Titus Livius (Livy), Ab urbe condita, Benjamin Oliver Foster, Ph.D. (Editor), Frank Gardener Moore (Editor), Evan T. Sage, Ph.D. (Editor), Alfred C. Schlesinger, Ph.D. (Editor), 38.40

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[1] Having published these treaties and decrees, Manlius with the ten commissioners and all the army set out for the Hellespont, summoning thither the chiefs of the Gauls, and stated the terms on which they should observe

[2] peace with Eumenes,¹ and warned them that they should discontinue their habit of wandering about under arms and should keep themselves within the boundaries of their own lands.

[3] Then, collecting ships from the whole coast, the fleet of Eumenes also being brought up from Elaea by his brother Athenaeus, he ferried all his forces across' to Europe.²

[4] Then, leading a column heavily laden with every sort of booty by short stages through the Chersonese he established a base at Lysimachia, in order that with his pack-animals as far as possible fresh and in good condition he might enter Thrace, the journey through which was generally feared.

[5] On the day of his departure from Lysimachia he reached the river called Melas and on the day after that Cypsela.

[6] From Cypsela a road awaited him, for about ten miles wooded,³ narrow, rough, and by reason of the difficulty of this route he divided the army into two sections, and, having ordered one to go ahead and the other to bring up the rear at a great distance, he placed the baggage between them; there were carts loaded with public money and other valuable booty.

[7] As they were marching in this order through the defile, not more than ten thousand Thracians, of four tribes, the Astii and the Caeni and the Maduateni and the Coreli, blocked the road at the narrow point.⁴

[8] It was generally believed that this did not happen without treachery on the part of Philip, king of the Macedonians; he knew that the Romans would return by no other route than through Thrace, and he knew how much money they would bring with them. The commander was with the van, being concerned about the unfavourable character of the terrain.

[9] The Thracians did not move until the armed troops were past; when they saw that the van was out of the defile and that the rear was

[10] not yet at hand, they fell upon the trains and the baggage, and having killed the guards some of them carried off what was in the wagons, others drove off the pack-animals, loads and all.

[11] When the uproar reached first those who were following and just entering the defile and then came to the head of the column, there was a rush from both directions towards the centre, and a disorderly battle began in several places at once.

[12] The Thracians were exposed to slaughter, hampered as they were by the burden of the booty itself, while many of them were without arms, in order that they might keep their hands free to plunder; the Romans were betrayed by the unfavourable ground, since the barbarians charged them over familiar paths and sometimes laid⁵ ambushes for them in low-lying valleys. Even the loads and the wagons, inconveniently placed for one side or the other, as chance determined, hindered the fighters.

[13] Here the plunderer fell, there the defender of the plunder.

[14] Just as the terrain was unfavourable or favourable for one party or the other, just as the spirits of the fighters varied, just as their numbers —for some met parties larger than their own and others smaller —just so the fortune of the battle changed; many fell on both sides.

[15] Night was now at hand when the Thracians retired from the fight, not to avoid wounds or death, but because they had enough of spoils.⁶

Ab urbe condita. Titus Livius (Livy). Benjamin Oliver Foster, Ph.D. (Editor), Frank Gardener Moore (Editor), Evan T. Sage, Ph.D. (Editor), Alfred C. Schlesinger, Ph.D. (Editor). Medford, MA. .

Sponsored by Perseus Project, Tufts University.

Funding provided by The National Endowment for the Humanities.

Current edition Perseus

History of Rome (English) (Foster, Benjamin Oliver; Moore, Frank Gardener; Sage, Evan T.; Schlesinger, Alfred C., translators. Cambridge, Mass.; London: Harvard University Press; William Heinemann, Ltd., 1919-1959. (Loeb Classical Library))

Editions (3)

Ab urbe condita Perseus (Pars I-IV, Libri I-XL. Editio Stereotypica. Weissenborn, Wilhelm; Mueller, Moritz, editors. Leipzig: Teubner, 1884-1911.) — 38.40 focus

[1] his foederibus decretisque datis Manlius cum decem legatis omnique exercitu ad Hellespontum profectus, evocatis eo regulis Gallorum, leges, quibus pacem cum Eumene servarent,

[2] dixit, denuntiavit, ut morem vagandi cum armis finirent agrorumque suorum terminis se continerent.

[3] contractis deinde ex omni ora navibus et Eumenis etiam classe per Athenaeum fratrem regis ab Elaea adducta copias omnes in Europam traiecit.

[4] inde per Chersonesum modicis itineribus grave praeda omnis generis agmen trahens Lysimachiae stativa habuit, ut quam maxime recentibus et integris iumentis Thraeciam, per quam iter vulgo horrebant, ingrederetur.

[5] quo profectus est ab Lysimachia die, ad amnem Melana quem vocant, inde postero die Cypsela pervenit.

[6] a Cypselis via decem milium fere silvestris angusta confragosa excipiebat, propter cuius difficultatem itineris in duas partes divisus exercitus, et praecedere una iussa, altera magno intervallo cogere agmen, media impedimenta interposuit; plaustra cum pecunia publica erant pretiosaque alia praeda.

[7] ita cum per saltum iret, Thraecum decem haud amplius milia ex quattuor populis, Astii et Caeni et Maduateni et Coreli, ad ipsas angustias viam circumsederunt.

[8] opinio erat non sine Philippi Macedonum regis fraude id factum; eum scisse non alia quam per Thraeciam redituros Romanos, et quantam pecuniam secum portarent.

[9] in primo agmine imperator erat, sollicitus propter iniquitatem locorum. Thraeces nihil se moverunt, donec armati transirent;

[10] postquam primos superasse angustias viderunt, postremos nondum appropinquantis, impedimenta et sarcinas invadunt, caesisque custodibus partim ea, quae in plaustris erant, diripere, partim sub oneribus iumenta abstrahere.

[11] unde postquam clamor primum ad eos, qui iam ingressi saltum sequebantur, deinde etiam ad primum agmen est perlatus, utrimque in medium concurritur, et inordinatum pluribus simul locis proelium conseritur.

[12] Thraecas praeda ipsa impeditos oneribus et plerosque, ut ad rapiendum vacuas manus haberent, inermes ad caedem praebet; Romanos iniquitas locorum barbaris per calles notas obcursantibus et latentibus interdum per cavas valles prodebat.

[13] ipsa etiam onera plaustraque, ut fors tulit, his aut illis incommode obiecta pugnantibus impedimento sunt.

[14] alibi praedo, alibi praedae vindex cadit. prout locus iniquus aequusve his aut illis, prout animus pugnantium est, prout numerus — alii enim pluribus, quam ipsi erant, alii paucioribus occurrerant — , varia fortuna pugnae est;

[15] multi utrimque cadunt. iam nox appetebat, cum proelio excedunt Thraeces, non fuga vulnerum aut mortis, sed quia satis praedae habebant.

Ab urbe condita Perseus (Livy in Fourteen Volumes. Foster, Benjamin Oliver; Moore, Frank Gardener; Schlesinger, Alfred C., editors. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press; London: William Heinemann, Ltd., 1919-1959 (printing).) — 43.23 focus

[1]

Rex cum non ¹ minore vexatione iumentorum hominumque quam venerat in Macedoniam rediit; Appium tamen ab obsidione Phanotes fama ducentis ad Stratum Persei summovit.

[2] Cleuas cum praesidio impigrorum iuvenum insecutus sub radicibus prope inviis montium ² ad mille hominum ex agmine impedito occidit, ad ducentos cepit.

[3] Appius superatis angustiis in campo quem Meleona vocant stativa dierum paucorum habuit. interim Cleuas assumpto Philostrato, qui quingentos ex ³ Epirotarum gente habebat, in agrum Antigonensem transcendit. ⁴ Macedones ad depopulationem profecti;

[4] Philostratus⁵ cum cohorte sua in insidiis loco ⁶ obscuro consedit. in palatos populatores cum erupissent ab Antigonea armati, ⁷ fugientes eos persequentes effusius in vallem insessam ab hostibus praecipitant.

[5] ibi ad mille ⁸ occisis, centum ferme captis, et ubique prospere gesta re prope stativa Appi castra movent, ne qua vis sociis suis ab Romano exercitu inferri possit.

[6] Appius nequiquam in his locis terens tempus, dimissis Chaonum Thesprotorumque ⁹ et si qui alii Epirotae erant praesidiis, cum Italicis militibus in Illyricum regressus, per Parthinorum ¹⁰ socias urbes in hiberna militibus divisis, ¹¹ ipse Romam sacrificii causa redit.

[7] Perseus ex Penestarum gente mille pedites, ducentos equites revocatos Cassandream, praesidio ut essent, misit.

[8] Ab Gentio eadem adferentes redierunt. nec deinde alios atque alios mittendo temptare eum destitit, cum appareret, quantum in eo praesidii esset, nec tamen impetrare ab animo posset, ut impensam in rem maximi ad omnia momenti faceret.

Ab urbe condita libri, erklärt von M. Weissenborn Perseus (Weissenborn, W.; Müller, H. J., editors. Berlin: Weidmannsche Buchhandlung, 1873-1883.) — 38.40 focus

[1]

his foederibus decretisque datis Manlius cum decem legatis omnique exercitu ad Hellespontum profectus, evocatis eo regulis Gallorum, leges, quibus pacem cum Eumene servarent, dixit, denuntiavit,

[2] ut morem vagandi cum armis finirent agrorumque suorum terminis se continerent.

[3] contractis deinde ex omni ora navibus et Eumenis etiam classe per Athenaeum fratrem regis ab ¹ Elaea adducta copias omnes in Europam traiecit.

[5] quo profectus est ab Lysimachia die, ad amnem Melana quem vocant, inde postero die Cypsela pervenit.

[6] a Cypselis via decem milium fere silvestris angusta confragosa excipiebat, propter cuius difficultatem itineris in duas partes divisus exercitus, et praecedere una iussa, altera magno intervallo cogere agmen, media impedimenta interposuit: plaustra cum pecunia publica erant pretiosaque alia praeda.

[7] ita cum per saltum iret, Thraecum decem haud amplius milia ex quattuor populis, Astii et Caeni et Maduateni et Coreli, ad ipsas angustias viam circumsederunt.

[8] opinio erat non sine Philippi Macedonum regis fraude id factum; eum scisse non alia quam per Thraeciam redituros Romanos, et quantam pecuniam secum portarent.

[9] in primo agmine imperator erat, sollicitus propter iniquitatem locorum. Thraeces nihil se moverunt, donec armati transirent;

[10] postquam primos superasse angustias viderunt, postremos nondum ² appropinquantis, impedimenta et sarcinas invadunt, caesisque custodibus partim ea, quae in plaustris erant, diripere, partim sub oneribus iumenta abstrahere.

[13] ipsa etiam onera plaustraque, ut fors tulit, his aut illis incommode obiecta pugnantibus impedimento sunt. alibi praedo, alibi praedae vindex cadit.

[14] prout locus iniquus aequusve his aut illis, prout animus pugnantium est, prout numerus — alii enim pluribus. quam ipsi erant, alii paucioribus occurrerant —, varia fortuna pugnae est;

[15] multi utrimque cadunt. iam nox appetebat, cum proelio excedunt Thraeces, non fuga vulnerum aut mortis, sed quia satis praedae habebant.

Translations (2)

History of Rome Perseus (Spillan, D.; Edmonds, Cyrus; McDevitte, William A., translators. London: Henry G. Bohn, 1849-1868. (Bohn's Classical Library)) — 38.40 focus

[1]

When these treaties and grants were concluded, Manlius, with the ten ambassadors, and all his army, marched to the Hellespont, and dictated to the chiefs of the Gauls, whom he had summoned thither, terms on which they should maintain peace with Eumenes;

[2] and warned them to put an end to the practice of straggling in arms, and to confine themselves within the bounds of their own territories.

[3] Then, having collected ships from all parts of the coast, and Eumenes's fleet also being brought thither from Elaea by Athenaeus, that king's brother, he transported all his forces into Europe.

[4] Then leading slowly through the Chersonese, by short marches, the army heavily encumbered with booty of every sort, he halted at Lysimachia; in order that he might enter Thrace, the march through which they in general dreaded, with the beasts of burden as fresh and vigorous as possible.

[5] On the day in which he set out from Lysimachia, he came to the river which they call Melas, ¹ and thence, next day, to Cypsela. The road, about ten miles from Cypsela, proved to be obstructed by woods, narrow and broken.

[6] On account of these difficulties he divided the army into two parts; and, ordering one to advance in front, and the other at a considerable distance, to cover the rear, he placed between them the baggage; it was composed of waggons with the public money, and other booty of great value.

[7] As he was marching in this order through the defile, a body of Thracians, not more in number than ten thousand, composed of four states, the Astians, Caenians, Maduatians, and Corelians, posted themselves on both sides of the road at the narrowest part.

[8] There was an opinion that this was not done without the treacherous connivance of Philip, king of Macedonia; that he knew that the Romans would return by no other route than that through Thrace, and what an immense sum they would carry with them. The general himself was in the van, anxious about the disadvantages of the ground.

[9] The Thracians did not stir until the troops passed by; but, when they saw that the foremost division had got clear of the narrow pass, and

[10] that the rear division was not yet drawing near, they rushed upon the encumbrances and the baggage, and after killing the guards, some rifled the waggons, while others led off the horses under their loads.

[11] After their shouts reached those on the rear, who were then just entering the pass, and afterwards those in the van, the Romans ran together from both extremities to the centre, and an irregular sort of fight commenced, in many different places at once.

[12] The booty itself exposed the Thracians to slaughter, as they were encumbered with burdens, and most of them had thrown away their arms, that they might have their hands disengaged for plundering; the disadvantageous nature of the ground militated against the Romans, as the barbarians attacked them through well-known paths, and sometimes lurked in the ravines.

[13] The loads too, and the waggons, lying incommodiously for one party or the other, as chance directed, were great obstructions to their movements; and here the plunderer, there the defender of the booty, fell.

[14] The fortune of the fight was variable, according as the ground was favourable or unfavourable to this party or that, and according to the spirit of the combatants, and their numbers, for some had come in contact with a stronger party than themselves, others with a weaker. On both sides, however, great numbers fell.

[15] The night was now approaching, when the Thracians retired from the fight, not for the purpose of avoiding wounds or death, but because they had got enough of booty.

History of Rome Perseus (Volumes 1-2. Roberts, Canon, Rev, translator. London, New York: J. M. Dent and Sons; E. P. Dutton and Co., 1912.) — 38.40 focus

[1]

After these articles of peace had been finally settled and accepted, Manlius proceeded to the Hellespont with the ten commissioners and the whole of his army.

[2] Here he summoned the Gaulish chiefs to meet him and informed them of the terms upon which they were to keep the peace with Eumenes, and warned them that they must put a stop to their custom of making armed forays and confine themselves to the limits of their own territories.

[3] He then collected his ships from the whole extent of the coast, and with the addition of Eumenes' fleet, which was brought up by his brother Athenaeus, the consul was able to transport the whole of his force to Europe.

[4] The army was heavily weighted with spoils of every description and its advance consequently through the Chersonese was at a moderate pace till they reached Lysimachia.

[5] Here they rested for some time in order that their draught cattle might be as strong and fresh as possible before they entered Thrace, as they generally dreaded the march through that country.

[6] The same day on which he left Lysimachia the consul reached Melas, and the next day he arrived at Cypsela. From Cypsela a ten miles' march over broken ground shut in by forests awaited them. In view of the difficulties of the route the army was formed into two divisions. One was ordered to march in advance, the other, at a considerable distance, to bring up the rear. The baggage was placed between them.

[7] This included the wagons carrying the State money and other valuable booty. Whilst marching through a pass in this order a body of Thracians drawn from the four tribes of Astii, Caeni, Maduateni and Coreli, not more than 10,000 in number, occupied each side of the road at its narrowest part.

[8] It was generally thought that this was due to treachery on Philip's part, that he knew the Romans would return through Thrace and was also aware of the amount of money they were carrying.

[9] The general was with the first division and the broken and difficult ground made him anxious. As long as the armed troops were passing through, the Thracians did not stir, but when they saw that the vanguard had

[10] cleared the narrowest part of the pass and those behind were nowhere near, they attacked the baggage and the pack animals, and killing the escort began to loot the wagons, while others led off the horses with their packs.

[11] The cries and shouts were first heard by those behind who had already entered the pass; then they reached the leading division. From both directions a rush was made to the centre, and irregular fighting began at several points. The booty itself exposed the Thracians to slaughter, hampered as they were by the loads they were carrying, and most of them without arms that they might have their hands free for pillage.

[12] The unfavourable ground on the other hand exposed the Romans to the barbarians, who ran up through paths they were familiar with or concealed themselves in the recesses of the rocks. Even the packs and wagons obstructed the combatants and interfered with the movements of one side or the other just as it chanced.

[13] Here a plunderer fell; there, one trying to recover the plunder.

[14] The fortunes of the battle changed as first one side and then the other was on favourable or unfavourable ground; as the courage of each rose or fell; as the numbers preponderated on either side, some engaged with larger, others with smaller bodies than their own.

[15] Many fell on both sides and night was already coming on when the Thracians drew off from the fight, not to escape wounds and death, but because they had as much plunder as they wanted.

Notes on the current edition

Ab Urbe Condita With An English Translation, books 1-10, 21-45, with periochae 11-20

1. The legal jurisdiction of either Manlius or the legati is not clear. Rome acquired no territory from the Galatians and recognized no Galatian interest in the treaty with Antiochus. Nevertheless, Rome had a moral responsibility for all Asia and particularly for the kingdom of Eumenes, the nearest neighbour and the traditional enemy of the Galatians.

2. Appian ( Syr. 43), who abridges the account of the return journey of Manlius, criticizes severely the decision to return by land rather than by sea, and emphasizes the services rendered to Scipio by Philip (XXXVII. vii. 16).

3. B.C. 188

4. It was the Thracian plan to let the van go through, block the road so that the van could not get back, and then attack the baggage.

5. B.C. 188

6. Livy does not commit himself with regard to this battle. For the contradictory accounts of it, cf. xlvii. 6-9 with xlix. 7-12 below.

Titus Livius (Livy) Ab urbe condita 38.40

Benjamin Oliver Foster, Ph.D. (Editor), Frank Gardener Moore (Editor), Evan T. Sage, Ph.D. (Editor), Alfred C. Schlesinger, Ph.D. (Editor)

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