Titus Livius (Livy), Ab urbe condita, Benjamin Oliver Foster, Ph.D. (Editor), Frank Gardener Moore (Editor), Evan T. Sage, Ph.D. (Editor), Alfred C. Schlesinger, Ph.D. (Editor), 45.19

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[1]

Among the many embassies from kings, nations, and peoples Attalus, the brother of King Eumenes, especially drew to himself the eyes and minds of everyone. ¹

[2] For he was received by those ² who had served with him in this war in much more cordial fashion than if King Eumenes himself had come.

[3] Two reasons honourable in outward view brought him to Rome, first the congratulations suitable to the recent victory in which he himself had aided, and second, complaint about the uprising of the Galatians and the disaster suffered thereby, which threatened destruction to the kingdom itself.

[4] Underneath he cherished a secret hope of honours and rewards from the senate which he could hardly accept without disloyalty to his brother. For there were also certain untrustworthy Roman advisers to stimulate his self-seeking with hope;

[5] the view, they said, held in Rome about Attalus and Eumenes was that the former was a sure friend to the Romans, while the latter was a faithful ally neither to the Romans nor to Perseus; accordingly it could hardly be determined whether the senate would be more disposed to grant his requests for himself or those against his brother —to

[6] such an extent did one and all make every concession to the one, but withhold any from the other.

[7] Attalus was, as the facts showed, one of those men who would desire whatever hope might promise; but the wise advice of one friend tightened the reins, as it were, on his spirit elated by success. Stratius, a physician, was with him, sent to Rome by the uneasy Eumenes precisely to keep an eye on the actions of his brother and to give loyal advice, if he saw any failure in loyalty.

[8] This Stratius made his approach to ears already filled and a mind already tempted, and by offering well-timed remarks won an almost ³ lost cause; his argument was that different kingdoms had thrived on different things;

[9] the kingdom of Pergamum, being new and not bolstered by any longstanding wealth, was founded on brotherly harmony, because one brother wore the name of king and the distinguishing emblem on his head, but all the brothers ruled.

[10] As for Attalus, who was second in age, who did not consider him as a king? And not only because one could see that his present powers were so great, but because it was beyond doubt that he would reign before many

[11] days had passed, for the weakness and age ⁴ of Eumenes pointed in that direction, since he was at that time without issue (for Eumenes had not at that time acknowledged the son who reigned after him ⁵ ). What use was there, said Stratius,. in seeking by violence a prize which would automatically fall to him shortly?

[12] Furthermore, the kingdom had been assailed by the fresh tempest of the Galatian uprising, which could hardly be withstood by agreement and harmony in the royal family; but if civil strife were added to the foreign war, no halt could be called. What he was considering was simply preventing his brother from dying as king in order to rob himself of his imminent expectation of the throne.

[13] Even if it were true that either action would bring fame, whether he preserved the kingdom for his brother, or snatched it from him, nevertheless praise for preserving the kingdom, coupled as it was with family loyalty, would still be the better choice.

[14] But in as much as one alternative was in fact despicable and verging on the ⁶ murder of kin, what remained in doubt to keep judgment in suspense? Was he in doubt whether to seek for part of the kingdom, or to seize it all?

[15] If he took part, both parts would be weakened by disruption of forces and without a doubt exposed to every kind of injury; if he took all, would his elder brother become a private citizen, or an exile at his age and with his weakness of body, or would Attalus in the end order his brother's death?

[16] To say nothing of the end of disloyal brothers as told in legend, the fate of Perseus seemed to be a notable example, for as he bowed himself down at the feet of a conquering enemy, he had laid aside in the temple of Samothrace, as if the gods had been there exacting his punishment, that crown which he had seized by means of a brother's murder.

[17] The very men, said Stratius, who were egging him on, no friends to him, but foes to Eumenes, would praise his loyalty and steadfastness, if he kept faith with his brother to the end.

Ab urbe condita. Titus Livius (Livy). Benjamin Oliver Foster, Ph.D. (Editor), Frank Gardener Moore (Editor), Evan T. Sage, Ph.D. (Editor), Alfred C. Schlesinger, Ph.D. (Editor). Medford, MA. .

Sponsored by Perseus Project, Tufts University.

Funding provided by The National Endowment for the Humanities.

Current edition Perseus

History of Rome (English) (Foster, Benjamin Oliver; Moore, Frank Gardener; Sage, Evan T.; Schlesinger, Alfred C., translators. Cambridge, Mass.; London: Harvard University Press; William Heinemann, Ltd., 1919-1959. (Loeb Classical Library))

Editions (3)

Ab urbe condita Perseus (Pars I-IV, Libri I-XL. Editio Stereotypica. Weissenborn, Wilhelm; Mueller, Moritz, editors. Leipzig: Teubner, 1884-1911.) — 45.19 focus

[1] inter multas regum gentiumque et populorum legationes Attalus, frater regis Eumenis, maxime convertit in se omnium oculos animosque.

[2] exceptus enim est ab iis, qui simul eo bello militaverant, haud paulo adduxerant eum duae in speciem honestae res,

[3] una gratulatio conveniens in ea victoria, quam ipse adiuvisset, altera querimonia Gallici tumultus acceptaeque cladis, qua regnum in dubium adductum esset.

[4] suberat et secreta spes honorum praemiorumque ab senatu, quae vix salva pietate ei contingere poterant. erant enim quidam Romanorum quoque non boni auctores, qui spe cupiditatem eius elicerent:

[5] eam opinionem de Attalo et Eumene Romae esse, tamquam de altero Romanis certo amico, altero nec Romanis nec Persei fido socio.

[6] itaque vix statui posse, utrum, quae pro se, an, quae contra fratrem petiturus esset, ab senatu magis inpetrabilia forent; adeo universos omnia et huic tribuere et illi vero negare.

[7] eorum hominum, ut res docuit, Attalus erat, qui, quantum spes spopondisset, cuperent, ni unius amici prudens monitio velut frenos animo eius gestienti secundis rebus inposuisset.

[8] Stratius cum eo fuit medicus, ad id ipsum a non securo Eumene Romam missus speculator rerum, quae a fratre agerentur, monitorque fidus, si decedi fide vidisset.

[9] is ad occupatas iam aures sollicitatumque iam animum cum venisset, adgressus tempestivis sermonibus rem prope prolapsam restituit, aliis alia regna crevisse rebus dicendo:

[10] regnum eorum novum, nullis vetustis fundatum opibus, fraterna stare concordia, quod unus nomen regium et praecipuum capitis insigne gerat, omnes fratres regnent.

[11] Attalum vero, qui aetate proximus sit, quis non pro rege habeat? neque eo solum, quia tantas praesentes eius opes cernat, sed quod haud ambiguum sit prope diem regnaturum; eam infirmitatem aetatemque Eumenis esse nullam stirpem liberum habentis;

[12] necdum enim agnoverat eum, qui postea regnavit. quid adtinere vim adferre rei sua sponte ad eum mox venturae? accessisse etiam novam tempestatem regno tumultus Gallici, cui vix consensu et concordia regum resisti queat;

[13] si vero ad externum bellum domestica seditio adiciatur, sisti non posse. nec aliud eum, quam, ne frater in regno moriatur, sibi ipsi spem propinquam regni erepturum.

[14] si utraque gloriosa res esset, et servasse fratri regnum et eripuisse, servati tamen regni, quae iuncta pietati sit, potiorem laudem futuram fuisse. sed enim vero cum detestabilis altera res et proxima parricidio sit, quid ad deliberationem dubii superesse?

[15] utrum enim partem regni petiturum esse, an totum erepturum? si partem, ambo infirmos distractis viribus et omnibus iniuriis propalam obnoxios fore; si totum, privatumne ergo maiorem fratrem, an exulem esse illa aetate, illa corporis infirmitate, an ad ultimum mori iussurum?

[16] egregium enim, ut fabulis traditus impiorum fratrum eventus taceatur, Persei exitum videri, qui ex fraterna caede raptum diadema in templo Samothracum, velut praesentibus dis exigentibus poenas, ad pedes victoris hostis prostratus posuerit.

[17] eos ipsos, qui non illi amici, sed Eumeni infesti stimulent eum, pietatem constantiamque laudaturos, si fidem ad ultimum fratri praestitisset.

Ab urbe condita Perseus (Livy in Fourteen Volumes. Foster, Benjamin Oliver; Moore, Frank Gardener; Schlesinger, Alfred C., editors. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press; London: William Heinemann, Ltd., 1919-1959 (printing).) — 45.19 focus

[1]

inter multas regum gentiumque et populorum legationes Attalus, frater regis Eumenis, maxime convertit in se omnium oculos animosque. exceptus enim est ab iis, ¹

[2] qui simul eo bello militaverant ²³ haud paulo benignius quam si ipse rex Eumenes venisset.

[3] adduxerant eum duae in speciem honestae res, una gratulatio conveniens in ea victoria quam ipse adiuvisset, altera querimonia Gallici tumultus acceptaeque cladis qua ⁴ regnum in dubium adductum esset.

[4] suberat et secreta spes honorum praemiorumque ab senatu, quae vix salva pietate ei ⁵ contingere poterant. erant⁶ enim quidam Romanorum quoque non boni auctores, qui spe cupiditatem eius elicerent;

[5] eam opinionem de Attalo et Eumene Romae esse, tamquam de altero Romanis certo amico, altero nec Romanis nec Persei fido socio.

[6] itaque vix statui posse utrum quae pro se an quae contra fratrem petiturus esset ab senatu magis impetrabilia forent; adeo universos omnia et huic tribuere et illi vero negare.

[7] eorum hominum, ut res docuit, Attalus erat qui, quantum spes spopondisset, cuperent, ni unius amici prudens monitio velut frenos animo eius gestienti secundis rebus imposuisset.

[8] Stratius cum eo fuit medicus, ad id ipsum a non securo Eumene Romam missus speculator rerum, quae a fratre agerentur, monitorque fidus, si decidi fide vidisset.

[9] is ad occupatas iam aures sollicitatumque solicitatumque iam animum cum venisset, adgressus tempestivis sermonibus ⁷ rem ⁸ prope prolapsam restituit, aliis alia regna crevisse rebus dicendo;

[10] regnum eorum novum, nullis vetustis fundatum opibus, fraterna stare concordia, quod unus nomen regium et praecipuum capitis insigne gerat, omnes fratres regnent.

[11] Attalum vero, qui aetate proximus sit, ⁹ quis non pro rege habeat? neque eo solum, quia tantas praesentes eius opes cernat, sed quod haud ambiguum sit ¹⁰ prope diem regnaturum; eam infirmitatem aetatemque Eumenis esse nullam stirpem liberum habentis; necdum enim agnoverat eum, qui postea regnavit.

[12] quid attinere ¹¹ vim adferre rei sua sponte ad eum mox venturae? ¹² accessisse etiam novam tempestatem regno tumultus Gallici, cui vix consensu et concordia regum resisti queat;

[13] si vero ad externum bellum domestica seditio adiciatur, sisti non posse. nec aliud eum quam, ne frater in regno moriatur, sibi ipsi spem propinquam regni erepturum.

[14] si utraque gloriosa res esset, et servasse fratri regnum et eripuisse, servati tamen regni, quae iuncta pietati sit, potiorem laudem futuram ¹³ fuisse. sed enim vero cum detestabilis altera res et proxima parricidio sit, quid ad ¹⁴ deliberationem dubii superesse?

[15] utrum enim partem regni petiturum esse, an totum erepturum? si partem, ambo infirmos distractis viribus et omnibus iniuriis profecto ¹⁵ obnoxios fore; si totum, privatumne ergo maiorem fratrem, an exulem esse ¹⁶ illa aetate, illa corporis infirmitate, an ad ¹⁷ ultimum mori iussurum?

[17] eos ipsos qui non illi amici, ¹⁸ sed Eumeni infesti stimulent eum, pietatem constantiamque laudaturos, si fidem ad ultimum fratri praestitisset.

Ab urbe condita libri, erklärt von M. Weissenborn Perseus (Weissenborn, W.; Müller, H. J., editors. Berlin: Weidmannsche Buchhandlung, 1873-1883.) — 45.19 focus

[1]

inter multas regum gentiumque et populorum legationes Attalus, frater regis Eumenis, maxime convertit in se omnium oculos animosque.

[2] exceptus enim est ab iis, qui simul eo bello militaverant, haud paulo benignius, quam si ipse rex Eumenes venisset.

[3] adduxerant eum duae in speciem honestae res, una gratulatio conveniens in ea victoria, quam ipse adiuvisset, altera querimonia Gallici tumultus acceptaeque cladis, qua regnum in dubium adductum esset.

[4] suberat et secreta spes honorum ¹ praemiorumque ab senatu, quae vix salva pietate ei contingere poterant. erant enim quidam Romanorum quoque non boni auctores, qui spe cupiditatem eius elicerent:

[5] eam opinionem de Attalo et Eumene Romae esse, tamquam de altero Romanis certo amico, altero nec Romanis nec Persei fido socio.

[6] itaque vix statui posse, utrum, quae pro se, an, quae contra fratrem petiturus esset, ab senatu magis inpetrabilia forent; adeo universos omnia et huic tribuere et illi vero negare.

[7] eorum hominum, ut res docuit, ²Attalus erat, qui, quantum spes spopondisset, cuperent, ni unius amici prudens monitio velut frenos animo eius, gestienti secundis rebus, inposuisset.

[8] Stratius cum eo fuit medicus, ad id ipsum a non securo Eumene Romam missus speculator rerum, quae a fratre agerentur, monitorque fidus, si decedi fide vidisset.

[9] is ad occupatas iam aures sollicitatumque iam animum cum venisset, adgressus tempestivis sermonibus rem prope prolapsam restituit, aliis alia regna crevisse rebus dicendo;

[10] regnum eorum novum, nullis vetustis fundatum opibus, fraterna stare concordia, quod unus nomen regium et praecipuum capitis insigne gerat, omnes fratres regnent.

[11] Attalum vero, qui aetate proximus sit, quis non pro rege habeat? neque eo solum, quia tantas praesentes eius ³opes cernat, sed quod haud ambiguum sit prope diem regnaturum; eam infirmitatem aetatemque Eumenis esse nullam stirpem liberum habentis; necdum enim agnoverat eum, qui postea regnavit.

[12] quid adtinere vim adferre rei sua sponte ad eum mox venturae? accessisse etiam novam tempestatem regno tumultus Gallici, cui vix consensu et concordia regum resisti queat;

[13] si vero ad externum bellum domestica seditio adiciatur, sisti non posse; nec aliud ⁴eum quam, ne frater in regno moriatur, sibi ipsi spem propinquam regni erepturum.

[14] si utraque gloriosa res esset, et servasse fratri regnum et eripuisse, servati tamen regni, quae iuncta pietati sit, potiorem laudem fuisse. sed enim vero cum detestabilis altera res et proxima parricidio sit, quid ad deliberationem dubii superesse?

[15] utrum enim partem regni petiturum esse, an totum erepturum? si partem, ambo infirmos distractis viribus et omnibus iniuriis pro brisque obnoxios fore; si totum, privatumne ergo maiorem fratrem an exulem illa aetate, illa corporis infirmitate an ad ultimum mori iussurum?

[16] egregium enim, ut fabulis traditus impiorum fratrum eventus taceatur, Persei ⁵exitum videri, qui ex fraterna caede raptum diadema in templo Samothracum, velut praesentibus dis exigentibus poenas, ad pedes victoris hostis prostratus posuerit.

[17] eos ipsos, qui non illi amici, sed Eumeni infesti stimulent eum, pietatem constantiamque laudaturos, si fidem ad ultimum fratri praestitisset.

Translations (2)

History of Rome Perseus (Spillan, D.; Edmonds, Cyrus; McDevitte, William A., translators. London: Henry G. Bohn, 1849-1868. (Bohn's Classical Library)) — 45.19 focus

[1]

Among the many embassies from kings, nations, and states, Attalus, the brother of Eumenes, attracted the general attention in a very particular manner;

[2] for he was received by those who had served along with him in the late war, with even greater demonstration of kindness than if Eumenes had come in person.

[3] Two reasons, both, apparently, highly honourable, had induced him to come; one to offer congratulations, which were quite proper, in the case of a victory to which he himself had contributed; the other to complain of disturbances raised by the Gauls, and of a defeat received, by which his brother's kingdom was endangered.

[4] But he had, also, secret hopes of honours and rewards from the senate, which he could scarcely receive without infringing on his duty to his brother. There were among the Romans some evil advisers, who were working on his ambition by promises.

[5] They told him, that

the general opinion concerning Attalus and Eumenes was, that one was a steady friend to the Romans, and that the other was not a faithful ally either to them or to Perseus.

[6]

That it was not easy to determine whether the requests that he might make for himself, or those against his brother, were more likely to be obtained from the senate; so entirely were all disposed to gratify the ones and to grant nothing to the other.

[7] As the event proved, Attalus was one of those who would have coveted all that hope can promise to itself, had not the prudent admonitions of one friend put a curb on those passions, which were growing wanton through prosperity. He had, in his retinue, a physician, called Stratius, sent to Rome by Eumenes, who distrusted Attalus, for the purpose of watching over his conduct, and giving him faithful advice, if he should perceive him swerve from his allegiance.

[8] This man, although he had to address ears already prepossessed, and a mind already biassed, yet, by addressing him at judiciously selected times, restored the thing to its proper state, even after it had become almost desperate.

[9] He said that

different kingdoms grew into power by different means: that their kingdom being lately formed, and unsupported by any long-established strength, was upheld solely by the concord of the brothers; for, while one bore the title and the ornament which distinguishes the head of a sovereign, each of the brothers was considered as a king.

[10]

As to Attalus, in particular, being the next in years, was there any man who did not consider him as king?

[11]

and that, not only because they perceived his present power to be great, but because there was not a doubt but he must ascend the throne, in a very short time, in consequence of the age and infirmity of Eumenes, who had no legitimate issue

(for he had not at this time acknowledged the son who afterwards reigned).

To what purpose, then, employ violence, to attain what must come to him presently without any exertions on his part?

[12]

Besides, a new storm had fallen on the kingdom, from the insurrection of the Gauls, which could scarcely be resisted by the most perfect harmony and union of the brothers.

[13]

But if to a foreign war domestic dissensions were added, the evil could not be checked; nor would he effect any thing else than preventing his brother from dying on the throne, and depriving himself of the hope of ascending it. If both modes of acting were honourable, —either to preserve the kingdom for his brother, or to take it from him, —yet the honour that would result to him from the preservation of the kingdom, since it was united to brotherly love, would be the greater.

[14]

The latter indeed, would be detestable, and bordering nearly on parricide; what room, then, could there be for deliberation? For, whether did he mean to demand a share of the kingdom, or to seize the whole?

[15]

If he would demand a share, then both, by the separation of their strength, would be rendered feeble, and exposed to injuries of every kind; if the whole, would he then require his elder brother, reduced to a private station, at his time of life and labouring under such bodily infirmities, to live in exile, and die in such a wretched state.

[16]

For, not to mention the catastrophes of undutiful brothers recorded in stories, the fate of Perseus seemed a striking instance, who, prostrated at the feet of a victorious enemy, laid down, in the temple of the Samothracians, before the gods, who, as it were, demanded satisfaction for his crimes, the crown which he had seized after the death of his brother.

[17]

Those very men,

he continued,

who not through friendship for him, but enmity to Eumenes, had instigated him to the adoption of such measures, would praise his affection and firmness, if he preserved to the last his allegiance to his brother.

History of Rome Perseus (Volumes 1-2. Roberts, Canon, Rev, translator. London, New York: J. M. Dent and Sons; E. P. Dutton and Co., 1912.) — 45.19 focus

[1]

Amongst the numerous deputations from kings and free States and communities Attalus, the brother of Eumenes, attracted all men's eyes and thoughts.

[2] He was received by the men who had taken part with him in the war with as hearty a welcome as though Eumenes himself had come.

[3] Two objects had brought him to Rome, to all appearance honourable ones; one was to offer congratulations on the victory which he had himself helped to win, the other was to complain of an inroad of the Gauls and a defeat which he had sustained and which seriously threatened his kingdom.

[4] But he was also cherishing secret hopes of receiving from the senate benefits and rewards which could hardly fall to his lot without injuring his relations with his brother. There were certain men in Rome, evil counsellors, who encouraged his ambitions.

[5] These men made him believe that the prevailing opinion in Rome with regard to Attalus and Eumenes was that the one was a sure friend to the Romans, the other was regarded as a man whom neither the Romans nor Perseus could trust as an ally.

[6] It was difficult, therefore, to decide whether the requests he made on his own behalf or those through which he might seek to damage his brother would be the more likely to gain the consent of the senate, so bent were they as a body on granting everything to Attalus and denying everything to Eumenes.

[7] Attalus, as the event showed, was one of those men who try to gain all that their hopes promise them; but in his case the wise admonitions of a friend put a curb, so to speak, on a temper which was becoming wanton through popularity.

[8] There was in his suite a physician called Stratus; Eumenes, who felt uneasy, had sent him specially to Rome to watch his brother's conduct, and if he saw him becoming disloyal to his brother, to give him sound and faithful advice.

[9] Stratus found that he had to deal with ears already preoccupied and feelings already tampered with, but he seized favourable moments for conversing with him, and in these interviews he restored a position which had become almost hopeless.

[10] He represented to him that different kingdoms had grown strong through different causes; their kingdom was a new one, not based upon age-long power; it stood through brotherly harmony; the royal title and the crown are borne by one, but all his brothers reign with him.

[11] Who would not regard Attalus, the next in age, as a king, not only because he sees him in such a powerful position now, but also because the day is near when he will ascend the throne owing to the age and weakness of Eumenes, who has no legitimate son? (He had not yet acknowledged the one who succeeded him.) What advantage would there be in trying to gain by violent means what would shortly come to him of its own accord?

[12] A fresh storm had burst on the realm in an invasion of the Gauls which could with difficulty be withstood even by the combined and harmonious efforts of the two monarchs.

[13] "If, however, in addition to a foreign foe there was domestic strife, resistance would be impossible, and all that would be gained would be that your brother would lose the crown before his death and you would destroy all hopes of your succeeding him. Even assuming that to save the kingdom for your brother and to wrest it from him were both things you could boast about, still the preservation of the kingdom and the proof it would afford of your brotherly affection would be the more commendable and praiseworthy.

[14] But as a matter of fact the one alternative is detestable and is next door to parricide; why then should there be any doubt as to which course to take? Are you going to try and secure a part of the kingdom or deprive your brother of the whole?

[15] If the former, then, your power being divided, you would be both weakened and exposed to every possible injury and outrage. If the latter, are you prepared to send your elder brother into private life or into banishment, old and infirm as he is, and at last to a lonely exile's death?

[16] For, without recalling the legendary stories of unnatural brothers, what a signal warning is given in the fate of Perseus, who laid at the feet of his conqueror the diadem stained with his brother's blood which he had seized in the temple at Samothrace, as though the gods who witnessed the murder were now exacting the penalty.

[17] The very men who are goading you on, not because they are friendly to you, but because they are enemies to Eumenes, will themselves applaud your affection and constancy if you maintain your loyalty to your brother to the end."

Notes on the current edition

Ab Urbe Condita With An English Translation, books 1-10, 21-45, with periochae 11-20

1. According to Polybius, the warmth of this reception suggested to Attalus the possibility of supplanting his brother.

2. B.C. 167

3. B.C. 167

4. Eumenes was in his late fifties at this time.

5. This successor, Attalus III, was born shortly before Eumenes' death, and reigned for 21 years under a regency of his uncle Attalus. (See XLII. xvi. 9 and the note, Vol. XII, p. 339, for the view that Attalus III was actually the son of Attalus II). An illegitimate son of Eumenes, Aristonicus, captured the throne after the death of Attalus III, and fought Rome: cf. Summary LIX.

6. B.C. 167

Titus Livius (Livy) Ab urbe condita 45.19

Benjamin Oliver Foster, Ph.D. (Editor), Frank Gardener Moore (Editor), Evan T. Sage, Ph.D. (Editor), Alfred C. Schlesinger, Ph.D. (Editor)

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