Titus Livius (Livy), Ab urbe condita, Benjamin Oliver Foster, Ph.D. (Editor), Frank Gardener Moore (Editor), Evan T. Sage, Ph.D. (Editor), Alfred C. Schlesinger, Ph.D. (Editor), 42.30

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[1] While these were the feelings of the kings about the war, among the free groups and peoples, the commons everywhere were almost all, as usual, for the worse side, being inclined toward the king and the Macedonians; among the leading men one might notice conflicting interests.

[2] Some were so enraptured with the Romans as to undermine their own influence by their unrestrained partizanship;

[3] a few of them were attracted by the justice of Roman rule, most were moved by the thought that if they displayed some especial service for the Romans they would become powerful in their own states.

[4] Another group were toadies to the king; some, because of debt and despair of their own fortunes if no change should occur, were driven headlong to the overturning of everything. Some were upset by their own windy instability of character, since the breeze of popular favour turned in Perseus' direction.

[5] A third group, which was also the worthiest and wisest,¹ if merely a choice of a dominating² superior were offered them, preferred to be under the Romans rather than under the king;

[6] but if they had a free choice of destiny in this respect, they wished neither side to become the more powerful through the downfall of the other, but rather that, the strength of both sides being unexhausted, peace on terms of equality should continue; thus the situation of the free states with respect to the two powers would be most advantageous, since one power would always protect the weak against wrongdoing by the other.

[7] With these sentiments they watched silently from a safe position the contests of the partisans of either side.

[8] In accordance with a decree of the senate, the consuls, on the day of their inauguration, offered sacrifices of full-grown victims at all the temples in which a banquet for the god is usually spread during the greater part of the year; thereupon, feeling assured that their prayers were approved by the immortal gods, they reported to the senate that due sacrifice and prayer for the war had been made.

[9] The diviners³ gave the following report: If any new enterprise should be begun, it should be speeded on; victory, triumph, and enlargement of the realm were forecast.

[10] The Fathers, with the wish that it might be well and of good omen and fortune for the Roman people, instructed the consuls to present on the first possible day to the people, assembled in their Hundreds,⁴ the resolution that, whereas Perseus, son of⁵ Philip, King of Macedonia, contrary to the treaty made with his father Philip and renewed with himself after the death of his father, had invaded allies of the Roman people, had devastated their land and seized their cities, and whereas he had entered on plans for preparing war against the Roman people, and had assembled arms, soldiers and fleet for the said purpose, resolved that, unless he offered satisfaction in these matters, war against him be undertaken.⁶ This resolution was passed by the people.

Ab urbe condita. Titus Livius (Livy). Benjamin Oliver Foster, Ph.D. (Editor), Frank Gardener Moore (Editor), Evan T. Sage, Ph.D. (Editor), Alfred C. Schlesinger, Ph.D. (Editor). Medford, MA. .

Sponsored by Perseus Project, Tufts University.

Funding provided by The National Endowment for the Humanities.

Current edition Perseus

History of Rome (English) (Foster, Benjamin Oliver; Moore, Frank Gardener; Sage, Evan T.; Schlesinger, Alfred C., translators. Cambridge, Mass.; London: Harvard University Press; William Heinemann, Ltd., 1919-1959. (Loeb Classical Library))

Editions (3)

Ab urbe condita Perseus (Pars I-IV, Libri I-XL. Editio Stereotypica. Weissenborn, Wilhelm; Mueller, Moritz, editors. Leipzig: Teubner, 1884-1911.) — 42.30 focus

[1] haec sententia regibus cum esset de bello, in liberis gentibus populisque plebs ubique omnis ferme, ut solet, deterioris erat, ad regem Macedonasque inclinata;

[2] principum diversa cerneres studia. pars ita in Romanos effusi erant, ut auctoritatem inmodico favore corrumperent,

[3] pauci ex iis iustitia imperii Romani capti, plures ita, si praecipuam operam navassent, potentes sese in civitatibus suis futuros rati.

[4] pars altera regiae adulationis erat; quosdam aes alienum et desperatio rerum suarum eodem manente statu praecipites ad novanda omnia agebat; quosdam ventosum ingenium, quia ad Persea magis aura popularis ierat.

[5] tertia pars, optuma eadem et prudentissima, si utique optio domini potioris daretur, sub Romanis quam sub rege malebat esse;

[6] si liberum in ea re arbitrium fortunae esset, neutram partem volebant potentiorem altera oppressa fieri, sed inlibatis potius viribus utriusque partis pacem ex aequo manere; ita inter utrasque optimam condicionem civitatium fore. protegente altera semper inopem ab alterius iniuria.

[7] haec sentientes certamina fautorum utriusque partis taciti ex tuto spectabant.

[8] consules, quo die magistratum inierunt, ex senatus consulto cum circa omnia fana, in quibus lectisternium maiorem partem anni esse solet, maioribus hostiis immolassent, inde preces suas acceptas ab diis immortalibus ominati, senatui rite sacrificatum precationemque de bello factam renuntiarunt.

[9] haruspices ita responderunt: si quid rei novae inciperetur, id maturandum esse; victoriam, triumphum, propagationem imperii portendi.

[10] patres, quod bonum faustum felixque populo Romano esset, centuriatis comitiis primo quoque die ferre ad populum consules iusserunt, ut, quod Perseus Philippi filius, Macedonum rex, adversus foedus cum patre Philippo ictum et secum post mortem eius renovatum sociis populi Romani arma intulisset, agros vastasset urbesque occupasset, quodque belli parandi adversus populum Romanum consilia inisset, arma milites classem eius rei causa comparasset, ut, nisi de iis rebus satisfecisset, bellum cum eo iniretur.

[11] haec rogatio ad populum lata est.

Ab urbe condita Perseus (Livy in Fourteen Volumes. Foster, Benjamin Oliver; Moore, Frank Gardener; Schlesinger, Alfred C., editors. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press; London: William Heinemann, Ltd., 1919-1959 (printing).) — 43.23 focus

[1]

Rex cum non ¹ minore vexatione iumentorum hominumque quam venerat in Macedoniam rediit; Appium tamen ab obsidione Phanotes fama ducentis ad Stratum Persei summovit.

[2] Cleuas cum praesidio impigrorum iuvenum insecutus sub radicibus prope inviis montium ² ad mille hominum ex agmine impedito occidit, ad ducentos cepit.

[3] Appius superatis angustiis in campo quem Meleona vocant stativa dierum paucorum habuit. interim Cleuas assumpto Philostrato, qui quingentos ex ³ Epirotarum gente habebat, in agrum Antigonensem transcendit. ⁴ Macedones ad depopulationem profecti;

[4] Philostratus⁵ cum cohorte sua in insidiis loco ⁶ obscuro consedit. in palatos populatores cum erupissent ab Antigonea armati, ⁷ fugientes eos persequentes effusius in vallem insessam ab hostibus praecipitant.

[5] ibi ad mille ⁸ occisis, centum ferme captis, et ubique prospere gesta re prope stativa Appi castra movent, ne qua vis sociis suis ab Romano exercitu inferri possit.

[6] Appius nequiquam in his locis terens tempus, dimissis Chaonum Thesprotorumque ⁹ et si qui alii Epirotae erant praesidiis, cum Italicis militibus in Illyricum regressus, per Parthinorum ¹⁰ socias urbes in hiberna militibus divisis, ¹¹ ipse Romam sacrificii causa redit.

[7] Perseus ex Penestarum gente mille pedites, ducentos equites revocatos Cassandream, praesidio ut essent, misit.

[8] Ab Gentio eadem adferentes redierunt. nec deinde alios atque alios mittendo temptare eum destitit, cum appareret, quantum in eo praesidii esset, nec tamen impetrare ab animo posset, ut impensam in rem maximi ad omnia momenti faceret.

Ab urbe condita libri, erklärt von M. Weissenborn Perseus (Weissenborn, W.; Müller, H. J., editors. Berlin: Weidmannsche Buchhandlung, 1873-1883.) — 42.30 focus

[1]

haec sententia regibus cum esset de bello, in liberis gentibus populisque plebs ubique omnis ferme, ut solet, deterioris erat, ad regem Macedonasque inclinata;

[2] principum diversa cerneres studia. pars ita in Romanos effusi erant, ut auctoritatem inmodico ¹ favore corrumperent,

[3] pauci ex is iustitia imperii Romani capti, plures ita, si praecipuam operam navassent, potentes sese in civitatibus suis futuros rati.

[4] pars altera regiae adulationis erat, quos aes alienum et desperatio rerum suarum eodem manente statu praecipites ad novanda omnia agebat, quosdam ventosum ingenium, quia Perseus magis aurae popularis erat.

[5] tertia pars, optuma eadem et prudentissima, si utique optio domini potioris daretur, sub Romanis quam sub rege malebat esse;

[6] si liberum inde arbitrium fortunae esset, neutram partem volebant potentiorem altera oppressa fieri, sed inlibatis potius viribus utriusque partis pacem ex aequo manere: ita inter utrosque optimam condicionem civitatium fore protegente altero semper inopem ab alterius iniuria.

[7] haec sentientis certamina fautorum utriusque partis taciti ex tuto spectabant. ²

[8] consules quo die magistratum inierunt, ex senatus consulto cum circa omnia fana, in quibus lectisternium maiorem partem anni esse solet, maioribus hostiis immolassent, inde preces suas acceptas ab diis immortalibus ominati, senatui rite sacrificatum precationemque de bello factam renuntiarunt.

[9] haruspices ita responderunt, si quid rei novae inciperetur, id maturandum esse:

[10] victoriam, triumphum, propagationem finium portendi. patres quod faustum felixque populo Romano esset, centuriatis comitiis primo quoque die ferre ad populum consules iusserunt, ut quod Perseus, Philippi filius, Macedonum rex, adversus foedus cum patre Philippo ictum et secum post mortem eius renovatum sociis populi Romani arma intulisset, agros vastasset urbesque occupasset,

[11] quodque belli parandi adversus populum Romanum consilia inisset, arma milites classem eius rei causa comparasset, ut, nisi de iis rebus satisfecisset, bellum cum eo iniretur. haec rogatio ad populum lata est.

Translations (2)

History of Rome Perseus (Spillan, D.; Edmonds, Cyrus; McDevitte, William A., translators. London: Henry G. Bohn, 1849-1868. (Bohn's Classical Library)) — 42.30 focus

[1]

Such were the inclinations of the several kings, while in the free nations and states the plebeians, favouring as usual the weaker cause, were almost universally inclined to the Macedonians and their king; but among the nobles might be observed different views.

[2] One party was so warmly devoted to the Romans, that, by the excess of their zeal, they diminished their own influence.

[3] Of these a few were actuated by their admiration of the justice of the Roman government; but by far the greater number supposed that they would become powerful in their state, if they displayed remarkable exertions.

[4] A second party wished to court the king's favour, as debt, and despair of their affairs, while the same constitution remained, urged them hastily to complete revolution; and others, through a fickleness of temper, followed Perseus as the more popular character. A third party, the wisest and the best, wished, in case of being allowed the choice of a master, to live under the Romans rather than under the king.

[5] Yet, could they have had the free disposal of events, they wished that neither party should become more powerful by the destruction of the other, but rather that, the strength of both being uninjured, peace should continue on that account;

[6] for thus the condition of their states would be the happiest, as one party would always protect a weak state from any ill treatment intended by the other. Judging thus, they viewed in silence from their safe position the contest between the partisans of the two contending powers.

[7] The consuls, having on the day of their entering on office, in compliance with the order of the senate, sacrificed victims of the larger kinds in all the temples where the lectisternium was usually celebrated for

[8] the greater part of' the year, and having from them collected omens that their prayers were accepted by the immortal gods, reported to the senate that the sacrifices had been duly performed, and prayers offered respecting the war. The aruspices declared, that

if any new undertaking was intended, it ought to be proceeded in without delay; that victory, triumphs, and extension of empire were portended.

[9] The senate then resolved, that

the consuls should, on the first proper day, propose to the people assembled by centuries, —that whereas Perseus, son of Philip, and king of Macedon, contrary to the league struck with his father, and after Philip's death renewed with himself, had committed hostilities on the allies of Rome, had wasted their lands, and seized their towns, and also had formed a design of making war on the Roman people, and had for that purpose prepared arms, troops, and a fleet; unless he gave satisfaction concerning those matters, that war should be proclaimed against him.

[10] The question was carried among the commons.

[11] Then a decree of the senate was passed, that

the consuls should settle between themselves, or cast lots, for the provinces of Italy and Macedon; that the one to whose lot Macedon fell should seek redress by force of arms from king Perseus, and all who concurred in his designs, unless they made amends to the Roman people.

History of Rome Perseus (Volumes 1-2. Roberts, Canon, Rev, translator. London, New York: J. M. Dent and Sons; E. P. Dutton and Co., 1912.) — 42.30 focus

[1]

Such were the views which monarchs took of the war. Amongst the free nations and communities the common people were, as usual, almost to a man in favour of the worse side, and supported the king and the Macedonians.

[2] You would see great diversity amongst the views and sympathies of the ruling classes.

[3] One party went so far in their admiration of the Romans that they impaired their influence by their excessive partiality; some, attracted by the justice of Roman rule, a more numerous body, by the prospect of gaining power in their own cities if they rendered conspicuous service.

[4] The other side were sycophants and flatterers of the king; the pressure of debt and the hopelessness of their condition, if things remained as they were, drove many in sheer desperation into revolutionary projects; others supported Perseus from sheer caprice because he was popular.

[5] A third party, comprising the most respectable and sensible men, if they had in any case to choose a master, would have preferred the Romans to Perseus.

[6] If they had been free to choose their condition, they would have had neither side made more powerful through the overthrow of the other, but would have preferred that the strength of both being equally balanced, a lasting peace on equal terms might be established. In this way the cities, placed between the two, would be under the best conditions, for one would always protect the helpless from injury at the hands of the other.

[7] Holding these sentiments they watched in safety and in silence the rivalries of those who supported the two parties.

[8] On the day they entered office the consuls, in pursuance of the senate's resolution, visited all the shrines in which there was usually a lectisternium for the greater part of the year, offered sacrifices of the larger victims and learned from the omens given by them that their prayers were accepted by the gods. They then reported to the senate that the prayers and sacrifices had been duly offered.

[9] The augurs made the announcement that if any fresh enterprise was undertaken it ought to be begun without delay; all the portents pointed to victory, triumph and the widening of frontiers.

[10] Good fortune and success being thus promised to Rome, the senate ordered the consuls to summon a meeting of the Assembly in their centuries and submit the following order of the day: "Whereas Perseus, the son of Philip and King of Macedonia, has broken the treaty made with his father and renewed with him, by bearing arms against the allies of Rome, devastating fields and occupying their cities; and whereas he has formed plans for levying war on the people of Rome, and has to this end got together arms, soldiers and ships; be it resolved that war be made upon him unless he gives satisfaction for all these things."

[11] This resolution was put to the Assembly.

Notes on the current edition

Ab Urbe Condita With An English Translation, books 1-10, 21-45, with periochae 11-20

1. Livy's apparent lack of pro-Roman bias at this point probably results from his having taken this material from Polybius, who was active in one of the groups which believed in the balance of power.

2. B.C. 171

3. These diviners (the Latin term haruspices has previously been used) observed all manner of signs, especially the entrails of sacrificial animals; their art was originally Etruscan (cf. V. xv. 1).

4. The founding of the comitia centuriata was ascribed to Servius Tullius in 578 B.C. It was the second in age of the Roman assemblies; by this time, it was the older and more dignified of the assemblies actually held, having elective and judicial functions as well as the legislative ones which it shared with the comitia tributa.

5. B.C. 171

6. A much-mutilated inscription (Dittenberger, Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum, 3rd ed. No. 643) has been discovered, containing a letter of the senate to the Delphic Amphictyony, which has been restored as setting forth the grievances of the Romans against Philip as related here and below by Livy, as well as by other authors.

Titus Livius (Livy) Ab urbe condita 42.30

Benjamin Oliver Foster, Ph.D. (Editor), Frank Gardener Moore (Editor), Evan T. Sage, Ph.D. (Editor), Alfred C. Schlesinger, Ph.D. (Editor)

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