Titus Livius (Livy), Ab urbe condita, Benjamin Oliver Foster, Ph.D. (Editor), Frank Gardener Moore (Editor), Evan T. Sage, Ph.D. (Editor), Alfred C. Schlesinger, Ph.D. (Editor), 45.31

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[1]

After the proclamation of the charter for Macedonia, Paulus declared that he would also lay down a law-code, ¹ and then proceeded to summon the Aetolians.

[2] In this investigation, the question was more which side had favoured the king and which the Romans, than which had done wrong or had been wronged; the assassins were acquitted of guilt; the exile of the expelled was confirmed quite as definitely as the death of the slain; only Aulus Baebius was condemned for furnishing Roman soldiers to help carry out the slaughter.

[3] This outcome of the case of the Aetolians raised to an unbearable pitch of pride the spirits of those in all the states and peoples of Greece who sided with the Romans, and crushed helplessly under their feet any who were in some respect tainted by suspicion of having favoured the king.

[4] There were three sorts of leaders in the states, two groups who by fawning ² upon the Roman power and the friendship of kings respectively gained personal wealth for themselves by tyrannizing over their cities; the middle group alone, opposing both the others, strove to guard independence and constitutionality. ³

[5] Their reward was greater affection from their own people, and less favour in foreign quarters. Carried along on the tide of Roman success, the members of the pro- Roman party were then alone occupying all magistracies and serving as envoys.

[6] These gathered in great numbers both from the Peloponnesus and Boeotia and the other leagues of Greece, and filled the ears of the ten commissioners, saying that not only those who out

[7] of vanity openly boasted themselves guests and friends of Perseus, but many more who kept under cover, had sided with the king, and under the guise of preserving independence they had turned the whole organization of the league meetings against the Roman interest;

[8] these peoples, said their representatives, would not maintain loyalty unless the spirit of the opposition was crushed and the prestige sustained and strengthened of those who had no object in view but the power of Rome.

[9] Names were furnished by these men, and their opponents from Aetolia, Acarnania, Epirus, and Boeotia were summoned by dispatches from the general to follow him to Rome to stand trial. ⁴ Two of the board of commissioners, Gaius Claudius and ⁵ Gnaeus Domitius, set out for Achaia in order to summon men by proclamation on the spot.

[10] This they did for two reasons, first because they thought the Achaeans had more confidence and more pride to make them refuse obedience and perhaps also Callicrates and the other informers and purveyors of charges might be endangered;

[11] the second reason for the personal summons was that from the other leagues they had letters of the leaders that had been seized in the royal archives, but no letters from the Achaeans had been found and the charge against them was blind.

When the Aetolians had been dismissed, the Acarnanian League was called up. No changes were made concerning them, except that Leucas was removed from the Acarnanian federation. ⁶

[12] In the course of more sweeping inquiries as to support of the king, either individual or by political

[13] units, the investigation was extended to Asia, and Labeo was sent to destroy Antissa on the island of Lesbos and to move its inhabitants to Methymna, because when Antenor, the king's admiral, had been roaming about Lesbos with his scout-ships, the people of Antissa had received him into their harbour and aided him with provisions.

[14] Two men of distinction were beheaded by the consul, Andronicus, son of Andronicus, an Aetolian, because following his father

[15] he had borne arms against the Roman People, and Neon of Thebes, who had induced his people to make an alliance with Perseus.

Ab urbe condita. Titus Livius (Livy). Benjamin Oliver Foster, Ph.D. (Editor), Frank Gardener Moore (Editor), Evan T. Sage, Ph.D. (Editor), Alfred C. Schlesinger, Ph.D. (Editor). Medford, MA. .

Sponsored by Perseus Project, Tufts University.

Funding provided by The National Endowment for the Humanities.

Current edition Perseus

History of Rome (English) (Foster, Benjamin Oliver; Moore, Frank Gardener; Sage, Evan T.; Schlesinger, Alfred C., translators. Cambridge, Mass.; London: Harvard University Press; William Heinemann, Ltd., 1919-1959. (Loeb Classical Library))

Editions (3)

Ab urbe condita Perseus (Pars I-IV, Libri I-XL. Editio Stereotypica. Weissenborn, Wilhelm; Mueller, Moritz, editors. Leipzig: Teubner, 1884-1911.) — 45.31 focus

[1] Macedoniae formula dicta cum leges quoque se daturum ostendisset, Aetoli deinde citati. in qua cognitione magis utra pars Romanis, utra regi favisset quaesitum est, quam utra fecisset iniuriam aut accepisset;

[2] noxa liberati interfectores; exilium pulsis aeque ratum fuit ac mors interfectis; A. Baebius unus est damnatus, quod milites Romanos praebuisset ad ministerium caedis.

[3] hic eventus Aetolorum causae in omnibus Graeciae gentibus populisque eorum, qui partis Romanorum fuerant, inflavit ad intolerabilem superbiam animos et obnoxios pedibus eorum subiecit, quos aliqua parte suspicio favoris in regem contigerat.

[4] tria genera principum in civitatibus erant, duo, quae adulando aut Romanorum imperium aut amicitiam regum sibi privatim opes oppressis faciebant civitatibus; media una pars utrique generi adversa libertatem legesque tuebatur.

[5] his ut maior apud suos caritas, ita minor ad externos gratia erat. secundis rebus elati Romanorum partis eius fautores soli tum in magistratibus, soli in legationibus erant.

[6] hi cum frequentes et ex Peloponneso et ex Boeotia et ex aliis Graeciae conciliis adessent, implevere aures decem legatorum:

[7] non eos tantum, qui se propalam per vanitatem iactassent tamquam hospites et amicos Persei, sed multo plures alios ex occulto favisse regi, qui per speciem tuendae libertatis in conciliis adversus Romanos omnia instruxissent,

[8] nec aliter eas mansuras in fide gentes, nisi fractis animis adversarum partium aleretur confirmareturque auctoritas eorum, qui nihil praeter imperium Romanorum spectarent.

[9] ab his editis nominibus evocati litteris imperatoris ex Aetolia Acarnaniaque et Epiro et Boeotia, qui Romam ad causam dicendam sequerentur; in Achaiam ex decem legatorum numero profecti duo, C. Claudius et Cn. Domitius, ut ipsi edicto evocarent.

[10] id duabus de causis factum, una, quod fiduciae plus animorumque esse Achaeis ad non parendum credebant et forsitan etiam in periculo fore Callicraten et ceteros criminum auctores delatoresque;

[11] altera, cur praesentes evocarent, causa erat, quod ex aliis gentibus principum litteras deprensas in commentariis regiis habebant, in Achaeis caecum erat crimen nullis eorum litteris inventis.

[12] Aetolis dimissis Acarnanum citata gens. in his nihil novatum, nisi quod Leucas exempta est Acarnanum concilio.

[13] quaerendo deinde latius, qui publice aut privatim partium regis fuissent, in Asiam quoque cognitionem extendere et ad Antissam in Lesbo insula dirundam ac traducendos Methymnam Antissaeos Labeonem miserunt,

[14] quod Antenorem, regium praefectum, quo tempore cum lembis circa Lesbum esset vagatus, portu receptum commeatibus iuvissent.

[15] duo securi percussi viri insignes, Andronicus, Andronici filius, Aetolus, quod patrem secutus arma contra populum Romanum tulisset, et Neo Thebanus, quo auctore societatem cum Perseo iunxerant.

Ab urbe condita Perseus (Livy in Fourteen Volumes. Foster, Benjamin Oliver; Moore, Frank Gardener; Schlesinger, Alfred C., editors. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press; London: William Heinemann, Ltd., 1919-1959 (printing).) — 45.31 focus

[1]

Macedoniae formula dicta cum leges quoque se daturum ostendisset, Aetoli deinde citati. in qua cognitione magis utra pars Romanis, utra regi favisset quaesitum est, quam utra ¹ fecisset iniuriam aut accepisset;

[2] noxa liberati interfectores; exilium pulsis aeque ratum fuit ac mors interfectis; A. Baebius unus est damnatus, quod milites Romanos praebuisset ad ministerium caedis.

[3] Hic eventus Aetolorum causae in omnibus Graeciae gentibus populisque eorum, qui partis Romanorum fuerant, inflavit ad intolerabilem superbiam animos et obnoxios pedibus eorum subiecit quos aliqua parte suspicio favoris in regem contigerat.

[4] tria genera principum in civitatibus erant, duo, quae adulando ² aut Romanorum imperium aut amicitiam regum sibi privatim opes oppressis faciebant civitatibus; media una pars ³ utrique generi adversa libertatem legesque ⁴ tuebatur.

[5] his ut maior ⁵ apud suos caritas, ita minor ad externos gratia erat. secundis rebus elati Romanorum partis eius fautores soli tum in magistratibus, soli in legationibus erant.

[6] hi cum frequentes et ex Peloponneso et ex Boeotia et ex aliis Graeciae conciliis adessent, implevere aures decent legatorum:

[7] non eos tantum, qui se propalam per vanitatem iactassent tamquam hospites et amicos Persei, sed multo plures alios ex occulto favisse regi, qui ⁶ per speciem tuendae libertatis in conciliis adversus Romanos omnia instruxissent,

[8] nec aliter eas mansuras in fide gentes, nisi fractis animis adversarum partium ⁷ aleretur confirmareturque auctoritas eorum qui nihil praeter imperium Romanorum spectarent. ⁸

[9] Ab his editis nominibus evocati litteris imperatoris ex Aetolia Acarnaniaque et Epiro et Boeotia, qui Romam ad causam dicendam sequerentur; in Achaiam ex decem legatorum numero profecti duo, ⁹ C. Claudius et Cn. Domitius, ut ipsi edicto evocarent.

[10] id duabus de causis factum, una quod fiduciae plus animorumque esse Achaeis ad non parendum credebant et forsitan etiam in periculo fore Callicraten et ceteros criminum auctores delatoresque;

[11] altera cur praesentes evocarent causa erat, quod ex aliis gentibus principum litteras deprensas in commentariis regiis habebant, in Achaeis caecum erat crimen nullis eorum litteris inventis.

[12] Aetolis dimissis Acarnanum citata gens. in his nihil novatum, nisi quod Leucas exempta est Acarnanum concilio.

[13] quaerendo deinde latius, qui publice aut privatim partium regis fuissent, in Asiam quoque

[14] cognitionem extendere et ad Antissam ¹⁰ in Lesbo insula diruendam ac ¹¹ traducendos Methymnam Antissaeos Labeonem miserunt, quod Antenorem, regium praefectum, quo tempore cum lembis circa Lesbum esset ¹² vagatus, portu receptum commeatibus iuvissent.

[15] duo securi percussi viri insignes, Andronicus, Andronici filius, Aetolus, quod patrem secutus arma contra populum Romanum tulisset, et Neo Thebanus, quo auctore societatem cum Perseo iunxerant.

Ab urbe condita libri, erklärt von M. Weissenborn Perseus (Weissenborn, W.; Müller, H. J., editors. Berlin: Weidmannsche Buchhandlung, 1873-1883.) — 45.31 focus

[1]

Macedoniae formula dicta cum leges quoque se daturum ostendisset, Aetoli deinde citati. in qua cognitione magis utra pars Romanis, utra regi favisset quaesitum est, quam utra fecisset iniuriam aut accepisset;

[2] noxa liberati interfectores; exilium pulsis aeque ratum fuit ac mors interfectis; A. Baebius unus est damnatus, quod milites Romanos praebuisset ad ministerium caedis.

[3] hic eventus Aetolorum causae in omnibus Graeciae gentibus populisque eorum, qui partis Romanorum fuerant, inflavit ad intolerabilem superbiam animos et obnoxios pedibus eorum subiecit, ¹ quos aliqua parte suspicio favoris in regem contigerat.

[4] tria genera principum in civitatibus erant, duo, quae adulando aut Romanorum imperium aut amicitiam regum sibi privatim oppressis faciebant civitatibus; media una pars utrique generi adversa libertatem et leges tuebatur.

[5] his ut maior apud suos caritas, ita minor ad externos gratia erat. secundis rebus elati Romanorum partis eius fautores soli tum in magistratibus, soli in legationibus erant.

[6] hi cum frequentes et ex Peloponneso et ex Boeotia et ex aliis Graeciae conciliis adessent, implevere aures decem legatorum:

[8] nec aliter eas mansuras in fide gentes, nisi fractis animis partium aleretur confirmareturque auctoritas eorum, qui nihil praeter imperium Romanorum spectarent.

[10] id duabus de causis factum, una, quod fiduciae plus animorumque esse Achaeis ad non parendum credebant et forsitan etiam in periculo fore Callicraten et ceteros criminum auctores delatoresque;

[11] altera, cur praesentes evocarent, causa erat, quod ex aliis gentibus principum litteras deprensas in commentariis regiis habebant, in Achaeis caecum erat crimen nullis eorum litteris inventis.

[12] Aetolis dimissis Acarnanum citata gens. in his nihil novatum, nisi quod Leucas exempta est Acarnanum concilio.

[13] ³ quaerendo deinde latius, qui publice aut privatim partium regis fuissent, in Asiam quoque cognitionem extendere et ad Antissam in Lesbo insula diruendam,

[14] traducendos Methymnam Antissaeos Labeonem miserunt, quod Antenorem, regium praefectum, quo tempore cum lembis circa Lesbum est vagatus, portu receptum commeatibus iuvissent.

[15] duo securi percussi viri insignes, Andronicus, Andronici filius, Aetolus, quod patrem secutus arma contra populum Romanum tulisset, et Neo Thebanus, quo auctore societatem cum Perseo iunxerant.

Translations (2)

History of Rome Perseus (Spillan, D.; Edmonds, Cyrus; McDevitte, William A., translators. London: Henry G. Bohn, 1849-1868. (Bohn's Classical Library)) — 45.31 focus

[1]

The Aetolians were then summoned to appear; in which trial the inquiry was directed to discover, rather, which party had favoured the Romans, and which the king, than which had done, and which suffered injury; for the murderers were absolved from guilt, and likewise the banishment of the exiles confirmed, and the death of the citizens overlooked.

[2] Aulus Baebius alone was condemned for having lent Roman soldiers as agents in the butchery.

[3] This result in the case of the Aetolians puffed up the party which favoured the Romans to an intolerable degree of arrogance, throughout all the states and nations of Greece; and subjected all those, on whom the slightest suspicion of being in the king's interest fell, to be trodden under their feet.

[4] Of the leading men in the states, there were three parties; two of which paying servile court either to the Romans, or the kings, sought to aggrandize themselves by enslaving their countries; while one, adopting a middle course, and struggling against both, stood up in support of their laws and liberty.

[5] Although the last had the greatest share of the affection of their countrymen, still they had the least interest among foreigners. The partisans of the Romans being elated by the success of their party, alone held the offices of magistracy, and alone were employed on embassies.

[6] Great numbers of these, coming from the diets of Peloponnesus, Bœotia, and other parts of Greece, filled the ears of the ten commissioners with insinuations, that

those who, through folly, had openly boasted of being friends and intimates of Perseus, were not the only persons who had favoured his cause; much greater numbers had done so in secret.

[7]

That there was another party, who under pretence of supporting liberty, had, in the diets, advanced every measure contrary to the Romans;

[8]

and that those nations would not continue faithful, unless the spirit of these parties was broken, and the influence of those, who had no other object than the advancement of the Roman power, was augmented and strengthened.

[9] These persons, whose names were given in by this clique, were summoned by the general's letter out of Aetolia, Acarnania, Epirus, and Bœotia, to follow him to Rome, and plead their cause. Two of the ten commissioners, Caius Claudius and Cneius Domitius, went to Achaia, that they might, on the spot, summon by proclamation the persons implicated.

[10] This was done for two reasons; one was because they believed that the Achaeans would have greater spirit and confidence than the rest, and might disobey, and perhaps even endanger Callicrates, and other authors of the charges, and informers.

[11] The other reason for summoning them on the spot, was, that the commissioners had in their possession letters from the chief men of the other nations, which had been found among the king's papers; but with regard to the Achaeans the charges were not clear, because no letters of theirs had been discovered. When the Aetolians were dismiss- ed, the Acarnanian nation was called in.

[12] No alteration was made in their situation, only Leucas was disunited from their council.

[13] Then making more extensive inquiries respecting those who had, publicly or privately, favoured the king, they extended their jurisdiction even into Asia, and sent Labeo to demolish Antissa, in the island of Lesbos, and to remove the inhabitants to Methymna;

[14] because they had received within their port, and supplied with provisions, Antenor, the commander of the king's fleet, while cruising with his squadron on the coast of Lesbos.

[15] Two distinguished men were beheaded, Andronicus, son of Andronicus, an Aetolian, because, imitating his father, he had borne arms against the Roman people; and Neo, a Theban, by whose advice his countrymen had formed an alliance with Perseus.

History of Rome Perseus (Volumes 1-2. Roberts, Canon, Rev, translator. London, New York: J. M. Dent and Sons; E. P. Dutton and Co., 1912.) — 45.31 focus

[1]

After the constitution of Macedonia had been thus announced, and the consul had declared his intention of providing a code of laws, the Aetolians were summoned to appear.

[2] The enquiry was directed more to find out who had been in favour of the Romans and who in favour of the king than to discover which party had inflicted and which had suffered wrongs. The murderers were acquitted, the exiles and the slain were alike considered to have deserved their fate; the only one found guilty was A. Baebius because he had allowed his soldiers to be the instruments of the massacre.

[3] This result of the case of the Aetolians had the effect of inflating the adherents of the Roman party in all the communities and peoples of Greece to an insupportable pitch of insolence, and whenever there was any suspicion of having favoured the king their opponents were trampled in the dust.

[4] The leaders in the various cities fell into three classes; two of these consisted of men who, whilst insinuating themselves into the confidence of the Romans on the one hand or the king

[5] on the other, aggrandised themselves at the expense of their fellow-citizens, the third class sought to defend their liberties and their laws by opposing both the others. The greater the affection which their compatriots felt for them at home, the less were they appreciated abroad.

[6] Elated by the success of the Romans, the supporters of that party were in sole possession of the magistracies and the sole representatives of their States.

[7] Numbers of these men came from the Peloponnesus, from Boeotia, and the other national councils in Greece to be present at the congress, and they filled the ears of the commissioners with their charges. They averred that the supporters of Perseus included not only those who in a spirit of idle vanity openly boasted that they were his friends and intimates, but a

[8] far more numerous body who had secretly espoused his cause, and under the pretext of defending their liberties had everywhere induced the councils to act in direct hostility to Rome.

[9] The loyalty of the different States could only be maintained by crushing these parties and strengthening the authority of those whose sole aim was to support the power of Rome. A list of names was furnished by these men, and letters from the commander were despatched to Acarnania, Aetolia, Epirus and Boeotia, ordering those named to follow him to Rome to make their defence.

[10] Two of the commissioners, C. Claudius and Cnaeus Domitius, went in person to Achaia to publish this order. There were two reasons for this. One was their belief that the self-confidence and high spirit of the Achaeans would prevent their obeying the order, and possibly Callicrates and the other informers might even be in danger of their lives.

[11] The other was that while letters from the leaders in other States had been discovered in the royal archives, none had been found from the Achaeans, and the charges against them lacked proof. After the Aetolians had withdrawn, the Acarnanian deputation was called in.

[12] In their case no change was made beyond the removal of Leucas as a member of their league.

[13] Then the commissioners extended the scope of this enquiry as far as Asia. Labeo was sent to destroy the city of Antissa in the island of Lesbos, and transfer the inhabitants to Methymna, the reason for this step being that they had admitted the king's naval commander, Antenor, into their harbour and helped him with supplies while he was cruising off Lesbos.

[14] Two of their leaders were beheaded:

[15] Andronicus, the son of Andronicus, an Aetolian, because he had followed his father and borne arms against Rome, and Neo, a Theban, who had been the prime agent in their forming an alliance with Perseus

Notes on the current edition

Ab Urbe Condita With An English Translation, books 1-10, 21-45, with periochae 11-20

1. Since the Macedonians were to

use their own laws

(above, xxix. 4), this must refer to a code for the four federal governments, either new or a revision of previous laws to meet the new arrangements and incorporate the Roman stipulations; cf. below, xxxii. 7.

2. B.C. 167

3. Polybius XXX. 6 names three groups, but only of those accused of being anti-Roman; his first group, corresponding to Livy's third, or middle-of-the-road group, wanted the status quo undisturbed; the second wanted a decisive contest between Rome and Perseus, with victory for Perseus; the third group shared the sentiments of the second, and in addition were able to draw their states into open alliance with Perseus.

4. According to Polybius XXX. 13 (10). 11, Paulus did not take the accusations at face-value.

5. B.C. 167

6. This was a serious matter, however; the town had sometimes served as the meeting-place of the league assembly. The Romans were taking control of the coast.

Titus Livius (Livy) Ab urbe condita 45.31

Benjamin Oliver Foster, Ph.D. (Editor), Frank Gardener Moore (Editor), Evan T. Sage, Ph.D. (Editor), Alfred C. Schlesinger, Ph.D. (Editor)

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