnites and Paelignians complained that four thousand families had moved from their territories to Fregellae,⁴⁵ nor did either⁴⁶ community furnish fewer soldiers on that account when the levy was made. Moreover, two kinds of fraud had been practised to secure individual transfers of citizenship.

[9] The law⁴⁷ granted to any persons among the allies of the Latin confederacy, who should leave⁴⁸ in their home towns offspring of their loins, the privilege of becoming Roman citizens. By the abuse of this law some were injuring the allies, some the Roman people.

[10] For in the first place, in order to evade the requirement that they should leave offspring at home, they would give their sons to any Romans whatsoever in slavery, on the condition that they should be manumitted and thus become citizens of freedman condition;⁴⁹ in the second place, those who had no offspring to leave behind, in order to become Roman citizens adopted children.⁵⁰

[11] Later, disdaining even these pretences of obedience to law, just⁵¹ as they pleased, with no regard to the statute or to the requirement of offspring, they would transfer to the Roman citizenship by migration and recognition in the census.

[12] In order that these things might not occur in future, the ambassadors requested first, that the senate should direct allies to return to their cities; second, that a law should be passed providing that no one should acquire a son or dispose of one for the purpose of changing his citizenship;⁵² third, that if anyone had thus become a Roman citizen, he should not be a Roman citizen. These petitions were granted by the senate.

[1] Next the provinces which were at war, Sardinia and Histria, were decreed to the consuls.

[2] For Sardinia two legions were ordered to be raised, each of fifty-two hundred infantry and three hundred cavalry; also twelve thousand infantry and six hundred cavalry from the allies of the Latin confederacy, and ten ships of five banks of oars, in case the consul should wish to launch any from the docks. The same number of infantry and cavalry were decreed for Histria as for Sardinia.

[3] Also, the consuls were directed to send one legion with three hundred cavalry and five thousand allied infantry and two hundred and fifty cavalry⁵³ to Marcus Titinius⁵⁴ in Spain.

[4] Before the consuls drew lots for their provinces, the prodigies were reported: a stone fell from the sky into the grove of Mars in the territory of Crustumerium; a boy whose body was without limbs was born near Rome and a four-legged snake was seen; and at Capua also many buildings in the forum were struck⁵⁵ by lightning; and at Puteoli two ships were burned by lightning bolts.

[5] In the midst of the announcement of these occurrences, a wolf was pursued even in Rome by day, after entering by the Porta Collina, and escaped by the Porta Esquilina amid great uproar on the part of the pursuers.

[6] By reason of these portents the consuls sacrificed full-grown victims, and for one day a supplication was held at all the banquet-tables of the gods.

[7] The sacrifices having been duly completed, the consuls drew for their provinces; Histria fell to Claudius, Sardinia to Sempronius. Then Gaius Claudius, with the authorization of the senate, proposed a law concerning the allies, and

[8] issued a proclamation to the effect that all allies of the Latin confederacy, in the event that they themselves or their ancestors had been registered among the allies of the Latin confederacy in the censorship of Marcus Claudius and Titus Quinctius or thereafter,⁵⁶ should all return, each to his own state, before the Kalends of November.

[9] The investigation of those who should not have returned in this fashion was decreed to Lucius Mummius the praetor.⁵⁷

[10] To this law and proclamation of the consul a decree of the senate was added, that a dictator, consul, interrex, censor, or praetor, who was at the time in office or should henceforth be in office,⁵⁸ before any one of whom a slave was brought for manumission and for the assertion of his claim to freedom,⁵⁹ should require that an oath be given⁶⁰ that the person who was manumitting the slave was not manumitting him for the purpose of changing⁶¹ his citizenship;⁶²

[11] in any case in which this oath was not taken, they decreed that the manumission should not take place. These precautions were taken for the future, and orders were issued under the edict of Gaius Claudius the consul [for the return of the allies to their states.

[12] The investigation thereof] was ordered [to be conducted under the supervision] of Mummius.⁶³

[1] While all these things were being done at Rome, Marcus Junius and Aulus Manlius, who had been consuls the preceding year, after wintering at Aquileia, in the beginning of spring led the army into the land of the Histrians;

[2] while they were plundering far and wide, grief and indignation at the sight of their ravaged possessions roused the Histrians more than any assured hope that they had strength enough to withstand the two armies.

[3] When the young men from all the communities had rushed together, the army, hastily raised for the emergency, fought at the first clash with greater vigour than perseverance.

[4] About four thousand of them were killed in the battle-line, the rest, abandoning the campaign, scattered in every direction to their states. Then they first sent ambassadors to the Roman camp to ask peace, then the hostages which were demanded.

[5] When this was known at Rome from the dispatch of the proconsuls, Gaius Claudius the consul, fearing that these occurrences might perhaps deprive him of his province and his army,⁶⁴ without announcing his vows or clothing his lictors in uniform,⁶⁵ notifying only his colleague of everything, set out by night and went off at headlong speed to his province; there his conduct was more rash than his coming.

[6] For when, calling an assembly, he had upbraided Aulus Manlius for his flight from the camp (the soldiers, who themselves had begun the flight, listening with hostile ears) and had heaped insults upon Marcus Junius, because he had made himself a partner in his colleague's disgrace, he ended by ordering both to leave the province.

[7] When they had replied to this that they would obey the command of a consul at such time as he set out from the City in the manner of their forefathers, after public proclamation of his vows on the Capitoline and with his lictors in uniform,⁶⁶ Claudius, maddened with rage, summoned the officer who was acting as quaestor for Manlius and demanded from him chains, threatening that he would send Junius and Manlius to Rome in irons.

[8] This officer also ignored the command of the consul; and the army standing round about favouring the cause of the generals and hostile to the consul, gave the quaestor courage to disobey.

[9] At last the consul, worn out by the insults of individuals and the jeers of the whole crowd —for

[10] they ridiculed him as well —returned to Aquileia in the same ship in which he had come.

[11] Thence he wrote to his colleague to issue an edict that such portion of the new troops as had been enlisted for the province of Histria should assemble⁶⁷ at Aquileia, lest anything delay him at Rome from announcing his vows and setting out from the City in uniform. This was done by his colleague as he requested, and an early date for the muster was proclaimed.

[12] Claudius almost overtook his own letter. On his arrival he delivered a speech on the conduct of Manlius and Junius, and after tarrying not more than three days at Rome, with

[13] his lictors in uniform and having proclaimed his vows on the Capitoline, he went off to his province with the same headlong speed as before.

[1] A few days before this Junius and Manlius had begun to assault with all their might the town of Nesattium,⁶⁸ to which the leading men of the Histrians and even their chieftain Aepulo had withdrawn.

[2] There Claudius, bringing up the two new legions and sending away the old army with its commanders, himself invested the town and prosecuted the siege with sheds;

[3] and a river which flowed past the walls and was both a hindrance to the besiegers and a water-supply to the Histrians, after many days' toil he diverted and led off by a new channel.

[4] This act, by its miraculous cutting off of the water, terrified the barbarians; but, with no thought of peace even then, turning to the slaughter of their wives and children, in order that so horrible a deed might be in full view of the enemy also, they openly slew them on the walls and cast their bodies down.

[5] In the midst of the simultaneous wailing of women and children and the dreadful slaughter, the soldiers scaled the wall and entered the town.

[6] When the chief heard the din of its capture from the terrified cries of the fugitives, he stabbed himself⁶⁹ with his sword, so as not to be taken alive;

[7] the rest were captured or killed. Next two towns, Mutila and Faveria, were taken by storm and destroyed.

[8] The booty, considering the poverty of the people, was greater than they had hoped, and all of it was given to the soldiers. Five thousand six hundred and thirty-two captives were sold at auction. The persons responsible for the war were scourged and beheaded.

[9] All Histria, through the destruction of three towns and the death of its king, was pacified; and all the surrounding tribes gave hostages and surrendered.

[10] Toward the end of the Histrian war the Ligurians began to hold councils regarding war.

[1] Tiberius Claudius the proconsul, who had been praetor the preceding year, was in command at Pisa with a garrison of one legion.

[2] The senate, informed by his dispatches, voted that these same dispatches should be forwarded to Gaius Claudius —for by now the other consul had crossed to Sardinia —and

[3] added a decree that, since the province of Histria had been subdued,⁷⁰ he should, if it seemed wise to him, lead the army against the Ligurians.

[4] At the same time, in consequence of the dispatches of the consul, which he had written regarding events in Histria, a thanksgiving for two days was decreed. The other consul, Tiberius Sempronius, also conducted in Sardinia a successful campaign. He led the army into the country of the Sardinian Ilienses.⁷¹

[5] Strong reinforcements of the Balari had come to the Ilienses; he fought in pitched battle with both tribes. The enemy was repulsed and routed and stripped of his camp; twelve thousand armed men were slain.

[6] The next day the consul ordered the weapons to be⁷² collected, heaped up in a pile and burned as an offering to Vulcan. He led the conquering army back into winter quarters in allied cities.

[7] And Gaius Claudius, on receipt of the letter of Tiberius Claudius and the decree of the senate, led the legions over from Histria against the Ligurians.

[8] The enemy had advanced into the plains and encamped near the river Scultenna,⁷³ and there he fought them in line of battle. Fifteen thousand were killed, more than seven hundred captured, either in the battle or in the camp —for it too was taken —and fifty-one military standards.

[9] The Ligurians, the remnants left by the slaughter, fled to the mountains, and no armed force showed itself to the consul anywhere as he ravaged the farms in the plains far and wide.

[10] Claudius, victorious over two peoples in one year, and having pacified two provinces in his consulship, a thing which had rarely happened, returned to Rome.

[1] Prodigies were reported that year: in the territory of Crustumerium they say that a bird, called sanqualis⁷⁴ cut a sacred stone⁷⁵ with

[2] its beak, that in Campania a cow spoke, that at Syracuse a brazen heifer was approached and mounted by a wild bull which had strayed from its herd.

[3] In the territory of Crustumerium a day of prayer was held on the actual spot,⁷⁶ and in Campania the cow was consigned to maintenance at the expense of the state.

[4] Atonement was made for the prodigy at Syracuse, the gods to whom supplication should be⁷⁷ made having been announced by the haruspices. That year occurred the death of the pontiff Marcus Claudius Marcellus, who had been consul and censor.⁷⁸ In his place was substituted in the priesthood his son Marcus Marcellus. Also in that year a colony of two thousand Roman citizens was established at Luna.

[5] The board of three which established it consisted of Publius Aelius, Marcus Aemilius Lepidus, Gnaeus Sicinius; the allotment to each colonist was fifty-one and one half iugera. The land had been taken from the Ligurians; it had belonged to the Etruscans before the Ligurians.

[6] Gaius Claudius the consul came to the City: when he had given an account in the senate of his successful operations in Histria and among the Ligurians, on his request a triumph was decreed.

[7] He triumphed during his term of office over two peoples at once. He carried in procession in his triumph three hundred and seven thousand denarii, eighty-five thousand seven hundred and two victoriati.⁷⁹ Each of the infantry received fifteen denarii, the centurions twice, the cavalry each thrice that sum. To the allies⁸⁰ a half less was given than to the citizens.

[8] And so they followed the car in silence, so that you could perceive that they were angry.

[1] While this triumph over the Ligurians was being celebrated, when the Ligurians perceived that not only had the consular army been taken away

[2] to Rome, but even the legion sent back from Pisa by⁸¹ Tiberius Claudius, being now freed from fear, secretly mustering an army they crossed the mountains by side roads and came down into the plains, and after devastating the lands around Mutina captured the colony itself by a surprise attack.

[3] When this was reported at Rome, the senate instructed the consul Gaius Claudius to hold the elections at the earliest possible moment, and after choosing the magistrates for the year to return to the province and rescue the colony from the enemy.

[4] The elections were held as the senate had decreed. The consuls chosen were Gnaeus Cornelius Scipio Hispallus and Quintus Petilius Spurinus.

[5] Next the praetors were elected, Marcus Popilius Laenas, Publius Licinius Crassus, Marcus Cornelius Scipio, Lucius Papirius Maso, Marcus Aburius, Lucius Aquilius Gallus. The imperium of Gaius Claudius the consul, together with his assignment to Gaul, was extended for a year;

[6] he was also instructed, in order to prevent the Histrians from doing the same thing that the Ligurians had done, to send to Histria the allies of the Latin confederacy whom he had withdrawn from the province by reason of his triumph.

[7] The consuls, Gnaeus Cornelius and Quintus Petilius,⁸² on the day of their inauguration, sacrificed each an ox to Jupiter, as is usual, but in the victim which Quintus Petilius sacrificed no head to the liver was found. When this was announced to the senate he was instructed to continue sacrificing cattle until a favourable omen was secured.⁸³

[8] The senate next, when consulted about the provinces, decreed Pisa and the Ligurians as provinces for the consuls; the consul to whom Pisa should have fallen as a province⁸⁴ was ordered to

[9] return for the elections⁸⁵ on the arrival of the time of choosing magistrates.

[10] It was added to the decree that they should each enroll two new legions and three hundred cavalry; and that each should call upon the allies of the Latin confederacy for ten thousand infantry and six hundred cavalry.

[11] The imperium of Tiberius Claudius was extended until such time as the consul should have come to the province.⁸⁶

[1] While these matters were being discussed in the senate, Gnaeus Cornelius, summoned by a messenger, left the senate-house, and shortly afterward returned with a troubled expression and reported to the Conscript Fathers that the liver of a sescenaris ox⁸⁷ which he had sacrificed had melted away.

[2] He added that, scarcely believing the man in charge of the victims when he reported this, he had himself directed that the water be poured out of the kettle in which the entrails were being boiled and had seen all the rest of the entrails complete, but the whole liver had been consumed by an indescribable wasting.

[3] To the Fathers, already terrified by this portent, the other consul brought additional anxiety by reporting that he had failed to obtain a favourable omen after sacrificing three cattle, as the head of the liver had been missing.

[4] The senate directed him to continue sacrificing full-grown victims until he received a favorable omen. They say that in the case of the other gods they were obtained; to Salus, they say, Petilius could find no good omen.

[5] Then the consuls and praetors drew lots for their provinces. Pisa fell to Gnaeus Cornelius in the drawing, the Ligurians to Quintus Petilius. Of the praetors, Lucius Papirius Maso gained by lot the civil jurisdiction; Marcus Aburius⁸⁸ that between citizens and aliens.

[6] Marcus Cornelius Scipio Maluginensis had Farther Spain and Lucius Aquilius Gallus Sicily. Two asked to be excused from going to their provinces, Marcus Popilius to Sardinia: Gracchus, he said, was pacifying that province;

[7] the praetor Titus Aebutius had been assigned him as an assistant by the senate.

[8] That the regular course of business should be interrupted, in the completion of which mere continuity was most effective, was by no means expedient; during a transfer of command and the novitiate of the successor, which had to be devoted to learning things rather than doing them, opportunities for successful operations were often lost.⁸⁹

[9] The plea of Popilius was accepted.

[10] Publius Licinius Crassus alleged that he was hindered by obligatory sacrifices from going to his province; Nearer Spain had fallen to his lot. But he was ordered either to go or to take oath before the assembly that he was prevented by an obligatory sacrifice.⁹⁰ When this had been approved in the case of Publius Licinius, Marcus Cornelius also demanded that they should accept his oath, as an excuse for not going to Farther Spain. Both praetors swore in the same formula.

[11] Marcus Titinius and Titus Fonteius the proconsuls were instructed to remain in Spain with the same prerogative of command; it was also ordered that as reinforcements for them three thousand Roman citizens and two hundred cavalry, five thousand infantry and three hundred cavalry of the allies of⁹¹ the Latin confederacy should be sent.

[1] The Latin festival⁹² was held on the third day before the Nones of May, and a religious scruple arose because at the sacrifice of one victim the magistrate of Lanuvium had not prayed for the Roman people,⁹³ the Quirites.

[2] When this was reported to the senate and the senate had referred the question to the college of pontiffs, the decree of the pontiffs was that the Latin festival should be repeated, since it had not been correctly performed, and that the people of Lanuvium, to whom was due the necessity of the repetition, should furnish the victims.

[3] Their religious fear was increased by the fact that Gnaeus Cornelius the consul fell on his return from the Alban Mount, and, paralyzed in some of his limbs, set out for Aquae Cumanae⁹⁴ and, his illness growing more severe, died at Cumae.

[4] But after his death he was removed to Rome and was carried out and buried with an elaborate funeral. He was, in addition to being consul, a pontiff.

[5] The consul Quintus Petilius, as soon as the auspices permitted, was ordered to hold an election to choose his colleague and to proclaim the Latin festival; the election he declared for the third day before the Nones of August, the festival for the third day before the Ides of August.

[6] At a time when men's minds were already filled with religious fears, to add to them prodigies were reported: at Tusculum, a firebrand was seen in the sky, and at Gabii the temple of Apollo and numerous private houses, at Gravisca the wall and gate, were struck by lightning. The Fathers ordered expiation for these, in a manner to be prescribed by the pontiffs.

[7] While the two consuls were delayed first by⁹⁵ religious observances, then one consul by the death of the other and the election and the repetition of the Latin festival, in the meantime Gaius Claudius led the army toward Mutina, which the Ligurians had captured the year before.

[8] Within three days from the beginning of the siege he recovered it and restored it to the colonists. Eight thousand of the Ligurians perished there within the walls;

[9] and dispatches were at once sent to Rome, in which he not only stated the facts but also boasted that as a result of his valour and good fortune there was no longer an enemy of the Roman people on this side of the Alps, and that a large amount of land had been captured which could be divided individually among many thousands of men.

[1] At the same time also Tiberius Sempronius in Sardinia completely subdued the Sardinians in many successful battles.

[2] Fifteen thousand men were killed, and all the tribes of the Sardinians who had revolted were reduced to submission. Upon those who had been tributaries before, double taxes were imposed and levied, the rest contributed grain.⁹⁶

[3] Now that he had pacified the province and received two hundred and thirty hostages from the whole island, he sent lieutenants to Rome to report these events and to ask the senate that by reason of the successes obtained under the leadership and auspices of Tiberius Sempronius honour should be paid to the immortal gods and that Sempronius himself, on his departure from the province, should be permitted to bring back his army.⁹⁷

[4] The senate, meeting in the temple of Apollo, heard the words of the lieutenants,⁹⁸ decreed a thanksgiving for two days, ordered the consuls to sacrifice forty full-grown victims, and directed Tiberius Sempronius the proconsul and the army to remain that year in the province.

[5] Then the election for the purpose of filling the one vacancy in the consulship, which had been announced for the third day before the Nones of August, was finished the same day. Quintus Petilius the consul declared Gaius Valerius Laevinus chosen as his colleague, to enter upon his office at once.

[6] He himself had long been eager for his province, when, fortunately for his ambition, dispatches arrived that the Ligurians had rebelled, and on the Nones of August he set out in uniform [for his province and sent back a letter concerning his achievements there.⁹⁹ ] The senate, hearing the letter, by reason of the uprising ordered the third legion to set out to join Gaius Claudius the proconsul in Gaul, and the duumviri navales to proceed with the fleet to Pisa, in order to sail along the coast of the Ligurians, spreading terror by sea as well.

[7] At the same

[8] destination, Pisa, the consul Quintus Petilius had also named a rendezvous for his army.

[9] And Gaius Claudius the proconsul, hearing of the revolt of the Ligurians, in addition to the troops which he had with him at Parma, raised emergency troops and moved his army to the frontiers of the Ligurians.

[1] The enemy, on the arrival of Gaius Claudius, by whom as commander they recalled that recently at the Scultenna river they had been defeated and put to flight, with a view to defending themselves by the protection of the country rather than by arms against an attack which had turned out unhappily¹⁰⁰ for them, occupied the two mountains,¹⁰¹ Letum and Ballista, and in addition surrounded them by a wall.

[2] Those who were slow in moving from the fields were cut off and destroyed to the number of fifteen hundred; the rest kept within the mountains and not even in their fear forgetting their natural fierceness, they raged against the booty which had been taken at Mutina.

[3] The prisoners they slew after mutilating them cruelly; the beasts they butchered, scattered among the shrines, rather than sacrificed according to ritual. Sated with the slaughter of their living plunder, things which were inanimate, utensils of every sort, made for use rather than as ornaments to be looked at, they dashed against the walls.¹⁰² The consul Quintus Petilius, fearing lest the war should be finished in his absence, wrote to Gaius Claudius that he should bring the army to meet him in Gaul: he would await them, he said, at Campi Macri.¹⁰³

[4] Claudius, on receipt of the letter, moved his camp from the Ligurian territory and at Campi Macri turned his army over to the consul. Thither a few days later Gaius Valerius, the other consul, came. There, dividing their forces, before they separated the two jointly purified the armies.

[5] Then, because they had determined that the two should not approach the enemy from the same direction, they cast lots for the districts to which they should direct their march. It was evident that Valerius cast his lot in accordance with the requirements for auspices, because he was in the consecrated space; the augurs later declared that this fault had¹⁰⁴ existed in the case of Petilius —namely,

[6] the lot, which had been cast into the urn outside of the consecrated space, had been drawn by him while he was still outside of the consecrated area, although he should have been inside of it.¹⁰⁵ From Campi Macri they marched in different directions. Petilius had his camp facing the height of Ballista and Letum, which joins these mountains with a continuous ridge.

[7] Then, while he was encouraging the soldiers before the assembly, not thinking of the double meaning of the word, they said that he used the ominous expression that on that day he would gain Letum.¹⁰⁶ He began to march up the hills in front on two sides at once. The column in which he himself was advanced vigorously.

[8] When the enemy had repulsed the other, Petilius, in order to restore the wavering line, riding up on his horse, did indeed rally his men from their flight, but he himself, while riding before the standards with too little caution, fell struck with a javelin. But the enemy did not perceive that the commander had been killed, and the few of his own men who had seen it concealed his body with great care, knowing that victory depended on it.

[9] The rest of the body of infantry and cavalry dislodged the enemy and took the mountains without their general. About five thousand of the Ligurians were killed: of the Roman army fifty-two fell.

[10] In addition to this so manifest fulfilment of an omen of evil, it was also learned from the keeper of the chickens¹⁰⁷ that¹⁰⁸ there had been a flaw in the auspices, and that the consul had not been unaware of this. Gaius Valerius, hearing. . .

[11] .¹⁰⁹ Those who were skilled in the rules of religion and in public law said that, since the two regular consuls of the year had perished, the one from disease, the other in battle, a substituted consul could not properly conduct an election . .

[12] .¹¹⁰ brought them down.

[1] The Garuli, the Lapicini and the Hergates¹¹¹ had lived on this side of the Apennines, the Friniates beyond them and on this side of the river Audena.¹¹² Publius Mucius waged war on the tribes that had ravaged Luna and Pisa and disarmed them when all had been reduced to surrender.

[2] By reason of the successes in Gaul and among the Ligurians under the¹¹³ leadership and auspices of the two consuls, the senate decreed a thanksgiving for three days and ordered the sacrifice of forty victims.

[3] And indeed the Gallic and Ligurian uprising, which had broken out in the beginning of the year, was quickly suppressed with no great effort; now the anxiety as to the Macedonian War beset them, since Perseus was stirring up conflicts between the Dardanians and the Bastarnae.¹¹⁴

[4] And the ambassadors¹¹⁵ who had been sent to investigate the situation in Macedonia had already returned to Rome and had reported that war in Dardania was now in progress.

[5] At the same time envoys had also arrived from King Perseus, who were to explain on his behalf¹¹⁶ that he had neither invited the Bastarnae nor was he instigating any of their actions.

[6] The senate neither absolved him of this blame nor charged him with it; they merely ordered that he be warned to take redoubled care to make it appear that he was respecting the treaty which was in force between him and the Romans.¹¹⁷

[7] When the Dardanians saw that the Bastarnae were not only not leaving their territory, as they had hoped, but were growing more troublesome every day, and were relying on the aid of the neighbouring Thracians and the Scordisci, they decided that they must venture something, even rashly, and all from all sides met in arms at the town which was nearest to the camp of the Bastarnae. It was winter, and they had chosen that season in order that the¹¹⁸ Thracians and Scordisci might then depart to their own countries.

[8] When they learned that this had occurred as they had expected and that the Bastarnae were now alone, they divided their forces into two columns, one to march by the straight road to assail openly, the other, led around by an out-of-theway pass, to attack from the rear.

[9] But before they could surround the camp of the enemy the battle took place; and the defeated Dardanians were driven back into the town, which was about twelve miles distant from the camp of the Bastarnae.

[10] The victors followed in haste and invested the city, expecting confidently that the next day either the enemy would surrender on account of fear or they would take the town by storm.

[11] Meanwhile the other column of the Dardanians, which had followed the circuitous route, being ignorant of the defeat of their comrades, captured the camp of the Bastarnae, which had been left without a guard.¹¹⁹

[1] Antiochus, setting up an ivory chair in the Roman fashion, would administer justice and adjudge disputes on the most trifling matters.

[2] And so incapable was his mind of sticking to any station in life, as it strayed through all the varieties of existence that it was not really clear either to himself or to others what kind of person he was.¹²⁰

[3] It was his habit not to speak to his friends, to smile at mere acquaintances in a most friendly way, and with an inconsistent generosity to make himself and others laughing-stocks; to some, men of distinction who held¹²¹ themselves in high esteem, he would give childish presents, as of food or toys, others, who expected nothing, he would make rich.

[4] And so he seemed to some not to know what he wanted; some said that he was playing childish tricks, some that he was unquestionably insane.

[5] Nevertheless in two great and important respects his soul was truly royal —in his benefactions to cities and in the honours paid to the gods.

[6] To the people of Megalopolis in Arcadia he promised that he would enclose their city with a wall, and he gave the greater part of the money; at Tegea he began to build a magnificent theatre of marble; in the prytaneum at Cyzicus —this is the central hall of the city, where those men dine upon whom this distinction has been bestowed —he furnished a golden service for one table.

[7] While he gave the Rhodians nothing remarkable, yet he gave them gifts of every description, whatever their needs demanded.

[8] Of his magnificent ideas as to the treatment of the gods, the temple of Jupiter Olympius at Athens, the only one in the world which, though unfinished,¹²² was designed to conform to the greatness of the god, can well be evidence; besides, he also adorned Delos with marvellous altars and abundance of statuary, and at Antioch he built a magnificent temple to Jupiter Capitolinus, which had not merely its ceiling panelled with gold, but also its walls wholly covered with gilded plates;

[9] and many other things he promised in other places, but by reason of the very short duration of his reign¹²³ he did not finish them.

[10] Also in regard to the splendour of his shows of every sort he surpassed earlier kings, his other spectacles being given in their own proper¹²⁴ style and with an abundance of Greek¹²⁵ theatrical artists;¹²⁶ a gladiatorial exhibition, after the Roman fashion, he presented which was at first received with greater terror than pleasure on the part of men who were unused to such sights;

[11] then by frequent repetitions, by sometimes allowing the fighters to go only as far as wounding one another, sometimes permitting them to fight without

[12] giving quarter, he made the sight familiar and even pleasing, and he roused in many of the young men a joy in arms. And so, while at first he had been accustomed to summon gladiators from Rome, procuring them by large fees, finally he could find a sufficient supply at home.

[13] . . .¹²⁷ Scipio the jurisdiction between citizens and aliens.

[1] The lot had given the province of Sardinia¹²⁸ to Marcus Atilius the praetor;

[2] but he was ordered, with the new legion which the consuls had enlisted, consisting of five thousand infantry and three hundred cavalry, to cross over to Corsica. As long as he should be engaged in the war there, the imperium of Cornelius¹²⁹ was prolonged, in order that he might hold Sardinia.

[3] For Gnaeus Servilius Caepio in Farther Spain and for Publius Furius Philus in Nearer Spain were enlisted three thousand Roman infantry and one hundred and fifty cavalry, and of the allies of the Latin confederacy five thousand infantry and three hundred cavalry, and Sicily¹³⁰ was decreed to Lucius Claudius without reinforcements.

[4] The consuls were directed to enroll in addition two legions with the regular numbers of infantry and cavalry and to call upon the allies for ten thousand infantry and six hundred cavalry.

[5] The levy was more difficult for the consuls because the plague which had attacked the cattle the year before had this year turned into a disease which attacked men. Those who were assailed by it did not easily survive the seventh day; those who had survived that length of time suffered from a lingering disease, usually quartan.¹³¹

[6] The slaves especially died; and along all the roads there were piles of their unburied bodies. Libitina¹³² sufficed not even for the funerals of free men.

[7] The corpses, untouched by dogs and vultures, were consumed by decay; and it was generally observed that neither in this nor in the previous year, in spite of the great mortality of cattle and men, was a vulture seen anywhere.

[8] Of official priests, there perished in this epidemic Gnaeus Servilius Caepio, a pontifex, father of the praetor, and Tiberius Sempronius Longus, the son of Tiberius, decemvir in charge of sacrifices, and Publius Aelius Paetus, an augur, Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus, an augur, Gaius Mamilius Atellus, the curio maximus,¹³³ and Marcus Sempronius Tuditanus, a pontiff. As pontiffs there were appointed Gaius Sulpicius Galba. . . in the place of Tuditanus.¹³⁴

[9] Augurs were chosen in the stead of Gracchus —Titus¹³⁵ Veturius Gracchus Sempronianus¹³⁶ and, to replace Publius Aelius, Quintus Aelius Paetus. As decemvir in charge of sacrifices Gaius Sempronius Longus and as curio maximus Gaius Scribonius Curio¹³⁷ were chosen.

[10] Since the pestilence would not come to an end, the senate decreed that the decemvirs should consult the Sibylline Books.¹³⁸

[11] In accordance with their decree a day of prayer was observed, and as Quintus Marcius Philippus¹³⁹ dictated the formula, the people, assembled in the Forum, undertook a vow that if the disease and plague should have been banished from Roman territory they would celebrate a festival and thanksgiving for two days.

[12] In the territory of Veii a boy with two heads was born, and at Sinuessa a boy with one hand, and at Auximum a girl with teeth; and a rainbow by day in a clear sky was seen extending over the temple of Saturn in the Forum Romanum, and three suns shone at once, and that same

[13] night numerous firebrands glided through the sky, and the people of Lanuvium and Caere asserted that a crested serpent dotted with yellow spots had appeared in their towns, and in the Campanian land there was ample evidence that a cow had spoken.

[1] On the Nones of June the ambassadors returned from Africa¹⁴⁰ who, after first interviewing King Masinissa, had gone to Carthage; but they had received much more accurate information as to¹⁴¹ what had been going on in Carthage from the king than from the Carthaginians themselves.

[2] Nevertheless they reported it as an ascertained fact that ambassadors had come from King Perseus and had been given an audience by night before the senate, assembled in the temple of Aesculapius. The king, moreover, had asserted that envoys had been sent from Carthage to Macedonia, and the Carthaginians had denied this without very much firmness.

[3] The senate decreed that ambassadors should also be sent to Macedonia. Three were dispatched, Gaius Laelius, Marcus Valerius Messalla, and Sextus Digitius.

[4] Perseus¹⁴² about this time, because certain of the Dolopians¹⁴³ were insubordinate and wanted to refer the arbitration of the matters which were in dispute to the Romans instead of to the king, setting out with his army brought the whole district under his sovereignty and sway.

[5] Thence, crossing over the Oetaean mountains, since certain religious difficulties beset his mind, he climbed up to Delphi to consult the oracle. When he had suddenly appeared in the midst of Greece, he not merely roused great terror in the neighbouring cities but even caused the dispatch of excited messages to King Eumenes in Asia.¹⁴⁴

[6] Having tarried in Delphi not more than three days, he returned through Phthiotic Achaea and Thessaly to his kingdom without doing any¹⁴⁵ damage or injury to those through whose lands he marched.

[7] Nor was he content with winning the good will of only those states through which he was planning to march;¹⁴⁶ he sent out either ambassadors or letters, asking that they should no longer remember the quarrels in which they had engaged with his father; for, he said, they had not been so serious that they could not and should not be ended with him; so far as he was concerned at least, everything was in order for a faithful establishment of friendly relations with them;

[8] with the people of the Achaeans especially he was seeking for a way of restoring good feeling.

[1] This one people out of all Greece, together with the Athenian state, had gone so far in their anger as to exclude Macedonians from their territories.¹⁴⁷

[2] And so when slaves escaped from Achaea Macedonia was a refuge for them because, since the Achaeans had forbidden the Macedonians to enter their country, they themselves did not dare to cross the frontiers of their kingdom.

[3] Accordingly, when Perseus had become aware of this, he arrested all the fugitives [and sent letters graciously promising to restore such slaves to them].¹⁴⁸ But, he added, they too should take measures that similar escapes of slaves should not happen in future.

[4] When this letter was read by their general Xenarchus, who was seeking for an opportunity to curry favour personally with the king, and when the majority believed that¹⁴⁹ it had been written in a spirit of moderation and kindliness, this being especially the view of those who were to recover, contrary to expectations, their lost slaves, Callicrates, one of those who believed that the safety of the state depended on whether the treaty with the Romans were preserved

[5] inviolate,¹⁵⁰ spoke as follows:

The matter under discussion,

[6]

Achaeans, appears to some to be trivial or of only moderate importance, but I for my part consider that a question by far the most serious of all is not only being decided, but somehow or other has been decided. For we who had forbidden to the kings of the Macedonians and to the Macedonians themselves admission to our territories and who knew that the decree was still in force, namely that by which we had made provision that we should not receive the

[7]

ambassadors or the messengers of the kings, through whom the sentiments of some of us might be affected, we, I say, are now listening to the king who, so to say, speaks to us though absent, and (heaven help us!) we even approve his speech. And while wild beasts generally disdain and refuse

[8]

food offered to entrap them, we, blind fools, are caught by the showy bait of a trifling kindness, and, in the hope of recovering some paltry slaves of the slightest value, permit our very liberty to be undermined and endangered. For who does not see that a way for an alliance with the king is being sought, whereby the Roman treaty, on which our whole fate depends, would be violated? Or is it doubtful to anybody that

[9]

a war between the Romans and Perseus is inevitable, and that this war, anticipated while Philip was alive and postponed

[10]

by his death, will come after the death of Philip? As you¹⁵¹ know, Philip had two sons, Demetrius and Perseus. In birth on his mother's side, in character, in intellect, in influence with the Macedonians, Demetrius far surpassed the other.¹⁵² But because Philip had set up the throne as a prize for hatred of the Romans, he put Demetrius to death, for no other crime than that he had cultivated

[11]

the friendship of the Romans; Perseus he made king, knowing that he would inherit a war with the Roman people almost before he could inherit the throne. Accordingly, what has he done after his father's death except prepare for war? First, to the alarm of all, he turned the Bastarnae loose into Dardania, and if they had retained this district Greece

[12]

would have found them neighbours more dangerous than Asia found the Gauls.¹⁵³ Disappointed in that hope, he nevertheless did not abandon his plans for the war; no: if we are willing to speak frankly, he has already begun the war. Dolopia he has overrun with arms, and when they wished to appeal in their disputes to the arbitrament of the Roman people he paid no heed.¹⁵⁴ Next, crossing Oeta, so that he suddenly appeared at the very navel of Greece, he climbed up to Delphi. Toward what, do

[13]

you think, does this assumption of the right to travel an unaccustomed route tend? Then he traversed Thessaly; but if he did so without injuring in any way men whom he hated, all the

[14]

more do I fear his scheming. Next he directed a letter to us, under pretence of doing us a service, and bids us consider how we shall not need this service in future, that is, that we shall repeal the decree by which Macedonians are excluded from the¹⁵⁵ Peloponnesus, and again see the king's ambassadors, and hospitalities exchanged with their leaders, and presently Macedonian armies and even the king himself crossing from Delphi (for how great a strait flows between us?¹⁵⁶ ) to the Peloponnesus, and shall

[15]

be mingled with the Macedonians as they arm themselves against the Romans! I vote that we shall decree nothing new but preserve everything as it is, until it shall

[16]

be reduced to certainty whether our fears are false or justified. If the peace between the Macedonians and the Romans remains inviolate, let us

[17]

too share the friendship and the intercourse; to plan about it now seems dangerous and premature.

[1] After him Archo, brother of the general Xenarchus, spoke as follows:

Difficult indeed has Callicrates made the task of speaking for me and for all of us who disagree with him; for by pleading the cause of the Roman alliance he himself.

[2]

by alleging that it is being endangered and attacked, although no one is either endangering or attacking it, has brought it to pass that whoever should disagree with him would seem to be speaking against the Romans.

[3]

And first of all, just as if he had not been here with us, but were either coming from the senate-house of the Roman people or were a sharer in the secrets of kings, he knows everything and reports everything which has been done in concealment.

[4]

He even foretells what would have happened if Philip had lived, why Perseus became heir to the throne in such a way, what preparations the Macedonians are making,¹⁵⁷ what the Romans are considering.

[5]

But we who know neither for what reason or in what manner Demetrius died nor what Philip would have done if he had lived, ought to adjust our decision to those events which are taking place in full view.

[6]

And we do know that Perseus, having gained the throne, was saluted as king by the Roman people: we hear that Roman ambassadors came to King Perseus and that they were courteously received.

[7]

All these things I, for my part, interpret as signs of peace, not war; nor can the Romans be offended if, as we followed them in waging war, we now follow them likewise as sponsors of peace. Why indeed we, alone of men, should wage unrelenting war against the Kingdom of the Macedonians, I do not see. Are we vulnerable because of our very proximity to Macedonia? Or are we, like the Dolopians whom he has just subdued, the weakest of all mortals?

[8]

No, on the contrary, by the grace of the gods, either our own strength or the distance which separates us makes us secure.

[9]

Grant that we are as much at the mercy of the king as the Thessalians, and the Aetolians; have we no more credit and standing in the eyes of the Romans, we who have always been their allies and friends, than the Aetolians, who but a short time ago were their enemies? Whatever rights exist between the Macedonians and the Aetolians, the Thessalians, the Epirotes, in a word, all Greece, let us also possess.

[10]

Why should we alone experience that accursed loosening, so to speak, of human ties? Assume that Philip¹⁵⁸ has done something for which we should pass this decree against him when he was armed and waging war;

[11]

what has Perseus deserved, a new king, innocent of all wrong, who now wipes out by his kindness the memory of his father's quarrels, that we alone of all men should be his enemies?

[12]

And yet I might have said even this, that so great were the benefits conferred upon us by former kings of Macedonia that they, especially now that he is dead, wipe out the memory of wrongs committed by Philip alone, if perchance there were such.

[13]

Does it not come to mind that when the Roman fleet lay at Cenchreae and the consul with his army was at Elatia, we spent three days in the council deliberating whether we should follow the Romans or Philip?¹⁵⁹ Grant that no immediate fear of the Romans affected our judgment: there was certainly something, nevertheless, which caused so long consideration; and this was our long-standing association with the Macedonians and the ancient and great services rendered us by their kings. Let the ancient arguments prevail even now, not to make us conspicuously their friends, but to prevent our being conspicuously their

[14]

enemies. Let us not pretend, Callicrates, that the question is being settled which is not being settled. No one counsels us to make a new alliance or conclude a new treaty by which we may without knowing it entangle ourselves in difficulties; only intercourse of proffering and receiving justice, and that we shall not exclude ourselves from the territory of the kingdom by barring our frontiers to

[15]

them; that it may not be permitted our slaves to flee anywhere —how is that against the Roman treaties? Why do we turn a slight and open matter into one¹⁶⁰ that is important and suspicious? Why do we stir up groundless

[16]

alarms? Why, in order that we may have an opportunity to flatter the Romans, do we bring others under suspicion and

[17]

distrust? If there is to be war not even Perseus doubts that we will follow the Romans; in peace, even if hatreds are not ended, let them be suspended.

When the same persons who had applauded the king's letter applauded this speech, on account of the indignation of the chiefs, that what Perseus did not deem deserving even of an embassy he should secure by means of a letter a few lines long, the decree was

[18] deferred. Later on ambassadors were sent by the king, at the time when the council was meeting at Megalopolis, and precautions were taken by the party which feared that the Romans would take

[19] offence, that they should not be received.

[1] At this time the rage of the Aetolians, being turned upon themselves, seemed likely, as they murdered one another, to bring the whole people to extermination.

[2] Then, as they grew wearied, each faction sent ambassadors to Rome, and of their own accord negotiated with one another regarding the restoration of harmony; this effort, broken up by a new crime, reawakened the old passions.

[3] When exiles from Hypata, who belonged to the party of Proxenus, had been promised restoration to their city and a public safeguard had been promised them by Eupolemus,¹⁶¹ the chief of the city, eighty distinguished men, whom Eupolemus with the rest of the population had even gone out to meet on their return, although they were received with¹⁶² courteous addresses and hand-clasps, as they entered the gate appealing in vain to the assurances of safety

[4] given and to the gods, were slain.

[5] In consequence of this a more serious war flared up afresh. Gaius Valerius Laevinus, Appius Claudius Pulcher, Gaius Memmius, Marcus Popilius, and Lucius Canuleius, sent by the senate, had arrived.¹⁶³

[6] When representatives of both factions spoke before them at Delphi with great contentiousness, Proxenus seemed to outstrip the rest, both in the merit of his cause and in eloquence; a few days later he was poisoned by his wife Orthobula; and she being condemned on that charge, went into exile. The same madness rent the Cretans too.

[7] The arrival of Quintus Minucius the commissioner, who had been sent with ten ships to quell their contentions, then brought them to the hope of peace. But the truce was for six months only; then a much more serious war flared up. The Lycians also at this time were being harassed in war by the Rhodians.

[8] But the wars which foreign nations waged among themselves and the manner in which they were conducted, it is not worth while to relate in detail, since I carry enough and too much of a burden in describing in full the achievements of the Roman people.¹⁶⁴

[1] The Celtiberians in Spain, who had surrendered to Tiberius Gracchus¹⁶⁵ after their defeat in the war, had remained quiet while Marcus Titinius¹⁶⁶held the province as praetor. They rebelled on the¹⁶⁷ arrival of Appius Claudius¹⁶⁸ and began the war by a surprise attack on the Roman camp.

[2] It was about daybreak, when the sentinels were on the rampart and the outposts were on guard at the gates, that they saw the enemy coming afar off and called the troops to arms.

[3] Appius Claudius, after displaying the signal for battle and briefly exhorting the troops, led them out by three gates at once. The Celtiberians met them as they came out, and at first there was a drawn battle, since on account of the narrow space not all the Romans could fight in the entrance;

[4] then, as they pressed forward one on another, when they had forced their way out beyond the rampart in order that they might extend their line and form it to meet the flanks of the enemy by which they were being surrounded, they burst out so suddenly that the Celtiberians were unable to withstand the charge.

[5] Before the second hour they were repulsed; about fifteen thousand were killed or captured, and thirty-two standards were taken. The camp was also captured that day and the war was over: for those who survived the battle scattered to their towns. Thereafter they quietly submitted to authority.

[1] The censors who were elected that year, Quintus Fulvius Flaccus and Aulus Postumius Albinus, chose the members of the senate; as princeps senatus Marcus Aemilius Lepidus the chief pontiff was chosen.

[2] They expelled nine from the senate. The conspicuous victims of the censure were Marcus Cornelius Maluginensis, who two years before had been praetor in Spain,¹⁶⁹ and¹⁷⁰ Lucius Cornelius Scipio the praetor, who at the time exercised jurisdiction over cases between citizens and aliens,¹⁷¹ and Lucius Fulvius who was own brother to the censor and, as Valerius Antias writes, held their father's property jointly with the censor.¹⁷²

[3] The consuls, after publicly proclaiming their vows on the Capitoline, departed to their provinces. To one of them, Marcus Aemilius,¹⁷³ the senate had entrusted the task of suppressing a revolt of the people of Patavium in Venetia, since even their own ambassadors had reported that civil war had flared up in consequence of the rivalry of factions.

[4] The ambassadors who had gone to Aetolia to repress similar disturbances reported that the madness of the people could not be checked. The consul's arrival was the cause of safety to the people of Patavium; since he had nothing else to do in the province, he returned to Rome.

[5] The censors first of all let contracts for paving the streets in the City with flint,¹⁷⁴ and for laying the bases of roads outside the City with gravel and constructing footpaths along their edges, and for the construction of bridges in¹⁷⁵ many places;¹⁷⁶

[6] also a stage to be placed at the disposal of the aediles and praetors;¹⁷⁷ stalls too in the Circus, and egg-shaped markers to designate the laps . . . and turning-points across . . . and iron cages through which the wild beasts might be let in . . .¹⁷⁸ the festival on the Alban Mount.

[7] . .,¹⁷⁹ and they arranged for the pavement with flint of the Clivus Capitolinus¹⁸⁰ and for the construction of a portico from the temple of Saturn to the assembly-room of the senators on the Capitoline,¹⁸¹ and, above it, to the Curia.

[8] And outside the Porta Trigemina they paved the warehouse with stone and enclosed it with paling, and they contracted for repairs to the portico of Aemilius,¹⁸² and built a stairway from the Tiber to the warehouse.¹⁸³

[9] And within the same gate they paved with flint the portico leading to the Aventine, and they built . . . from the temple of Venus.¹⁸⁴

[10] The same censors contracted for the construction of walls at Calatia and Auximum; and after¹⁸⁵ selling the public land there, the money which had been collected they devoted to building shops around the forum in each town.

[11] Also one of them, Fulvius Flaccus —for Postumius had announced that he would let no contract without the order of the Roman senate or assembly —with the money allotted to them contracted for a temple of Jupiter at Pisaurum and at Fundi,¹⁸⁶ and for conducting water to Potentia also, and for paving with flint a street at Pisaurum and at Sinuessa for the construction of

[12] suburbs¹⁸⁷ . . . in them, for both sewers and a surrounding wall . . . and a forum, to be enclosed by porticoes and shops, and for the erection of three statues of Janus. These contracts were let by the one censor to the great satisfaction of the colonists.¹⁸⁸

[13] In the supervision of morals the censorship was careful and strict. The horses of many were taken away.¹⁸⁹

[1] At about the end of the year there was a day of thanksgiving on account of the successes in Spain under the leadership and auspices of Appius Claudius the proconsul, and twenty full-grown victims were sacrificed.

[2] There was also a second day of prayer at the temples of Ceres, Liber and Libera, because from Sabine territory there came the news of a severe earthquake causing many buildings to collapse. When Appius Claudius had returned from¹⁹⁰ Spain to Rome, the senate decreed that he should enter the city in ovation.

[3] The consular election was now at hand; when this was held with great contention because of the large number of candidates, Lucius Postumius Albinus and Marcus Popilius Laenas were chosen.

[4] Next the praetors were elected, Numerius Fabius Buteo, Gaius Matienus, Gaius Cicereius, Marcus Furius Crassipes, Aulus Atilius Serranus, Gaius Cluvius Saxula (the last three each

[5] for the second time).¹⁹¹ When the elections were over and Appius Claudius Cento entered the City in ovation over the Celtiberians, he deposited in the treasury ten thousand pounds of silver and five thousand of gold. Gnaeus Cornelius was inaugurated as flamen Dialis.

[6] In the same year a tablet was set up in the temple of Mater Matuta with this inscription:

Under the command and auspices of Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus the legion and army of the Roman people conquered Sardinia.

[7]

In this province more than eighty thousand of the enemy were slain or captured.¹⁹²

[8]

The state having been most successfully administered and the allies set free, the revenues restored, he brought back home the army safe and secure and enriched with booty; for the second time he entered the city of Rome in triumph. In commemoration of this event he set up this tablet to Jupiter.

It had the form of the island of Sardinia, and on it representations of battles were painted.

[9] Many gladiatorial games were given that year, some of them unimportant; one was noteworthy beyond the rest, that of Titus Flamininus, which¹⁹³ he gave to commemorate the death of his father,¹⁹⁴ lasted four days, and was accompanied by a public distribution of meats, a banquet and scenic performances.

[10] The climax of a show which was big for that time was that in three days seventy-four gladiators

[11] fought.¹⁹⁵

Summary of Book XLI

¹⁹⁶ *The fire in the temple of Vesta went out.¹⁹⁷ *The proconsul¹⁹⁸ Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus conquered and received the surrender of the Celtiberians, and as a monument to his labours established a town, Gracchuris,¹⁹⁹ in Spain; also the Vaccaei and Lusitanians were subdued by the proconsul Postumius Albinus. Both celebrated triumphs. *Antiochus, son of Antiochus, who had been given to the Romans as a hostage by his father, on the death of his brother Seleucus, who had succeeded as king on their father's decease, was sent back from the City to the throne of Syria.²⁰⁰ Apart from his piety, because of which he built many grand temples in many places—at Athens, the temple of Jupiter Olympius, and at Antioch, that of Jupiter Capitolinus—he played a very tawdry rôle as king.²⁰¹ *The five-year period was brought to an end by the censors; there were enumerated as citizens 258,294 persons.²⁰² *Quintus Voconius Saxa, tribune of the people, carried a law that no one should make a woman his heir.²⁰³ *Marcus Cato advocated the law. *His speech survives.²⁰⁴ Moreover, the book covers successful campaigns by several leaders against the Ligurians, Histrians, Sardinians, and Celtiberians, as well as the beginnings of the Macedonian War, which Perseus, the son of Philip, was pushing forward. He had sent an embassy to the Carthaginians, and it had been heard by them at night. Then too, he kept making overtures to the other states of Greece.

History of Rome Perseus (Spillan, D.; Edmonds, Cyrus; McDevitte, William A., translators. London: Henry G. Bohn, 1849-1868. (Bohn's Classical Library)) — 41.1.1 focus

[1]

... ¹ and therefore was much endeared to the youth desirous of plundering.

[2] When the consul held a council on the subject of a war with Istria, some were of opinion that it ought to be begun immediately, before the enemy could collect forces; others, that the senate ought first to be consulted; the opinion was adopted which opposed delay. Accordingly the consul, marching from Aquileia, pitched his camp at the lake Timavus, which lies very near the sea. Thither came Caius Furius, one of the naval commanders, with ten ships; for two naval commanders had been appointed against the fleet of the Illyrians, and these commanders, with twenty ships for the protection of the coast of the Hadriatic, were to make Ancona, as it were, the pivot of their position; so that Lucius Cornelius had to guard the coasts on the right, extending from the latter place to Tarentum; and Caius Furius those on the left, as far as Aquileia. This squadron was sent to the nearest port in the Istrian territory, with a number of transports and a large store of provisions; while the consul, following with the legions, encamped at the distance of about five miles from the

[3] coast. A plentiful market was soon established at the port, and every thing conveyed thence to the camp. That this might be done with greater safety, out-posts were fixed around the camp; a newly-levied cohort of Placentines was posted between the camp and the sea, as a picket in the direction of Istria; and that the watering-parties might likewise have protection at the river, orders were given to Marcus Aebutius, military tribune, to take thither two companies of the second legion. Titus and Caius Aelius, military tribunes, led out the third legion on the road towards Aquileia, in support of those that went for food and forage. In the same quarter, nearly a mile distant, was the camp of the Gauls: Catmelus acted as their chieftain, and they were not more than three thousand armed men.

[1]

When the Roman army first reached the lake Timavus, the Istrians took post behind a hill, where they could not be seen; and on its march thence followed it through by-ways, watching attentively for some opportunity that might give them an advantage;

[2] nor did any thing that was done, either on land or sea, escape their observation.

[3] When they saw that the advanced guards of the Romans were weak, and that the market-place was filled with an unarmed crowd of persons trafficking between the camp and the sea, and that they had not fortified themselves either by works on land, or by the help of ships, they made an assault on two of their posts at once, that of the Placentine cohort, and that of the two companies of the second legion.

[4] A morning fog concealed their design; and when this began to disperse as the sun grew warm, the light piercing through it in some degree, yet still being far from clear, and, as usual in such cases, magnifying the appearance of every thing, deceived the Romans, and made the army of the enemy appear much greater to them than it really was.

[5] And when the troops in both the posts, terrified, had fled in the utmost confusion to the camp, there they caused much greater alarm than that which they were under themselves: for they could neither tell what made them fly, nor answer any question that was asked.

[6] Then a shouting was heard at all the gates, since there were no guards at them which could withstand an attack: and the crowding together of the soldiers, who fell one against the other in the dark, raised a doubt as to whether the enemy was within the rampart.

[7] One only cry was heard, that of those urging to the sea. This cry uttered by one, and without an object and by chance, resounded every where throughout the entire camp.

[8] At first, therefore, a few with their arms and a greater part without them, as if they had received orders so to do, ran off to the sea shore; then followed more, and at length almost the whole of the army, and the consul himself, when, having attempted in vain to call back the fugitives, he had effected nothing by commands, advice, and, at last, by entreaties.

[9] Marcus Licinius Strabo, a military tribune of the third legion, with three companies alone, remained, being left behind by his legion. The Istrians having made an attack on the empty camp, after that no other had met them in arms, came upon him while he was drawing up and encouraging his men at the general's quarters; the fight was maintained with more resolution than might be anticipated, from the small number of the defenders;

[10] nor did it cease until the tribune, and those who stood round him, were all slain. The enemy then, tearing down the general's tent, and seizing on all they could find, went on to the quaestor's quarters, and the adjoining forum, called Quintana.

[11] Thereupon, when they found all kinds of food dressed and laid out in

[12] the quaestor's tent, and the couches placed in order, their chieftain lay down and began to feast.

[13] Presently all the rest, thinking no more of fighting or of the enemy, did the same; and being unaccustomed to any sort of rich food, they greedily gorged themselves with meat and wine.

[1]

The appearance of affairs among the Romans was by no means the same. There was confusion both on land and sea; the mariners struck their tents, and hastily conveyed on board the provisions which had been sent on shore; the soldiers in a panic rushed into the boats, and even into the water.

[2] Some of the seamen, in fear lest their vessels should be overcrowded, opposed the entrance of the multitude, while others pushed off from the shore into the deep.

[3] Hence arose a dispute, and in a short time a fight, accompanied by wounds and loss of lives, both of soldiers and seamen; until by order of the consul, the fleet was removed to a distance from the shore.

[4] He next set about separating the armed from the unarmed; out of so large a number, there were scarcely found twelve hundred who had preserved their arms; very few horsemen who had brought their horses with them; while the rest were an ill-looking throng, like servants and sutlers, and would certainly have fallen a prey, if the enemy had not neglected the war.

[5] At length an express was despatched to call in the third legion and the out-post of the Gauls; and at the same time the troops began to march back from all parts in order to retake the camp, and wipe off their disgrace.

[6] The military tribunes of the third legion ordered their men to throw away the forage and wood, and commanded the centurions to mount two elderly soldiers on horses from which the loads were thrown down, and each of the cavalry to take a young foot soldier with him on his horse.

[7] He told them,

it would be a great honour to their legion, if they should recover, by bravery, the camp which had been lost by the cowardice of the second; and that this might be easily effected, if the barbarians were surprised while busied in plundering. In like manner as they had taken it, so might it be retaken.

[8] His exhortation was received by the army with the utmost alacrity; they eagerly bear on the standards, nor do the soldiers delay the standard-bearers. However the consul, and the troops which were led back from the shore, reached the rampart first.

[9] Lucius Atius, first tribune of the second legion, not only urged on his men, but informed them also, that

if the Istrians meant to retain the camp, which they had taken, by the same arms by which they took it, they would, in the first place, have pursued their enemy driven from his camp to the sea; and, in the next place, they would certainly have stationed guards outside the rampart;

[10]

and that it was very likely that they were lying in sleep, or drowned in wine.

[1]

Immediately after this, he ordered his own standard-bearer, Aulus Baeculonius, a man of known bravery, to bear in the standard; who replied, that if the men were willing to follow him, he would cause it to be done more quickly.

[2] Then, exerting all his strength, after throwing the standard across the intrenchment, he was the first that entered the gate.

[3] And on the other side, Titus Aelius and Caius Aelius, military tribunes of the third legion, with their cavalry arrived; and, quickly after them, the soldiers whom they had mounted in pairs on the beasts of burden; also the consul with the main body.

[4] Only a few of the Istrians, who had drunk in moderation, betook themselves to flight: death succeeded as the continuation of the sleep of the others; and the Romans recovered all their effects unimpaired, except the victuals and wine which had been consumed.

[5] The soldiers, too, who had been left sick in the camp, when they saw their countrymen within the trenches, snatched up arms, and committed great slaughter. The bravery of Caius Popilius, a horseman, was pre-eminent above that of all.

[6] His surname was Labellus. He had been left behind in the camp, on account of a wound in his foot, notwithstanding which he slew by far the greatest number of the enemy.

[7] About eight thousand Istrians were killed, but not one prisoner taken; for rage and indignation had made the Romans regardless of booty. The king of the Istrians, though drunk after his banquet, was hastily mounted on a horse by his people, and effected his escape.

[8] Of the conquerors there were lost two hundred and thirty-seven men; more of whom fell in the fight in the morning, than in the retaking of the camp.

[1]

It happened that Cneius and Lucius Cavillius, new citizens of Aquileia, coming with a convoy of provisions, and not knowing what had passed, were very near going into the camp after it was taken by the Istrians.

[2] These men, when, leaving their baggage, they had fled back to Aquileia, filled all things with consternation and alarm, not only there, but, in a few days after, at Rome also;

[3] to which intelligence was brought, not only that the camp was taken, and that the troops ran away, as was really the case, but that every thing was lost and that the whole army was entirely cut off.

[4] Wherefore, as is usual in a dangerous emergency, extraordinary levies were ordered by proclamation, both in the city and throughout all Italy. Two legions of Roman citizens were raised, and ten thousand foot and five hundred horse were demanded from the allies of the Latin nation.

[5] The consul Marcus Junius was ordered to pass on into Gaul, and demand from the several states of that province, whatever number of troops each was able to supply.

[6] At the same time it was decreed that Tiberius Claudius, the praetor, should issue orders for the fourth legion, and five thousand foot and two hundred and fifty horse, of the Latins, to assemble at Pisae; and that he should guard that province during the consul's absence; and that Marcus Titinius, the praetor, should order the first legion, and an equal number of allied foot and horse, to meet at Ariminum.

[7] Nero, habited in general's robes, set out for Pisae, which was in his province.

[8] Titinius, after sending Caius Cassius, military tribune, to Ariminum, to take the command of the legion there, held a levy at Rome. The consul, Marcus Junius, passed over from Liguria into the province of Gaul, and having immediately ordered

[9] a levy of auxiliaries through the states of Gaul, and having ordered the colonies to send soldiers, came to Aquileia.

[10] There he learned that the army was safe; wherefore, after despatching a letter to Rome, that they might be no longer alarmed, he sent home the auxiliaries, which he had ordered the Gauls to furnish, and proceeded himself to join his colleague.

[11] There was great joy at Rome after the unexpected news; the levies were stopped, the soldiers who had taken the military oath were discharged, and the troops at Ariminum, who were afflicted with a pestilential sickness, were remanded home.

[12] The Istrians, when they with a numerous force were encamped at no great distance from the consul, after they heard that the other consul was arrived with a new army, dispersed, and returned to their several states. The consuls led back their legions into winter quarters at Aquileia.

[1]

The alarm caused by the affairs of Istria being at length composed, a decree of the senate was passed, that the consuls should settle between themselves which of them should come to Rome, to preside at the elections.

[2] When two plebeian tribunes, Aulus Licinius Narva and Caius Papirius Turdus, in their harangues to the people, uttered severe reflections on Manlius, then abroad; and proposed the passing of an order, that although the government of their provinces had already been continued to the consuls for a year, yet Manlius should not hold command beyond the ides of March;

[3] in order that he might immediately, after going out of office, be brought to trial. Against this proposition, Quintus Aelius, another tribune, protested; and, after violent struggles, prevailed so far, as to prevent its being passed.

[4] About this time, when Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus and Lucius Postumius Albinus came home from Spain, an audience of the senate is granted to them, by Marcus Titinius the praetor, to speak of the services which they had rendered, and demand the honours they had merited, and also that thanksgiving should be offered to the immortal gods.

[5] At the same time also it was known, by the letters of Titus Aebutius the praetor, which his son brought to the senate, that there was great commotion in Sardinia.

[6] The Iliensians, having added to their forces Balearian auxiliaries, had invaded the province though at peace with them; nor could resistance be offered to them by a weak army, which had besides lost great numbers by a pestilence.

[7] Ambassadors from the Sardinians made the same representations, entreating the senate to send relief to their cities; for as to the country, it was already entirely ruined. This embassy, and every thing which referred to Sardinia, was referred to the new magistrates.

[8] There was an embassy from the Lycians, no less entitled to commiseration, who complained of the cruel treatment which they suffered from the Rhodians, to whose government they had been annexed by Lucius Cornelius Scipio.

[9]

They had formerly,

they said,

been under the dominion of Antiochus, and their bondage under that king, compared to their present condition, appeared an honourable state of liberty; that they were not only oppressed by acts of government, but individually underwent real slavery.

[10]

That they themselves, their wives, and children, were abused alike by them; that cruelties were practised on their persons, and their character blotted and dishonoured, a circumstance which would excite the indignation of every one. They were openly treated with contemptuous insults, merely for the purpose of exercising an usurped prerogative, that they might not doubt that there was no difference between them and purchased slaves.

[11] The senate was highly displeased at such proceedings, and gave the Lycians a letter to the Rhodians, acquainting them, that

it was the will of the senate, that neither the Lycians should be subjected to the Rhodians as slaves, nor should any other men who were born free become the slaves of any one;

[12]

but that the Lycians should be under the government, and, at the same time, the protection of the Rhodians, in like manner as the allied states were subjected to the Roman people.

[1]

Two triumphs for conquests in Spain were then successively celebrated.

[2] First, Sempronius Gracchus triumphed over the Celtiberians and their allies; next day, Lucius Postumius triumphed over the Lusitanians, and the other Spaniards in that quarter. Tiberius Gracchus carried in the procession forty thousand pounds' weight of silver, Albinus twenty thousand.

[3] They distributed to each of their soldiers twenty-five denariuses, ² double that sum to a centurion, triple it to a horseman; the same sums to the allied troops as to the Roman.

[4] The consul, Marcus Junius, happened to arrive at Rome at this time from Istria, in order to hold the elections.

[5] The plebeian tribunes, Papirius and Licinius, after harassing him in the senate, with questions relative to what had passed in Istria, brought him into the assembly of the people.

[6] To which inquiries the consul answered, that

he had been not more than eleven days in that province; and that as to what had happened when he was not present, he, like themselves, gained his information from report.

[7] But they still proceeded to ask,

why, then, did not Manlius rather come to Rome, that he might account to the Roman people for his having quitted Gaul, the province allotted to him, and gone into Istria? When had the senate decreed a war with that nation? When had the people ordered it?

[8]

But he will say, 'Though the war was indeed undertaken by private authority, yet it was conducted with prudence and courage.' On the contrary, it is impossible to say, whether it was undertaken with greater injustice than the rashness with which it was conducted.

[9]

Two advanced guards were surprised by the Istrians; a Roman camp was taken, with whatever infantry and cavalry were in it; the rest in disorder, without arms, and among the foremost the consul himself, fled to the shore and the ships.

[10]

But he should answer for all these matters when he became a private citizen, since he had been unwilling to do so while consul.

[1]

The elections were then held, in which Caius Claudius Pulcher and Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus were chosen consuls. Next day the following persons were elected praetors, Publius Aelius Tubero, a second time, Caius Quintus Flamininus, Caius Numisius, Lucius Mummius, Cneius Cornelius Scipio, and Publius Valerius Laevinus.

[2] The city jurisdiction fell, by lot, to Tubero; the foreign, to Quintus; Sicily, to Numisius; and Sardinia, to Mummius; but this last, on account of the importance of the war there, was made a consular province.

[3] Gracchus obtains it by lot; Claudius, Istria; Scipio and Laevinus received Gaul, which was divided into two provinces. On the ides of March, the day when Sempronius and

[4] Claudius assumed the administration, a cursory mention only was made of the provinces of Sardinia and of Istria, and of those who had commenced hostilities there;

[5] but on the day following, the ambassadors of the Sardinians, who had been referred to the new magistrates, were introduced, and Lucius Minucius Thermus, lieutenant-general under the consul Manlius in Istria, attended; and by them the senate was accurately informed how far these provinces were involved in war. Ambassadors from the confederate states of Latium, who, after having ineffectually applied to the former consuls and censors, were at last introduced to an audience, made a powerful impression on the senate.

[6] The amount of their complaints was, that

their citizens, having been rated in the general survey at Rome, had most of them removed thither;

[7]

and that if this practice were allowed, it would come to pass, in the course of a very few lustrums, that their deserted towns and country would be unable to furnish any soldiers.

[8] The Samnites and the Pelignians also represented, that four thousand families had emigrated to Fregellae; and that neither of these places furnished less soldiers on that account.

[9] That there had been practised two species of fraud in individuals changing their citizenship: there was a law, which granted liberty to any of the allies or Latins, who should not leave his offspring at home, to be enrolled a citizen of Rome; yet, by an abuse of this law, some did injury to the allies, others to the Roman people.

[10] For, at first, to evade the leaving offspring at home, they made over their children as slaves to some Roman, under an agreement that they should be again set free, and thus become citizens by emancipation; and then those men, who had now no children to leave, became Roman citizens.

[11] Afterwards, they neglected even these appearances of law; and, without any regard either to the ordinances or to progeny, passed indiscriminately into the Roman state by migration, and getting themselves included in the survey.

[12] To prevent such proceedings in future, the ambassadors requested the senate to order the allies to return to their respective states, and to provide by a law that no one should make any man his property, or alienate such property for the purpose of a change of citizenship; and that if any person should by such means be made a citizen of Rome, he should not enjoy the rights of a citizen."

[1]

The senate granted their petitions; and then Sardinia and Istria, the provinces which were in arms, were disposed of.

[2] Two legions were ordered to be enrolled for Sardinia, each containing five thousand two hundred foot and three hundred horse; and of allies and Latins, twelve thousand foot and six hundred horse; and it was decided that the consul should have ten ships, of five banks of oars, if he should think it requisite to take them from the docks.

[3] The same numbers of infantry and cavalry were decreed for Istria as for Sardinia. The consuls were ordered to send into Spain to Marcus Titinius, one legion, with three hundred horse and five thousand foot, and two hundred and fifty horse of the allies.

[4] Before the consuls cast lots for their provinces, several prodigies were reported:

[5] that in the Crustumine territory, a stone fell from the sky into the grove of Mars; that in the Roman territory, a boy was born defective in his limbs; that a serpent with four feet had been seen; that at Capua, many buildings in the forum were struck by lightning; and, that at Puteoli, two ships were burned by lightning.

[6] Amidst these prodigies which were reported from abroad, a wolf also, after entering Rome by the Colline gate, was chased during the day, and, to the great consternation of its pursuers, escaped through the Esquiline gate.

[7] On account of these prodigies, the consuls sacrificed victims of the larger kinds, and there was a supplication, for one day, at all the shrines.

[8] When the sacrifices were duly performed, they cast lots for their provinces; Istria fell to Claudius, Sardinia to Sempronius.

[9] Then Caius Claudius, by direction of the senate, proposed a law and issued a proclamation, that

any of the allies and Latin confederates, who themselves, or whose ancestors, had been surveyed among the associated states of Latium in the censorship of Marcus Claudius and Titus Quintius, or at any time since, should all return, each to his respective state, before the calends of November.

[10] Inquiry concerning such as did not obey, was intrusted to Lucius Mummius the praetor. To the law and the proclamation of the consul,

[11] was added a decree of the senate, that

the dictator, consul, interrex, censor, or praetor, who then should be in office, before whom any slave should be brought, to receive manumission, should cause the said slave who was about to be made free, to make oath, that the person giving him liberty did not do it for the purpose of his changing his citizenship;

they ordered that he, whoever would not swear this oath, should not be manumitted.

[12] The cognizance and jurisdiction in this business was, for the future, assigned to Caius Claudius the consul.

[1]

While these matters passed at Rome, Marcus Junius and Aulus Manlius, the consuls of the preceding year, after remaining during the winter at Aquileia, led their army early in the spring into the Istrian territories;

[2] where when they spread their depredations through a great part of the country, grief and indignation, rather than any well-grounded hope of being able to make head against these joint forces, roused the Istrians, on perceiving the plunder of their property.

[3] A hasty levy of their young men being made from all their cantons, this raw and tumultuary army made its first onset with more vigour than perseverance. About four thousand of them were slain in the field; and the rest, giving over the war, fled in different directions to their respective states.

[4] Soon after, they sent ambassadors to the Roman camp to sue for peace, and then delivered up the hostages required of them.

[5] When these transactions were made known at Rome, by letters from the proconsul, Caius Claudius, the consul, fearing that this proceeding might, perhaps, take the province and the army out of his hands, without offering vows, without assuming the military habit, and unaccompanied by his lictors, having acquainted his colleague alone with his intention, set out in the night, and with the utmost speed hastened to the province, where he conducted himself even with less prudence than he had shown in coming.

[6] For, in an assembly which he called, after making severe remarks on Manlius's running away from the camp, which were very offensive to the ears of the soldiers, as they themselves had begun the flight, and after railing at Marcus Junius, as having made himself a sharer in the disgrace of his colleague, he at last ordered both of them to quit the province.

[7] And when they replied, that when the consul should come, in the regular manner, agreeably to ancient practice; when he should set out from the city, after offering vows in the Capitol, attended by his lictors and dressed in the military habit, then they would obey his orders. Maddened by anger, he summoned the person who acted as quaestor to Manlius, and ordered him to bring fetters, threatening to send Junius and Manlius to Rome in chains.

[8] The consul's command was slighted by this man too; and the sur- rounding crowd of soldiers, who favoured the cause of their commanders, and were incensed against the consul, supplied him with resolution to refuse obedience.

[9] At last the consul, overpowered by the reproaches of individuals and the scoffs of the multitude, for they even turned him into ridicule, went back to Aquileia in the same ship in which he had come.

[10] Thence he wrote to his colleague, desiring him to give notice to that part of the

[11] new-raised troops who were enlisted for Istria, to assemble at Aquileia, in order that he should have no delay at Rome, but set out, in the military habit, as soon as the ceremony of offering vows was finished. These directions his colleague punctually executed, and an early day was appointed for the assembling of the troops.

[12] Claudius almost overtook his own letter. On his arrival he called an assembly, that he might represent the conduct of Manlius and Junius;

[13] and, staying only three days in Rome, he offered his vows in the Capitol, put on the military habit, and, attended by his lictors, set out to his province with the same rapid speed which he had used in the former journey.

[1]

A few days before his arrival, Junius and Manlius had laid vigorous siege to the town of Nesatium, in which the principal Istrians, and Epulo their king, had shut themselves up.

[2] Claudius, bringing thither the two new legions, dismissed the old army, with its commanders; invested the town himself; and prosecuted the siege with regular works.

[3] He by the labour of many days changed the course of, and carried away in a new channel, a river which flowed on the outside of the wall, and greatly impeded the proceedings of the besiegers, while it supplied the Istrians with water.

[4] This event, of the water being cut off, terrified the barbarians, as if effected by some supernatural power; yet still they entertained no thoughts of peace, but set about killing their wives and children; exhibiting a spectacle shocking even to their enemies; and, after putting them to death in open view on the walls, tumbled them down.

[5] Amid the simultaneous shrieking of women and children, and this horrid carnage, the soldiers, scaling the walls, effected an entrance into the town.

[6] As soon as the king heard the uproar of the captured city, from the cries of terror uttered by the flying inhabitants, he

[7] plunged his sword into his breast, that he might not be taken alive; the rest were either killed or taken prisoners.

[8] After this, two other towns, Mutila and Faveria, were stormed and destroyed. The booty, which exceeded expectation, considering the poverty of the nation, was all given up to the soldiers. Five thousand six hundred and thirty-two persons were sold by auction, and the fomenters of the war were beaten with rods and beheaded.

[9] By the destruction of these three towns, and the death of the king, the whole country of Istria was brought to terms of peace;

[10] every one of its states, giving hostages, submitted to the dominion of the Romans.

[1]

For some time before the conclusion of the war with Istria, consultations were held among the Ligurians about the renewal of hostilities.

[2] Tiberius Claudius, proconsul, who had been consul the year before, with a garrison of one legion, held the command of Pisae.

[3] And when the senate was informed by his letter of their proceedings, they vote that

the same letter should be carried to Caius Claudius,

for the other consul had already crossed over into Sardinia; and they added a decree, that, since the province of Istria was subdued, he might, if he thought proper, lead his army into Liguria.

[4] At the same time, a supplication for two days was decreed, in consequence of the letter which he wrote concerning his actions in Istria. The other consul, Sempronius, likewise was successful in his operations in Sardinia.

[5] He carried his army into the territory of the Ilian tribe of Sardinians. Powerful reinforcements from the Balarians had come to the Ilians. He fought a pitched battle against the combined forces of the two states.

[6] The enemy were routed and put to flight, and driven from their camp; twelve thousand armed men were slain. Next day, the consul ordered their arms to be gathered into a heap and burned, as an offering to Vulcan. He then led back his victorious troops into winter quarters in the allied cities.

[7] Caius Claudius, on receipt of the letter of Tiberius Claudius and the decree of the senate, marched his legions out of Istria into Liguria.

[8] The enemy, having advanced into the plains, were encamped on the river Scultenna: here a pitched battle was fought, in which fifteen thousand of the enemy were killed, and about seven hundred captured in the fight, and in the camp, for that too was stormed; and also fifty-one military standards were taken. The Ligurians who survived the slaughter, fled back in every direction into the mountains.

[9] No appearance of arms any where met the consul while ravaging the low country.

[10] Claudius, having thus in one year subdued two nations, and, what has rarely been achieved in a single consulate, completed the reduction of two provinces, came home to Rome.

[1]

Several prodigies were reported this year: that at Crustuminum a bird, which they call the ospray, cut a sacred stone with its beak;

[2] that a cow spoke in Campania; that at Syracuse a brazen statue of a cow was mounted by a farmer's bull, which had strayed from the herd.

[3] A supplication of one day was performed in Crustuminum, on the spot; the cow at Campania was ordered to be maintained at the public expense, and the prodigy at Syracuse was expiated, the deities to whom supplications should be offered, being declared by the aruspices.

[4] This year died, in the office of pontiff, Marcus Claudius Marcellus, who had been consul and censor; and his son, Marcus Marcellus, was chosen into the vacant place. The same year a colony of two thousand Roman citizens was settled at Luca.

[5] The triumvirs, Publius Aelius, Lucius Egilius, and Cneius Sicinius, planted it. Fifty-one acres and a half of land were given to each. This land had been taken from the Ligurians, and had been the property of the Etrurians, before it fell into their possession.

[6] Caius Claudius, the consul, arrived at the city, and after laying before the senate a detail of his successful services in Istria and Liguria, a triumph was decreed to him on demanding it.

[7] He triumphed, in office, over the two nations at once. In this procession he carried three hundred and seven thousand denariuses, ³ and eighty-five thousand seven hundred and two quinariuses. ⁴ To each soldier fifteen denariuses ⁵ were given, double that sum to a centurion, triple it to a horseman.

[8] The allied soldiers received less, by half, than the native troops, for which reason they followed his chariot in silence to show their disgust.

[1]

While this triumph over the Ligurians was celebrated, that people, perceiving that not only the consular army returned to Rome, but also

[2] that the legion at Pisae had been disbanded by Tiberius Claudius, shaking off their fears, and collecting an army secretly, crossed the mountains by winding paths, and came down into the plains, and after ravaging the lands of Mutina, by a sudden assault they gained possession of the colony itself.

[3] When this account was brought to Rome, the senate ordered Caius Claudius, the consul, to hold the elections as soon as possible, and (after appointing magistrates for the ensuing year) to go back to his province, and rescue the colony out of the hands of the enemy.

[4] The elections were held as the senate had directed; and Cneius Cornelius Scipio Hispalus, with Quintus Petillius Spurinus, were chosen consuls.

[5] Then Marcus Popillius Laenas, Publius Licinius Crassus, Marcus Cornelius Scipio, Lucius Papirius Maso, Marcus Aburius, and Lucius Aquilius Gallus, were elected proctors.

[6] To Caius Claudius, the consul, his command was prolonged for a year, and likewise the administration of the province of Gaul; and he was ordered, lest the Istrians should follow the example of the Ligurians, to send into Istria the allied Latin troops, which he had brought home to attend his triumph.

[7] When the consuls, Cneius Cornelius and Quintus Petillius, on the day of entering into office, according to custom, sacrificed each an ox to Jupiter, the head of the liver was not found in the victim sacrificed by Petillius; which being reported to the senate, he was ordered to sacrifice oxen until the omens should be favourable.

[8] The senate being then consulted concerning the provinces, decreed Pisae and Liguria to be the provinces of the consuls.

[9] They ordered that he to whose lot Pisae fell, should, at the time of the elections, come home to preside at them;

[10] and that they should severally enlist two new legions and three hundred horse; and should order the allies, and Latin confederates, to furnish ten thousand foot and six hundred horse to each.

[11] The command was prolonged to Tiberius Claudius, until such time as the consul should arrive in the province.

[1]

While the senate was employed in these affairs, Caius Cornelius, being called by a beadle, went out of the senate-house; and, after a short time, returned with a troubled countenance, and told the conscript fathers that the liver of a fat ox, which he had sacrificed, had melted away;

[2] that, when this was told him by the person who dressed the victims, he did not believe it, and he himself ordered the water to be poured out of the vessel in which the entrails were boiled; and he saw all entire but the liver, which had been unaccountably consumed.

[3] While the fathers were under much terror on account of this prodigy, their alarm was augmented by the other consul, who informed them that, on account of the first victim having wanted the head of the liver, he had sacrificed three oxen, and had not yet found favourable omens.

[4] The senate ordered him to continue sacrificing the larger victims until he should find favourable omens. They say that the victims offered to the other deities at length presented good omens; but that in those offered to Health, Petillius could find none such.

[5] Then the consuls and praetors cast lots for their provinces, when Pisae fell to Cneius Cornelius; Liguria, to Petillius. Of the praetors, Lucius Papirius Maso obtained the city jurisdiction; Marcus Abutius, the foreign; Marcus Cornelius Scipio Maluginensis, the Farther Spain; Lucius Aquilius Gallus, Sicily.

[6] Two of them petitioned to be excused from going into their provinces. First, Marcus Popillius requested that he might not be obliged to go to Sardinia, alleging that

Gracchus was bringing that province into a state of tranquillity;

[7]

that Titus Aebutius the praetor had been given to him by the senate as his assistant; and that it was by no means expedient to interrupt the train of business, for the completion of which there was no method so efficacious as the continuing the management in the same hands;

[8]

that, amid the transfer of command and initiation of the successors, who must be impressed with a knowledge of

[9]

circumstances before they can proceed to action, opportunities of successfully transacting matters were frequently lost.

The excuse of Popillius was admitted. Then Publius Licinius Crassus alleged that he was prevented from going into his province by solemn sacrifices.

[10] That which had fallen to his lot was Hither Spain. But he was ordered either to proceed thither, or to swear in the public assembly that he was hindered by the performance of solemn anniversary sacrifices. When this determination was made in the case of Publius Licinius, Marcus Cornelius demanded that his oath, of the like import, might be admitted as an excuse for his not going into the Farther Spain.

[11] Both the praetors accordingly took an oath in the same words. Marcus Titinius and Titus Fonteius, proconsuls, were ordered to remain in Spain, with authority as before; and it was decreed that a reinforcement should be sent to them of three thousand Roman foot, with two hundred horse; and five hundred Latin foot, with three hundred horse.

[1]

The Latin festival was celebrated on the third day before the nones of May; ⁶ and because, on the offering of one of the victims, the magistrate of Lanuvium had not prayed for the ROMAN PEOPLE, THE QUIRITES, religious scruples were felt.

[2] When the matter was laid before the senate, and they referred it to the college of pontiffs, the latter determined that the Latin festival had not been duly performed, and must be repeated; and that the Lanuvians, on whose account they were repeated, should furnish the victims. Besides the concern excited by matters of a religious nature, another incident caused no small degree of uneasiness.

[3] The consul Cneius Cornelius, as he was returning from the Alban mount, fell down. And being paralysed in part of his limbs, set out for the waters of Cumae, where, his disorder still increasing, he died.

[4] His body was conveyed to Rome to be buried, and the funeral obsequies were performed with great magnificence: he was likewise a pontiff.

[5] The other consul, Quintus Petillius, was ordered to hold an assembly, as soon as the auspices could be taken, for the election of a consul in the room of his late colleague, and to proclaim the Latin festival. Accordingly, by proclamation, he fixed the election for the third day before the nones of August, ⁷ and the Latin festival for the third before the ides of the same month. ⁸

[6] While the minds of the people were full of religious fears, to add thereto, several prodigies were reported to have happened; that a blazing torch was seen in the sky at Tusculum; that the temple of Apollo, and many private buildings at Gabii, and a wall and gate at Graviscae, were struck by lightning. The senate ordered these to be expiated as the pontiffs should direct.

[7] While the consuls were detained, at first by religious ceremonies, and afterwards, one of them, by the death of the other, and then by the election and the repetition of the Latin festival, in the mean time Caius Claudius marched the army to Mutina, which the Ligurians had taken the year before.

[8] Before three days had elapsed from the commencement of the siege he retook it, and delivered it back to the colonists; on this occasion eight thousand Ligurians were killed within the walls.

[9] He immediately despatched a letter to Rome, in which he not only represented this success, but likewise boasted that through his good conduct and good fortune there was not one enemy of the Roman people left on this side the Alps; and that a large tract of land had been taken, which might be distributed among many thousand men, giving each a share.

[1]

During the same period, Tiberius Sempronius, after gaining many victories, totally subdued the people of Sardinia. Fifteen thousand of the enemy were slain.

[2] All the tribes of the Sardinians, who had revolted, were brought under the dominion of Rome. On those which had formerly been tributary, double taxes were imposed and levied; the rest paid a contribution in corn.

[3] When he had thus restored peace in the province, and received hostages from all parts of the island, to the number of two hundred and thirty, deputies are sent by him to Rome, to give information of these transactions, and to request of the senate, that in consideration of those services, performed under the conduct and auspices of Tiberius Sempronius, a thanksgiving might be offered to the immortal gods, and permission granted him to quit the province and bring home the army with him.

[4] The senate, having given audience to the deputies in the temple of Apollo, ordered a thanksgiving for two days, and that the consuls should sacrifice forty victims of the larger kinds; but commanded the proconsul, Tiberius Sempronius, and his army, to continue in the province for the year.

[5] Then the election for filling the vacant place of a consul, which had been fixed by proclamation for the third day before the nones of August, was finished in one day, and the consul Quintus Petillius declared Caius Valerius Laevinus duly elected his colleague, who was to assume immediately the administration of his office.

[6] This man, having been long ambitious of the government of a province, when, very seasonably for the gratification of his wishes, a letter now arrived with intelligence that the Ligurians were again in arms, on the nones of August ⁹ assumed the military habit;

[7] and ordered that, on account of this alarm, the third legion should march into Gaul, and join Caius Claudius, proconsul, and that the commanders of the fleet should sail with their ships to Pisae, and coast along the Ligurian shore, to terrify that people by the sight of a naval power also.

[8] The other consul, Quintus Petillius, had appointed a day for his troops to assemble in the same place.

[9] Besides, Caius Claudius, proconsul, on hearing of the rebellion in Liguria, having hastily collected some soldiers, in addition to those whom he had with him at Parma, brought this army to the frontiers of Liguria.

[1]

On the approach of Caius Claudius, the enemy, reflecting that this was the same commander who had defeated them at the river Scultenna, resolving to rely on situation, rather than arms, for their defence against a force with which they had so unsuccessfully struggled, took post in two mountains, called Letum and Balista; and, for greater security, surrounded their encampment with a wall. Some, who were too slow in removing from the low grounds, were surprised and put to the sword, —one thousand five hundred in number.

[2] The others kept themselves close on the mountains; and retaining, in the midst of their fears, their native savage disposition, vented their fury on the prey taken at Mutina.

[3] They put their prisoners to death after shocking mutilation: the cattle they butchered in the temples, rather than decently sacrificed: and then (satiated with the destruction of living creatures) they turned their fury against things inanimate, dashing against the walls even vessels made for use rather than for show. Quintus Petillius, the consul, fearing that the war might be brought to a conclusion before he arrived in the province, wrote to Caius Claudius to bring the army into Gaul, saying, that he would wait for him at the Long Plains. Claudius, immediately on receipt of the letter, marched out of Liguria, and gave up the command of the army to the consul at the Long Plains.

[4] To the same place came, in a few days after, the other consul, Caius Valerius. There having divided their forces before they separated, they both together performed a purification of the troops. They then cast lots for their respective routes, it having been resolved that they should not assail the enemy on the same side.

[5] It was certain that Valerius cast his lot auspiciously, because he was in the consecrated ground; the augurs afterwards announced that there was this defect in the case of Petillius, that he himself when outside the consecrated ground cast his lot into the urn, which was subsequently brought into the sacred place. They then began their march in different directions; Petillius pitched his camp against the ridge of Balista and Letum, which joined the two together with one continued range.

[6] They report, that while he was here encouraging his soldiers, whom he had assembled for the purpose, without reflecting on the ambiguity of the word, he uttered this ominous expression:

This day I will have Letum.

¹⁰ He made his troops march up the mountain in two places at the same time.

[7] The division in which he was advanced briskly: the other was repulsed by the enemy; and the consul riding up thither, to remedy the disorder, rallied his troops; but whilst he moves about too carelessly in the front, he was pierced through with a javelin, and fell. The commanders of the enemy did not know that he was killed; and the few of his own party who saw the disaster, carefully covered the body from view, knowing that the victory rested on this.

[8] The rest of the troops, horse and foot, though deprived of their leader, dislodged the enemy, and took possession of the mountains. Five thousand of the Ligurians were slain, and of the Roman army only fifty-two were lost. Besides this evident completion of the unhappy omen, the keeper of the chickens was heard to say, that there had been a defect in the auspices, and that the consul was not ignorant of it.

[9] Caius Valerius, when he was informed of the death of Quintus Petillius, made the army, thus bereft of its commander, join his own; then, attacking the enemy again, in their blood he offered a noble sacrifice to the shade of his departed col- league. He had the honour of a triumph over the Ligurians. The legion, at whose head the consul was killed, was severely punished by the senate.

[10] They determined that the campaign of this year should not be counted to the entire legion, and that their pay should be stopped, for not exposing themselves to the enemy's weapons in defence of their commander. About this time ambassadors came to Rome from the Dar- danians, who were greatly distressed by the numerous army of Bastarnians, under Clondicus, mentioned above.

[11] These ambassadors, after describing the vast multitude of the Bastarnians, their tall and huge bodies, and their daring intrepidity in facing danger, added, that there was an al- liance between them and Perseus, and that the Dardanians were really more afraid of him than even of the Bastarnians: and therefore begged of the senate that assistance should be sent them. The senate thereupon agreed, that ambassadors should be sent to examine into the affairs of Macedonia; and immediately a commission was given to Aulus Postu- mius to go thither. They gave to him as colleagues some young men, that he might have the principal direction and management of the embassy.

[12] The senate then took into consideration the election of magistrates for the ensuing year, on which subject there was a long debate; for people skilled in the rules of religion and politics affirmed, that, as the regular consuls of the year had died, one by the sword, the other by sickness, the substituted consuls could not with propriety hold the elections. An interregnum, therefore, took place, and the interrex elected consuls Publius Mucius Scaevola, and Marcus Aemilius Lepidus, a second time.

[13] Then Caius Popillius Laenas, Titus Annius Luscus, Caius Memmius Gallus, Caius Cluvius Saxula, Servius Cor- nelius Sulla, and Appius Claudius Centho, were chosen praetors. The provinces assigned to the consuls were Gaul and Liquria. Of the praetors, Cornelius Sulla obtained Sardinia, Claudius Centho gained Hither Spain. There is no record of those to whom the other praetorian provinces fell. This year was notorious for an epidemic, which how- ever attacked cattle only.

[14] The Ligurians, a nation ever vanquished, yet ever rebelling, ravaged the lands of Luna and Pisae; and at the same time there were alarming ru- mours of disturbances in Gaul. Lepidus having easily quelled the commotions among the Gauls, then marched into Liguria.

[15] Several states of this country submitted themselves to his disposal; and he, supposing that they were rendered savage by the rugged mountain tops which they inhabited, as the dispositions of the inhabitants of a country generally resemble its natural features, by the precedent of some former consuls, brought them down to the plains. Of these the Garulians, Lapicinians, and Hercatians had lived on the other side of the Apennine, and the Briniatians on the farther side.

[1]

On the hither side of the river Audena, Quintus Mucius made war on those who had wasted the lands of Luna and Pisae: and having reduced them all to subjection, he took away their arms from them. On account of these services, performed under the conduct and auspices of the two consuls, the senate voted a thanksgiving for three days, and sacrifices of forty victims. The commotions which broke out in Gaul and Liguria, at the beginning of this year, were thus speedily sup- pressed, without any great difficulty; but the apprehensions of the public, respecting a war with Macedon, still continued. For Perseus laboured to embroil the Bastarnians with the Dardanians; and the ambassadors, sent to examine into the state of affairs in Macedon, returned to Rome, and brought certain information that hostilities had commenced in Dardania.

[2] At the same time came envoys from king Perseus, to plead in excuse that neither had the Bastarnians been invited by him, nor had they done any thing at his instigation. The senate neither acquitted the king of the imputation, nor urged it against him; they only ordered him to be warned to be very careful to show, that he considered the treaty between him and the Romans as inviolable.

[3] The Dardanians, perceiving that the Bastarnians, so far from quitting their country, as they had hoped, became daily more troublesome, as they were supported by the neighbouring Thracians and Scordiscians, thinking it necessary to make some effort against them, though without any reasonable prospect of success, assembled together in arms from all quarters, at the town that was nearest to the camp of the Bastarnians. It was now winter, and they chose that season of the year, as supposing that the Thracians and Scordiscians would return to their own countries.

[4] As soon as they heard that these were gone, and the Bastarnians left by themselves, they divided their forces into two parts, that one might march openly along the straight road to attack the enemy; and that the other, going round through a wood, which lay out of sight, might assault them on the rear. But, before these could arrive at the enemy's post, the fight commenced, and the Dardanians were beaten, and pursued to the town, which was about twelve miles from the Bastarnian camp. The victors immediately invested the city, not doubting that, on the day following, either the enemy would surrender it from fear, or they might take it by storm. Meanwhile the other body of Dardanians, which had gone round, not having heard of the defeat of their countrymen, easily possessed themselves of the camp of the Bastarnians, which had been left without a guard.

[5] The Bastarnians, thus deprived of all their provisions and warlike stores, which were in their camp, and having no means of re- placing them in a hostile country, and at that unfavourable season, resolved to return to their native home. Having therefore retreated to the Danube, they found it, to their great joy, covered with ice, so thick as to seem capable of sustaining any weight. But when the entire body of men and cattle, hastening on, and crowding together, pressed on it at the same time, the ice, splitting under the immense weight, suddenly parted, and being overcome and broken up, left in the middle of the water the entire army which it had supported so long.

[6] Most of them were immediately swallow- ed in the eddies of the river. The fragments of the broken ice passed over many of them in their attempt to swim and drown- ed them. A few out of the entire nation with difficulty escaped to either bank, with their persons severely crushed. About this time, Antiochus, son to Antiochus the Great, who had been for a long time a hostage at Rome, came into possession of the kingdom of Syria, on the death of his brother Seleucus.

[7] For Seleucus, whom the Greeks call Phi- lopator, after having received the kingdom of Syria, which had been greatly debilitated by the misfortunes of his father, during an idle reign of twelve years never distinguished by any memorable enterprise at all, called home from Rome this his younger brother, sending, in his stead, his own son Demen- lius, according to the terms of the treaty, which allowed the changing of the hostages from time to time. Antiochus had but just reached Athens on his way, when Seleucus was murdered, in consequence of a conspiracy formed by Helio- dorus, one of the nobles. Eumenes and Attalus expelled him aiming at the crown, and put Antiochus in possession of it, and valued it highly that they had bound him to them by this so important a favour. They now began to harbour some jealousy of the Romans, on account of several trifling causes of disgust. Antiochus, having gained the kingdom by their aid, was received by the people with such transports of joy, that they gave him the surname of Epiphanes, or Rising Star, because when aliens to the royal blood were about to seize the throne, he appeared like a propitious star, to assert his hereditary right.

[8] He was not deficient in capacity or vigour of mind to make figure in war; but he was so perverse and indiscreet in the whole tenor of his con- duct and behaviour, that they soon changed the surname which they had given him, and instead of Epiphanes, called him Epimanes or Madman. For often having gone forth from the palace without the knowledge of his servants, with one or two attendants, crowned with roses, and dressed in robes embroidered with gold, he used to go through the city, sometimes striking those that he met with stones that he carried under his arms; sometimes, on the other hand, throwing money among the mob, and shouting out,

Let him take to whom fortune shall give.

But at another time he used to go through the workshops of the goldsmiths, and engravers and other artisans, arguing vainly concerning the art of each: at another time he engaged in conversation in public with any of the plebeian she met: again, wandering around the common taverns, he indulged in potations with foreigners and strangers of the lowest grade.

[9] If by chance he had learned that any young men were celebrating an un- timely banquet, he himself at once came upon them suddenly, with a glass and a concert, revelling and wantoning, so that most of them, struck with terror at the strangeness of the matter, fled away, and the remainder were silent in fear. It is ascertained also that, in the public baths, he used to bathe with the mob. As however there he was in the habit of using the most precious unguents, they report that a plebeian one day said to him:

You are happy, O king: you savour of perfumes of the highest value.

[10] To whom Antiochus, delighted at his words, said,

I will immediately make you so happy, that you will confess that you are sated:

and immediately ordered a large pot of most valuable unguent to be poured on his head, so that, the floor being drenched with it, both the others began to fall on the slippery surface, and the king himself, laughing heartily, came to the ground.

[1]

20. Lastly, having assumed the Roman gown instead of his royal robes, he used to go about the market-place, as he had seen done by the candidates for office at Rome, saluting and embracing each of the plebeians; soliciting at one time for the aedileship, at another for the plebeian tri- buneship, until at last he obtained the office by the suffrages of the people, and then, according to the Roman custom, he took his seat in an ivory chair, where he heard causes, and listened to debates on the most trivial matters.

[2] So far was his mind from adhering to any routine, for it wandered through every sort of life, that it was not ascertained either by himself or any one else what was his real character. He was accustomed not to speak to his friends, nor scarcely afford a smile to his acquaintance.

[3] By an inconsistent kind of liberality, he made himself and others subjects of ridicule; for to some in the most elevated stations, and who thought highly of themselves, he would give childish presents of sweetmeats, cakes, or toys; others expecting nothing he enriched. Wherefore to many he appeared not to know what he was doing; some said that he acted from a silly, sportive temper; others, that he was evidently mad. In two great and honourable instances, however, he showed a spirit truly royal, —in the presents which he made to several cities, and the honour he paid to the gods.

[4] To the inhabitants of Megalopolis, in Arcadia, he made a promise to build a wall round their city, and he gave them the greater part of the money requisite for the purpose. At Tegea he began to erect a magnificent theatre of marble. At Cyzicum, he presented a set of golden utensils for the service of one table in the Prytaneum, the state-room of the city, where such as are entitled to that honour dine together.

[5] To the Rhodians he gave presents of every kind that their convenience required, but none very remarkable. Of the magnificence of his notions, in every thing respecting the gods, the temple of Jupiter Olympius at Athens can be a sufficient testimony: being the only one in the world, the plan of which was suitable to the greatness of the deity. He likewise ornamented Delos with altars of extraordinary beauty, and abundance of statues.

[6] A magnificent temple of Jupiter Capitolinus, which he promised to build at Antioch, of which not only the ceilings, but all the walls, were to be covered with plates of gold, and many other edifices which he intended in various places, he did not finish, as his reign was very short. He surpassed his predecessors, too, in the magnificence of the public games of every description; of which all the games but one were after their own custom, and celebrated by an immense number of Grecian actors.

[7] He gave a show of gladiators in the Roman manner, which at first, among a people unaccustomed to such sights, caused more terror than pleasure; but by frequently repeating them, and sometimes permitting the combatants to go no further than wounds, at other times to fight until one was killed, he rendered such kind of shows not only familiar to people's eyes, but even agreeable, and kindled in most of the young men a passion for arms; so much so that, although, at the beginning, he was obliged to entice gladiators from Rome, by high rewards, ¹¹

[8] he soon found a sufficient number in his own dominions willing to perform for a moderate hire. But he displayed the same worthlessness and levity in exhibiting the games, as in the rest of his life, so that nothing could be seen more magnificent than the preparation for the games, nothing more vile or contemptible than the king himself.

[9] And when this appeared often on other occasions, it was then most conspicuous in those games, which, in emulation of the magnificence of those which were given by Paulus in Macedon, after the conquest of Perseus, he exhi- bited at immense expense, and with corresponding dishonour. To return, however, to the Roman affairs, from which the mention of this king has caused us to digress too far. Tibe- rius Sempronius Gracchus, after holding the government of Sardinia two years, resigned it to Servius Cornelius Sulla, the praetor, and, coming home to Rome, triumphed over the Sardinians.

[10] We are told that he brought such a multitude of captives from that island, that from the long continuance of the sale,

Sardinians for sale

became a vulgar proverb, to denote things of little price.

[11] Both the consuls (Scaevola and Lepidus) triumphed over the Ligurians; Lepidus over the Gauls also. Then were held the elections of magistrates for the ensuing year. Spurius Postumius Albinus and Quintus Mucius Scaevola were chosen consuls. In the election of prae- tors, fortune involved Lucius or Cneius Cornelius Scipio, son of Publius Africanus, one of the candidates, in a very invidi- ous struggle with Caius Cicereius, who had been his father's secretary.

[12] For, after five praetors had been declared, namely, Caius Cassius Longinus, Publius Furius Philus, Lucius Clau- dius Asellus, Marcus Atilius Serranus, and Cneius Servilius Caepio; although Scipio struggled hard to be admitted even in the last place, yet he was thought to have degenerated so far from the virtues of his father, that Cicereius would have been preferred by the votes of all the centuries, had not the latter, with singular modesty, corrected what might be considered either the fault of fortune or error of the elections.

[13] He could not reconcile it to himself, that, in a struggle in the elections, he should gain the victory over the son of his patron; but im- mediately throwing off the white gown, he became, from a com- id="p.1946" n="1946"/> petitor sure of success, the grateful friend and supporter of the interest of his rival. Thus, by the help of Cicereius, Scipio obtained an honour which he did not seem likely to gain from the people, and which reflected greater glory on Cicereius than on himself.

[1]

The provinces assigned to the consuls were Gaul and Liguria.

[2] On the praetors casting lots, the city jurisdiction fell to Caius Cassius Longinus, and the foreign, to Lucius Cornelius Scipio. The province of Sardinia fell to Marcus Atilius, who was ordered to sail over to Corsica with a new legion, raised by the consuls, and consisting of five thousand foot and three hundred horse; and while he was engaged in carrying on the war there, Cornelius was continued in command, that he might hold the government of Sardinia.

[3] To Cneius Servilius Caepio, for the service of Farther Spain, and to Publius Furius Philus for that of Hither Spain, the following troops were assigned —to each, three thousand Roman foot with one hundred and fifty horse, and five thousand Latin foot with three hundred horse.

[4] Sicily was decreed to Lucius Claudius, without any reinforcement.

[5] The consuls were ordered to levy two more legions, of the regular numbers of foot and horse, and to demand from the allies ten thousand foot and six hundred horse: but they met great difficulty in making the levies; for the pestilence, which the year before had fallen on the cattle, in the present year attacked the human species.

[6] Such as were seized by it, seldom survived the seventh day; those who did survive, lingered under a tedious disorder, which generally turned to a quartan ague. The slaves especially perished, of whom heaps lay unburied on all the roads. The necessary requisites could not be procured for the funerals of those of free condition.

[7] The bodies were consumed by putrefaction, without being touched by the dogs or vultures; and it was universally observed, that during that and the preceding year, while the mortality of cattle and men was so great, no vultures were any where seen.

[8] Of the public priests, there died by this contagion, Cneius Servilius Caepio, father of the praetor, a pontiff; Tiberius Sempronius Longus, son of Tiberius, decemvir of religious rites; Publius Aelius Paetus, and Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus, augurs; Caius Mamilius Vitulus, chief curio; and Marcus Sempronius Tuditanus, a pontiff. In the vacant places of pontiff ¹² were chosen * * * * and Caius Sulpicius Galba, in the room of Tuditanus. The augurs substituted were, Titus Veturius Gracchus Sempronianus, in place of Gracchus; and Quintus Aelius Paetus, in place

[9] of Publius Aelius. Caius Sempronius Longus was made decemvir of religious rites, and Caius Scribonius Curio, chief curio. When the termination of the plague was not visible, the senate voted that the decemvirs should consult the Sibylline books; and, by their directions, a supplication of one day was performed; and the people assembled in the forum made a vow, whilst Quintus Marcius Philippus dictated the words, that

if the sickness and pestilence should

[10]

be removed out of the Roman territory, they would solemnize a festival and thanksgiving of two days' continuance.

In the district of Veil, a boy was

[11] born with two heads; at Sinuessa, one with a single hand; and at Oximum, a girl with teeth; in the middle of the day, the sky being perfectly clear, a rainbow was seen, stretching over the temple of Saturn, in the Roman forum, and three

[12] suns shone at once; and the following night many lights were seen gliding through the air, about Lanuvium. The people of Caere affirmed that there had appeared in their town a snake with a mane, having its body marked with spots like gold; and it was fully proved that an ox had spoken in Campania.

[1]

On the nones of June, ¹³ the ambassadors returned from Africa, who having first had an interview with king Masinissa, proceeded to Carthage; but they received much more certain information respecting what had taken place in Carthage from the king than from the Carthaginians themselves.

[2] They said they had sufficient proof that ambassadors had come from king Perseus, and that an audience of the senate was given to them by night, in the temple of Aesculapius; and the king asserted, that the Carthaginians had sent ambassadors to Macedon, which they themselves did not positively deny.

[3] The senate, hereupon, resolved to send an embassy to Macedonia. They made choice of Caius Laelius, Marcus Valerius Messala, and Sextus Digitius, who accordingly proceeded thither.

[4] About this time, Perseus, because some of the Dolopians were refractory, and in the matters in dispute were for referring the decision from the king to the Romans, marched an army into their country, and reduced the whole nation under his jurisdiction and dominion.

[5] Thence he passed through the mountains of Œta, and on account of some religious scruples affecting his mind, went up to Delphi, to apply to the oracle. His sudden appearance in the middle of Greece caused a great alarm, not only in the neighbouring states, but also caused alarming intelligence to be brought into Asia to king Eumenes.

[6] He staid only three days at Delphi, and then returned to his own dominions, through Phthiotis, Achaia, and Thessaly, without doing the least injury or damage to those countries.

[7] He did not think it sufficient to conciliate the esteem of the several states through which his road lay; but despatched either ambassadors or letters to every one of the Grecian powers, requesting that they would

think no more of the animosities which had subsisted between them and his father; that the disputes had not been so violent that they might not, and ought not, to cease with regard to himself. On his part, there was no kind of obstacle to the forming of a cordial friendship.

[8] Above all, he wished particularly to find some way of ingratiating himself with the Achaean nation.

[1]

This nation, and the state of Athens, solitary exceptions to the whole of Greece, had carried their resentment to such a length, as to prohibit the Macedonians entering their territories.

[2] In consequence of this, Macedonia became a place of refuge for slaves running away out of Achaia; for, as the Achaeans had forbidden the inhabitants of Macedon to set foot in their territories, they could not presume to pass the boundaries of that kingdom.

[3] When Perseus observed this, he seized all the fugitives, and wrote a letter * * * * * * *

but that they ought to consider of the proper means of preventing such elopements for the future.

[4] When this letter was read by the praetor Xenarchus, who was seeking a path to private influence with the king, the greater part who were present, but especially those who, contrary to their expectations, were about to receive the slaves they had lost, commended the moderation and kindness with which it was written; but Callicrates, one who thought that the safety of the nation depended on the treaty with Rome being preserved inviolate, delivered his sentiments to this effect;

[5] —

To some of you, Achaeans, the matter under consideration appears trifling and unimportant.

[6]

I think that a very great and important subject is not only under consideration, but to a certain extent decided. For we, who prohibited the kings of Macedonia, and all their subjects, from entering our territories, and made a perpetual decree, not to receive from those sovereigns either ambassadors or messengers, by whom the minds of any of us might be tampered with;

[7]

we, I say, listen to the king speaking in a manner, though absent, and what is more, approve of his discourse.

[8]

Although wild beasts generally reject and shun the food laid in their way for their destruction; yet we, blinded by the specious offer of an insignificant favour, swallow the bait, and would, for the sake of recovering a parcel of wretched slaves, of no value worth mentioning, suffer our independence to be undermined and subverted. For who does not see that a way is being paved to an alliance with the king, by which the treaty with Rome in which all our interests are involved would be violated?

[9]

That there must be a war between Perseus and the Romans, is not, I believe, a matter of doubt to any one, and the struggle which was expected during the life of Philip, and interrupted by his death, will, now that he is dead, most certainly ensue. Philip, you all know, had two sons, Demetrius and Perseus.

[10]

Demetrius was much superior in birth, on the mother's side, in merit, capacity, and in the esteem of the Macedonian nation.

[11]

But Philip, having set up the crown as the prize of hatred towards the Romans, put Demetrius to death, for no other crime than having contracted a friendship with that people; and made Perseus king, because he knew him to be an enemy to the Roman people almost before he determined on making him king. Accordingly, what else has the present king done since his father's death, than prepare for the war?

[12]

In the first place, to the terror of all the surrounding nations, he brought the Bastarnians into Dardania; where if they had made a lasting settlement, Greece would have found them more troublesome neighbours than Asia found the Gauls. Disappointed in that hope, he did not drop his design of a war; nay, if we choose to speak the truth, he has already commenced hostilities.

[13]

He subdued Dolopia by force of arms; and would not listen when they wished to appeal concerning their disputes to the arbitration of the Romans. Then, crossing Œta, that he might show himself in the very centre of Greece, he went up to Delphi. To what, think you, did his taking a journey so uncommon tend? He next traversed Thessaly; and as to his refraining on his route from doing injury to the people whom he hated, I dread his machinations the more on that very account.

[14]

He then sent a letter to us, with the hollow show of an act of kindness, and bade us to consider measures by which we may not require this gift for the future;

[15]

that is, to repeal the decree by which the Macedonians are excluded from Peloponnesus; to receive again ambassadors from him their king; to renew intimacies contracted with his principal subjects; and, in a short time, we should see Macedonian armies, with himself at their head, crossing over the narrow strait from Delphi into Peloponnesus, and thus we should be blended with the Macedonians, while they are arming themselves against the Romans.

[16]

My opinion is, that we ought not to resolve on any new proceeding, but to keep every thing in its present state, until the question shall be reduced to a certainty, whether these our fears be well or ill grounded.

[17]

If the peace between the Romans and Macedonians shall continue inviolate, then may we also have a friendship and intercourse with Perseus;

[18]

but to think of such a measure now, appears to me both premature and dangerous.

[1]

After him, Arco, brother to the praetor Xenarchus, said: —

Callicrates hath made the delivery of our sentiments difficult both to me and to every one who differs in opinion from him;

[2]

for after his pleading in favour of the Roman alliance, alleging that it was undermined and attacked, (although no one either undermines or attacks it,) he has caused that whoever dissents from him must seem to argue against the cause of the Romans.

[3]

In the first place, as if he had not been here with us, but had just left the senate-house of the Roman people, or had been admitted into the privy councils of kings, he knows and tells us every transaction that passes in secret.

[4]

Nay more, he divines what would have happened if Philip had lived, why Perseus became heir of the kingdom: in such a manner, what are the intentions of the Macedonians, and what the thoughts of the Romans.

[5]

But we, who neither know for what cause, nor in what manner, Demetrius perished, nor what Philip would have done, if he had lived, ought to accommodate our resolutions to the transactions that have passed in open view.

[6]

We know that Perseus, on his coming to the throne, sent ambassadors to Rome, and received the title of king from the Roman people, and we hear that ambassadors came from Rome to the king, and were graciously received by him.

[7]

I consider that all these circumstances are signs of peace, not of war; and that the Romans cannot be offended, if, as we imitated their conduct in war, so we follow now their example in peace. For my part, I cannot see why we alone, of all mankind, wage implacable war against the kingdom of the Macedonians. Are we exposed to insult by a close neighbourhood to Macedon? or are we like the Dolopians, whom Perseus subdued lately, the weakest of all states?

[8]

No; on the contrary, by the bounty of the gods, we are sufficiently secured, as well by our own strength, as by the remoteness of our situation.

[9]

But we have as much reason to apprehend ill treatment, as the Thessalians and Aetolians; have we no more credit or influence with the Romans, though we were always their friends and allies, than the Aetolians, who but lately were their enemies? Whatever reciprocal rights the Aetolians, the Thessalians, the Epirots, in short, every state in Greece, allow to subsist between them and the Macedonians, let us allow the same.

[10]

Why have we alone what may be termed a cursed neglect of the ties of humanity? Philip may have done some act on account of which we should pass this decree against him when in arms and waging war against us:

[11]

What has Perseus deserved, a king just seated on the throne, guiltless of all injury against us, and effacing by his own kindness his father's feuds? Why should we be his only enemies?

[12]

Although I might make this assertion, that so great have been our obligations to the former kings of Macedon, that the ill usage, suffered from a single prince of their line, if any has really been suffered from Philip, * * * especially after his death.

[13]

When a Roman fleet was lying at Cenchreae, and the consul, with his army, was at Elatia, we were three days in council, deliberating whether we should follow the Romans or Philip. Now, granting that the fear of immediate danger from the Romans had no influence on our judgments, yet there was, certainly, something that made our deliberation last so long;

[14]

and that was, the connexion which had long subsisted between us and the Macedonians; the distinguished favours in ancient times received from their kings. Let the same considerations prevail at present, —not to make us his singular friends, but to hinder us from becoming his singular enemies.

[15]

Let us not, Callicrates, pretend what is not even thought of. No one advises us to form a new alliance, or sign a new treaty, by which we might inconsiderately compromise ourselves, but merely that we may have the intercourse of affording and demanding justice, and that we may not by excluding his subjects from our territories, exclude ourselves from his dominions, and that our slaves may not have any refuge to fly to.

[16]

How does this operate against the Roman treaty? Why do we give an air of importance and suspicion to a matter which is trifling and open to the world?

[17]

Why do we raise groundless alarms? Why, for the sake of ingratiating ourselves still more particularly with the Romans, render others odious and suspected?

[18]

If war shall take place, even Perseus himself does not doubt our taking part with the Romans. While peace continues, let animosities if they are not terminated, be at least suspended.

[19] When those who approved of the king's letter expressed their approbation of this speech, the decree was postponed, owing to the indignation of the chief men that Perseus should obtain by a letter of a few lines a matter which he did not even deign worthy of an embassy. Ambassadors were afterwards sent by the king, when a council was held at Megalopolis;

[20] but exertions were made by those, who dreaded a rupture with Rome, that they should not be admitted to an audience.

[1]

During this period the fury of the Aetolians, being turned against themselves, seemed likely to cause the total extinction of that nation by the massacres of the contending parties.

[2] Then both parties, being wearied, sent ambassadors to Rome, and also opened a negotiation between themselves for the restoration of concord: but this was broken off by an act of barbarity, which revived their old quarrels.

[3] When a return to their country had been promised to the exiles from Hypata, who were of the faction of Proxenus, and the public faith had been pledged to them by Eupolemus, the chief man of the state; eighty persons of distinction, whom even Eupolemus, among the rest of the multitude, had gone forth to meet on their return, though they were received with kind salutation, and right hands were pledged to them, were butchered on entering the gate, though they implored in vain

[4] the honour that had been pledged, and the gods the witnesses of the transaction.

[5] On this the war blazed out anew, with greater fury than ever. Caius Valerius Laevinus, Appius Claudius Pulcher, Caius Memmius, Marcus Popilius, and Lucius Canuleius, being sent as ambassadors by the senate, arrived in that country.

[6] When the deputies from both parties pleaded their respective causes with great energy, Proxenus appeared to have greatly the advantage as well in the justice of his cause as in eloquence; a few days after, he was poisoned by his wife Orthobula, who being convicted of the crime, went into banishment.

[7] The same madness was wasting the Cretans also; but, on the arrival of Quintus Minucius, lieutenant-general, who was sent with ten ships to quiet their contentions, the inhabitants had some prospect of peace; however, they only concluded a suspension of arms for six months, after which the war was again renewed with much greater violence.

[8] About this time, the Lycians, too, were harassed in war by the Rhodians. But the wars of foreign nations among themselves, or the several methods in which they were conducted, it is not my business to detail; since I have a task of more than sufficient weight in writing the deeds performed by the Roman people.

[1]

In Spain, the Celtiberians, (who, since their reduction by Tiberius Gracchus, and their consequent surrender to him, had remained quiet; when Marcus Titinius, the praetor, held the government of that province,) on the arrival of Appius Claudius, resumed their arms, and commenced hostilities by a sudden attack on the Roman camp.

[2] It was nearly the first dawn when the sentinels on the rampart, and the men on guard before the gates, descrying the enemy approaching at a distance, shouted

to arms.

Appius Claudius instantly displayed the signal of battle; and, after exhorting the troops, in few words, ordered them to rush out by three gates at once.

[3] But they were opposed by the Celtiberians in the very passage; and in consequence, the fight was for some time equal on both sides, as, on account of the narrowness, the Romans could not all come into action in the entrance;

[4] then pressing forward on one another, whenever it was possible, they made their way beyond the trenches, so that they were able to extend their line, and form a front equal to the wings of the enemy, by which they were surrounded; and now they made their onset with such sudden impetuosity, that the Celtiberians could not support the assault.

[5] Before the second hour, they were driven from the field; about fifteen thousand were either killed or made prisoners, and thirty-two standards were taken. Their camp, also, was stormed the same day, and a conclusion put to the war; for those who survived the battle fled by different ways, to their several towns, and thenceforth submitted quietly to the Roman government.

[1]

Quintus Fulvius Flaccus and Aulus Postumius, being created censors, reviewed the senate this year. Marcus Aemilius Lepidus, chief pontiff, was chosen chief of the senate.

[2] Nine senators were expelled. The remarkable censures pronounced were on Marcus Cornelius Maluginensis, who had been praetor in Spain two years before; on Lucius Cornelius Scipio, who was then praetor and exercised the jurisdiction between natives and foreigners; and on Cneius Fulvius, brother to the censor, and, as Valerius Antias says, partner in property. The consuls, after offering vows in the Capitol, set out for their provinces.

[3] Marcus Aemilius was commissioned by the senate to suppress an insurrection of the Patavians in Venetia; for their own ambassadors had given information that by the violent contests of opposing factions they had broken out into civil war. The ambassadors who had gone into Aetolia, to suppress commotions of a similar kind, reported on their return, that the outrageous temper of that nation could not be restrained.

[4] The consul's arrival among the Patavians saved them from ruin; and having no other business in the province, he returned to Rome.

[5] The present censors were the first who contracted for paving the streets of Rome with flint stones, for laying with gravel the foundation of roads outside the city, and for forming raised foot-ways on the sides; for building bridges in several places;

[6] and affording seats in the theatre to the praetors and aediles; they fixed up goals in the circus, with balls on the goals for marking the number of courses of the chariots; and erected iron grates, through which wild beasts might be let in. They caused the Capitoline hill to be paved with flint, and erected a piazza from the temple of Saturn, in the Capitol, to the council-chamber, and over that a public hall.

[7] On the outside of the gate Trigemina, they also paved a market-place with stones, and enclosed it with a paling;

[8] they repaired the Aemilian portico, and formed an ascent, by stairs, from the Tiber to the market-place. They paved, with flint, the portico, from the same gate to the Aventine, and built a court-house:

[9] contracted for walls to be built at Galatia and Oximum, and, after selling lots of ground there, which belonged to the public, employed the money arising from the sale in building shops round the forums of both places.

[10] Fulvius Flaccus (for Postumius declared, that, without a decree of the senate, or order of the people, he would not expend any money belonging to them) agreed for building a temple of Jupiter at Pisaurum;

[11] and another at Fundi; for bringing water to Pollentia; for paving the street of Pisaurum, and for many various works at Sinuessa; among which were, the structure of a sewer to fall into the river, the enclosure of the forum with porticoes and shops, and erection of three statues of Janus.

[12] These works were all contracted for by one of the censors, and gained him a high degree of favour with those colonists.

[13] Their censorship was also very active and strict in the superintendence of the morals of the people. Many knights were deprived of their horses.

[1]

At the close of the year, there was a thanksgiving, for one day, on account of the advantages obtained in Spain under the conduct and auspices of Appius Claudius, the proconsul; and they sacrificed twenty victims, of the larger kinds. There was also a supplication, for another day, at the temples of Ceres, Liber, and Liberia, because a violent earthquake with the destruction of many houses was announced from the Sabines. When Appius Claudius came home from Spain, the senate voted that he should enter the city in ovation.

[2] The election of consuls now came on: when they were held, after a violent struggle in consequence of the great number of candidates, Lucius Postumius Albinus and Marcus Popilius Laenas were elected consuls. Then Numerius Fabius Buteo, Marcus Matienus, Caius Cicereius, Marcus Furius Crassipes, a second time, Marcus Atilius Serranus, a second time, and Caius Cluvius Saxula, a second time, were chosen praetors.

[3] After the elections were finished, Appius Claudius Centho, entering the city in ovation over the Celtiberians, conveyed to the treasury ten thousand pounds' weight of silver, and five thousand of gold. Cneius Cornelius was inaugurated flamen of Jupiter. In the same year a tablet was hung up in the temple of mother Matuta, with this inscription: —UNDER

[4] THE COMMAND AND AUSPICES OF TIBERIUS SEMPRONIUS GRAC- CHUS, CONSUL, A LEGION AND ARMY OF THE ROMAN PEOPLE SUBDUED SARDINIA; IN WHICH PROVINCE ABOVE EIGHTY THOUSAND OF THE ENEMY WERE KILLED OR TAKEN. HAVING EXECUTED THE BUSINESS OF THE PUBLIC WITH THE HAPPIEST SUCCESS; HAVING RECOVERED THE REVENUES, AND RESTORED THEM to the commonwealth, —HE BROUGHT HOME THE ARMY SAFE, UNINJURED, AND ENRICHED WITH SPOIL, AND, A SECOND TIME, ENTERED THE CITY OF ROME IN TRIUMPH. IN COMME- MORATION OF WHICH EVENT HE PRESENTED THIS TABLET AS AN OFFERING TO JUPITER. A map of the island of Sardinia was engraved on the tablet, and pictures of the battles fought there were delineated on it.

[5] Several small exhibitions of gladiators were given to the public this year; the only one particularly remarkable, was that of Titus Flamininus, which he gave on occasion of his father's death, and it was accompanied with a donation of meat, a feast, and stage-plays, and lasted four days. Yet, in the whole of this great exhibition, only seventy-four men fought in three days.

[6] The close of this year was rendered memorable by the proposal of a new and import- ant rule, which occupied the state, since it was debated with great emotion. Hitherto, as the law stood, women were as equal- ly capable of receiving inheritances as men.

[7] From which it hap- pened that the wealth of the most illustrious houses was frequent- ly transferred into other families, to the great detriment, as it was generally supposed, of the state; to which it was no small advantage that there should be a sufficiency of wealth to the descendants of distinguished ancestors, by which they might support and do honour to their nobility of birth, which otherwise would form a burden rather than honour to them.

[8] Besides, since with the now growing power of the empire, the riches of private persons also were increasing fear was felt, lest the minds of women, being rather inclined by nature to luxury, and the pursuit of a more elegant routine of life, and deriving from un- bounded wealth incentives to desire, should fall into immoderate expenses and luxury, and should subsequently chance to de- part from the ancient sanctity of manners, so that there would be a change of morals no less than of the manner of living.

[9] To obviate these evils, Quintus Voconius Saxa, plebeian tri- bune, proposed to the people, that

no person who should be rated after the censorship of Aulus Postumius and Quintius Fulvius should make any woman, whether married or unmar- ried, his heir; also, that no woman, whether married or un- married, should be capable of receiving, by inheritance, goods exceeding the value of one hundred thousand sesterces.

¹⁴ Voconius, also, thought it proper to provide that estates should not be exhausted by the number of legacies, which some- times happened. Accordingly he added a clause to his law, that no person should bequeath to any person or persons pro- perty exceeding in value what was to go to the immediate heirs."

[10] This latter clause readily met the general approbation; it appeared reasonable, and calculated to press severely on no- body. Concerning the former clause, by which women were utterly disqualified from receiving inheritances, there were many doubts.

[11] Marcus Cato put an end to all hesitation, having been already, on a former occasion, a most determined adversary and reprover of women, in the defence of the Oppian law, who, although sixty-five years of age, with loud voice and good lungs advocated this law of still greater importance, against them, inveighing, with his usual asperity, against the tyranny of women, and their unsufferable insolence when opulent: on the present occasion, too, he declaimed against the pride and arrogance of the rich matrons,

because they oftentimes, after bringing a great dowry to their husband, kept back and re- tained for themselves a great sum of money, and lent that money on such terms afterwards to their husbands, on their asking it, that as often as they were angry they immediately pressed im- portunately on their husbands, as if they were strange debtors, by a reserved slave who followed them and daily importuned payment.

Moved by indignation at this, they voted for pass- ing the law as Voconius proposed it.

History of Rome Perseus (Volumes 1-2. Roberts, Canon, Rev, translator. London, New York: J. M. Dent and Sons; E. P. Dutton and Co., 1912.) — 41.1.1 focus

[1]

. . . It was said that he called to arms the fighting men whom his father had kept in peace, and that he was very popular with them, as they were eager for plunder. The consul held a council of war to discuss the Histrian campaign. Some thought it ought to be undertaken at once before the enemy had time to get his forces together; others considered that the senate ought first to be consulted.

[2] The opinion in favour of prompt action prevailed. From Aquileia, the consul advanced to the Timavus Lake close to the sea.

[3] C. Furius, one of the two naval commanders, sailed there with ten ships. He and his colleague were to act against the Illyrian fleet and protect the coasts of the Upper Sea with twenty ships. Their joint command pivoted on Ancona; L. Cornelius had the defence of the coast to the right as far as Tarentum, and C. Furius to the left as far as Aquileia.

[4] The ten ships under Furius had been sent to the nearest harbour on Histrian territory, together with cargo ships and a large amount of supplies. The consul followed them with the legions and fixed his camp about five miles from the sea.

[5] A busy market soon sprang up in the harbour, and all supplies were carried up from the sea to the camp. To render this more secure, pickets were posted on every side of the camp.

[6] On the side facing Histria the emergency cohort from Placentia was posted permanently; M. Aebutius, one of the military tribunes, was ordered to take two maniples from the second legion to the river bank between the camp and the sea to protect the watering-parties;

[7] two other military tribunes, L. and C. Aelius, took the third legion along the road leading to Aquileia to protect the foraging and wood-cutting troops. In that direction lay the camp of the Gauls about a mile distant.

[8] and in their chief's absence Catemelus was in command. They did not number more than 3000 armed men.

[1]

As soon as the Roman army began to move towards the Timavus, the Histri took up a position in concealment behind a hill and followed it while on the march, carefully watching for every opportunity; nothing that happened on sea or land escaped their notice.

[2] When they saw that only weak pickets

[3] were posted in front of the camp and that between the camp and the sea there was a crowd of unarmed traders busy with their traffic and without any protection either on the land side or towards the sea, they made a simultaneous attack on the pickets, the Placentian cohort and the maniples of the second legion.

[4] Their movements were at first concealed by an early morning fog. As this began to disperse under the warm rays of the sun, the sunshine struggling fitfully through made everything, as it generally does, look larger to the beholder. In this way the Romans were deceived, as the hostile army appeared larger than it really was.

[5] The men from both the pickets fled in a great tumult to the camp. The terror they spread here was greater than the alarm in which they had fled, for they could not explain why they had fled, nor could they give any answer to those who questioned them.

[6] Shouts were heard from the gates, as there were no outposts there to make any resistance, and the crowding together of the soldiers, who were falling over each other in the fog, made it impossible to know whether the enemy were inside the camp or not.

[7] One voice was heard amongst the cries, calling "To the sea!" and this chance cry started by one individual resounded everywhere throughout the camp.

[8] They began to run down to the sea, as though acting under orders; at first in small bodies, some with arms, most of them without; then in larger numbers, till at last nearly every man had gone, including the consul himself. He was quite powerless to rally the fugitives; his commands, his authority, his expostulations were all fruitless.

[9] The only officer who remained was M. Licinius Strabo, a military tribune attached to the second legion, who had left him with three maniples in their flight. The Histri made their attack on the empty camp, and after finding no armed resistance, came upon him as he was forming and encouraging his men in the headquarters tent.

[10] The fight was a more stubborn one than might have been expected from the fewness of the defenders, and did not come to an end until the tribune and all round him had fallen. After overturning the headquarters tent and plundering everything in it, the enemy went on to the quaestor's tent, the forum, and the via quintana.

[11] Here they found an abundant supply of everything laid out in readiness, and in the quaestor's tent couches arranged for a meal.

[12] The chieftain lay down and began to feast himself;

[13] soon all the others, oblivious of any armed enemy, did the same, and being unused to such good fare, loaded themselves greedily with wine and food.

[1]

Things wore a very different aspect among the Romans. There was confusion both on land and sea. The marines struck their tents and hurriedly carried back on board the stores which had been landed on the beach;

[2] the soldiers rushed in panic to the boats at the water's edge; some of the sailors, afraid of their boats being overcrowded, tried to stop the crowd; others pushed their boats off into deep water.

[3] This resulted in a struggle, and soon a regular fight began between the soldiers and the sailors-with bloodshed on both sides-until at the consul's orders the fleet was withdrawn to some distance from the land. Then he began to separate those who had arms from those who were without any.

[4] There were hardly 1200 out of the whole number who were still armed; very few of the cavalry were found to have brought away their horses with them; the rest were a disorderly mob like so many sutlers and camp-followers, certain to fall a prey to the enemy, if the enemy had had any idea of fighting.

[5] At last, word was sent to recall the third legion and the Gaulish contingent, and the troops posted round the camp began to come in determined to recover the camp and remove the stain of disgrace.

[6] The military tribunes of the third legion ordered the loads of wood and fodder to be thrown off the baggage animals, and commanded the centurions to place the older men in couples on the mules which had been relieved of their loads, and the cavalry were each to take one of the younger men with them on their horses. They told their men that it would be a most glorious thing for their legion if, by their own valour, they recovered the camp which had been lost through the faintheartedness of the second legion.

[7] And it easily could be recovered if the barbarians were suddenly surprised in the midst of their plundering; the camp could be recaptured just as it had been captured.

[8] His words of encouragement were listened to eagerly by the soldiers, the standards rapidly went forward, and the legionaries followed without a moment's delay. The first, however, to approach the rampart were the consul and the troops he was bringing from the sea.

[9] The first tribune of the second legion, with the view of encouraging his men, pointed out to them that if the barbarians had intended to hold the camp by the same arms by which they had taken it, they would, first of all, have followed up their enemy in his flight from his camp to the sea, and then they would have stationed pickets in front of their rampart.

[10] They were in all probability lying sunk in wine and slumber.

[1]

He thereupon ordered his standard-bearer, A. Baeculonius, a man noted for his courage, to go forward with his standard. Baeculonius replied that if they would follow him and his standard they would help him to do so all the more quickly.

[2] He then flung the standard with all his might over the rampart and was the first to pass through the camp gate.

[3] On another side of the camp the two Aelii, Titus and Caius, came up with the cavalry of the third legion. They were almost immediately followed by the men mounted on the baggage animals, and then the consul with the whole of the army.

[4] A few of the Histri who had taken only a moderate amount of wine were careful to escape; for the rest, sleep was prolonged into death, and the Romans recovered all their property intact. save the wine and food which had been consumed.

[5] Even the sick who had been left in the camp, finding their comrades inside the rampart, seized their arms and inflicted great slaughter.

[6] A cavalryman, C. Popilius Sabellus, distinguished himself especially in this way. He had been left behind with a wounded foot and he slew by far the greatest number of the enemy.

[7] As many as 8000 of the Histri were killed, not one prisoner was taken, rage and shame made the Romans indifferent to booty. The King of the Histri, however, drunk as he was, was carried off hurriedly from the table and lifted by his men on to a horse and so escaped.

[8] Two hundred and thirty-seven of the victors perished; more fell in the morning rout than in the recapture of the camp.

[1]

Cn. and L. Gavilius Novellus were coming with supplies from Aquileia, and unaware of what had happened, very nearly entered the camp while it was in the possession of the Histrians.

[2] They left their goods and fled back to Aquileia, spreading alarm and tumult not only in that city, but in Rome itself.

[3] Reports reached the City, true so far as they told of the capture of the camp by the enemy and the flight of the defenders, but rumours also filled the City to the effect that all was lost and the entire army annihilated.

[4] As usual in times of tumult and alarm, an extraordinary levy was ordered in the City and throughout the length and breadth of Italy. Two legions of Roman citizens were called up, and from the Latin allies 10,000 infantry with a complement of 500 cavalry were raised.

[5] The consul, M. Junius, was ordered to go to Gaul and requisition from the communities in that province as many soldiers as they could each supply.

[6] It was decreed that the praetor Tiberius Claudius should give notice to the men of the fourth legion, the 5000 allied troops and the 250 cavalry to muster at Pisae, and that he should be responsible for the defence of that province in the consul's absence.

[7] M. Titinius received instructions to order the first legion and the same number of allied infantry to assemble at Ariminum.

[8] Nero, wearing his paludamentum, left for Pisae; Titinius, after sending C. Cassius, one of the military tribunes, to take command of the legion at Ariminum, arrived at Aquileia.

[9] There he was informed that the army was safe, and at once sent a despatch to Rome to allay the tumult and alarm. He then sent back the contingents which he had requisitioned in Gaul and went to rejoin his colleague.

[10] There was great rejoicing in Rome at the unlooked-for news, all enrolment of troops was suspended and those who had already taken the military oath were released from its obligations.

[11] The army at Ariminum which had been suffering from the pestilence was disbanded and sent home.

[12] The Histrians were encamped in great strength not far from the consul's camp, and when they heard that the other consul had arrived with a fresh army they everywhere dispersed to their cities. The consuls took the legions back to Aquileia for their winter quarters.

[1]

After the Histrian disturbance had at last quieted down, the senate passed a resolution that the consuls should arrange which of them was to come to Rome for the election.

[2] Two tribunes of the plebs, Licinius Nerva and C. Papirius Turdus, attacked Manlius in his absence and brought forward a motion that he should not retain his command after the Ides of March-the consuls had already had their administrations extended for a year-in order that he might be brought to trial immediately on quitting office.

[3] Their colleague, Q. Aelius, opposed the motion and after long and violent disputes prevented it from being carried.

[4] On their return from Spain, Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus and L. Postumius Albinus were received by the senate in the temple of Bellona. They gave a report of their administration and asked that honours should be paid to the immortal gods. News came from T. Aebutius, commanding in Sardinia, of a serious disturbance in that island.

[5] The Ilienses, in conjunction with the Balari, had invaded the province which was at peace, and owing to the weakened condition of the army, a large number of men having been carried off by the pestilence, no resistance could be offered.

[6] Envoys from Sardinia came with the same tale; they implored the senate to send assistance to the cities at all events; it was too late to save the fields.

[7] It was left to the consuls to decide what reply should be given to these envoys and to deal with the whole state of things in Sardinia.

[8] An equally tragic story was told by the Lycians, who had come to complain of the cruel tyranny of the Rhodians, under whose government they had been placed by L. Cornelius Scipio.

[9] They had been formerly under Antiochus and they assured the senate that their subjection under the king was glorious liberty compared with their present condition. It was not political oppression only under which they were suffering, but absolute slavery; they, their wives and children were the victims of violence;

[10] their oppressors vented their rage on their persons and their backs, their good name was besmirched and dishonoured, their condition rendered detestable in order that their tyrants might openly assert a legal right over them and reduce them to the status of slaves bought with money.

[11] Moved by this recital, the senate gave the Lycians a letter to hand to the Rhodians, intimating that it was not the pleasure of the senate that either the Lycians or any other men born free should be handed over as slaves to the Rhodians or any one else.

[12] The Lycians possessed the same rights under the suzerainty and protection of Rhodes that friendly states possessed under the suzerainty of Rome.

[1]

The two commanders in Spain now celebrated their triumph;

[2] first, Sempronius Gracchus for his victory over the Celtiberi and their allies, and on the following day L. Postumius over the Lusitanians and the adjacent tribes.

[3] In Gracchus' procession were borne 40,000 pounds of silver, in that of Postumius 20,000. Each of the legionaries received 25 denarii, the centurions twice and the cavalry three times as much, and the allied troops received the same.

[4] The consul, M. Junius, came about this time to Rome for the elections.

[5] Two tribunes of the plebs, Papirius and Licinius, put a multitude of questions to him in the senate about what had happened in Histria, and then they brought him before the Assembly.

[6] The consul explained that he had not been in that province more than eleven days and he, like them, only knew by report what had happened in his absence. Then they asked "why in that case A. Manlius had not come to Rome, rather than Junius, that he might explain to the people of Rome why he had left the province of Gaul, which had been allotted to him, for Histria.

[7] When did the senate make a decree or the Assembly an order for that war?

[8] 'Well,' you may say, 'granting that the war was undertaken on his personal responsibility, still it was conducted with courage and prudence.' On the contrary it is impossible to say whether its inception is the more flagitious or its conduct the more reckless.

[9] Two pickets were surprised by the Histrians, a Roman camp was taken and what troops were in the camp were cut to pieces; all the rest threw away their arms and fled in disorder to the sea and the ships, the consul himself above all.

[10] He will have to account for all this as an ordinary citizen, since he will not do so as consul."

[1]

Then came the elections. The new consuls were C. Claudius Pulcher and Ti. Sempronius Gracchus, and the new praetors, P. Aelius Tubero (for the second time), C. Quinctius Flamininus, C. Numisius, L. Mummius, Cnaeus Cornelius Scipio and C. Valerius Laevinus. Tubero received the civic jurisdiction, Quinctius the alien.

[2] Sicily fell to Numisius, and Sardinia to Mummius; the latter, however, owing to the magnitude of the war, was made a consular province. Gaul was divided into two provinces and allotted to Scipio and Laevinus.

[3] On the Ides of March, when Sempronius and Claudius entered upon office, the provinces of Sardinia and Histria and the instigators of war in those provinces were only informally discussed.

[4] On the following day, the Sardinian deputation, who had been referred to the new consuls, and L. Minucius Thermus, who had been second

[5] in command with the consul Manlius in Histria, appeared before the senate, and after the information they gave, the senate realised what a state of war existed in those provinces. Delegates from the Latin allies, after numberless appeals to the censors and the late consuls, were at length admitted to an audience of the senate, and their statement made a great impression.

[6] The gist of their complaint was that their citizens who were on the Roman register had migrated in great numbers

[7] to the City, and if this were allowed it would come to pass in a very few lustra that the towns and fields would be deserted and incapable of furnishing any men for the army.

[8] The Samnites and Paeligni stated that 4000 families had gone from them to Fregellae, but they were not diminishing their contingents, nor were the Fregellans increasing theirs. The practice of individuals changing their citizenship led to two kinds of fraud.

[9] The law allowed those amongst the Latin allies who chose, to become Roman citizens if they left male progeny behind in the old home. This law was abused to the injury of the allies and of the Roman people.

[10] For in order to avoid any male descendants being left at home, they gave their children as slaves to some Roman or other, on condition that they should be manumitted, and as freedmen become citizens, whilst on the other hand those who had no male descendants became Roman citizens. Subsequently, even this legal presence was brushed aside.

[11] In defiance of law and without any male descendants they migrated to Rome and were placed on the City register. The delegates asked that this might be stopped for the future, and that those who had migrated should be ordered to return to their homes.

[12] They asked further that a law might be passed making it illegal for any person to adopt or manumit any one with the view of changing his citizenship, and also require those who had become Roman citizens by this means to renounce their citizenship. The senate granted these requests.

[1]

The senate then decreed that the provinces which were in a state of war-Sardinia and Histria-should be assigned to the consuls.

[2] Two legions were ordered to be raised for Sardinia, each consisting of 5200 infantry and 300 cavalry; the Latin allies were to supply 12,000 infantry and 600 cavalry. In case the consul wished to take ships from the dockyard, ten quinqueremes were placed at his disposal.

[3] The same strength of infantry and cavalry was decreed for Histria as for Sardinia. The consuls also received instructions to despatch a force of one legion with its complement of cavalry and 5000 infantry and 250 cavalry from the allies to M. Titinius in Spain.

[4] Before the consuls balloted for their provinces various portents were reported.

[5] A stone fell from the sky into the grove of Mars in the Crustumerian district; on Roman land a boy was born without all his limbs, and a four-footed snake was seen; at Capua numerous buildings in the forum were struck by lightning; at Puteoli two shops had been set on fire by a similar stroke.

[6] While these were being reported, a wolf entered the City by the Colline Gate in broad daylight and was chased till it escaped through the Esquiline Gate, amidst great excitement on the part of its pursuers.

[7] In consequence of these portents the consuls sacrificed full-grown victims, and there were special intercessions at all the shrines for one day.

[8] When the religious rites had been duly performed the consuls drew for their provinces. Histria fell to Claudius, Sardinia to Sempronius.

[9] Then, in accordance with the resolution of the senate, the consul C. Claudius carried a measure in which it was ordered that those of the Latin allies who themselves or whose ancestors had been registered among the Latin allies during the censorship of M. Claudius and T. Quinctius or subsequently, should all return to their cities before November 1. The praetor L.

[10] Mummius was charged to enquire into the cases of those who had not returned by that date.

[11] In addition to this new law, and the consul's edict enforcing it, a resolution was passed by the senate ordering that whenever any one of them was manumitted and publicly declared to be free, the dictator, consul, interrex, censor or praetor for the time being should put the manumitter on his oath that he was not doing it for the purpose of altering his citizenship; in case he refused to take the oath the senate would declare the manumission invalid.

[12] This resolution was to guide all future proceedings.

[1]

M. Junius and A. Manlius, the ex-consuls who had been in winter quarters at Aquileia, led their army into Histria at the commencement of spring.

[2] They carried their ravages far and wide, and the Histrians were animated much more by indignation and rage at the loss of their property than by any certain hope that they would be strong enough to meet two consular armies.

[3] From all the tribes their fighting men collected into a hastily levied tumultuary force, and they displayed much more impetuosity in beginning a battle than steadfastness in keeping it up. Four thousand of them fell on the field; the rest abandoned all resistance and dispersed to their cities.

[4] From these cities delegates were sent to the Roman camp to sue for peace, and on being required to give hostages they sent them.

[5] When this became known in Rome through despatches from the proconsuls, C. Claudius, fearing lest this success should rob him of his province and his army, went off post-haste to his province without offering the customary prayers, unattended by his lictors and in the dead of night, his colleague being the only one who was aware of his intention. His conduct after his arrival was more ill-advised even than the way in which he had started for his province.

[6] Addressing the assembled troops, he taunted Manlius with his flight from the camp, to the intense annoyance of the soldiers, since it was they who began the flight, and then he attacked M. Junius for associating himself with his colleague's disgrace, and ended by ordering them both to quit the province.

[7] They promised that they would obey his order as soon as he had made his departure from the City in the traditional way, after the customary prayers in the Capitol, and attended by his lictors in their official dress. Claudius, beside himself with rage, called the official who was acting as quaestor to Manlius to bring fetters, and threatened to send both Manlius and Junius in chains to Rome.

[8] This officer also ignored the consul's authority, and their determination not to obey was strengthened by the way the army supported their commanders and resented the conduct of Claudius.

[9] At last the consul, overborne by the insults and jeers of individual soldiers, and the ridicule (for they actually laughed at him) of the whole army, returned to Aquileia in the same vessel in which he had come.

[10] From there he sent word to his colleague to warn that portion of the new levies which had been

[11] raised for service in Histria to assemble at Aquileia, so that nothing might detain him in Rome or prevent him from leaving the City, with due formalities, offering the customary prayers and wearing the paludamentum. His colleague carried out his instructions and ordered the troops to assemble at an early date at Aquileia.

[12] Claudius almost overtook his letter. On his arrival he convened the Assembly and laid before it the case of Manlius and Junius.

[13] His stay in Rome only lasted three days, and then, in full state with lictors and paludamentum, after offering up prayers in the Capitol, he departed for his province with quite as much precipitancy as before.

[1]

A few days before his arrival Junius and Manlius began a determined attack on the town of Nesactium, to which place the chiefs of the Histri, with their king, Aepulo, had retired.

[2] Claudius brought up the two newly-raised legions, and after disbanding the old army with its generals, invested the town and proceeded to attack it with the vineae.

[3] There was a river flowing past the town which impeded the assailants and furnished water to the Histrians.

[4] After many days' work he diverted this river into a new channel, and the cutting off of their water-supply as though by a miracle greatly alarmed the natives. Even then they had no thought of suing for peace; they made up their minds to murder their women and children, and that this horrid deed might be a spectacle to the enemy, they butchered

[5] them openly on the walls and then flung them down. Amidst the shrieks of the women and children and the unspeakable

[6] horrors of the massacre, the Romans surmounted the walls and entered the town. When the king heard the terrified cries of those who fled, and understood

[7] from the tumult that the place was taken, he stabbed himself that he might not be taken alive. The rest were either killed or made prisoners.

[8] This was followed by the storming and destruction of two other towns, Mutila and Faveria. The booty, considering the poverty of the natives, surpassed expectations, and the whole of it was given to the soldiers; 5632 persons were sold as slaves.

[9] The prime instigators of the war were scourged and beheaded. The extermination of these three towns and the death of the king led to peace throughout Histria;

[10] all the tribes made their submission and gave hostages.

[1]

Just after the Histrian war had come to an end the Ligurians began to hold councils of war.

[2] Tiberius Claudius, who had been praetor the previous year and was now acting as proconsul, was in command of Pisae with one legion He reported the movement in Liguria to the

[3] senate, and they decided to send his despatch on to C. Claudius, for the other consul had landed in Sardinia, and they authorised him to transfer his army, if he thought it advisable now that Histria was quiet, to Liguria.

[4] After receiving the consul's report of his operations in Histria a two days' thanksgiving was decreed. The other consul, Tiberius Sempronius, was equally successful in Sardinia.

[5] He marched into the Ilian country, and finding a large body of Balari had come to the assistance of the Ilians, he fought a pitched battle with the two tribes. The enemy were routed, put to flight and driven out of their camp, 12,000 men being killed.

[6] The consul ordered all the arms to be collected on the following day and thrown into one heap. He then burnt them as an offering to Vulcan. The victorious army retired into winter quarters in the friendly cities.

[7] On receipt of Tiberius Claudius' despatch and the instructions of the senate, Caius Claudius led his legions into Liguria.

[8] The enemy had come down into the plains and was encamped by the river Scultenna. A battle took place there; 15,000 were killed and over 700 were made prisoners, either on the battlefield or in the camp-for this was stormed-and 51 military standards taken.

[9] The Ligurians who survived this slaughter fled to the mountains, and no resistance was met with anywhere by the consul as he traversed the level country plundering and devastating their fields.

[10] After winning victories over two nations and reducing two provinces to submission during his year of office-a thing which very few have done-Claudius returned to Rome.

[1]

Some portents were reported this year. Near Crustumerium an osprey cut a sacred stone with its beak;

[2] in Campania a heifer spoke;

[3] a brazen image of a cow in Syracuse was mounted by a bull which had strayed from the herd.

[4] Special intercessions were offered on the spot at Crustumerium, and the heifer in Campania was to be kept at the public cost. The portent at Syracuse was expiated by sacrifices to the deities who were named by the haruspices.

[5] One of the pontiffs, M. Claudius Marcellus, died this year. He had been consul and also censor.

[6] His son, M. Marcellus, was appointed pontiff in his place. Two thousand Roman citizens were settled as colonists at Luna under the supervision of P. Aelius, M. Aemilius Lepidus and Cnaeus Sicinius.

[7] Fifty-one and a half jugera were allotted to each colonist.

[8] The land had been taken from the Ligurians; it had previously been in the possession of the Etruscans.

[1]

After his return to the City the consul C. Claudius made his report to the

[2] senate of his victories in Histria and Liguria, and at his request, a triumph was decreed to him. Whilst still in office he celebrated a double triumph over the two nations.

[3] In the procession were carried 307,000 denarii and 85,702 "victoriati." To each legionary were given fifteen denarii, double the amount to the centurions, and treble to the cavalry.

[4] The allied troops received only half as much, and by way of showing their anger, they followed the victor's chariot in silence.

[5] Whilst the new consuls were each sacrificing an ox to Jupiter on the day of their entering upon office, the victim which Q. Petilius was sacrificing was defective;

[6] there was no head to the liver visible.

[7] He reported this to the senate, and they ordered him to go on sacrificing until the victim gave a favourable omen. The provinces were then discussed, and the senate decreed that Pisae and Liguria should be the consular provinces, and the one to whom the ballot

[8] gave Pisae was ordered to return and hold the elections when the time for them arrived.

[9] They further decreed that the consuls should raise two new

[10] legions and 300 cavalry with each, and from the Latin allies 10,000 infantry and 600 cavalry.

[11] Ti. Claudius retained his command till the new consul arrived in his province.

[1]

While this business was being transacted in the senate, Cnaeus Cornelius was called out by an apparitor, and left the House. On his return he was visibly perturbed, and explained that the liver of the ox which he had sacrificed had disappeared.

[2] When the victimarius reported this to him he did not believe it, and he ordered the water in which the entrails were being boiled to be poured out from the cauldron. He saw every other portion of the victim complete, but in some unaccountable way the liver had been consumed.

[3] The senators were much alarmed at this ominous incident, and their alarm was intensified by the other consul's statement that after the appearance of the defective liver he had sacrificed three oxen in succession without getting any favourable indication.

[4] The senate ordered them both to go on sacrificing until the omens were favourable. It is said that favourable omens were at last observed in the case of all the other deities, but not in the case of Salus, to whom Petilius was sacrificing.

[5] The consuls and praetors now balloted for their provinces. Pisae fell to Cnaeus Cornelius, Liguria to Petilius, the City jurisdiction to L. Papirius Maso, the alien to M. Aburius.

[6] M. Cornelius Scipio Maluginensis had Further Spain, and L. Aquilius Gallus received Sardinia. Two asked to be excused from going to their provinces. M. Popilius alleged as a reason for his not going to Sardinia that Gracchus was pacifying that province and that the praetor T.

[7] Aebutius was, by direction of the senate, helping him in this task.

[8] It was, he said, most inconvenient for a line of policy to be interrupted when its success mainly depends upon its continuance in the same hands. During the transfer of authority and the time required by the new man to learn the condition

[9] of affairs before taking any action, many an opportunity of achieving success is lost. The senate allowed his excuse.

[10] P. Licinius Crassus, to whom Hither Spain had fallen, alleged that he was prevented by his religious duties. However, he was ordered either to go or to take an oath before the Assembly that he was prevented by his religious duties. When the case of P. Licinius had been settled in this way, M. Cornelius Scipio asked them to accept his oath also, that he might not have to go to Further Spain. These two praetors both took the same oath.

[11] M. Titinius and T. Fonteius, who were in charge of that province as proconsuls, were ordered to remain in Spain with the same authority as before and reinforcements were to be sent to them-3000 Roman citizens and 200 cavalry, with 5000 infantry and 300 cavalry from the allies.

[1]

The Latin Festival took place on March 5, and something occurred to mar its celebrations; the magistrate of Lanuvium omitted to pray over one of the victims for "the Roman people of the Quirites."

[2] This irregularity was reported to the senate and by them referred to the college of pontiffs. The pontiffs decided that the Latin Festival not having been properly and duly celebrated must be observed anew, and that the people of Lanuvium, whose fault made the renewal necessary, should provide the victims. A fresh misfortune increased the general uneasiness.

[3] The consul Cn. Cornelius, whilst returning from the Alban Mount, fell from his horse and was partially crippled. He went to the Baths of Cumae, but became gradually worse and died at Cumae. The body was brought to Rome and received a magnificent funeral.

[4] He had also been a pontiff. Orders were given to the consul Q. Petilius to hold an election-as soon as he obtained favourable omens from the sacrifices-to provide him with a colleague and also to proclaim the Latin Festival.

[5] He fixed the election for the 3rd and the Latin Festival for the 11th of August.

Whilst men's minds were thus filled with religious fears, fresh portents were announced.

[6] At Tusculum a burning brand was seen in the sky; at Gabii the temple of Apollo and several private buildings were struck by lightning, as also were the wall and one of the gates at Graviscae. The senate ordered such measures to be taken as the pontiffs should direct.

[7] During this time, whilst the two consuls were pre-occupied with matters of religion, and then the death of one of them and the duty thrown upon the other of electing his successor, and also of presiding at the Latin Festival, created further delay, C. Claudius brought his army up to Mutina, which the Ligurians had taken the year before.

[8] After a three days' assault he recaptured the place and restored it to the colonists; 8000 Ligurians were killed inside the walls.

[9] He promptly sent a despatch to Rome in which he gave an account of his operations and boasted that owing to his good fortune and ability there was no longer any enemy to Rome on this side the Alps, and that a considerable quantity of land had been acquired which could be distributed amongst many thousands of colonists.

[1]

After many successful actions Ti. Sempronius finally subjugated Sardinia; 15,000 natives were killed and all the revolting tribes were forced into submission.

[2] Those who had before paid the tax had now to pay double; the rest paid in corn.

[3] After peace was established in the province and hostages taken from all parts of the island-230 in all-a deputation was sent to Rome to announce the subjection of the island and to ask the senate that honours should be paid to the immortal gods for the success achieved under the leadership and auspices of Ti. Sempronius, and that he himself might be allowed to bring away his army with him when he left the province.

[4] The senate received the deputation with their report in the temple of Apollo and decreed a two days' thanksgiving; the consuls were also ordered to offer forty sacrifices of the larger victims. Ti. Sempronius was to remain in the province with his army as proconsul.

[5] The election to fill the vacancy in the consulship took place on the appointed day, August 3. C. Valerius Laevinus was chosen as colleague to Q. Petilius and was to enter upon his consulship at once.

[6] He had long been anxious to obtain a province and most opportunely for his wishes a despatch reached Rome saying that the Ligurians had begun another war. On receipt of this intelligence the senate ordered his immediate departure, and he left the City, wearing the paludamentum, on August 5. The third legion was ordered to join C. Claudius in Gaul and the fleet commanders were instructed to proceed to Pisae, making a circuit of the Ligurian littoral and creating alarm in the coastal districts.

[7] Q.

[8] Petilius had previously fixed the date for the muster of the army at Pisae.

[9] C. Claudius, on hearing that the Ligurians were renewing hostilities, raised an emergency force in addition to the troops he had with him, and marched to the frontiers of Liguria.

[1]

The enemy had not forgotten that it was C. Claudius who had defeated and routed them at the Scultenna, and they prepared to defend themselves against a force of which they had had so unhappy an experience more by the strength of their position than by their arms.

[2] With this object they occupied two mountain heights, Letum and Ballista, and enclosed them with a wall. Some who were too late in getting away from their fields were caught and 1500 of them perished; the rest kept to the mountains.

[3] But they were not too much cowed to forget their native savagery, and they glutted their cruelty upon what they had taken at Mutina. The prisoners were put to death amid horrible tortures; the cattle were killed in their temples as an act of butchery rather than of sacrifice.

[4] When they were satiated with the slaughter of living things they turned to the destruction of inanimate objects and dashed against the walls vessels of every description, though made for use more than for ornament.

[5] Q. Petilius did not want the war to be brought to a close while he was absent and sent written instructions to C. Claudius to come to him in Gaul with his army, saying that he should expect him at the Campi Macri.

[6] On receiving the despatch C. Claudius left Liguria and handed over his army to the consul at the Campi Macri. A few days later the other consul, C. Valerius, arrived.

[7] Here, before the two armies separated, a lustration was completed for them both. As the consuls had settled not to make a combined attack on the enemy, they drew lots to decide in which direction each should advance.

[8] It was generally understood that Valerius cast his lot under proper auspices. In the case of Petilius the augurs declared afterwards that he had been at fault, for after the lottery had been taken into the sacred enclosure he remained outside, whereas he ought to have gone in himself .

[9] Then they started for their respective positions. Petilius fixed his camp fronting the twin heights of Ballista and Letum, which are connected by a continuous ridge.

[10] Writers say that whilst he was addressing words of encouragement to his troops, he made the ominous prediction that he would take Letum on that day; the double meaning of the word did not occur to him.

[11] He then advanced up the mountain in two divisions. The division which he personally commanded mounted with great spirit, but the enemy forced the other division back, and to restore the battle the consul rode forward and rallied his men. Whilst exposing himself somewhat incautiously in front of the standards, he was struck by a missile and fell.

[12] The enemy were not aware of the general's death, and a few of his men who had witnessed it carefully concealed the body, as they felt sure that the victory turned on that.

[13] The rest of the troops-infantry and cavalry alike-drove the enemy out of his positions and took the mountain heights without their general; 5000 Ligurians were killed; out of the Roman army 52 fell. In addition to his ill-omened words, to which his death gave a clear significance, it was gathered from what the "pullarius" said that the auspices had been unfavourable and that the consul was not unaware of this.

[14] . . . . . . . . Those skilled in divine and human law said that since

[15] the two duly elected consuls for the year had died, one through sickness, the other by the sword, the "consul suffectus" could not rightly hold the election.

[16] . . . . . . . .

[1]

. . . On this side the Apennines there had been the Garuli, the Lapicini and the Hergates; on the other side the Briniates. P. Mucius made war on those who had ravaged Luna and Pisae, and after completely subjugating them deprived them of their arms.

[2] For these successes in Gaul and Liguria under the leadership and auspices of the two consuls, the senate decreed a three days' thanksgiving and sacrifices of forty victims.

[3] The disturbances in Gaul and Liguria which had broken out at the beginning of the year had been quelled without any great difficulty, and now the public anxiety was directed to the danger of a war with Macedonia, as Perseus was trying to involve the Dardani and the Bastarnae in a conflict.

[4] The commissioners who had been sent to Macedonia to investigate the position there had now returned and reported that there was a state of war in Dardania.

[5] Envoys from Perseus arrived at the same time and they declared, on his behalf, that the Bastarnae had not been approached by him nor had they done anything at his instigation.

[6] The senate did not clear him from the charges brought against him, nor did they press them; they only ordered a warning to be given him that he must be very careful to hold sacred the treaty which he could regard as existing between him and Rome.

[7] When the Dardani found that the Bastarnae were not evacuating their territory as they had hoped, but were becoming every day more aggressive and were receiving assistance from their Thracian neighbours and from the Scordisci, they thought that they ought to attempt some active measures, however hazardous. The whole of their armed force assembled at a town near the camp of the Bastarnae.

[8] It was winter and they chose that season on the chance of the Thracians and the Scordisci going back to their own country. It fell out as they expected, and when they learnt that the Bastarnae were left to themselves they divided their forces; one division was to make a frontal attack, the other fetching a circuit was to take the enemy in the rear.

[9] The fighting began, however, before they could get round the enemy, and the Dardani were defeated and driven into a city some twelve miles distant from the camp of the Bastarnae.

[10] The victors followed them closely and invested the place, feeling pretty confident that they would capture the place the next day either by surrender or by storm.

[11] Meanwhile the other division, unaware of the disaster which had overtaken their comrades, seized the camp of the Bastarnae which had been left unguarded.

. . . . . . . .

[1]

. . . Seated in Roman fashion on an ivory chair he used to administer justice and settle the most trifling disputes.

[2] Roaming through every phase of life, he was so far from remaining constant to any one form of it, that neither he himself nor any one else was at all clear as to his real character.

[3] He did not speak to his friends; he had a pleasant smile for those who were hardly known to him; he made himself and others ridiculous by his misplaced liberality. To some who were of high rank and set great value upon themselves he used to give childish presents of cakes and toys; others who expected nothing he enriched.

[4] Some people thought that he was at a loss to know what he meant by his actions; some said he was only playing the fool; some declared that he was undoubtedly mad.

[5] In two matters of great importance and redounding to his honour he showed a truly kingly spirit-his munificence to cities and his care for divine worship.

[6] He promised to build a wall round Megalopolis and gave the greater part of the money for it. At Tegea he began the construction of a magnificent marble theatre.

[7] At Cyzicus he furnished vessels of gold for one table in the Prytaneum, the central hall of the city, where those to whom the privilege has been granted dine at the public cost. In the case of the Rhodians he did not make them any single gift of surpassing value, but he gave them all sorts of things to suit their various requirements.

[8] The splendid munificence which he showed towards the gods is attested by the temple of Jupiter Olympius at Athens, the only one in the world which has been begun on a scale proportionate to the greatness of the deity.

[9] Delos he adorned with splendid altars and a great array of statues. At Antioch he projected a magnificent temple to Jupiter Capitolinus, of which not only the ceiling was to be overlaid with gold, but the whole of the walls were to be covered with gold leaf. Many public edifices in other places he promised to build, but the shortness of his reign prevented him from fulfilling his promises.

[10] In the magnificence of public exhibitions of every kind he surpassed all former monarchs; they were with only one exception given by Greek performers, the one exception being a gladiatorial contest exhibited in Roman fashion, which frightened the spectators, who were unused to such sights, more than it pleased them.

[11] By frequently giving these exhibitions, in which the gladiators sometimes only wounded one another, and at other times fought to the death, he familiarised the eyes of his people to them and they learnt to enjoy them.

[12] In this way he created amongst most of the younger men a passion for arms, and whilst at first he used to hire gladiators from Rome

[13] at a great cost, now from his own.

. . . . . .

[1]

. . . Scipio, the alien jurisdiction.

[2] The province of Sardinia had fallen to M. Atilius, but he was ordered to sail to Corsica with the new legion which the consuls had raised-5000 infantry and 300 cavalry. Whilst he was engaged in that war, Cornelius' command in Sardinia was extended.

[3] To Cnaeus Servilius in Further Spain and P. Furius Philus in Hither Spain were voted 3000 Roman infantry and 150 cavalry, and of Latin allied troops 5000 infantry and 300 cavalry. Lucius Claudius received no reinforcements for Sicily.

[4] In addition to these troops the consuls were required to raise two fresh legions in full strength, both of infantry and cavalry, and also 10,000 infantry and 600 cavalry from the Latin allies.

[5] The work of enrolment was all the more difficult for the consuls, because the pestilence which the year before had attacked the cattle had now turned into an epidemic, and those who fell victims to it seldom survived the seventh day; those who did survive were subject to a long and tedious illness, which generally took the form of a quartidian ague.

[6] The deaths occurred chiefly amongst the slaves and their unburied bodies lay scattered in all the streets, and not even in the case of the free population could the funeral rites be carried out decently The corpses lay untouched by dog and

[7] vulture and slowly rotted away, and it was generally observed that neither in this nor in the previous year had a vulture been anywhere seen.

[8] Several members of the sacerdotal colleges died from the epidemic-the pontiff Cn. Servilius Caepio, father of the praetor; Tiberius Sempronius Longus, a Keeper of the Sacred Books; P. Aelius Paetus, the augur; Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus; C. Atellus Mamilius, the chief curio; and the pontiff M. Sempronius Tuditanus. C. Sulpicius Galba was elected pontiff in place of Caepio . . . in place of Tuditanus.

[9] The new augurs were T. Veturius Gracchus Sempronianus in place of Gracchus, and Q. Aelius Paetus in place of P. Aelius. C. Sempronius Longus was appointed a Keeper of the Sacred Books, and C. Scribonius Curio was made chief curio. As the pestilence continued unabated the senate decided that the Keepers should consult the Sacred Books.

[10] In accordance with their decree there were special intercessions for one day, and the people, gathered

[11] together in the Forum, made a solemn vow, in words dictated by Marcius Philippus, that if disease and pestilence were banished from Roman soil they would keep two days as solemn holy days and days of special intercession.

[12] In the district of Veii a boy was born with two heads; at Sinuessa a child with only one hand; at Ariminum a girl was born with teeth; a rainbow spanned the temple of Saturn in the Forum in broad daylight and under a cloudless sky, three suns shone at the same time, and in the same night many meteors glided through the sky.

[13] The people of Caene declared that a crested snake covered with golden spots had appeared in the town, and it was generally believed that an ox had spoken in the Capuan district.

[1]

The commission who had gone to Carthage, after interviewing Masinissa, returned on June 7. They had been more accurately informed as to what was going on in Carthage by the king than by the Carthaginians themselves.

[2] It was an ascertained fact, so they asserted, that envoys from Perseus had gone to Carthage, and that the senate there had given them audience at a nocturnal session in the temple of Aesculapius. Masinissa had stated that envoys had been sent from Carthage to Macedonia, and this the Carthaginians did not directly deny.

[3] The Roman senate decided that they too must send envoys to Macedonia. Three were sent-C. Laelius, M. Valerius Messala, and Sextus Digitius.

[4] A certain section of the Dolopes refused to obey Perseus' orders and appealed from him to the Romans to settle the differences between them. He advanced against them with an army and reduced the whole nation to complete submission.

[5] Then he crossed Mount Oeta and went up to Delphi to consult the oracle about religious matters which were disquieting his mind. His sudden appearance in the middle of Greece created general alarm, not only amongst the neighbouring States, but in Asia as well, where information of what was happening was hurriedly sent to Eumenes.

[6] Perseus did not stay more than three days at Delphi, and passing through Phthiotis, Achaia and Thessaly, returned to his kingdom without damaging or injuring the districts through which he passed. Nor did he consider it sufficient to conciliate those States through which his route lay; he sent either letters or envoys to the different Greek peoples, asking them to dismiss from their minds the hostile feelings which had existed between them and his father.

[7] They were not, he urged, so bitter that they could not, and ought not, to be put an end to in his case. As far as he was concerned there was nothing to disturb their relations or to prevent the growth of an honest and sincere friendship.

[8] With the Achaeans, especially, he was anxious to find some way of ingratiating himself.

[1]

This nation and the Athenians alone out of all Greece had pushed their animosity so far as to forbid the Macedonians to enter their country.

[2] Macedonia had, in consequence, become a refuge for all the runaway slaves from Achaia, for as the Achaeans had closed their frontiers against Macedonia, they could not themselves venture into that kingdom.

[3] When Perseus got to know this, he had the runaways arrested and sent a letter . . . "They, too, however, must think out the best means of preventing the flight of slaves in the future."

[4] The letter was read at a meeting of their council by Xenophanes, their captain-general, who was anxious to make private interest with the king. Most of those present thought it written in a fair and generous spirit, especially those who were to recover the runaway slaves whom they had given up for lost. Amongst those who believed that the safety of the nation depended upon their keeping their treaty with Rome intact was Callicrates.

[5] He made the following speech to the council: "Some look upon this question as of small and trifling importance; I regard it as the greatest and most serious of all under discussion, and, more than that, I consider that it has in one way been decided.

[6] For although we have excluded the kings of Macedonia and the Macedonians themselves from our territories, and that decree is still in force forbidding us to admit the envoys and communications

[7] of their kings, through which the feelings of some amongst us might be wrongly influenced, nevertheless, we are now listening to the king as though he were addressing us whilst absent, and we are actually giving our approval to his speech.

[8] Wild animals mostly reject and shun the food which is placed to deceive them, but we in our blindness are caught by the idle show of a petty boon, and in the hope of recovering some miserable slaves of very little value we are allowing our own liberty to be tampered with and undermined.

[9] Who does not see that a way is being sought to lead us to an alliance with the king, and therefore to a breach of the treaty with Rome, with which all our interests are bound up? Unless, indeed, anyone doubts that a war between Perseus and the Romans is inevitable, and that what was expected during Philip's lifetime and interrupted by his death will take place now that he is dead. Philip, as you know, had two sons, Demetrius and Perseus.

[10] Demetrius far surpassed his brother in birth on the mother's side, in courage, in ability, in popularity with his countrymen.

[11] But Philip had destined the crown as a reward for hatred of the Romans, and he put Demetrius to death for no other offence than his friendship with Rome. Perseus, he knew, would inherit a war with Rome almost before he inherited the crown, and he made him king. What else has he been doing since his father's death but making preparations for war? In the first place he sent the Bastarnae into Dardania creating universal alarm.

[12] If they had made their home in that country, Greece would have found them more troublesome neighbours than the Gauls were in Asia. Though his expectations here were frustrated, he did not give up all thoughts of war; rather, to say the truth, he has now commenced war and subjugated the Dolopes by force of arms, and refused to listen to their proposal to refer their differences to the arbitration of Rome.

[13] Then he crossed Mount Oeta and, in order to make a sudden appearance in the heart of Greece, went up to Delphi. What do you imagine was his object in thus exercising a right-of-way where none existed? Then he traversed Thessaly. His doing so without inflicting injury on any of those he hated I regard with all the more apprehension as an attempt to win them over.

[14] And now he has sent a letter to us with what looks like an act of generosity, and advises us to consider how for the future we may dispense with that generosity, namely, by rescinding the decree by which the Macedonians are kept out of the Peloponnese.

[15] This, too, in order that we may once more see the king's ambassadors and the renewal of hospitable relations with his chief men. Before long we shall have the Macedonian armies and the king himself entering the Peloponnese by way of Delphi-narrow is the strait that separates us! —and, finally, we shall find ourselves in the ranks of the Macedonians whenever they take up arms against Rome.

[16] I give it as my opinion that we make no fresh decree, but let everything remain just

[17] as it is, until it becomes absolutely certain whether these fears of mine are groundless or justified. If the peace between Macedonia and Rome remains unbroken, let there be friendly intercourse between us.

[18] For the present it seems to me premature and dangerous to think of altering our policy."

[1]

He was followed by Archo, the brother of Xenarchus, who spoke as follows: "Callicrates has made it difficult for me and for all who disagree with him to reply.

[2] By taking up the defence of our alliance with Rome and asserting that it is attacked and opposed when nobody is either attacking or opposing it, he has made anyone who does not agree with him appear as though he were speaking against the Romans.

[3] To begin with, he knows and proclaims every secret transaction, just as if instead of being here amongst us he had come straight from the Roman senate-house or from the king's privy council. He even divines what would have happened had Philip lived; why under the circumstances Perseus was heir to the crown; what preparations the Macedonians are making; what designs the Romans are entertaining.

[4] But we, who do not know the cause of the circumstances of Demetrius' death, nor what Philip would have done had he lived, are bound to frame our policy in accordance with open and notorious facts.

[5] "Now we know that on receiving the crown Perseus was recognised as king by the Roman people; we hear that Roman ambassadors visited the king and were graciously received by him.

[6] In my judgment, this points to peace and not to war, nor can the Romans possibly be offended if, as we followed their lead in war, so now we follow them as the authors of peace. I do not see why we alone in all the world should wage a relentless war against the kingdom of Macedonia.

[7] Are we so near it as to be open to attack? Are we like the Dolopes, who are the weakest of all the nations that he has subdued? No, quite the contrary. Whether it is through our own strength or through the favour of heaven or owing to the distance which separates us, in any case we are safe.

[8] But suppose we lay as open to invasion as the Thessalians and the Aetolians, have we no more interest with the Romans, no stronger claim upon them than the Aetolians, who were not long ago in arms against them, while we have always been their friends and allies?

[9] Whatever reciprocal rights exist between the Macedonians and the Aetolians, Thessalians and Epirotes, in fact the whole of Greece, let us also enjoy. Why does this abominable interference with the common rights of humanity exist for us alone?

[10] Granting that Philip did something which caused us to make this decree against him when he was in arms and engaged in war, what has Perseus, new to the throne, guiltless of any wrong towards us, effacing by his kindness the enmity aroused against his father-what has Perseus done to make us, alone of all nations, his enemies?

[11] I might also urge this point, that the services which the former kings of Macedonia have rendered us have been so great that the injury which Philip has done to us, however great it was, should be forgotten, especially now that he is dead.

[12] You know that when the Roman fleet was lying at Cenchreae and the consul with his army was at Elatia, we were assembled in council to decide whether we should follow Philip or the Romans, and the discussion lasted three days.

[13] Even if the pressure of immediate danger in no way alienated our feelings from the Romans, there must have been something at least to make our deliberations so lengthy, and this was our long-standing union of interests with Macedonia and the great services which her kings have for many years rendered to us.

[14] Let these same motives weigh with us now, not to make us especially his friends, but to prevent us from being especially his enemies. Do not let us make a presence, Callicrates, of seriously discussing a proposal which nobody has brought forward.

[15] No one suggests that we should form fresh alliances or draw up a new treaty so as to fetter ourselves with obligations thoughtlessly incurred. Let there be free intercourse between us, a mutual recognition of reciprocal rights; let us not, by closing our own frontiers, shut ourselves off at the same time from the king's dominions; let it not be possible for our runaway slaves to find shelter anywhere.

[16] What is there in all this that conflicts with the terms of our treaty with Rome? Why do we make so much of a little matter and throw suspicion upon what is simple and straightforward? Why do we raise such troubles out of nothing?

[17] Why do we make others mistrusted and suspected in order that we ourselves may be free to flatter the Romans?

[18] If there is to be war, even Perseus himself entertains no doubt as to our taking the side of Rome. As long as there is peace, let all hostile feelings be suppressed, even if they are not dispelled." Those who had approved of the king's letter were in full agreement with this speech.

[19] The leaders were indignant at Perseus not thinking the matter important enough for formal negotiation and making his demand in the few lines of a letter. The discussion was adjourned and no decree was made.

[20] Subsequently envoys were sent by the king whilst the council was in session at Megalopolis, and those who feared a breach with Rome took steps to prevent their admission to the council.

[1]

While this was going on the Aetolians turned their rage against themselves, and it seemed as though the massacres on both sides would result in the total destruction of the nation.

[2] At last both factions, weary of slaughter, sent missions to Rome and approached each other in the hope of re-establishing peace and concord. But these negotiations were rendered fruitless by a fresh outrage which roused all the old passions.

[3] The refugees from Hypata, comprising eighty illustrious citizens, who belonged to the party of Proxenus, had been assured of their restoration to their native country under the pledged word of Eupolemus, the chief magistrate. As they were returning home the whole population, including Eupolemus himself, came out to meet them; he gave them a kind greeting and the right hand of friendship.

[4] But as they were entering the gates they were all put to death in spite of their appeals to the gods, as witnesses of the pledges given by Eupolemus.

[5] After this the war blazed up more fiercely than ever. C. Valerius Laevinus, Ap. Claudius Pulcher, C. Memmius, M. Popilius and L. Canuleius had been sent by the senate to arbitrate between the contending parties.

[6] The delegates from both sides appeared before them at Delphi and a keen debate took place, in which Proxenus was considered to have spoken by far the most convincingly and most eloquently. A few days later he was poisoned by his wife Orthobula. She was convicted of the crime and sent into exile.

[7] The same madness of party faction was rife among the Cretans. When Q. Minucius, who had been sent with ten ships to settle their disputes, arrived off the island they entertained hopes of peace. There was only a six months' truce, however; after that a still more bitter conflict was kindled.

[8] The Lycians were being harassed at this time by the Rhodians. But it is not worth while to narrate in detail these wars which foreign nations waged with each other. The task before me is sufficiently and more than sufficiently heavy of describing the doings of the Romans.

[1]

In Spain the Celtiberi who, after their defeat, had submitted to Ti. Gracchus, remained quiet during M. Titinius' administration. On the arrival of Appius Claudius they resumed hostilities and began by a sudden attack on the Roman camp.

[2] The day had hardly dawned when the sentinels on the rampart and the men on outpost duty at the gates caught sight of the enemy advancing in the distance and gave the alarm. Appius Claudius hoisted the signal for action and after addressing a few words to the soldiers made a simultaneous sortie from three gates.

[3] The Celtiberi met them as they emerged and for a short time the fighting was equal on both sides, because owing to the confined space the Romans could not all get into action.

[4] As soon as they got clear of the rampart they followed those in front of them in a compact mass in order to be able to deploy into line and extend their front to the same length as that of the enemy by whom they were being surrounded. Then they made a sudden charge which the Celtiberi could not withstand.

[5] In less than two hours they were defeated; 15,000 were either killed or taken prisoners; 32 standards were captured. The camp was stormed the same day and the war brought to an end. The survivors from the battle dispersed to their various towns. After that they submitted quietly to the authority of Rome.

[1]

Q. Fulvius Flaccus and A. Postumius Albinus were elected censors this year and revised the roll of the senate. M. Aemilius Lepidus, the Pontifex Maximus, was chosen as leader of the House.

[2] Nine names were struck off the roll, the most important being those of M. Cornelius, Maluginensis, who had commanded as praetor in Spain two years before, L. Cornelius Scipio, who was at the time exercising the civic and alien jurisdictions, and L. Fulvius the censor's brother, and according to Valerius Antias, co-proprietor with him of the family estate. After the usual prayers and vows the consuls left for their provinces.

[3] M. Aemilius was charged by the senate with the task of suppressing the outbreak of the Petavines in Venetia, amongst whom, as their own envoys reported, the strife of rival factions had led to civil wars.

[4] The commissioners who had gone to Aetolia to put down similar disturbances brought back word that the frenzy of the nation could not be restrained. The consul's arrival was the salvation of the Petavines, and as he had nothing else to do in his province he returned to Rome.

[5] These censors were the first to make contracts for paving the streets of the City with flints and the roads outside with gravel, and footpaths raised at the sides, and also for the construction of bridges at various points.

[6] They furnished the praetors and aediles with a stage, placed the barriers in the Circus and provided egg-shaped balls to mark the number of laps, turning-posts on the course and iron doors for the cages through which the animals were sent into the arena. They also undertook the paving of the ascent from the Forum to the Capitol with flint and the construction of a colonnade from the temple of Saturn to the Capitol, and then on to the senaculum, and beyond that to the senate-house.

[7] The market-place outside the Porta Trigemina was paved with stone slabs and enclosed by a palisading;

[8] they also repaired the Aemilian colonnade and made a flight of stone steps on the slope leading from the Tiber.

[9] Inside the same gate they paved the colonnade leading to the Aventine with flint and made a road from the temple of Venus by the Clivus Publicius.

[10] These censors also signed contracts for the erection of walls at Calatia and Auximium, and the money which they received from the sale of portions of the State domain was spent in building shops round the forums in both these places.

[11] Postumius gave out that without the orders of the Roman senate or people he would not spend their money, so Fulvius Flaccus, acting alone, built a temple to Jupiter at Pisaurum and at Fundi and brought water to Placentia. He also paved a street at Pisaurum with flint.

[12] At Sinuessa he added some suburban residences with aviaries, constructed sewers, enclosed the place with a wall, built colonnades and shops all round the forum, setting up three statues of Janus there. These works contracted for by one of the censors were greatly appreciated by the members of the colony.

[13] The censors were strict and painstaking in the regulation of morals; several of the equites were deprived of their horses.

[1]

Towards the close of the year there were thanksgivings for one day for the successes gained in Spain under the auspices and generalship of Appius Claudius, and twenty of the larger victims were offered in sacrifice.

[2] The next day special intercessions were offered up at the temples of Ceres, Liber and Libera, owing to a report which had come in of a violent earthquake in the Sabine country which had laid many buildings in ruins.

[3] On Appius Claudius' return from Spain the senate decreed that he should enter the City in ovation.

[4] The consular elections were now approaching and there was keen competition owing to the large number of candidates. L. Postumius Albinus and M. Popilius Laenas were elected.

[5] The new praetors were N. Fabius Buteo, M. Matienus, C. Cicereius, M. Furius Crassipes for the second time, A. Atilius Serranus for the second time, and C. Cluvius Saxula also for the second time.

[6] When the elections were over, Ap. Claudius celebrated his triumph over the Celtiberi by entering the City in ovation, and he brought into the treasury 10,000 pounds of silver and 5000 pounds of gold. Cnaeus Cornelius was inaugurated as Flamen Dialis.

[7] During the year a tablet was placed in the temple of Mater Matuta with this inscription:

[8] "Under the auspices and command of the consul Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus, the legions of the army of Rome have subjugated Sardinia. In that province there have been 80,000 natives either killed or made prisoners.

[9] He was most happy in his administrations; he liberated the allies of Rome; he restored the revenues and brought his army safely home laden with enormous booty. For the second time he entered Rome in triumph. Because of this he has given this tablet as an offering to Jove."

[10] There was a representation of the island and pictures of the battles on the tablet. Several gladiatorial exhibitions were given this year, most of them on a small scale; the one given by T. Flamininus far surpassed the rest.

[11] On the occasion of his father's death he exhibited this spectacle for four days, and accompanied it with a distribution of meat, a funeral feast, and scenic plays. But even in this magnificent exhibition the total number of men who fought was only seventy-four.

Titus Livius (Livy) Ab urbe condita 41s

ed. Wilhelm Weissenborn, ed. Moritz Müller

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