Titus Livius (Livy), Ab urbe condita, Benjamin Oliver Foster, Ph.D. (Editor), Frank Gardener Moore (Editor), Evan T. Sage, Ph.D. (Editor), Alfred C. Schlesinger, Ph.D. (Editor), 41.18

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[1] The enemy, on the arrival of Gaius Claudius, by whom as commander they recalled that recently at the Scultenna river they had been defeated and put to flight, with a view to defending themselves by the protection of the country rather than by arms against an attack which had turned out unhappily¹ for them, occupied the two mountains,² Letum and Ballista, and in addition surrounded them by a wall.

[2] Those who were slow in moving from the fields were cut off and destroyed to the number of fifteen hundred; the rest kept within the mountains and not even in their fear forgetting their natural fierceness, they raged against the booty which had been taken at Mutina.

[3] The prisoners they slew after mutilating them cruelly; the beasts they butchered, scattered among the shrines, rather than sacrificed according to ritual. Sated with the slaughter of their living plunder, things which were inanimate, utensils of every sort, made for use rather than as ornaments to be looked at, they dashed against the walls.³ The consul Quintus Petilius, fearing lest the war should be finished in his absence, wrote to Gaius Claudius that he should bring the army to meet him in Gaul: he would await them, he said, at Campi Macri.⁴

[4] Claudius, on receipt of the letter, moved his camp from the Ligurian territory and at Campi Macri turned his army over to the consul. Thither a few days later Gaius Valerius, the other consul, came. There, dividing their forces, before they separated the two jointly purified the armies.

[5] Then, because they had determined that the two should not approach the enemy from the same direction, they cast lots for the districts to which they should direct their march. It was evident that Valerius cast his lot in accordance with the requirements for auspices, because he was in the consecrated space; the augurs later declared that this fault had⁵ existed in the case of Petilius —namely,

[6] the lot, which had been cast into the urn outside of the consecrated space, had been drawn by him while he was still outside of the consecrated area, although he should have been inside of it.⁶ From Campi Macri they marched in different directions. Petilius had his camp facing the height of Ballista and Letum, which joins these mountains with a continuous ridge.

[7] Then, while he was encouraging the soldiers before the assembly, not thinking of the double meaning of the word, they said that he used the ominous expression that on that day he would gain Letum.⁷ He began to march up the hills in front on two sides at once. The column in which he himself was advanced vigorously.

[8] When the enemy had repulsed the other, Petilius, in order to restore the wavering line, riding up on his horse, did indeed rally his men from their flight, but he himself, while riding before the standards with too little caution, fell struck with a javelin. But the enemy did not perceive that the commander had been killed, and the few of his own men who had seen it concealed his body with great care, knowing that victory depended on it.

[9] The rest of the body of infantry and cavalry dislodged the enemy and took the mountains without their general. About five thousand of the Ligurians were killed: of the Roman army fifty-two fell.

[10] In addition to this so manifest fulfilment of an omen of evil, it was also learned from the keeper of the chickens⁸ that⁹ there had been a flaw in the auspices, and that the consul had not been unaware of this. Gaius Valerius, hearing. . .

[11] .¹⁰ Those who were skilled in the rules of religion and in public law said that, since the two regular consuls of the year had perished, the one from disease, the other in battle, a substituted consul could not properly conduct an election . .

[12] .¹¹ brought them down.

Ab urbe condita. Titus Livius (Livy). Benjamin Oliver Foster, Ph.D. (Editor), Frank Gardener Moore (Editor), Evan T. Sage, Ph.D. (Editor), Alfred C. Schlesinger, Ph.D. (Editor). Medford, MA. .

Sponsored by Perseus Project, Tufts University.

Funding provided by The National Endowment for the Humanities.

Current edition Perseus

History of Rome (English) (Foster, Benjamin Oliver; Moore, Frank Gardener; Sage, Evan T.; Schlesinger, Alfred C., translators. Cambridge, Mass.; London: Harvard University Press; William Heinemann, Ltd., 1919-1959. (Loeb Classical Library))

Editions (3)

Ab urbe condita Perseus (Pars I-IV, Libri I-XL. Editio Stereotypica. Weissenborn, Wilhelm; Mueller, Moritz, editors. Leipzig: Teubner, 1884-1911.) — 41.18 focus

[1] hostes sub adventum C. Claudi, a quo duce de meminerant nuper ad Scultennam flumen victos fugatosque, locorum magis praesidio adversus infeliciter expertam vim quam armis se defensuri, duos montes Letum et Ballistam ceperunt muroque insuper amplexi sunt.

[2] tardius ex agris demigrantes oppressi ad mille et quingenti perierunt;

[3] ceteri montibus se tenebant, et ne in metu quidem feritatis ingenitae obliti saeviunt in praedam, quae Mutinae parta erat. captivos cum foeda laceratione interficiunt; pecora in fanis trucidant verius passim quam rite sacrificant.

[4] satiati caede animantium, quae inanima erant parietibus adfigunt, vasa omnis generis usui magis quam ornamento in speciem facta.

[5] Q. Petilius consul, ne absente se debellaretur, litteras ad C. Claudium misit, ut cum exercitu ad se in Galliam veniret: campis Macris se eum expectaturum.

[6] litteris acceptis Claudius ex Liguribus castra movit exercitumque ad campos Macros consuli tradidit. eodem tempore paucis post diebus C. Valerius consul alter venit.

[7] ibi divisis copiis, prius quam digrederentur, communiter ambo exercitus lustraverunt. tum sortiti, quia non ab eadem utrumque parte adgredi hostem placebat, regiones quas peterent.

[8] Valerium auspicato sortitum constabat, quod in templo fuisset; in Petilio id vitii factum postea augures responderunt, quod extra templum sortem in sitellam † in templum latam foris ipse oporteret.

[9] profecti inde in diversas regiones. Petilius adversus Ballistae et Leti iugum, quod eos montes perpetuo dorso inter se iungit, castra habuit.

[10] ibi adhortantem eum pro contione milites, inmemorem ambiguitatis verbi, ominatum ferunt se eo die Letum capturum esse.

[11] duabus simul partibus subire in adversos montes coepit. ea pars, in qua ipse erat, inpigre succedebat. alteram hostes cum propulissent, ut restitueret rem inclinatam, consul equo advectus suos quidem a fuga revocavit, ipse, dum incautius ante signa obversatur, missili traiectus cecidit.

[12] nec hostes ducem occisum senserunt, et suorum pauci, qui viderant, haud neglegenter, ut qui in eo victoriam verti scirent, corpus occultavere.

[13] alia multitudo peditum equitumque deturbatis hostibus montis sine duce cepere. ad quinque milia Ligurum occisa; ex Romano exercitu duo et quinquaginta ceciderunt.

[14] super tam evidentem tristis ominis eventum etiam ex pullario auditum est vitium in auspicio fuisse, nec id consulem ignorasse.

[15] C. Valerius audita * * * periti religionum iurisque publici, quando duo ordinarii consules eius anni, alter morbo, alter ferro perisset, suffectum consulem negabant recte comitia habere posse.

[16] * * * deduxit.

Ab urbe condita Perseus (Livy in Fourteen Volumes. Foster, Benjamin Oliver; Moore, Frank Gardener; Schlesinger, Alfred C., editors. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press; London: William Heinemann, Ltd., 1919-1959 (printing).) — 43.18 focus

[1]

Perseus principio hiemis egredi Macedoniae finibus non ausus, ¹ ne qua in regnum vacuum inrumperent Romani, sub tempus brumae, cum inexsuperabilis ² ab Thessalia montes nivis altitudo altitude³ facit,

[2] occasionem esse ratus frangendi finitimorum spes animosque, ne quid averso se ⁴ in Romanum bellum periculi ab iis esset ⁵ cum a Thracia pacem Cotys, ab Epiro Cephalus repentina defectione ab Romanis praestarent, Dardanos recens domuisset bellum, ⁶

[3] solum infestum esse Macedoniae latus quod ab Illyrico pateret cernens, neque ipsis quietis Illyriis et aditum praebentibus Romano ⁷ si domuisset proximos Illyriorum Gentium quoque regem iam diu dubium in societatem perlici posse, cum decem milibus peditum,

[4] quorum pars phalangitae erant, et duobus milibus levium armorum ⁸ et quingentis equitibus profectus Stuberram venit.

[5] inde frumento complurium dierum sumpto iussoque apparatu oppugnandarum urbium sequi, tertio die ad Uscanam ⁹ Penestianae terrae ea maxima ¹⁰ urbs est—posuit castra, ¹¹

[6] prius tamen quam vim admoveret, missis qui temptarent nunc praefectorum praesidii, nunc oppidanorum animos. erat autem ibi cum iuventute Illyriorum Romanum praesidium. ¹²

[7] Postquam nihil pacati referebant oppugnare est adortus ¹³ et corona eam earn capere conatus est. ¹⁴ cum sine intermissione ¹⁵ interdiu noctuque alii aliis succedentes, pars scalas muris, pars ¹⁶ ignem portis inferrent, sustinebant tamen eam tempestatem propugnatores urbis,

[8] quia spes erat neque hiemis vim diutius pati Macedonas in aperto posse, nec ab Romano bello tantum regi laxamenti fore ut posset morari.

[9] ceterum postquam vineas agi turresque excitari vident, ¹⁷ victa pertinacia est. nam praeterquam quod adversus vim pares non erant, ne frumenti quidem aut ullius alterius rei copia intus erat, ut in necopinata obsidione.

[10] itaque cum spei nihil ad resistendum esset, C. Carvilius Spoletinus et C. Afranius a praesidio Romano missi qui a Perseo peterent primo ut armatos suaque secum ferentis abire sineret, dein, si id minus impetrarent, vitae tantum libertatisque fidem acciperent.

[11] promissum id benignius est ab rege quam praestitum; exire enim sua secum efferentibus iussis primum arma, dein libertatem ¹⁸ ademit. his urbe ¹⁹ egressis et Illyriorum cohors - quingenti erant - et, Uscanenses ²⁰ se urbemque dediderunt.

Ab urbe condita libri, erklärt von M. Weissenborn Perseus (Weissenborn, W.; Müller, H. J., editors. Berlin: Weidmannsche Buchhandlung, 1873-1883.) — 41.18 focus

[1]

hostes sub adventum C. Claudi , a quo duce se meminerant nuper ad Scultennam flumen victos fugatosque, locorum magis praesidio adversus infeliciter expertam vim quam armis se defensuri, duos montes Letum et Ballistam ceperunt, muroque insuper amplexi sunt.

[2] tardius ex agris demigrantes oppressi ad mille et quingenti perierunt;

[3] ceteri montibus se tenebant, et ne in metu quidem feritatis ingenitae obliti saeviunt in praedam, quae Mutinae parta erat. captivos cum foeda laceratione interficiunt, pecora in fanis trucidant verius passim quam rite sacrificant.

[4] satiati caede animantium, quae inanima erant parietibus adfligunt, vasa omnis generis, usui magis quam ornamento [in speciem] facta.

[5] Q. Petilius consul, ne absente se debellaretur, ¹ litteras ad C. Claudium misit, ut cum exercitu ad se in Galliam veniret:

[6] campis Macris se eum expectaturum. litteris acceptis Claudius ex Liguribus castra movit exercitumque ad campos Macros consuli tradidit. eodem [tempore] paucis post diebus C. Valerius consul alter venit.

[7] ibi divisis copiis, prius quam digrederentur, communiter ambo exercitus lustraverunt. tum sortiti, quia non ab eadem utrumque parte adgredi hostem placebat, regiones, quas peterent.

[8] Valerium auspicato sortitum constabat, quod in templo fuisset; in Petilio id vitii factum postea augures responderunt, quod extra templum sortem in sitellam in templum latam foris ipse oporteret.

[9] profecti inde in diversas regiones. Petilius adversus Ballistae et Leti iugum, quod eos ² montes perpetuo dorso inter se iungit, castra habuit.

[10] ibi adhortantem eum pro contione milites, inmemorem ambiguitatis verbi, ominatum ferunt se eo die Letum capturum esse.

[11] duabus simul partibus subire in adversos montes coepit. ea pars, in qua ipse erat, inpigre succedebat; alteram hostes cum propulissent, ut restitueret rem inclinatam, consul equo advectus suos quidem a fuga revocavit, ipse, dum incautius ante signa obversatur, missili traiectus cecidit.

[12] nec hostes ducem occisum senserunt, et suorum pauci, qui viderant, haud neglegenter, ut qui in eo victoriam verti scirent, corpus occultavere.

[13] alia multitudo peditum equitumque deturbatis hostibus montis sine duce cepere. ad quinque milia Ligurum occisa; ex Romano exercitu duo et quinquaginta ceciderunt.

[14] super tam evidentem tristis ominis eventum etiam ex pullario auditum est vitium in auspicio fuisse, nec id consulem ignorasse.

[15] C. Valerius audita ³ periti religionum iurisque publici,

[16] quando duo ordinarii consules eius anni, alter morbo, alter ferro periisset, suffectum consulem negabant recte comitia habere posse.

Translations (2)

History of Rome Perseus (Spillan, D.; Edmonds, Cyrus; McDevitte, William A., translators. London: Henry G. Bohn, 1849-1868. (Bohn's Classical Library)) — 41.18 focus

[1]

On the approach of Caius Claudius, the enemy, reflecting that this was the same commander who had defeated them at the river Scultenna, resolving to rely on situation, rather than arms, for their defence against a force with which they had so unsuccessfully struggled, took post in two mountains, called Letum and Balista; and, for greater security, surrounded their encampment with a wall. Some, who were too slow in removing from the low grounds, were surprised and put to the sword, —one thousand five hundred in number.

[2] The others kept themselves close on the mountains; and retaining, in the midst of their fears, their native savage disposition, vented their fury on the prey taken at Mutina.

[3] They put their prisoners to death after shocking mutilation: the cattle they butchered in the temples, rather than decently sacrificed: and then (satiated with the destruction of living creatures) they turned their fury against things inanimate, dashing against the walls even vessels made for use rather than for show. Quintus Petillius, the consul, fearing that the war might be brought to a conclusion before he arrived in the province, wrote to Caius Claudius to bring the army into Gaul, saying, that he would wait for him at the Long Plains. Claudius, immediately on receipt of the letter, marched out of Liguria, and gave up the command of the army to the consul at the Long Plains.

[4] To the same place came, in a few days after, the other consul, Caius Valerius. There having divided their forces before they separated, they both together performed a purification of the troops. They then cast lots for their respective routes, it having been resolved that they should not assail the enemy on the same side.

[5] It was certain that Valerius cast his lot auspiciously, because he was in the consecrated ground; the augurs afterwards announced that there was this defect in the case of Petillius, that he himself when outside the consecrated ground cast his lot into the urn, which was subsequently brought into the sacred place. They then began their march in different directions; Petillius pitched his camp against the ridge of Balista and Letum, which joined the two together with one continued range.

[6] They report, that while he was here encouraging his soldiers, whom he had assembled for the purpose, without reflecting on the ambiguity of the word, he uttered this ominous expression:

This day I will have Letum.

¹ He made his troops march up the mountain in two places at the same time.

[7] The division in which he was advanced briskly: the other was repulsed by the enemy; and the consul riding up thither, to remedy the disorder, rallied his troops; but whilst he moves about too carelessly in the front, he was pierced through with a javelin, and fell. The commanders of the enemy did not know that he was killed; and the few of his own party who saw the disaster, carefully covered the body from view, knowing that the victory rested on this.

[8] The rest of the troops, horse and foot, though deprived of their leader, dislodged the enemy, and took possession of the mountains. Five thousand of the Ligurians were slain, and of the Roman army only fifty-two were lost. Besides this evident completion of the unhappy omen, the keeper of the chickens was heard to say, that there had been a defect in the auspices, and that the consul was not ignorant of it.

[9] Caius Valerius, when he was informed of the death of Quintus Petillius, made the army, thus bereft of its commander, join his own; then, attacking the enemy again, in their blood he offered a noble sacrifice to the shade of his departed col- league. He had the honour of a triumph over the Ligurians. The legion, at whose head the consul was killed, was severely punished by the senate.

[10] They determined that the campaign of this year should not be counted to the entire legion, and that their pay should be stopped, for not exposing themselves to the enemy's weapons in defence of their commander. About this time ambassadors came to Rome from the Dar- danians, who were greatly distressed by the numerous army of Bastarnians, under Clondicus, mentioned above.

[11] These ambassadors, after describing the vast multitude of the Bastarnians, their tall and huge bodies, and their daring intrepidity in facing danger, added, that there was an al- liance between them and Perseus, and that the Dardanians were really more afraid of him than even of the Bastarnians: and therefore begged of the senate that assistance should be sent them. The senate thereupon agreed, that ambassadors should be sent to examine into the affairs of Macedonia; and immediately a commission was given to Aulus Postu- mius to go thither. They gave to him as colleagues some young men, that he might have the principal direction and management of the embassy.

[12] The senate then took into consideration the election of magistrates for the ensuing year, on which subject there was a long debate; for people skilled in the rules of religion and politics affirmed, that, as the regular consuls of the year had died, one by the sword, the other by sickness, the substituted consuls could not with propriety hold the elections. An interregnum, therefore, took place, and the interrex elected consuls Publius Mucius Scaevola, and Marcus Aemilius Lepidus, a second time.

[13] Then Caius Popillius Laenas, Titus Annius Luscus, Caius Memmius Gallus, Caius Cluvius Saxula, Servius Cor- nelius Sulla, and Appius Claudius Centho, were chosen praetors. The provinces assigned to the consuls were Gaul and Liquria. Of the praetors, Cornelius Sulla obtained Sardinia, Claudius Centho gained Hither Spain. There is no record of those to whom the other praetorian provinces fell. This year was notorious for an epidemic, which how- ever attacked cattle only.

[14] The Ligurians, a nation ever vanquished, yet ever rebelling, ravaged the lands of Luna and Pisae; and at the same time there were alarming ru- mours of disturbances in Gaul. Lepidus having easily quelled the commotions among the Gauls, then marched into Liguria.

[15] Several states of this country submitted themselves to his disposal; and he, supposing that they were rendered savage by the rugged mountain tops which they inhabited, as the dispositions of the inhabitants of a country generally resemble its natural features, by the precedent of some former consuls, brought them down to the plains. Of these the Garulians, Lapicinians, and Hercatians had lived on the other side of the Apennine, and the Briniatians on the farther side.

History of Rome Perseus (Volumes 1-2. Roberts, Canon, Rev, translator. London, New York: J. M. Dent and Sons; E. P. Dutton and Co., 1912.) — 41.18 focus

[1]

The enemy had not forgotten that it was C. Claudius who had defeated and routed them at the Scultenna, and they prepared to defend themselves against a force of which they had had so unhappy an experience more by the strength of their position than by their arms.

[2] With this object they occupied two mountain heights, Letum and Ballista, and enclosed them with a wall. Some who were too late in getting away from their fields were caught and 1500 of them perished; the rest kept to the mountains.

[3] But they were not too much cowed to forget their native savagery, and they glutted their cruelty upon what they had taken at Mutina. The prisoners were put to death amid horrible tortures; the cattle were killed in their temples as an act of butchery rather than of sacrifice.

[4] When they were satiated with the slaughter of living things they turned to the destruction of inanimate objects and dashed against the walls vessels of every description, though made for use more than for ornament.

[5] Q. Petilius did not want the war to be brought to a close while he was absent and sent written instructions to C. Claudius to come to him in Gaul with his army, saying that he should expect him at the Campi Macri.

[6] On receiving the despatch C. Claudius left Liguria and handed over his army to the consul at the Campi Macri. A few days later the other consul, C. Valerius, arrived.

[7] Here, before the two armies separated, a lustration was completed for them both. As the consuls had settled not to make a combined attack on the enemy, they drew lots to decide in which direction each should advance.

[8] It was generally understood that Valerius cast his lot under proper auspices. In the case of Petilius the augurs declared afterwards that he had been at fault, for after the lottery had been taken into the sacred enclosure he remained outside, whereas he ought to have gone in himself .

[9] Then they started for their respective positions. Petilius fixed his camp fronting the twin heights of Ballista and Letum, which are connected by a continuous ridge.

[10] Writers say that whilst he was addressing words of encouragement to his troops, he made the ominous prediction that he would take Letum on that day; the double meaning of the word did not occur to him.

[11] He then advanced up the mountain in two divisions. The division which he personally commanded mounted with great spirit, but the enemy forced the other division back, and to restore the battle the consul rode forward and rallied his men. Whilst exposing himself somewhat incautiously in front of the standards, he was struck by a missile and fell.

[12] The enemy were not aware of the general's death, and a few of his men who had witnessed it carefully concealed the body, as they felt sure that the victory turned on that.

[13] The rest of the troops-infantry and cavalry alike-drove the enemy out of his positions and took the mountain heights without their general; 5000 Ligurians were killed; out of the Roman army 52 fell. In addition to his ill-omened words, to which his death gave a clear significance, it was gathered from what the "pullarius" said that the auspices had been unfavourable and that the consul was not unaware of this.

[14] . . . . . . . . Those skilled in divine and human law said that since

[15] the two duly elected consuls for the year had died, one through sickness, the other by the sword, the "consul suffectus" could not rightly hold the election.

[16] . . . . . . . .

Notes on the current edition

Ab Urbe Condita With An English Translation, books 1-10, 21-45, with periochae 11-20

1. Cf. supra, xii. 8.

2. B.C. 176

3. Most editors bracket either ornamento or in speciem as a gloss on the other. I have retained both, also the MS. adfligunt for the commonly accepted conjecture adfigunt; having finished with human beings they vented their rage upon inanimate objects.

4. In the territory of Modena.

5. B.C. 176

6. The state of the text and our ignorance of the details of sortitio prevent our coming nearer than an approximation to the meaning. It is particularly difficult to determine what happened since the error of Petilius was so slight that it escaped detection at the time.

7. As a common noun, letum means

death.

Valerius Maximus (I. v. 9) tells the same story: Hodie ego Letum utique capiam.

8. The manner of feeding of the sacred chickens determined whether the omens were favourable or unfavourable. The auspices were often taken thus before a battle.

9. B.C. 176

10. The loss of nearly an entire quaternion of V (see critical note) makes it impossible to determine the rest of the sentence. Livy's narrative recognizes the rashness of Petilius (cf. especially incautius ante signa in sec. 4), but the senate seems to have emphasized his bravery when it decreed that the legion was remiss in the performance of its duty, that its year's pay should be withheld and its wages reduced: cf. Valerius Maximus II. vii. 15 (confirmed by the briefer account in Frontinus, Stratagems IV. i. 46): Graviter senatus tulit, quod Q. Petilium consulem fortissime adversus Ligures pugnantem occidere milites passi essent. Legioni neque stipendium anni procedere neque aera dari voluit, quia pro salute imperatoris se telis non obtulerant. 12 Since V has suffered an equally heavy loss at the end of chap. xix., it is impossible to tell whether there was in Livy some reference to Macedonia.

11. Sigonius inserted here this sentence quoted by Priscian (see the critical note) from Book XLI. It is obviously concerned with this year, since at no other time covered by this Book did both the regular consuls die in office. It appears that a consul suffectus, i.e. one elected to fill a vacancy, could not preside at an election. Their only recourse, 14?? then, was the appointment of an interrex, and this procedure and the elections for the year 175 B.C. were no doubt described in the text lost between posse and deduxit. The last word may refer to some such compulsory migrations as described in XL. xxxviii. 15 The names of the magistrates for 175 B.C. can be recovered from the Fasti and other sources. The consuls were Mucius Scaevola (xix. 1 below) and M. Aemilius Lepidus II (Oros. IV. xx. 34). The praetors were C. Popilius Laenas, T. Annius Luscus, C. Memmius Gallus (?), C. Cluvius Saxula, Ser. Cornelius Sulla, Ap. Claudius Cento.

Titus Livius (Livy) Ab urbe condita 41.18

Benjamin Oliver Foster, Ph.D. (Editor), Frank Gardener Moore (Editor), Evan T. Sage, Ph.D. (Editor), Alfred C. Schlesinger, Ph.D. (Editor)

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