Titus Livius (Livy), Ab urbe condita, Benjamin Oliver Foster, Ph.D. (Editor), Frank Gardener Moore (Editor), Evan T. Sage, Ph.D. (Editor), Alfred C. Schlesinger, Ph.D. (Editor), 38.45

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[1] They said that the commissioners had been assigned to Gnaeus Manlius¹ for the purpose of making peace with Antiochus and of putting into final form the terms of the treaty which had been initiated by Lucius Scipio.

[2] Gnaeus Manlius, they said, had striven with all his might to break the peace and to take Antiochus by treachery, if the king should have given him any opportunity to do so; but he, being aware of the deceitfulness of the consul, although often approached with requests for conferences, had avoided, not merely a meeting with him, but even the² sight of him.³

[3] Manlius, they said, when he desired to cross the Taurus,⁴ had with difficulty been held back by the pleas of all his lieutenants from trying to test the prediction of ruin found in the verses of the Sibyl⁵ for those who crossed the fateful boundaries, but, none the less, had

[4] moved up the army and encamped near by on the very crest at the parting of the waters.

[5] Finding no pretext for war there, the king's forces remaining passive, he led the army around against the Galatians, a people against whom war had not been declared by the authority of the senate or the vote of the assembly.⁶

[6] Who, they asked, had ever ventured to do this on his own motion? The most recent wars were those with Antiochus, Philip, Hannibal and the Carthaginians; in all these cases the senate had passed decrees, the assembly had voted, restitution had previously been demanded by ambassadors, finally, delegates had been sent to declare war.⁷

[7] "Which of these things was done, Gnaeus Manlius, so that we can consider this a public war of the Roman people and not a private piratical expedition of your own?

[8] Were you even content with that and did you lead your army directly against those whom you had picked out to be your enemies?

[9] Or, moving by all the roundabout ways, stopping at every cross-road, that, wherever Attalus, the brother⁸ of Eumenes, turned his course, there you, a money-seeking consul, might follow with a Roman army, did you travel over all the nooks and corners of Pisidia and Lycaonia and Phrygia, exacting tribute from tyrants and commanders of out-of-the-way fortresses? What business did you have with the people of Oroanda? What with other equally innocent peoples? "But the war proper, on account of which you ask a triumph, how did you conduct it?

[10] Did you fight on favourable ground, at a time selected by you?

[11] Rightly in truth do you demand that honour be paid to the immortal gods, first, because they refused to exact the penalty from the army for the rashness of the commander, who was waging war under no law of nations; second, because they confronted us with dumb animals, not enemies.

Ab urbe condita. Titus Livius (Livy). Benjamin Oliver Foster, Ph.D. (Editor), Frank Gardener Moore (Editor), Evan T. Sage, Ph.D. (Editor), Alfred C. Schlesinger, Ph.D. (Editor). Medford, MA. .

Sponsored by Perseus Project, Tufts University.

Funding provided by The National Endowment for the Humanities.

Current edition Perseus

History of Rome (English) (Foster, Benjamin Oliver; Moore, Frank Gardener; Sage, Evan T.; Schlesinger, Alfred C., translators. Cambridge, Mass.; London: Harvard University Press; William Heinemann, Ltd., 1919-1959. (Loeb Classical Library))

Editions (3)

Ab urbe condita Perseus (Pars I-IV, Libri I-XL. Editio Stereotypica. Weissenborn, Wilhelm; Mueller, Moritz, editors. Leipzig: Teubner, 1884-1911.) — 38.45 focus

[1] legatos sese Cn. Manlio datos pacis cum Antiocho faciendae causa foederisque legum, quae cum L. Scipione inchoatae fuissent, perficiendarum.

[2] Cn. Manlium summa ope tetendisse, ut earn eam pacem turbaret, et Antiochum, si sui potestatem fecisset, insidiis exciperet; sed illum cognita fraude consulis, cum saepe colloquiis petitis captatus esset, non congressum modo sed conspectum etiam eius vitasse.

[3] cupientem transire Taurum aegre omnium legatorum precibus, ne carminibus Sibyllae praedictam superantibus terminos fatalis cladem experiri vellet, retentum admosse tamen exercitum et prope in ipsis iugis ad divortia aquarum castra poBuisse. posuisse.

[4] cum ibi nullam belli causam inveniret quiescentibus regiis, circumegisse exercitum ad Gallograecos;

[5] cui nationi non ex senatus auctoritate, non populi iussu bellum illatum. quod quem umquam de sua sententia facere ausum?

[6] Antiochi Philippi Hannibalis et Poenorum recentissima bella esse; de omnibus his consultum senatum, populum iussisse, per legatos ante res repetitas, postremo, qui bellum indicerent, missos.

[7] “quid eorum, Cn. Manli, factum est, ut istud publicum populi Romani bellum et non tuum privatum latrocinium ducamus?

[8] at eo ipso contentus fuisti, recto itinere exercitum duxisti ad eos, quos tibi hostis desumpseras;

[9] an per omnes amfractus viarum, cum ad bivia consisteres, ut, quo flexisset agmen Attalus, Eumenis frater, eo consul mercennarius cum exercitu Romano sequereris, Pisidiae Lycaoniaeque et Phrygiae recessus omnis atque angulos peragrasti, stipem ab tyrannis castellanisque deviis colligens? quid enim tibi cum Oroandis? quid cum aliis aeque innoxiis populis?”

[10] “ Bellum bellum autem ipsum, cuius nomine triumphum petis, quo modo gessisti? loco aequo, tempore tuo pugnasti?

[11] tu vero recte, ut diis immortalibus honos habeatur, postulas, primum quod pro temeritate imperatoris, nullo gentium iure bellum inferentis, poenas luere exercitum noluerunt; deinde quod beluas, non hostis nobis obiecerunt.

Ab urbe condita Perseus (Livy in Fourteen Volumes. Foster, Benjamin Oliver; Moore, Frank Gardener; Schlesinger, Alfred C., editors. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press; London: William Heinemann, Ltd., 1919-1959 (printing).) — 43.23 focus

[1]

Rex cum non ¹ minore vexatione iumentorum hominumque quam venerat in Macedoniam rediit; Appium tamen ab obsidione Phanotes fama ducentis ad Stratum Persei summovit.

[2] Cleuas cum praesidio impigrorum iuvenum insecutus sub radicibus prope inviis montium ² ad mille hominum ex agmine impedito occidit, ad ducentos cepit.

[3] Appius superatis angustiis in campo quem Meleona vocant stativa dierum paucorum habuit. interim Cleuas assumpto Philostrato, qui quingentos ex ³ Epirotarum gente habebat, in agrum Antigonensem transcendit. ⁴ Macedones ad depopulationem profecti;

[4] Philostratus⁵ cum cohorte sua in insidiis loco ⁶ obscuro consedit. in palatos populatores cum erupissent ab Antigonea armati, ⁷ fugientes eos persequentes effusius in vallem insessam ab hostibus praecipitant.

[5] ibi ad mille ⁸ occisis, centum ferme captis, et ubique prospere gesta re prope stativa Appi castra movent, ne qua vis sociis suis ab Romano exercitu inferri possit.

[6] Appius nequiquam in his locis terens tempus, dimissis Chaonum Thesprotorumque ⁹ et si qui alii Epirotae erant praesidiis, cum Italicis militibus in Illyricum regressus, per Parthinorum ¹⁰ socias urbes in hiberna militibus divisis, ¹¹ ipse Romam sacrificii causa redit.

[7] Perseus ex Penestarum gente mille pedites, ducentos equites revocatos Cassandream, praesidio ut essent, misit.

[8] Ab Gentio eadem adferentes redierunt. nec deinde alios atque alios mittendo temptare eum destitit, cum appareret, quantum in eo praesidii esset, nec tamen impetrare ab animo posset, ut impensam in rem maximi ad omnia momenti faceret.

Ab urbe condita libri, erklärt von M. Weissenborn Perseus (Weissenborn, W.; Müller, H. J., editors. Berlin: Weidmannsche Buchhandlung, 1873-1883.) — 38.45 focus

[1]

legatos sese Cn. Manlio datos pacis cum Antiocho faciendae causa foederisque legum, quae cum L. Scipione¹ inchoatae fuissent, perficiendarum.

[2] Cn. Manlium summa ope tetendisse, ut eam pacem turbaret, et Antiochum, si sui potestatem fecisset, insidiis exciperet; sed illum cognita fraude consulis, cum saepe colloquiis petitis captatus esset, non congressum modo sed conspectum etiam eius vitasse.

[4] cum ibi nullam belli causam inveniret quiescentibus regiis,

[5] circumegisse exercitum ad Gallograecos, cui nationi non ex senatus auctoritate, non populi iussu bellum illatum. quod ² quem umquam de sua sententia facere ausum? Antiochi Philippi Hannibalis et Poenorum recentissima bella esse;

[6] de omnibus his consultum senatum, populum iussisse, saepe legatos ante missos, res repetitas, postremo, qui bellum indicerent, missos.

[7] “quid eorum, Cn. Manli , factum est, ut istud publicum populi Romani bellum et non tuum privatum latrocinium ducamus?

[8] at eo ipso contentus fuisti, recto itinere exercitum duxisti ad eos, quos tibi hostis desumpseras:

[10] “bellum autem ipsum, cuius nomine triumphum petis, quo modo gessisti? loco aequo, tempore tuo pugnasti? tu vero recte, ut diis immortalibus honos habeatur,

[11] postulas, primum quod pro ³ temeritate imperatoris, nullo gentium iure bellum inferentis, poenas luere exercitum noluerunt; deinde quod beluas, non hostis nobis obiecerunt.

Translations (2)

History of Rome Perseus (Spillan, D.; Edmonds, Cyrus; McDevitte, William A., translators. London: Henry G. Bohn, 1849-1868. (Bohn's Classical Library)) — 38.45 focus

[2] They alleged that

they had been appointed ambassadors in conjunction with Manlius, to make peace with Antiochus, and to conclude the terms of the treaty which had been entered on with Lucius Scipio.

That Cneius Manlius laboured to the utmost of his power, to confound this peace, and to seize Antiochus by treachery, if he should put his person in the consul's power; but that he (Antiochus) having discovered the treacherous designs of the consul, though frequently tempted by proposals of a conference, had not only avoided the meeting, but even the sight of him.

[3]

That Manlius, desiring to cross Mount Taurus, was with difficulty restrained by the entreaties of all the ambassadors, who besought him not to brave the curse denounced in the Sibylline verses against such as should pass those fatal limits. Nevertheless, he marched his army thither, and encamped almost on the very summit where the waters take opposite directions.

[4]

As he could find no sort of pretence for hostilities, the king's subjects being perfectly quiet, he led his army round to the Gallograecians, against which nation war was waged, without any decree of the senate, or order of the people.

[5]

Which did ever any general before presume to do in like manner, on his own judgment?

[6]

The latest wars were those with Antiochus, with Philip, and with Hannibal and the Carthaginians; concerning all these the senate had passed its decrees, the people their orders; several embassies were previously sent; restitution demanded; and, finally, heralds were sent to proclaim war.

[7]

Now, Cneius Manlius,

said they, "has any one of these proceedings been observed in the present case, that we should consider it a war of the Roman people, and not a predatory expedition of your own contrivance? But, were you even content with this?

[8] Did you lead your army against those whom you had chosen to consider as enemies, by the direct course; or did you ramble through every deflection of the roads, when you stopped at every division of the way, in order that, to whatever side Eumenes's brother, Attalus, should turn his route, you the consul, as an auxiliary in his pay, might follow with a Roman army?

[9] Did you not traverse every recess and corner of Pisidia, Lycaonia, and Phrygia; levying contributions from the tyrants and peasants in those remote regions? For, what had you to do with the Oroandians, what with other states equally inoffensive?

But, in what manner did you conduct this war, on the merit of which you ask a triumph?

[10]

Did you fight on equal ground, and at the time of your own choosing?

[11]

Indeed you with propriety require that thanks be returned to the immortal gods; first, because they did not ordain that the army should undergo the penalty deserved by the temerity of its commander, in commencing a war in accordance with no law of nations; and next, because they gave us, for antagonists, brutes, and not men.

History of Rome Perseus (Volumes 1-2. Roberts, Canon, Rev, translator. London, New York: J. M. Dent and Sons; E. P. Dutton and Co., 1912.) — 38.45 focus

[1]

They had been appointed, they said, to act as commissioners with Cn. Manlius for the purpose of concluding peace with Antiochus and finally settling the terms of the treaty which had been outlined by L. Scipio.

[2] Cn. Manlius did his utmost to upset the negotiations and, if he got the chance, to inveigle the king into his power. When the king became aware of the consul's designs, though he was frequently invited to a personal interview, he avoided not only meeting him but even the very sight of him.

[3] When the consul was bent upon crossing the Taurus range, it was with the utmost difficulty that he was prevented from doing so by the commissioners, who warned him against tempting the doom foretold in the Sibylline Books for every one who overpassed the limits fixed by Fate. Nevertheless, he marched his army up and encamped almost on the summit where the mountain streams flow opposite ways.

[4] When he found that the king's subjects remained perfectly quiet and that there was nothing to justify hostilities, he led his troops round against the Gallograeci,

[5] a nation against whom no declaration of war had been made either by the authority of the senate or the order of the people. Who else would have ever dared to do such a thing?

[6] The wars with Antiochus, Philip, Hannibal and Carthage were fresh in all men's memories; in every one of these the senate issued its decree and the people their mandate; envoys had been sent beforehand frequently to demand satisfaction, and as a final step to declare war.

[7] "Which of these preliminaries," the speaker continued, "has been so observed by you, Cn. Manlius, as to make us regard that war as waged by the people of Rome and not simply as a marauding expedition of your own?

[8] But were you ever content with that? Did you march your army straight against those whom you had elected to regard as your enemies?

[9] Did you not on the contrary make a roundabout march through winding roads, halting at all the cross-roads in order that in whatever direction Eumenes' brother Attalus should direct his march, you might follow him like a mercenary captain, you, a consul with a Roman army? Did you not visit every hole and corner of Pisidia, Lycaonia, and Phrygia, collecting money from the tyrants and their officers scattered through the land? What business had you, pray, to interfere with Oroanda or with other equally unoffending communities? But about this war, on the strength of which you are seeking a triumph, in what way did you conduct it?

[10] Did you fight on favourable ground, at a time of your own choosing? You are certainly right in claiming that honours should be paid to the immortal gods.

[11] For in the first place they would not let the army pay the penalty of its commander's recklessness in making an aggressive war in defiance of the law of nations, and in the second place they brought against us wild animals not men.

Notes on the current edition

Ab Urbe Condita With An English Translation, books 1-10, 21-45, with periochae 11-20

1. The commissioners could have had relations with Manlius only because he had succeeded to the tasks left unfinished by Scipio. According to xxxvii. 11 above they did not reach Asia until after the Galatian campaign was concluded, and they could have had no military duties as legati except on the return, although Manlius speaks of them as eye-witnesses of his victory (xlvii. 4 below).

2. B.C. 187

3. There seems to be no basis for either charge in the preceding narrative of Livy, but this may be due to his selection of sources.

4. This may explain the rather aimless invasion of Pamphylia mentioned in xv. 5-6 above.

5. There seems to be no other allusion to this prophecy, but there may have been many such oracles in independent circulation and attributed to the Sibyl to increase their authority.

6. The senate had foreseen the probability of a war with the Gauls (XXXVII. li. 10), but there is no record of a formal declaration of war or of the performance of the ceremonial acts mentioned in sect. 6 below.

7. speaker is describing the formal fetial procedure.

8. B.C. 187

Titus Livius (Livy) Ab urbe condita 38.45

Benjamin Oliver Foster, Ph.D. (Editor), Frank Gardener Moore (Editor), Evan T. Sage, Ph.D. (Editor), Alfred C. Schlesinger, Ph.D. (Editor)

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