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Summary of Book XXXIII

Titus Quinctius Flamininus the proconsul ended the war by defeating Philip in battle at Cynoscephalae in Thessaly. Lucius Quinctius Flamininus, the brother of the proconsul, received the surrender of the Acarnanes after capturing Leucas, the capital of the Acarnanes. Peace was granted to Philip, who petitioned for it, and Greece was set free. Attalus, moved from Thebes to Pergamum on account of a sudden illness, died. Gaius Sempronius Tuditanus the praetor with his army was slain by the Celtiberi. Lucius Furius Purpurio and Claudius Marcellus the consuls defeated the Boi and the Insubrian Gauls. Marcellus triumphed. Hannibal, having vainly plotted war in Africa, and for this reason having been betrayed to the Romans through the letters of leading men of the opposing party, on account of his fear of the Romans, who had sent ambassadors to the senate of the Carthaginians, fled and took refuge with Antiochus, king of Syria, who was planning war against the Romans.

Ab urbe condita. Titus Livius (Livy). Benjamin Oliver Foster, Ph.D. (Editor), Frank Gardener Moore (Editor), Evan T. Sage, Ph.D. (Editor), Alfred C. Schlesinger, Ph.D. (Editor). Medford, MA. .

Sponsored by Perseus Project, Tufts University.

Funding provided by The National Endowment for the Humanities.

Current edition Perseus

History of Rome (English) (Foster, Benjamin Oliver; Moore, Frank Gardener; Sage, Evan T.; Schlesinger, Alfred C., translators. Cambridge, Mass.; London: Harvard University Press; William Heinemann, Ltd., 1919-1959. (Loeb Classical Library))

Editions (3)

Ab urbe condita Perseus (Pars I-IV, Libri I-XL. Editio Stereotypica. Weissenborn, Wilhelm; Mueller, Moritz, editors. Leipzig: Teubner, 1884-1911.) — 33s focus

periocha libri XXXIII.

T. Quintius Flamininus proconsul cum Philippo ad Cynoscephalas in Thessalia acie victo debellavit. L. Quintius Flamniinus ille, frater proconsulis, Acarnanes Leucade urbe, quod caput est Acarnanum, expugnata in deditionem accepit. pax petenti Philippo, Graecia liberata, data est. Attalus ab Thebis ob subitam valetudinem Pergamum translatus decessit. C. Sempronius Tuditanus praetor ab Celtiberis cum exercitu caesus est. L. Furius Purpurio et Claudius Marcellus consules Boios et Insubres Gallos subegerunt. Marcellus triumphavit. Hannibal frustra in Africa bellum molitus et ob hoc Romanis per epistulas ab adversae factionis principibus delatus propter metum Romanorum, qui legatos ad senatum Carthaginiensium de eo miserant, profugus ad Antiochum, Syriae regem, se contulit bellum adversus Romanos parantem.

[1] haec per hiemem gesta; initio autem veris Quinctius Attalo Elatiam excito Boeotorum gentem mcertis incertis ad earn eam diem animis fluctuantem dicionis suae facere cupiens, profectus per Phocidem quinque milia ab Thebis, quod caput est Boeotiae, posuit castra.

[2] inde postero die cum unius signi militibus et Attalo legationibusque, quae frequentes undique convenerant, pergit ire ad urbem, iussis legionis hastatis — ea duo milia militum erant — sequi se mille passuum intervallo distantibus.

[3] ad medium ferme viae Boeotorum praetor Antiphilus obvius fuit; cetera multitude multitudo e muris adventum imperatoris Romani regisque prospeculabatur.

[4] rara arma paucique milites circa eos apparebant; hastatos sequentes procul anfractus viarum vallesque interiectae occulebant.

[5] cum iam adpropinquaret urbi, velut obviam egredientem turbam salutaret, tardius incedebat; causa erat morae, ut hastati consequerentur.

[6] oppidani, ante lictorem turba acta, insecutum confestim agmen armatorum non ante, quam ad hospitium imperatoris ventum est, conspexere.

[7] tum velut prodita dolo Antiphili praetoris urbe captaque obstipuerunt omnes; et apparebat nihil liberae consultationis concilio, quod in diem posterum indictum erat Boeotis, relictum esse.

[8] texerunt dolorem, quem et nequiquam et non sine periculo ostendissent.

[1] in concilio Attalus primus verba fecit. orsus a maiorum suorum suisque et communibus in omnem Graeciam et propriis in Boeotorum gentem meritis,

[2] senior iam et infirmior, quam ut contentionem dicendi sustineret, obmutuit et concidit;

[3] et dum regem auferunt perferuntque parte membrorum captum, paulisper contio intermissa est.

[4] Aristaenus inde, Achaeorum praetor, eo cum maiore auctoritate auditus, quod non alia, quam quae Achaeis suaserat, Boeotis suadebat.

[5] pauca ab ipso Quinctio adiecta, fidem magis Romanam quam arma aut opes extollente verbis.

[6] rogatio inde a Plataeensi Dicaearcho lata recitataque de societate cum Romanis iungenda nullo contra dicere audente omnium Boeotiae civitatum suffragiis accipitur iubeturque.

[7] concilio dimisso Quinctius, tanturm tantum Thebis moratus,

[8] quantum Attali repens casus coegit, postquam non vitae praesens periculum vis morbi attulisse sed membrorum debilitatem visa est, relicto eo ad curationem necessariam corporis,

[9] Elatiam, unde profectus erat, redit Boeotis quoque, sicut prius Achaeis, ad societatem adscitis et, quoniam tuta ea pacataque ab tergo relinquebantur, omnibus iam cogitationibus in Philippum et quod relicum belli erat conversis.

[1] Philippus quoque primo vere, postquam legati ab Roma nihil pacati rettulerant,

[2] dilectum per omnia oppida regni habere instituit in magna inopia iuniorum. absitmpserant absumpserant enim per multas iam aetates continua bella Macedonas;

[3] ipso quoque regnante et navalibus bellis adversus Rhodios Attalumque et terrestribus adversus Romanos ceciderat magnus numerus.

[4] ita et tirones ab sedecim annis milites scribebat, et emeritis qiidam quidam stipendiis, quibus modo quicquam reliqui roboris erat, ad sign signa revocabantur.

[5] ita suppleto exercitu secundum vernum aequinoctium omnis copias Dium contraxit ibique stativis positis exercendo cotidie nuilite milite hostem opperiebatur.

[6] et Quinctius p.er per eosdem ferme dies ab Elatia profectus praeter Thronium et Scarpheam ad Thermopylas pervenit.

[7] ibi concilium Aetolorum Heracleam indictum tenuit consultantium,

[8] qllantis quantis auxiliis Romanum ad bellum sequerentur. cognitis sociorum decretis tertio die ab Heraclea Xynias praegressus in confinio Aenianum Thessalorumque positis castris Aetolica auxilia opperiebatur.

[9] nihil morati Aetoli sunt; Phaenea duce † sescenti pedites cum equitibus quadringentis venerunt. ne dubium esset, quid expectasset, confestim Quinctius movit castra.

[10] transgresso in Phthioticum agrum quingenti Gortynii Cretensium duce Cydante et trecenti Apolloniatae haud dispari armatu se coniunxere nec ita multo post Amynander cum Athamanum peditum ducentis et mille.

[11] Philippus cognita profectione ab Elatia Romanorum, ut cui de summa rerum adesset certamen,

[12] adhortandos milites ratus, multa iam saepe memorata de maiorum virtutibus simul de militari laude Macedonum cum disseruisset, ad ea, quae tur tum maxime animos terrebant quibusque erigi ad aliquam spem poterant, venit.

[1] acceptae ad Aoum flumen in angustiis cladi ter a Macedonum phalange ad Atracem vi pulsos Romanos opponebat.

[2] et illic ta,men, tamen, ubi abi insessas fauces Epiri non tenuissent, primam culpam fuisse eorum, qui neglegenter custodias servassent,

[3] secundam in ipso certamine levis armaturae mercennariorumque militum; Macedonum vero phalangem et tunc stetisse et loco aequo iustaque pugna semper mansuram invictam.

[4] decem et sex milia militum haec fuere, robur omne virium eius regni. ad hoc duo milia caetratorum, quos peltastas appellant, Thracumque et Illyriorum — Trallis est nomen genti — par numerus,

[5] bina milia erant, et mixti ex pluribus gentibus mercede conducti auxiliares mille ferme et quingenti et duo milia equitum. cum iis copiis rex hosted hostem opperiebatur.

[6] Romanis ferme par numerus erat; equitur equitum copiis tantum, quod Aetoli accesserant, superabant.

[1] Quinctius ad Thebas Phthioticas castra cum movisset, spem nactus per Timonem, principem civitatis, prodi urbem cum paucis equitum levisque armaturae ad muros successit.

[2] ibi adeo frustrata spes est, ut non certamen modo cum erumpentibus, sed periculum quoque atrox subiret, ni castris exciti repente pedites equitesque in tempore subvenissent.

[3] et postquam nihil conceptae temere spei succedebat, urbis quidem amplius temptandae in praesentia conatu abstitit;

[4] ceterum satis gnarus iam in Thessalia regem esse, nondum comperto, quam in regionem venisset, milites per agros dimissos vallum caedere et parare iubet.

[5] vallo et Macedones et Graeci usi sunt, sed usum nec ad commoditatem ferendi nec ad ipsius munitionis firmamentum aptaverunt;

[6] nam et maiores et magis ramosas arbores caedebant, quam quas ferre cum armis miles posset, et cum castra his ante obiectis saepsissent, facilis molitio eorum valli erat.

[7] nam et quia rari stipites magnarum arborum eminebant multique et validi rami praebebant, quod recte manu caperetur, duo aut summum tres iuvenes conixi arborem unam evellebant,

[8] qua evulsa portae instar extemplo patebat , nec in promptu erat, quod obmolirentur.

[9] fomanus Romanus leves et bifurcos plerosque et trium aut aum cum plurimum quattuor ramorum vallos caedit, ut et suspensis ab tergo armis ferat pluris simul apte miles;

[10] et ita densos offigunt inplicantque ramos, ut neque quis cuiusque palmae stipes, neque quae cuiusque stipitis palma sit, pervideri possit;

[11] et adeo acuti aliusque per alium inmissi rami locum ad inserendam manum non relincunt,

[12] ut neque prehendi, quod trahatur, neque trahi, cum inter se imnexi innexi rami vinculum in vice vicem praebeant, possit; et, si evulsus forte est unus, nec loci multum aperit, et alium reponere perfacile est.

[1] Quinctius postero die vallum secum ferente milite, ut paratus omli omni loco castris ponendis esset,

[2] progressus modicum iter sex ferme milia a Pheris cum consedisset, speculatum, in qua parte Thessaliae hostis esset quidve pararet, misit.

[3] circa Larisam erat rex. certior iam factus Romanum ab Thebis Pheras movisse, defungi quam primum et ipse certamine cupiens ducere ad hostem pergit et quattuor milia fere a Pheris posuit castra.

[4] inde postero die cum expediti utrimque ad occupandos super urbem tumulos processissent, pari ferme intervallo ab iugo, quod capiendum erat,

[5] cum inter se conspecti essent, constiterunnt, constiterunt, nuntios in castra remissos, qui, quid sibi, quoniam praeter spem hostis occurrisset, faciendum esset, consulerent,

[6] quieti opperientes. et illo quidem die nullo inito certamine in castra revocati sunt; postero die circa eosdem tumulos equestre proelium fuit, in quo non minimum Aetolorum opera regii fugati atque in castra compulsi sunt.

[7] magnum utrisque impedimentum ad rem gerendam fuit ager consitus crebris arboribus hortique, ut in suburbanis locis, et coartata itinera maceriis et qmbusdam quibusdam locis interclusa.

[8] itaque pariter ducibus consilium fuit excedendi ea regione, et velut ex praedicto ambo Scotusam petierunt, Philippus spe frumentandi inde, Romanus, ut praegressus corrumperet hosti frumenta.

[9] per diem totum, quia colles perpetio perpetuo iugc iugo intererant, nullo conspecta inter se loco agmina ierunt Romani ad Eretriam Phthiotici agri,

[10] Philippus super amnem Onchestum posuit castra.

[11] ne postero quidem die, cum Philippus ad Melambium quod vocant Scotusaei agri, Quinctius circa Thetideum Pharsaliae terrae posuisset castra, aut hi aut illi, ubi hostis esset, satis compertum habuerunt.

[12] tertio die primo nimbus effusus, dein caligo nocti simillima Romanos metu insidiarum tenuit.

[1] Philippus maturandi itineris causa,

[2] post imbrem nubibus in terram demissis nihil deterritus, signa ferri iussit; sed tam densa caligo occaecaverat diem, ut neque signiferi viam nee nec signa milites cernerent, agmen ad incertos clamores vagum velut errore nocturno turbaretur.

[3] supergressi tumulos tumulos, qui Cynoscephalae vocantur, relicta ibi station statione firma peditum equitumque posuerunt castra.

[4] Romanus eisdem ad Thetideum castris cum se tenuisset, exploratum tamen, ubi hostis esset, decem turmas equitum et mille pedites misit monitos, ut ab insidiis, quas dies obscurus apertis quoque locis tecturus esset,

[5] praecaverent. ubi ventum ad insessos tumulos tumulos, est, pavore mutuo iniecto velut torpentes quieverunt; dein nuntiis retro in castra ad duces missis, ubi primus terror ab necopinato visu consedit, non diutius certamine abstinuere.

[6] principio a paucis procurrentibus lacessita pugna est, deinde subsidiis tuentium pulsos aucta. in qua cum haudquaquam pares Romani alios super alios nuntios ad ducem mitterent premi sese,

[7] quingenti equites et duo milia peditum, maxime Aetolorum, cum duobus tribunis militum propere missa rem inclinatam restituerunt,

[8] versaque fortuna Macedones laborantes opem regis per rmntios nuntios implorabant. rex, ut qui nihil minus illo die propter effusam caliginem quam proelium expectasset, magna parte hominum omnis generis pabulatum missa aliquamdiu inops consilii trepidavit;

[9] deinde, postquam nuntii instabant, et iam iuga montium detexerat nebula, et in conspectu erant Macedones in tumulum maxime editum inter alios compulsi loco se magis quam armis tutantes,

[10] committendam rerum summam in discrimen atcumque utcumque ratus, ne partis indefensae iactura fieret,

[11] Athenagoram, ducem mercede militantium, cum omnibus praeter Thracas auxiliis et equitatu Macedonum ,a ac Thessalorum mittit.

[12] eorum adventu depulsi ab iugo Romani non ante restiterunt, quam in planiorem vallem perventum est.

[13] ne effusa detruderentur fuga, plurimum in Aetolis equitibus praesidii fuit. is longe tum optimus eques in Graecia erat; pedite inter finitimos vincebantur.

[1] laetior res quam pro successu pugnae nuntiata, cum alii super alios recurrentes ex proelio clamarent fugere pavidos Romanos,

[2] invitum et cunctabundunm cunctabundum et dicentem temere fieri, non locum sibi placere, non tempus, perpulit, ut educeret omnes copias in aciem.

[3] idem et Romanus, magis necessitate quam occasione pugnae inductus, fecit. dextrum cornu elephantis ante signa instructis in subsidiis reliquit; laevo cum omni levi armatura in hostem vadit,

[4] simul admonens cum iisdem Macedonibus pugnaturos, quos ad Epiri fauces, montibus fluminibusque saeptos, victa naturali difficultate locorum expulissent acieque expugnassent,

[5] cum iis, quos P. Sulpicii prius ductu obsidentes in Eordaeam aditum vicissent; fama stetisse, non viribus Macedoniae regnum; eam quoque famam tandem evanuisse.

[6] iam perventum ad suos in ima valle stantes erat, qui adventu exercitus imperatorisque pugnam renovant impetuque facto rursus avertunt hostem.

[7] Philippus cum caetratis et cornu dextro peditum, robore Macedonici exercitus, quam pbalangem phalangem vocabant, prope cursu ad hostem vadit;

[8] Nicanori, ex purpuratis uni, ut cum reliquis copiis confestim sequatur, imperat.

[9] primo, ut in iugum evasit, et iacentibus ibi paucis armis corporibusque hostium proelum proelium eo loco fuisse pulsosque inde Romanos et pugrlari pugnari prope castra hostium vidit, ingenti gaudio est elatus.

[10] mox refugientibus suis et terrore verso paulisper incertus, an in castra reciperet copias, trepidavit;

[11] deinde ut adpropinquabat hostis, et praeterquam quod caedebantur aversi nec, nisi defenderentur, servari poterant ne ipsi quidem in tuto iam receptus erat,

[12] coactns coactus nondum adsecuta parte suorum periculum summae rerum facere, equites levemque armaturam, qui in proelio fuerant,

[13] dextero in cornu locat, caetratos et Macedonum phalangem hastis positis, quarum longitudo impedimento erat, gladiis rem gerere iubet.

[14] simul ne facile perrumperetur acies, dimidium de fronte demptum introrsus porrectis ordinibus duplicat, ut longa potius quam lata acies esset; simul et densari ordines iussit, ut vir viro, arma armis iungerentnr.

[1] Quinctius iis, qui in proelio fuerant, inter signa et ordines acceptis tuba dat signum.

[2] raro alias tantus clamor dicitur in principio pugnae exortus; nam forte utraque acies simul conclamavere nec solum qui pugnabant sed subsidia etiam quique tum maxime in proelium veniebant.

[3] dextero cornu rex loci plurimum auxilio, ex iugis altioribus pugnans, vincebat; sinistro tum cum maxime adpropinquante phalangis parte, quae novissimi agminis fuerat, sine ullo ordine trepidabatur;

[4] media acies, quae propior dextrum cornu erat, stabat spectaculo velut nihil ad se pertinentis pugnae intenta.

[5] phalanx, quae venerat agmen magis quam acies aptiorque itineri quam pugnae, vixdum in iugum evaserat.

[6] in hos incompositos Quinctius, quamquam pedem referentes in dextro cornu suos cernebat, elephantis prius in hostem actis impetum facit, ratus partem profligatam cetera tracturam.

[7] non dubia res fuit; extemplo terga vertere Macedones, terrore primo bestiarum aversi.

[8] et ceteri quidem hos pulsos sequebantur; unus e tribunis militum ex tempore capto consilio, cum viginti signorum militibus, relicta ea parte suorum, quae haud dubie vincebat, brevi circuit circuitu dextrum cornu hostium aversum invadit.

[9] nullam aciem ab tergo adortus non turbasset; ceterum ad communem oinium omnium in tali re trepidationem accessit,

[10] quod phalanx Macedonum gravis atque immobilis nec circumagere se poterat, nec hoc qui a fronte paulo ante pedem referentes tunc ultro territis instabant patiebantur.

[11] ad hoc loco etiam premebantur, quia iugum, ex quo pugnaverant, dum per proclive pulsos insecuntur, tradiderant hosti ad terga sua circumducto. paulisper in medio caesi, deinde omissis plerique armis capessunt fugam.

[1] Philippus cum paucis peditum equitumque primo tumulum altiorem inter ceteros cepit, ut specularetur, quae in laeva parte suorum fortuna esset;

[2] deinde, postquam fugam effusam animadvertit et omnia circa iuga signis atque armis fulgere, tum et ipse acie excessit.

[3] Quinctius cum institisset cedentibus, repente quia erigentes hastas Macedonas conspexerat,

[4] quidnam pararent incertus, paulisper novitate rei constituit signa; deinde, ut accepit hunc morem esse Macedonum tradentium sese, parcere victis in animo habebat.

[5] ceterum ab ignaris militibus, omissam ab hoste pugnam et quid imperator vellet, impetus in eos est factus, et primis caesis ceteri in fugam dissipati sunt.

[6] rex effuso cursu Tempe petit. ibi ad Gonnos diem unum substitit ad excipiendos, si qui proelio superessent. Romani victores in castra hostium spe praedae irrumpunt; ea magna iam ex part direpta ab Aetolis inveniunt.

[7] caesa eo die octo milia hostium,

[8] quinque capta. ex victoribus septingenti ferme ceciderunt. si Valerio qui credat omnium rerum inmodice numerum augenti, quadraginta milia hostium eo die sunt caesa; capta — ibi modestius mendacium est —

[9] quinque milia septingenti, signa militaria ducenta undequinquaginta. Claudius quoque duo et triginta milia hostium caesa scribit, capta quattuor milia et trecentos.

[10] nos non minimo potissimum numero credidimus, sed Polybium secuti sumus, non incertum auctorem cum omniur omnium Romanarum rerum tum praecipue in Graecia gestarum.

[1] Philippus conlectis ex fuga, qui variis casibus pugnae dissipati vestigia eius secuti fuerant, missisque Larisam ad commentarios regios comburendos, ne in hostium venirent potestatem, in Macedoniam concessit.

[2] Quinctius captivis praedaque partim venumdatis, partim militi concessis Larisam est profectus, hauddum satis gnarus, quam regionem petisset rex quidve pararet.

[3] caduceator eo regius venit, specie ut indutiae essent, donec tollerentur ad sepulturam, qui in acie cecidissent, re vera ad petendam veniam legatis mittendis.

[4] utrumque ab Romano impetratum. adiecta etiam illa vox, bono animo esse regem ut iuberet, quae maxime Aetolos offendit iam tumentis querentisque mutatum victoria imperatorem:

[5] ante pugnam omnia magna parvaque communicare cum sociis solitum; nunc omnium expertes consiliorum esse, suo ipsum arbitrio cuncta agere,

[6] cum Philippo iam gratiae privatae locum quaerere, ut dura atque aspera belli Aetoli exhauserint,

[7] pacis gratiam et fructum Romanus in se vertat. et haud dubie decesserat iis aliquantum honoris; sed cur neglegerentur, ignorabant. donis regis inminere credebant invicti ab ea cupiditate animi virum;

[8] sed et suscensebat non inmerito Aetolis ob insatiabilem aviditatem praedae et arrogantiam eorum, victoriae gloriam in se rapientium,

[9] quae vanitate sua omnium aures offendebat, et Philippo sublato, fractis opibus Macedonici regni Aetolos habendos Graeciae dominos cernebat.

[10] ob eas causas multa sedulo, ut viliores levioresque apud omnis essent et viderentur, faciebat.

[1] indutiae quindecim dierum datae hosti erant et cum ipso rege constitutum conloquium; cuius priusquam tempus veniret, in consilium advocavit socios;

[2] rettulit, quas leges pacis placeret dici. Amynander, Athamanum rex, paucis sententiam absolvit: ita componendam pacem esse, ut Graecia etiam absentibus Romalis Romanis satis potens tuendae simul pacis libertatisque esset.

[3] Aetolorum asperior oratio fuit, qui pauca praefati recte atque ordine imperatorem Romanum facere,

[4] quod, quos belli socios habuisset, cum iis communicaret pacis consilia; falli autem eum tota re, si aut Romanis pacem aut Graeciae libertatem satis firmam se credat relicturum nisi Philippo aut occiso aut regno pulso; quae utraque proclivia esse, si fortuna uti pellet. vellet.

[5] ad haec Quinctius negare Aetolos aut moris Romanorum memorem aut sibi ipsis convenientem sententiam dixisse.

[6] et illos prioribus omnibus conciliis conloquiisque de condicionibus condictionibus pacis semper,

[7] non ut ad internecionem bellaretur, disseruisse et Romanos praeter vetustissimum morem victis parcendi praecipuum clementiae documentum dedisse pace Hannibali et Carthaginiensibus data.

[8] omittere se Carthagimenses; Carthaginienses; cum Philippo ipso quotiens ventum in conloquium? nec umquam, ut cederet regno, actum esse.

[9] an, quia victus proelio foret, inexpiabile bellum factum? cum armato hoste infestis animis concurri debere; adversus victos mitissimum quemque animum maximum habere.

[10] libertati Graeciae videri graves Macedonum reges; si regnum gensque tollatur, Thracas, Illyrios, Gallos deinde, gentes feras et indomitas,

[11] in Macedoniam se et in Graeciam effusuras. ne proxima quaeque amoliendo maioribus gravioribusque aditum ad se facerent.

[12] interfanti deinde Phaeneae, praetori Aetolorum, testificantique, si elapsus eo tempore Philippus foret, mox gravius eum rebellaturum, “desistite tumultuari” inquit, “ubi consultandum est.

[13] non iis condicionibus condictionibus inligabitur rex, ut movere bellum possit.”

[1] hoc dimisso concilio postero die rex ad fauces,

[2] quae ferunt in Tempe — is datus erat locus conloquio — , venit; tertio die datur ei Romanorum ac sociorum frequens concilium.

[3] ibi Philippus perquam prudenter iis, sine quibus pax impetrari non poterat, sua potius voluntate omissis quam altercando extorquerentur,

[4] quae priore conloquio aut imperata a Romanis aut postulata ab sociis essent, omnia se concedere, de ceteris senatui permissurum dixit.

[5] quamquam vel inimicissimis omnibus praeclusisse vocem videbatur Phaeneas tamen Aetolus cunctis tacentibus “quid?

[6] nobis” inquit, “Philippe, reddisne tandem Pharsaluna Pharsalum et Larisam Cremasten et Echinum et Thebas Phthias?”

[7] cum Philippus nihil morari diceret, quo minus reciperent, disceptatio inter imperatorem Romanum et Aetolos orta est de Thebis;

[8] nam eas populi Romani iure belli factas esse Quinctius dicebat, quod integris rebus, exercitu ab se admoto, vocati in amicitiar, amicitiam, cum potestas libera desciscendi ab rege esset, regiam societatem Romanae praeposuissent;

[9] Phaeneas et pro societate belli, quae ante bellum habuissent, restitui Aetolis aecum censebat et ita in foedere primo cautum esse,

[10] ut belli praeda rerum, quae ferri agique possent, Romanos, ager urbesque captae Aetolos sequerentur.

[11] “vos” inquit “ipsi” Quinctius “societatis istius leges rupistis, quo tempore relictis nobis cum Philippo pacem fecistis.

[12] quae si maneret, captarum tamen urbium illa lex foret; Thessaliae civitates sua voluntate in dicionem nostram venerunt.”

[13] haec cum omnium sociorum adsensu dicta Aetolis non in praesentia modo gravia auditu, sed mox etiam belli causa magnarumque ex eo cladium iis fuerunt.

[14] cum Philippo ita convenit, ut Demetrium filium et quosdam ex amicorum numero obsides et ducenta talenta daret, de ceteris Romaiu Romam mitteret legatos; ad ear eam rem quattuor mensum indutiae essent.

[15] si pax non impetrata ab senatu foret, obsides pecuniamque reddi Philippo receptum est, causa Romano imperatori non alia maior fuisse dicitur maturandae pacis, quam quod Antiochum bellum transitumque in Europam moliri constabat.

[1] eodem tempore atque, ut quidam tradidere, eodem die ad Corinthum Achaei ducem regium Androsthenem iusto proelio fuderunt.

[2] ear eam urbem pro arce habiturus Philippus adversus Graeciae civitates et principes inde evocatos per speciem conloquendi, quantum equitum dare Corinthii ad bellum possent,

[3] retinuerat pro obsidibus, et praeter quingentos Macedonas mixtosque ex omni genere auxiliorum octingentos,

[4] quot iam ante ibi fuerant, mille Macedonium Macedonum eo miserat et mille ac ducentos Illyrios Thracasque et Cretenses, qui in utraque parte militabant, octingentos.

[5] his additi Boeoti Thessalique et Acarnanes Hlle, mille, scutati omnes, et septingenti ex ipsorum Corinthiorum iuventute, impleta ut essent sex milia armatorum, fiduciam Androstheni fecerunt acie decernendi.

[6] Nicostratus, praetor Achaeorum, Sicyone erat cum duobus milibus peditum, centum equitibus, sed imparem se et numero et genere militum cernens moenibus non excedebat.

[7] regiae copiae peditum equitumque vagae Pellenensem et Phliasium et Cleonaeum agrum depopulabantur;

[8] postremo exprobrantes metum hosti in finis Sicyoniorum transcendebant; navibus etiam circumvecti omnem oram Achaiae vastabant.

[9] cum id effusius hostes et, ut fit ab nimia fiducia, neglegentius etiam facerent, Nicostratus spem nactus necopinantes eos adgrediendi circa finitimas civitates nuntium occultum mittit,

[10] quo die et quod ex quaque civitate armati ad Apelaurum — Stymphaliae terrae is locus est — convenirent.

[11] omnibus ad diem edictam paratis profectus inde extemplo per Phliasiorum fines note nocte Cleonas insciis omnibus, quid pararet, pervenit.

[12] erant autem cum eo quinque milia peditum, ex quibus * armaturae levis, et trecenti equites. cum iis copiis, dimissis qui specularentur, quam in partem hostes effunderent sese, opperiebatur.

[1] Androsthenes omnium ignarus Corintho profectus ad Nemeam — aunis amnis est Corinthium et Sicyonium interfluens agrum castra locat.

[2] ibi partem dimidiam exercitus, divisam trifariam, et omnes equites discurrere ad depopulandos simul Pellenensem Sicyoniumque agros et Phliasium iubet.

[3] haec tria diversa agmina discessere. quod ubi Cleonas ad Nicostratum perlatum est, extemplo validam mercennariorum manum praemissam ad occupandum saltum,

[4] per quem transitus in Corinthium est agrum, ante signa equitibus, ut praegrederentur, locatis ipse confestim agmine duplici sequitur.

[5] parte una mercennarii milites ibant cum levi armatura, altera clipeati; id in illarum gentium exercitibus robur erat.

[6] iam baud haud procul castris aberant pedites equitesque et Thracum quidam in vagos palatosque per agros hostis impetum fecerant, cum repens terror castris infertur.

[7] trepidare dux, ut qui hostes nusquam nisi raros in collibus ante Sicyonem non audentis agmen demittere in campos vidisset, ab Cleonis quidem accessuros numquam credidisset.

[8] revocari tuba iubet vagos a castris dilapsos; ipse raptim capere arma iussis militibus infrequenti agmine porta egressus super flumen instruit aciem.

[9] ceterae copiae, vix conligi atque instrui cum potuissent, primum hostium impetum non tulerunt;

[10] Macedones et maxime omnium frequentes ad signa fuerant et diu ancipitem victoriae spem fecerunt;

[11] postremo fuga ceterorum nudati, cum duae iam acies hostium ex diverso, levis armatura ab latere, clipeati caetratique a fronte urgerent, et ipsi re inclinata primo rettulere pedem,

[12] deinde inpulsi terga vertunt et plerique abiectis armis, nulla spe castrorum tenendorum relicta, Corinthum petierunt.

[13] Nicostratus mercennariis militibus ad hos persequendos, equitibus Thracumque auxiliis in populatores agri Sicyonii missis nagnam magnam ibi quoque caedem edidit, maiorem prope quam in proelio ipso.

[14] ex iis quoque, qui Pellenen Phliuntaque depopulati erant, incompositi partim omniumque ignari ad castra revertentes in hostium stationes tamquam in suas inlati sunt,

[15] partim ex discursu id, quod erat, suspicati ita se in fugam passim sparserunt, ut ab ipsis agrestibus errantes circumvemrentur. circumvenirentur.

[16] ceciderunt eo die mille et quingenti, capti trecenti. Achaia omnis magno liberata metu.

[1] priusquam dimicaretur ad Cynoscephalas, L. Quinctius Corcyram excitis Acarnanum principibus, quae sola Graeciae gentium in societate Macedonum manserat, initium quoddam ibi motus fecit.

[2] duae autem maxime causae eos tenuerant in amicitia regis,

[3] una fides insita genti, altera metus odiumque Aetolorum. concilium Leucadem indictum est. eo neque cuncti convenere Acarnanum populi, nec iis, qui convenerant, idem placuit; sed duo principes et magistratus pervicerunt, ut privatum decretum Romanae societatis fieret.

[4] id omnes, qui afuerant, aegre passi; et in hoc fremitu gentis a Philippo missi duo principes Acarnanum, Androcles et Echedemus, non ad tollendum modo decretum Romanae societatis valuerunt,

[5] sed etiam ut Archelaus et Bianor, principes gentis ambo, quod auctores eius sententiae fuissent, proditionis in concilio damnarentur, et Zeuxidae praetori, quod de ea re rettulisset, imperium abrogaretur.

[6] rem temerariam, sed eventu prosperam damnati fecerunt. suadentibus namque amicis, cederent tempori et Corcyram ad Romanos abirent,

[7] statuerunt offerre se multitudini et aut eo ipso lenire iras aut pati,

[8] quod casus tulisset. cum se frequenti concilio intulissent, primo murmur ac fremitus admirantium, silentium mox a verecundia simul pristinae dignitatis ac misericordia praesentis fortunae ortum est.

[9] potestate quoque dicendi facta principio suppliciter, procedente autem oratione, ubi ad crimina diluenda ventum est,

[10] cum tanta fiducia, quantam innocentia dabat, disseruerunt; postremo ultro aliquid etiam queri et castigare iniquitatem simul in se crudelitatemque ausi ita adfecerunt animos,

[11] ut omnia, quae in eos decreta erant, frequentes tollerent neque eo minus redeundum in societatem Philippi abnuendamque Romanorum amicitiam censerent.

[1] Leucade haec sunt decreta. id caput Acarnaniae erat, eoque in concilium omnes populi conveniebant.

[2] itaque cum haec repentina mutatio Corcyram ad legatum Flamininum perlata esset, extemplo cum classe profectus Leucadem ad Heraeum, quod vocant, naves adplicuit.

[3] inde cum omni genere tormentorum machinarumque, quibus expugnantur urbes ad muros accessit, ad primum terrorem ratus inclinar inclinari animos posse.

[4] postquam pacati nihil ostendebatur, tum vineas turresque erigere et arietem admovere muris coepit.

[5] Acarnania universa inter Aetoliam atque Epiruma Epirum posita solem occidentem et mare Siculum spectat.

[6] Leucadia nunc insula est, vadoso freto, quod perfossum manu est, ab Acarnania divisa; tur tum paeninsula erat, occidentis regione artis faucibus cohaerens Acarnaniae;

[7] quingentos ferme passus longae eae fauces erant, latae baud haud amplius centum et viginti. in iis angustiis Leucas posita est, colli adplicata verso in orientem et Acarnaniam;

[8] ima urbis plana sunt, iacentia ad mare, quo Leucadia ab Acarnania dividitur. inde terra marique expugnabilis est; nam et vada sunt stagno similiora quam mari, et campus terrenus omnis operique facilis.

[9] itaque multis simul locis aut subruti aut ariete decussi ruebant muri. sed quam urbs ipsa opportuna oppugnantibus erat, tam inexpugnabiles hostium animi.

[10] die ac nocte intenti reficere quassata muri, obstruere, quae patefacta ruinis erant, proelia inpigre inire et armis magis muros quam se ipsos moenibus tutari;

[11] diutiusque spe Romanorum obsidionem ear eam extraxissent, ni exules quidam Italici generis Leucade habitantes ab arce milites accepissent.

[12] eos tamen ex superiore loco magno cum tumultu decurrentes acie in foro instructa iusto proelio aliquamdiu Leucadii sustinuerunt.

[13] interim et scalis capta multis locis moenia, et per stragem lapidum ac ruinas transcensum in urbem;

[14] iamque ipse legatus magno grmnine agmine circumvenerat pugnantes. tur tum pars in medio caesi pars armis abiectis dediderunt sese victori.

[15] et post dies paucos audito proelio, quo ad Cynoscephalas lignatum pugnatum erat, omnes Acarnaniae populi in dicionem legati venerunt.

[1] iisdem diebus, omnia simul inclinante fortuna, Rhodii quoque ad vindicandam a Philippo continents continentis regionem — Peraeam vocant — possessam maioribus suis,

[2] Pausistratum praetorem cum octingentis Achaeis peditibus, mille et octingentis fere armatis, ex vario genere auxiliorum collectis, miserunt;

[3] Galli et Pisuetae et Nisuetae et Tamiani et Arei ex Africa et Laudiceni ex Asia erant.

[4] cum iis copiis pausistratus Pausistratus Tendeba in Stratonicensi agro, locum peropportunum, ignaris regiis, qui Therae erant, occupavit.

[5] in tempore et ad id ipsum excitum auxilium, mille Achaei pedites cum centum equitibus supervenerunt;

[6] Theoxenus iis praeerat. Dinocrates, regius praefectus, reciperandi castelli causa primo castra ad ipsa Tendeba movet, inde ad alterum castellum, item Stratonicensis agri — Astragon vocant — ; omnibusque ex praesidiis,

[7] quae multifariam disiecta erant, devocatis et ab ipsa Stratonicea Thessalorum auxiliaribus ad Alabanda, ubi hostes erant, ducere pergit.

[8] nec Rhodii pugnam detractaverunt. ita castris in propinquo locatis extemplo in aciem descensum est.

[9] Dinocrates quingentos Macedonas dextro cornu, laevo Agrianas locat, in medium accipit contractos ex castellorum — Cares maxime erant — praesidiis, equites cornibus circumdat et Cretensium auxiliares Thracumque.

[10] Rhodii Achaeos * milites, lectam peditum manum, habuere,

[11] medios mixta ex plurilus pluribus gentibus auxilia, equites levisque armaturae quod erat cornibus circumiectum.

[12] eo die steterunt tantum acies utraque super ripam, qui tenui tur tum aqua interfliebat, interfluebat, torrentis paucisque telis emissis in castra receperunt sese. postero die eodem ordine instructi maius aliquanto proelium quam pro numero edidere pugnantium.

[13] neque enim plu plus terna milia peditum fuere et centeii centeni ferme equites.

[14] ceterum non numero tantum nec armorum genere, sed animis quoque paribus et aequa spe pugnarunt. Achaei primi torrente superato in Agrianas impetus fecerunt;

[15] deinde tota prope cursu transgressa amnena amnem acies est.

[16] diu anceps pugna stetit. numero Achaei mille ipsi, quadringentos loco pepulere; inclinato deinde laevo cornu in dextrum omnes conisi.

[17] Macedones, usque dum ordines et veluti stipata phalanx constabat, moveri nequiverunt;

[18] postquam laevo latere nudato circumagere hastas in venientem ex transverso hostem conati sunt, turbati extemplo tumultun tumultum primo inter se fecerunt, terga deinde vertunt, postremo abiectis armis in praecipitem fugam effunduntur.

[19] Bargylias petentes fugerunt; eodem Dinocrates perfugit. Rhodii quantum diei superfuit secuti receperunt sese in castra. satis constat, si confestim victores Stratoniceam petissent, recipi earn eam urbem sine certamine potuisse.

[20] praetermissa eius rei occasio est, dum in castellis vicisque recipiendis Peraeae tempus teritur.

[21] interim animi eorum, qui Stratoniceam praesidio obtinebant, confirmati sunt. mox et Dinocrates cum iis, quae proelio superfuerant, copiis intravit muros.

[22] nequiquam inde obsessa oppugnataque urbs est, nec recipi nisi aliquanto post per Antiochum potuit. haec in Thessalia, haec in Achaia, haec in Asia per eosdem dies ferme gesta.

[1] Philippus cum audisset Dardanos transgressos finis ab contemptu concussi tur tum regni superiora Macedoniae evastare,

[2] quamquam toto prope orbe terrarum, undique se suosque exigente fortuna, urgebatur,

[3] tamen morte tristius ratus Macedoniae etiam possessione pelli, dilectu raptim per urbes Macedonum habito cum sex milibus peditum et quingentis equitibus circa Stobos Paeoniae improviso hostes oppressit magna multitude multitudo hominum in proelio, maior cupidine;

[4] praedandi palata per agros caesa est. quibus fuga in expedito fuit, ne temptato quidem casu pugnae in finis suos redierunt.

[5] ea una expeditione, non pro reliquo statu fortunae facta, refectis suorum animis Thessalonicam sese recepit.

[6] non tam in tempore Punicum bellum terminatum erat, ne simul et cum Philippo foret bellandum, quam opportune iam Antiocho ex Syria movente bellum philippus Philippus est superatus;

[7] nam praeterquam quod facilius cum singulis, quam si in unum ambo simul contulissent vires, bellatum est, Hispania quoque sub idem tempus magno tumultu ad bellum consurrexit.

[8] Antiochus cum priore aestate omnibus, quae in Coele Syria sunt, civitatibus ex Ptolomaei dicione in suam potestatem redactis in hiberna Antiocheam concessisset, nihilo quietiora ea ipsis aestivis habuit.

[9] omnibus enim regni viribus conixus cum ingentis copias terrestris maritimasque comparasset, principio veris praemissis terra cum exercitu filiis duobus, Ardye ac Mithridate,

[10] iussisque Sardibus se opperiri ipse cum classe centum tectarum navium, ad hoc levioribus navigiis cercurisque ac lembis ducentis proficiscitur,

[11] simul per omnem oram Ciliciae Lyciaeque et Cariae temptaturus urbes, quae in dicione Ptolomaei essent, simul Philippum — necdum enim debellatum erat exercitu navibusque adiuturus.

[1] multa egregie Rhodii pro fide erga populum Romanum proque universo nomine Graecorum terra marique ausi sunt,

[2] nihil magnificentius, quam quod ea tempestate, non territi tanta mole inminentis belli, legatos ad regem miserunt, ne Chelidonias — promunturium Ciliciae est inclutum foedere antiquo Atheniensium cum regibus Persarum — superaret: si eo fine non contineret classem copiasque suas,

[3] se obviam ituros, non ab odio ullo, sed ne coniungi eum Philippo paterentur et impedimento esse Romanis liberantibus Graeciam.

[4] Coracesium eo tempore Antiochus operibus oppugnabat, Zephyrio et Solis et Aphrodisiade et Coryco et superato Anemurio — promunturium id quoque Ciliciae est — Selinunte recepto.

[5] omnibus his aliisque eius orae castellis aut metu aut voluntate sine certamine in dicionem acceptis, Coracesium praeter spem clausis portis tenebat eum.

[6] ibi legati Rhodiorum auditi. et quamquam ea legatio erat,

[7] quae accendere regium animum posset, temperavit irae et legatos se Rhodum missurum respondit iisqne iisque mandaturum, ut renovarent vetusta iura cum ea civitate sua maiorumque suorum et vetarent eos pertimescere adventum regis: nihil aut iis aut sociis eorum noxiae futurum fraudive;

[8] nam Romanorum amicitiamn amicitiam se non violaturum, argumento et suam recentem ad eos legationem esse et senatus honorifica in se decreta responsaque.

[9] tur tum forte legati redierant ab Roma comiter auditi dimissique, ut tempus postulabat,

[10] incerto adhuc adversus Philippum eventu belli. cum haec legati regis in contione Rhodiorum agerent, nuntius venit debellatum ad Cynoscephalas esse. hoc nuntio accepto Rhodii dempto metu a Philippo omniserunt omiserunt consilium obviam eundi classe Antiocho;

[11] illam alteram curam non omiserunt tuendae libertatis civitatum sociarum Ptolomaei, quibus bellum ab Antiocho imminebat.

[12] nam alias auxiliis iuverunt, alias providendo ac praemonendo conatus hostis, causaque libertatis fuerunt Cauniis, Myndiis, Halicarnassensibus Samiisque.

[13] non operae est persequi, ut quaeque acta in his locis sint, cum ad ea, quae propria Romani belli sunt, vix sufficiam.

[1] eodem tempore Attalus rex aeger ab Thebis Pergamum advectus moritur altero et septuagesimo anno, cum quattuor et quadraginta annos regnasset.

[2] huic viro praeter divitias nihil ad spem regni fortuna dederat. iis simul prudenter, simul magnifice utendo: effecit, primum ut sibi, deinde ut aliis non indignus videretur regno.

[3] victis deinde proelio uno Gallis, quae tum gens recenti adventu terribilior Asiae erat, regumn regium adscivit nomen, cuius magnitudini semper anirnlDI animum aequavit.

[4] summa iustitia suos rexit, unicam fidem sociis praestitit, comis uxori ac liberis —

[5] quattuor superstites habuit — , mitis ac munificus amicis fait; fuit; regnum adeo stabile ac firmum reliquit, ut ad tertiam stirpem possessio eius descenderit.

[6] cum hic status rerum in Asia Graeciaque et Macedonia esset, vixdum terminate terminato cum Philippo bello, pace certe nondum perpetrata, ingens in Hispania ulteriore coortum est bellum.

[7] M. Helvius ear eam provinciam obtinebat. is litteris senatum certiorem fecit Culcham et Luxinium regulos in armis esse,

[8] cum Culcha decem et septem oppida, cum Luxinio validas urbes Carmonem et Baldonem, in maritima ora Malacinos Sexetanosque et Baeturiam omnem et quae nondum animos nudaverant ad finitimorum motus consurrectura.

[9] his litteris a M. Sergio praetore, cuius iurisdictio inter civis et peregrinos erat, recitatis decreverunt patres, ut comitiis praetorum perfectis, cui praetori provincia Hispania obvenisset, is primo quoque tempore de bello Hispaniae ad senatum referret.

[1] sub idem tempus consules Romam venerunt;

[2] quibus in aede Bellonae senatum habentibus postulantibusque triumphum ob res prospere bello gestas C. Atinius Labeo et C. Afranius tribuni plebis, ut separatim de triumpho agerent consules, postularunt: communem se relationem de ea re fieri non passuros, ne par honos in dispari meiito merito esset.

[3] cum Q. Minucius utrique Italiam provinciam obtigisse diceret, communi animo consilioque se et collegam res gessisse,

[4] et C. Cornelius adiceret Boios adversus se transgredientis Padum, ut Insubribus Cenomanisque auxilio essent, depopulante vicos eorum atque agros collega ad sua tuenda aversos esse,

[5] tribuni res tantas bello gessisse C. Cornelium fateri, ut non magis de triumpho eius quam de honore diis inmortalibus habendo dubitari possit;

[6] non tamen nec illum nec quemquam aliun alium civem tantum gratia atque opibus valuisse, ut, cum sibi meritum triumphum inpetrasset, collegae eunden honorem inmeritum inpudenter petenti daret.

[7] Q. Minucium in Liguribus levia proelia, vix digna dictu, fecisse, in Gallia magnum numerum militum amisisse.

[8] nominabant etiam tribunos militum; T. Iuventium, Cn. Ligurium legionis quartae adversa pugna cunr cum multis aliis viris fortibus, civibus ac sociis, cecidisse oppidorum paucorum ac vicorum falsas

[9] et in tempus simulatas sine ullo pignore deditiones factas esse.

[10] hae inter consules tribunosque altercationes biduunm biduum tenuerunt, victique perseverantia tribunorum consules separatim rettulerunt.

[1] C. Cornelio omniurn omnium consensu decretus triumphus. et Placentini Creronensesque Cremonensesque addiderunt favorem consuli,

[2] gratias agentes commemorantesque obsidione sese ab eo liberators liberatos, plerique etiam, cum capti apud hostes essent, servitute exemptos.

[3] Q. Minucius temptata tantum relatione, cum adversum omnem senatum videret, in monte Albano se triumphaturum et iure imperii consularis et multorum clarorum virorum exemplo dixit.

[4] C. Cornelius de Insubribus Cenomanisque in magistratu triumphavit. multa sigxa signa militaria tulit, multa Gallica spolia captivis carpentis transvexit,

[5] multi nobiles Galli ante currum ducti, inter quos quidam Hamilcarem,

[6] ducem Poenorum, fuisse auctores sunt; ceterum magis in se convertit oculos Cremonensium Placentinorum. que colonorum turba, pilleatorum currum sequentium.

[7] aeris tulit in triumpho ducenta triginta septem milia quingentos, argenti bigati undeoctoginta milia; septuageni aeris militibus divisi, duplex centurioni, triplex equiti.

[8] Q. Minucius consul de Liguribus Boisque Gallis in monte Albano triumphavit. is triumphus, ut loco et fama rerum gestarum et, quod sumptum non erogatum ex aerario omnes sciebant, inhonoratior fuit, ita signis carpentisque et spoliis ferme aequabat pecuniae etiam prope par summa fuit;

[9] aeris tralata ducenta quinquaginta quattuor milia, argenti bigati quinquaginta tria milia et ducenti; militibus centuriouibusque centurionibusque et equitibus idem in singulos datum, quod dederat collega.

[1] secundum triumphum consularia comitia habita. creati consules L. Furius Purpurio et M.

[2] Claudius Marcellus. praetores postero die facti Q. Fabius Buteo, Ti. Sempronius Longus, Q. Minucius Thermus, M’. Acilius Glabrio, L. Apustius Fullo, C. Laelius.

[3] exitu ferme anni litterae a. T. Quinctio venerunt se signis conlatis cum rege Philippo in Thessalia pugnasse, hostium exercitum fusum fugatumque.

[4] hae litterae prius in senatu a M. Sergio praetore, deinde ex auctoritate patrum in contione sunt recitatae et ob res prospere gestas in dies quinque supplicationes decretae.

[5] brevi post legati et ab T. Quinctio et ab rege Philippo venerunt. Macedones deducti extra urbem in villam publicam, ibique eis locus et lautia praebita et ad aedem Bellonae senatus datus.

[6] ibi haud multa verba facta, cum Macedones, quodcumque senatus censuisset, id regem facturum esse dicerent.

[7] decem legati more maiorum, quorum ex consilio T. Quinctius imperator leges pacis Philippo daret, decreti, adiectumque, ut in eo numero legatorum P. Sulpicius et P. Villius essent, qui consules provinciam Macedoniam obtinuissent.

[8] Cosanis † eo die postulantibus, ut sibi colonorum numerus augeretur,

[9] mille adscribi iussi, dum ne quis in eo numero esset, qui post P. Cornelium et Ti. Sempronium consules hostis faisset.

[1] ludi Romani eo anno in circo scaenaquc scaenaque ab aedilibus curulibus P. Cornelio Scipione et Cn. Manlio Vulsone et magnificentius quam alias facti et laetius propter res bello bene gestas spectati, totique ter instaurati.

[2] plebei septiens instaurati; M’. Acilius Glabrio et C. Laelius eos ludos fecerunt;

[3] et de argento multaticio tria signa aenea, Cererem Liberunum Liberumque que et Liberam, posuerunt.

[4] L. Furius et M. Claudius Marcellus consulate consulatu inito, cum de provinciis ageretur et Italiam utrique provinciam senatus decerneret, ut Macedoniam cum Italia sortirentur tendebant.

[5] Marcellus, provinciae cupidior, pacem simulatam ac fallacem dicendo et rebellaturmm, rebellaturum, si exercitus inde deportatus esset, regem,

[6] dubios sententiae patres fecerat. et forsitan obtinuisset consul, ni Q. Marcius Ralla et C. Atinius Labeo tribuni plebis se intercessuros dixissent, ni prius ipsi ad plebem tulissent, vellent iuberentne cum rege Philippo pacem esse.

[7] ea rogatio in Capitolio ad plebem lata est; omnes quinque et triginta tribus “uti rogas” iusserunt.

[8] et quo magis pacem ratam esse in Macedonia vulgo laetarentur, tristis ex Hispania adlatus nuntius effecit vulgataeque litterae

[9] “C. Sempronium Tuditanum proconsulem in citeriore Hispania proelio victum, exercitum eius fusum fugatumque, multos inlustris viros in acie cecidisse, Tuditanum cum gravi vulnere relatum ex proelio haud ita multo post expirasse.”

[10] consulibus ambobus Italia provincia cum iis legionibus, quas superiores consules habuissent, decreta, et ut quattuor legiones novas scriberent, duaa duas urbanas, duas, quae quo senatus censuisset mitterentur;

[11] et T. Quinctius Flamininus cum duabus legionibus provinciam eodem exercitu obtinere iussus; imperium ei prorogatum satis iam ante videri esse.

[1] praetores deinde provincias sortiti, L. Apustius Fullo urbanam iurisdictionem, M’. Acilius Glabrio inter civis et peregrinos, Q. Fabius Buteo Hispaniam ulteriorem,

[2] Q. Minucius Thermus citeriorem, C. Laelius Siciliam,n Siciliam, Ti. Sempronius Longus Sardiniam.

[3] Q. Fabio Buteoni\' Buteoni et Q. Minucio, quibus Hispaniae provinciae evenerant; consules legiones singulas ex quattuor ab se scriptis,

[4] quas videretur, ut darent decretum est et socium ac Latini nominis quaterna milia peditum, trecenos equites; iique primo quoque tempore in provincias ire iussi.

[5] bellum in Hispania quinto post anno motum est, quam simul cum Punico bello fuerat finitum.

[6] priusquam aut hi praetores ad bellum prope novunm, novum, quia tum primum suo nomine sine ullo Punico exercitu aut duce ad arma ierant, proficiscerentur, aut ipsi consules ab urbe moverent, procurare, ut adsolet, prodigia, quae nuntiabantur, iussi.

[7] P. Villius eques Romanus in Sabinos proficiscens fulmine ipse equusque exanimati fuerant;

[8] aedis Feroniae in Capenati de caelo tacta erat; ad Monetae duarum hastarum spicula arserant; lupus Esquilina porta ingressus, frequentissima parte urbis cum in forum decurrisset,

[9] Tusco vico atque inde Cermalo per portam Capenam prope intactus evaserat. haec prodigia maioribus hostiis sunt procurata.

[1] iisdem diebus Cn. Cornelius Blasio, qui ante C. Sempronium Tuditanum citeriorem Hispaniam obtinuerat, ovans ex senatus consulto urbem est ingressus.

[2] tulit prae se auri mille et quingenta quindecim pondo, argenti viginti milia, signati denarium triginta quattuor milia et quingentos.

[3] L. Stertinius ex ulteriore Hispania, ne temptata quidem triumphi spe, quinquaginta milia pondo argenti in aerarium intulit

[4] et de manubiis duos fornices in foro bovario ante Fortunae aedem et matris Matutae, unum in maximo circo fecit et his fornicibus signa aurata inposuit.

[5] haec per hiemem ferme acta. hibernabat eo tempore Elatiae T. Quinctius, a quo cum multa socii peterent, Boeoti petierunt impetraveruntque, ut, qui suae gentis militassent apud Philippum, sibi restituerentur.

[6] id a Quinctio facile impetratum, non quia satis dignos eos credebat, sed quia Antiocho rege iam suspecto favor conciliandus nomini Romano apud civitates erat.

[7] restitutis iis confestim apparuit, quam nulla inita apud Boeotos gratia esset; nam ad Philippum legatos gratias agents agentes ei pro redditis hominibus, perinde atque ipsis et noa non Quinctio et Romanis id datum esset, miserunt et comitiis proximis Boeotarchen ob nullam aliam causam Brachyllem quendam,

[8] quam quod praefectus Boeotorum apud regem militantium fuisset,

[9] fecerunt praeteritis Zeuxippo et Pisistrato aliisque, qui Romanae societatis auctores fuerant.

[10] id aegre et in praesentia hi passi et in futurum etiam metum ceperunlt: ceperunt: cum ad portas prope sedente exercitu Romano ea fierent quidnam se futurum esse profectis in Italiam Romanis,

[11] Philippo ex propinquo socios adiuvante et infesto iis, qui partis adversae fuissent?

[1] dum Romana arma in propinqruo propinquo haberent, tollere Brachyllem, principem fautorum regis, statuerunt.

[2] et tempore ad ear eam rem capto, cum in publico epulatus reverteretur domum temulentus prosequentibus mollibus viris,

[3] qui ioci causa convivio celebri interfuerant, ab sex armatis, quorum tres Italici, tres Aetoli erant, circumventus occiditur. fuga comitum et quiritatio facta et tumultus per totam urbem discurrentium cum luminibus;

[4] percussores proxima porta evaserunt. luce prima contio frequens velut ex ante indicto aut voce praeconis convocata in theatro erat. palam ab suo comitatu et obscenis illis viris fremebant interfectum,

[5] animis autem Zeuxippum auctorem destinabant caedis.

[6] in praesentia placuit comprehendi eos, qui simul fuissent,

[7] quaestionemque ex iis haberi. qui dum quaeruntur, Zeuxippus constanti animo avertendi ab se criminis causa in contionem progressus errare ait homines, qui tam atrocem caedem pertinere ad illos semiviros crederent,

[8] multaque in eam partem probabiliter est argumentatus, quibus fidem apud quosdam fecit numquam, si sibi conscius esset, oblaturum se multitudini mentionemve eius caedis nullo lacessente facturum fuisse;

[9] alii non dubitare inpudenter obviam crimini eundo suspicionem averti. torti post paulo insontes, canl cum scirent ipsi nihil, opinione omnium pro indicio Zeuxippum et Pisistratum nominaverunt nullo adiecto,

[10] cur scire quicquam viderentur, argumento. Zeuxippus tanuen tamen cum Stratonida quodam nocte perfLgit perfugit Tanagranm, Tanagram, suam magis conscientiam quam indicium hoWinum hominum nullius rei consciorum metuens;

[11] Pisistratus spretis indicibus Thebis mansit. servus erat Zeuxippi, totius internuntius et minister rei, quem indicem Pisistratus timens eo ipso timore ad indicium protraxit. litteras ad Zeuxippum mittit, ut servum conscium tolleret:

[12] non tam idoneum ad celandam rem eum videri sibi, quam ad agendam fuerit. has qui tulerat litteras iussus Zeuxippo dare quam primum,

[13] quia non statim conveniendi ^ius eius copia fuit, illi ipsi servo, quem ex omnibus domino fidissimum credebat, tradit et adicit a Pisistrato de re magno opere pertinente ad Zeuxippum esse.

[14] conscientia ictus, cum extemplo traditurum eas adfirmasset, aperit perlectisque litteris pavidus Thebas refugit et ad magistratus indicium defert.

[15] et Zeuxippus quidem fuga servi motus Anthedonem, tutiorem exilio locum ratus, concessit; de Pisistrato aliisque quaestiones tormentis habitae et sumptim sumptum supplicium est.

[1] efferavit ea caedes Thebanos Boeotosque omnis ad execrabile odium Romanorum, credentis non sine consilio imperatoris Romani Zeuxippum, principem gentis, id facinus conscisse. ad rebellandum neque vires neque ducem habebant;

[2] proximum bello quod erat, in latrocinium versi alios in hospitiis, alios vagos per hiberna milites ad varios commeantis usus excipiebant.

[3] quidam in ipsis itineribus ad notas latebras ab insidiantibus, pars in deserta per fraudem deversoria deducti opprimebantur;

[4] postremo non tantur tantum ab odio sed etiam aviditate praedae ea facinora fiebant, quia negotiandi ferme causa argentum in zonis habentes in commeatibus erant.

[5] cum primo pauci, deinde in dies plures desiderarentur, infamis esse Boeotia omnis coepit, et timidius quam in hostico egredi castris miles.

[6] tum Quinctius legatos ad quaerendum de latrociniis per civitates mittit. plurimae caedes circa Copaidem paludem inventae; ibi ex limo eruta extractaque ex stagno cadavera saxis aut amphoris, ut pondere traherentur in profundum, adnexa; multa facinora Acraephiae et Coroneae facta inveniebantur.

[7] Quinctius primo noxios tradi sibi iussit et pro quingentis militibus — tot enim interemrti interempti erant — quingenta talenta Boeotos conferre.

[8] quorum nentrum neutrum cum fieret, verbis tantum civitates excusarent nihil publico consilio factum esse, missis Athenas et in Achaiam legatis, qui testarentur socios iusto pioque se bello persecuturum Boeotos,

[9] et cum parte copiarui copiarum Ap. Claudio Acraephiam ire iusso ipse cum parte Coroneam circumsidit vastatis prius agris, qua ab Elatia duo diversa agmina iere.

[10] hac perculsi clade Boeoti, cum omnia terrore ac fuga completa essent, legatos mittunt. qui cum in castra non admitterentur, Achaei Atheniensesque supervenerunt.

[11] plus auctoritatis Achaei habuerunt deprecantes, quia, ni impetrassent pace Boeotis, bellum simul gerere decreverant.

[12] per Achaeos et Boeotis copia adeundi adloquendique Romanum facta est iussisque tradere noxios et multae nomine triginta conferre talenta pax data et ab oppugnatione recessiim.

[1] paucos post dies decem legati ab Roma venerunt, quorum ex consilio pax data Philippo in has leges est,

[2] ut omnes Graecorum civitates, quae in Europa quaeque in Asia essent, libertatem ac suas haberent leges; quae earum sub dicione Philippi fuissent, praesidia ex iis Philippus deduceret vacuasque traderet Romanis ante Isthmiorum tempus;

[3] deduceret et ex iis, quae in Asia essent, Euromo Pedasisque et Bargyliis et Iaso et Myrina et Abydo et Thaso et Perintho:

[4] eas quoque enim placere liberas esse; de Cianorum libertate Quinctium Prusiae, Bithynorum rei, regi, scribere, quid senatui et decem legatis placuisset;

[5] captivos transfugasque reddere Philippum Romanis et nais navis omnis tectas tradere praeter quinque et regiam unam inhabilis prope magnitudinis, quam sedecim versus remorum agebant;

[6] ne plus quinque milia armatorum haberet neve elephantum ullum; bellum extra Macedoniae fines ne iniussu senatus gereret;

[7] mille talentum daret populo Romano, dimidium praesens,

[8] dirmidium dimidium pensionibus decem annorum. Valerius Antias quaternum milium pondo argenti vectigal in decem annos impositum regi tradit; Claudius in annos triginta quaterna milia pondo et ducena, in praesens vionti viginti milia pondo.

[9] idem nominatim adiectum scribit, ne cum Eumene Attali filio — novus is tur tum rex erat — bellum gereret.

[10] in haec obsides accepti, inter quos Demetrius Philippi filius. adicit Antias Valerius Attalo absenti Aeginam insulam elephantosque dono datos,

[11] et Rhodiis Stratoniceam Cariaeque alias urbes, quas Philippus tenuisset; Atheniensibus insulas datas Parum, Imbrum, Delum, Scyrum.

[1] omnibus Graeciae civitatibus hanc pacem adprobantibus soli Aetoli decretum decem legatorum clam mussantes carpebant:

[2] litteras inanis vana specie libertatis adumbratas esse; cur enim alias Romanis tradi urbes nec nominari eas, alias nominari et sine traditione liberas iuberi esse,

[3] nisi quod, quae in Asia sint, liberentur, longinquitate ipsa tutiores, quae in Graecia sint, ne nominatae quidem intercipiantur, Corinthus et Chalcis et Oreus cum Eretria et Demetriade?

[4] nec tota ex vano criminatio erat. dubitabatur enim de Corintho et Chalcide et Demetriade, quia in senatus consulto, quo missi decem legati ab urbe erant, ceterae Graeciae atque Asiae urbes baud haud dubie liberabantur,

[5] de iis tribus urbibus legati, quod terpora tempora rei publicae postulassent, id e re publica fideque sua facere ac statuere iussi erant.

[6] Antiochus rex erat, quem transgressurum in Europam, cum primum ei vires suae satis placuissent, non dubitabant; ei tap, tam

[7] opportunas ad occupandum patere urbes nolebant. ab Elatia profectus Quinctius Anticyram cum decem legatis, inde Corinthum traiecit. ibi consilia de libertate Graeciae dies prope totos in concilio decem legatorum agitabantur.

[8] identidem Quinctius liberandam omnem Graeciam, si Aetolorum linguas retundere, si veram caritatem ac maiestatem apud omnis nominis Romani vellent esse,

[9] si fidem facere ad liberandam Graeciam, non ad transferendum a Philippo ad se imperium sese mare traiecisse.

[10] nihil contra ea de libertate urbium alii dicebant; ceterum ipsis tutius esse manere paulisper sub tutela praesidii Romani quam pro Philippo Antiochum dominum accipere.

[11] postremo ita decretum est: Corinthus redderetur Achaeis, ut in Acrocorintho tamen praesidium esset; Chalcidem ac Demetriadem retineri, donec cura de Antiocho decessisset.

[1] Isthmiorum statum ludicrum aderat, semper quidem et alias frequens cum propter spectacutli spectaculi studium insitum genti, quo certamina omnis generis artium viriumque et pernicitatis visuntur,

[2] tum quia propter opportunitatem loci, per duo diversa maria omnium rerum usus ministrantis humano generi, concilium Asiae Graeciaeque is mercatus erat;

[3] tum vero non ad solitos modo usus undique convenerant, sed expectatione erecti, qui deinde status futurus Graeciae, quae sua fortuna esset; alii alia non taciti solum opinabantur sed sermonibus etiam ferebant Romanos facturos; vix cuiquam persuadebatur Graecia omui omni cessuros.

[4] ad spectaculum consederant, et praeco cum tubicine, ut mos est, in mediam aream, unde sollemni carmine ludicrum indici solet, processit et tuba, tuba silentio facto ita pronuntiat:

[5] “senatus Romanus et T. Quinctius imperator Philippo rege Macedonibusque devictis liberos, inmunes, suis legibus esse iubet Corinthios, sPhocenses, Phocenses, Locrensesque omnis et insulam Euboean Euboeam et Magnetas, Thessalos, Perrhaebos, Achaeos Phthiotas.”

[6] percensuerat omnis gentis, quae sub dicione philippi Philippi regis fuerant. audita voce praeconis maius gaudium fuit, quam quod universum homines acciperent.

[7] vix satis credere se quisque audisse, et alii alios intueri mirabundi velut ad somni vanam speciem; quod ad quemque pertinebat, suarum aurium fidei minimum credentes, proximos interrogabant.

[8] resocatus revocatus praeco, cum unusquisque non audire modo sed videre libertatis suae nuntium averet, iterum pronuntiavit eadem.

[9] tur tum ab certo iam gaudio tantus cum clamore plausus est ortus totiensque repetitus, ut facile appareret nihil omnium bonorum multitudini gratius quam libertatem esse.

[10] ludicrum deinde ita raptim peractum est, ut nullius nec animi nec oculi spectaculo intenti essent; adeo unum gaudium praeoccupaverat omnium aliarum sensum voluptatium.

[1] ludis vero dimissis cursu prope ones omnes tendere ad imperatorem Romanum,

[2] ut ruente turba in unum adire, contingere dextram cupientium, coronas lemniscosque iacientium haud procul periculo fuerit.

[3] sed erat trium ferme et triginta annorum, et cum robur iuventae tur tum gaudium ex tam insigni gloriae fructu vires suppeditabat.

[4] nec praesens tantummodo effusa est laetitia, sed per multos dies gratis et cogitationibus et sermonibus renovata:

[5] esse aliquam in terris gentem,

[6] quae sua inpensa, suo labore ac periculo bella gerat pro libertate aliorum nec hoc finitimis aut propinquae vicinitatis hominibus aut terris continentibus iunctis praestet,

[7] sed maria traiciat, ne quod toto orbe terrarum iniustum imperium sit, ubique ius, fas, lex potentissima sint.

[8] una voce praeconis liberatas omnis Graeciae atque Asiae urbes; hoc spe concipere audacis animi fuisse, ad effectum adducere et virtutis et fortunae ingentis.

[1] secundum Isthmia Quinctius et decem legati legationes regum gentiumque audivere.

[2] primi omnium regis Antiochi vocati legati sunt. iis eadee eadem fere, quae Romae egerant, verba sine fide rerinl rerum iactantibus nihil iam perplexe,

[3] ut ante, cum dubiae res incolumi Philippo erant, sed aperte denuntiatum ut excederet Asiae urbibus, quae Philippi aut Ptolomaei regum fuissent, abstineret liberis civitatibus neu quam lacesseret armis: et in pace et in libertate esse debere omnis ubique Graecas urbes.

[4] ante omnia denuntiatum, ne in Europam aut ipse transiret aut copias traiceret.

[5] dimissis regis legatis conventus civitatum gentiumque est haberi coeptus; eoque maturius peragebatur, quod decreta decem legatorum in civitates nominatim pronuntiabantur.

[6] Orestis — Macedonum ea gens est — , quod primi ab rege defecissent suae leges redditae. Magnetes et Perrhaebi et Dolopes liberi quoque pronuntiati.

[7] Thessalorum genti praeter libertatem concessam Achaei Phthiotae dati Thebis Phthioticis et Pharsalo excepta. Aetolos de Pharsalo et Leucade postulantes, ut ex foedere sibi restituerentur, ad senatum reiecerunt.

[8] Phocenses Locrensesque, sicut ante fuerant, adiecta decreti auctoritate iis contribuerunt.

[9] Corinthus et Triphylia et Heraea — Peloponnesi et ipsa urbs est — reddita Achaeis.

[10] Oreum et Eretriam decem legati Eumeni regi, Attali filio, dabant dissentiente Quinctio; ea una res in arbitrium senatus reiecta est; senatus libertatem his civitatibus dedit Carysto adiecta.

[11] Pleurato Lychnidus et Parthini dati; Illyriorum utraque gens sub dicione Philippi fuerant. Amynandrum tenere iusserunt castella, quae per belli tempus Philippo capta ademisset.

[1] dimisso conventu decem legati, partiti munia inter se, ad liberandas suae quisque regionis civitates discesserunt,

[2] P. Lentulus Bargylias, L. Stertinius Hephaestiam et Thasum et Thraeciae urbes, P. Villius et L. Terentius ad regem Antiochum, CIn. Cn.

[3] Cornelius ad Philippum. qui de minoribns minoribus rebus_ rebus editis mandatis percunctatus, si consilium non utile solum sed etiam salutare admittere auribus posset,

[4] cum rex gratias quoque se acturum diceret, si quid,

[5] quod in rem suam esset, expromeret, magno opere ei suasit, quoniam pacem impetrasset, ad societatem anicitiamque amicitiamque petendam mitteret Romam legatos, ne,

[6] si quid Antiochus moveret, expectasse et temporum opportunitates captasse ad rebellandum videri posset.

[7] ad Tempe Thessalica Philippus est conventus. qui cum se missurum extemplo legatos respondisset,

[8] Cornelius Thermopylas, ubi frequens Graeciae statis diebus esse solet conventus — Pylaicum appellant — ,

[9] venit; Aetolos praecipue monuit, constanter et fideliter in amicitia populi Romani permanerent.

[10] Aetolorum principes alii leniter questi sunt, quod non idem erga suam gentem Romanorum animus esset post victoriam,

[11] qui in bello fuisset, alii ferocius incusarunt exprobraruntque non modo vinci sine Aetolis Philippum, sed ne transire quidem in Graeciam Romanos potuisse.

[12] adversus ea respondere, ne in altercationem excederet res, cum supersedisset Romanus, omnia eos aequa impetraturos, si Romam misissent, dixit. itaque ex auctoritate eius decreti legati sunt. hunc finem bellum cum Philippo habuit.

[1] cum haec in Graecia Macedoniaque et Asia gererentur, Etruriam infestam prope coniuratio servorum fecit.

[2] ad quaerendam opprimendamque ear eam M’. Acilius Glabrio praetor, cui inter civis peregrinosque iurisdictio obtigerat, cum una ex duabus legione urbana est missus, alios * * alios iam congregatos pugnando vicit;

[3] ex his multi occisi, multi capti; alios verberatos crucibus adfixit, qui principes coniurationia coniurationis fuerant, alios dominis restituit.

[4] consules in provincias profecti sunt. Marcellum Boiorum ingressum finis fatigato per diem totum milite via facienda castra in tumulo quodam ponentem Corolamus quidam, regulus Boiorum, cum magna manu adortus ad tria milia hominum occidit;

[5] et illustres viri aliquot in illo tumultuario proelio ceciderunt inter quos praefecti socium T. Sempronius Gracchus et M. Iunius Silanus et tribuni militum de legione secunda M. Ogulnius et P. Claudius.

[6] castra tamnen tamen ab Romanis inpigre permunita retentaque, cum hostes prospera pugna elati nequiquam oppugnassent.

[7] stativis deinde iisdem per dies aliquot sese tenuit, dum et saucios curaret et a tanto terrore animos milituln militum reficeret.

[8] Boi, ut est gens minime ad morae taedium ferendum patiens, in castella sua vicosque passim dilapsi sunt.

[9] Marcellus Pado confestim traiecto in agruim agrum Comensem, ubi Insubres Comensibus ad arma excitis castra habebant, legiones ducit. Galli, feroces Boiorum ante dies paucos pugna, in ipso itinere proelium committunt; et primo adeo acriter invaserunt,

[10] ut antesignanos inpulerint. quod ubi Marcellus animadvertit, veritus, ne moti semel pellerentur, cohortem Marsorum cum opposuisset, equitum Latinorum omnis turmas in hostem emisit.

[11] quorum cum primus secundusque impetus rettudisset inferentem se ferociter hostem, confirmata et reliqua acies Romana restitit primo, deinde signa acriter intulit.

[12] nec ultra sustinuere certamen Galli, quin terga verterent atque effuse fugerent.

[13] in eo proelio supra quadraginta milia hominum caesa Valerius Antias scribit, octoginta septem signa militaria capta et carpenta septingenta triginta duo et aureos torques multos, ex quibus unum magni ponderis Claudius in Capitolio Iovi donum in aede positum scribit.

[14] castra eo die Gallorum expugnata direptaque, et Comum oppidum post dies paucos captum. castella inde duodetriginta ad consulem defecerunt.

[15] id quoque inter scriptores ambigitur, utrum in Boios prius an Insubres consul exercitum duxerit adversamque prospers prospera pugna oblitteraverit, an victoria ad Comum parta deformata clade in Bois accepta sit.

[1] sub haec tam varia fortuna gesta L. Furious Furius Purpurio alter consul per tribum Sapiniam in Boios venit.

[2] iam castro Mutilo adpropinquabat, curm cum veritus, ne intercluderetur simul a Bois Liguribusque, exercitum eadem via, qua adduxerat, reduxit et magno circuitu per aperta eoque tuta loca ad collegam pervenit.

[3] inde iunctis exercitibus primum Boiorum agrum usque ad Felsinam oppidum populantes peragraverunt.

[4] ea urbs ceteraque circa castella et Boi fere omnes praeter iuventutem, quae praedandi causa in armis erat — tunc in devias silvas recesserat — , in deditionem venerunt. in Ligures inde traductus exercitus.

[5] Boi neglegentius coactum agmen Romanorum, quia ipsi procul abesse viderentur, inproviso aggressuros se rati per occultos saltus secuti sunt.

[6] quos non adepti, Pado repente navibus traiecto Laevos Libuosque cum pervastassent, redeuntes inde per Ligurum extremos fines cum agresti praeda in agmen incident Romanum.

[7] proelium celerius acriusque commissum, quam si tempore locoque ad certamen destinato praeparatis animis concurrissent.

[8] ibi, quantam vim ad stimulandos animos ira haberet, apparuit; nam ita caedis magis quam victoriae avidi pugnarunt Romani, ut vix nuntium cladis hosti relinquerent.

[9] ob has res gestas consulum litteris Romarm Romam adlatis supplicatio in triduum decreta est. brevi post Marcellus consul Romam venit, triumphusque ei magno consensu patrum est decretus.

[10] triumphavit in magistratu de Insubribus Comensibusque; Boiorum triumphi spem collegae reliquit, quia ipsi proprie adversa pugna in ea gente evenerat, cum collega secunda.

[11] multa spolia hostium captivis carpentis travecta, multa militaria signa; aeris lata trecenta viginti milia, argenti bigati ducenta triginta quattuor milia.

[12] in pedites singulos dati octogeni aeris, triplex equiti centurionique.

[1] eodem anno Antiochus rex, cum hibernasset Ephesi, omnes Asiae civitates in antiquam imperil imperii formulam redigere est conatus.

[2] et ceteras quidem, aut quia locis planis positae erant aut quia parum moenibus armisque ac iuventuti fidebant, haud difficulter videbat iugum accepturas;

[3] Zmyrna et Lamnpsacus Lampsacus libertatem usurpabant, periculumque erat, ne si concessum iis foret quod intenderent, Zmyrnam in Aeolide loniaque, Ioniaque, Lampsacum in Hellesponto aliae urbes sequerentur.

[4] igitar igitur et ipse ab Epheso ad Zmyrnam obsidendam misit et, quae Abydi copiae erant, praesidio tantum modico relicto duci ad Lampsacunm Lampsacum oppugnandam iussit.

[5] nec vi tantum terrebat, sed per legatos leniter adloquendo castigandoque temeritatem ac pertinaciam spem conabatur facere, brevi quod peterent habituros,

[6] sed cum satis et ipsis et omnibus aliis appareret, ab rege impetratam eos libertatem,

[7] non per occasionem raptam habere. adversus quae respondebatur, nihil neque mirari neque suscensere Antiochum debere, si spem libertatis differri non satis aequo animo paterentur.

[8] ipse ilitio initio veris navibus ab Epheso profectus Hellespontum petit, terrestris copias traici ab Abydo Chersonesum iussit.

[9] cum ad Madytum, Chersonesi urbem, terrestri navalem exercitum iunxisset, quia clauserant portas, circumdedit moenia armatis; et iam opera admoventi deditio facta est. idem metus Sestum incolentis aliasque Chersonesi urbes in deditionem dedit.

[10] Lysimachiam inde omnibus simul navalibus terrestribusque copiis venit. quam cum desertam ac stratam prope omnem ruinis invenisset —

[11] ceperant autem direptamque incenderant Thraces paucis ante annis — , cupido eum restituendi nobilem urbem et loco sitam opportuno cepit.

[12] itaque omnia simul est aggressus et tecta murosque restituere et partim redimere servientis Lysimachenses, partim fuga sparsos per Hellespontum Chersonesumque conquirere et contrahere,

[13] partim novos colonos spe commodorum proposita adscribere et omni modo frequentare;

[14] simul, ut Thracum summoveretur metus, ipse parte dimidia terrestrium copiarum ad depopulanda proxima Thraciae est profectus, partem navalisque omnis socios reliquit in operibus reficiendae urbis.

[1] sub hoc tempus et L. Cornelius, missus ab senatu ad dirimenda inter Antiochum Ptolomaeumque reges certamina,

[2] Selymbriae substitit, et decem legatorum P. Lentulus a Bargyliis, P. Villius et L. Terentius ab Thaso Lysimachiam petierunt. eodem et ab Selymbria L. Cornelius et ex Thracia paucos post dies Antiochus convenerunt.

[3] primus congressus cum legatis et deinceps invitatio benigna et hospitalis fuit; ut de mandatis statuque praesenti Asiae agi coeptum est, animi exasperati sunt.

[4] Romani omnia acta eius, ex quo tempore ab Syria classem solvisset, displicere senatui non dissimulabant restituique et Ptolomaeo omnes civitates, quae dicionis eius fuissent,

[5] aequum censebant; nam quod ad eas civitates attineret,

[6] quas a Philippo possessas Antiochus per occasionem, averso Philippo in Romanum bellum, intercepisset, id vero ferendum non esse, Romanos per tot annos terra marique tanta pericula ac labores exhausisse, Antiochum belli praemia habere.

[7] sed ut in Asiam adventus eius dissimulari ab Romanis tamquam nihil ad eos pertinens potuerit, quid? quod iam etiam in Europam omnibus navalibus terrestribusque copiis transierit, quantum a bello aperte Romanis indicto abesse? illum quidem, etiam si in Italiam traiciat, negaturum; Romanos autem non expectaturos, ut id posset facere.

[1] adversus ea Antiochus mirari se dixit Romanos tam diligenter inquirere, quid regi Antiocho faciundum aut quousque terra marique progrediundum fuerit,

[2] ipsos non cogitare Asiam nihil ad se pertinere, nec magis illis inquirendum esse, quid Antiochus in Asia, quam Antiocho, quid in Italia populus Romanus faciat.

[3] quod ad Ptolomaeum attineat, cui ademptas civitates querantur, sibi cum Ptolomaeo et amicitiam esse, et id agere, ut brevi etiam adfinitas iungatur.

[4] ne ex Philippi quidem adversa fortune fortuna spolia ulla se petisse aut adversus Romanos in 1Europam Europam traiecisse; sed qua Lysimachi quondam regnum fuerit, quo victo omnia, quae illius fuissent, iure belli Seleuci facta sint, existimare suae dicionis esse.

[5] occupatis maioribus suis rerum aliarum cura primo quaedam ex iis Ptolomaeum, inde et Philippum usurpanda aliena possessionis causa tenuisse.

[6] Chersonesus quidem et proxima Thraciae, quae circa Lysimachiam sint, quem dubitare, quin Lysimachi fuerint? ad ea recipienda in antiquum ius venisse et Lysimachiam deletam Thracum impetu de integro condere, ut Seleucus filius ear eam sedem regni habeat.

[1] his disceptationibus per dies aliquot habitis rumor sine ullo satis certo auctore allatus de morte Ptolomaei regis,

[2] ut nullus exitus inponeretur sermonibus, effecit. nam et dissimulabat pars utraque se audisse, et L. Cornelius, cui legatio ad duos reges, Antiochum Ptolomaeumque, mandata erat, spatium modici temporis ad conveniendum Ptolomaeum petebat,

[3] ut, priusquam moveretur aliquid in nova possessione regni, praeveniret in Aegyptum, et Antiochus suam fore Aegyptum, si tur tum occupasset, censebat.

[4] itaque dimissis Romanis relictoque Seleuco filio cum terrestribus copiis ad restituendam,

[5] ut instituerat, Lysimachiam ipse omni classe navigat Ephesum, legatis ad Quinctium missis, qui ad fidem faciendam nihil novaturum regem de societate agerent. oram Asiae legens pervenit in Lyciam, Patarisque cognito vivere Ptolomaeum navigandi quidem in Aegyptum omissum consilium est;

[6] Cyprum nihilo minus petens, cum Chelidoniarum promunturium superasset, paulisper seditione remigum est retentus in Pamphylia circa Eurymedontem amnem.

[7] inde profectum eum ad capita quae vocant Sari fluminis foeda tempestas adorta prope cum omni classe demersit. multae fractae, multae eiectae naves, multae ita haustae mari, ut nemo in terram enaverit.

[8] magna vis homilnur hominum ibi interiit, non remigum modo militumque ignotae turbae sed etiam insignium regis amicorum.

[9] collectis reliquiis naufragii, cum res non in eo essent, at ut Cyprum temptaret, minus opulento agmine, quam profectus erat, Seleuciam rediit. ibi subduci navibus iussis — iam enim et hiems instabat — ipse in hiberna Antiochiam concessit. in hoc statu regum erant res.

[1] Romae eo primum anno tresviri epulones facti C. Licinius Lucullus tribunus plebis, qui legem de creandis iis tulerat, et P. Manlius et P. Porcius Laeca. iis triumviris item ut pontificibus lege datum est togae praetextae habendae ius.

[2] sed magnum certamnen certamen cum omnibus sacerdotibus eo anno fuit quaestoribus urbanis, Q. Fabio Labeoni et L. Aurelio.

[3] pecunia opus erat, quod ultimam pensionem pecuniae in bellum collatae persolvi placuerat privatis.

[4] quaestores ab auguribus pontificibusque quod stipendium per bellum non contulissent petebant. ab sacerdotibus tribuni plebis nequiquam appellati, omniumque annorum, per quos non dederant, exactum est.

[5] eodem anno duo mortui pontifices, novique in eorum locum suffecti, M. Marcellus consul in locum C. Semproni Tuditani, qui praetor in Hispania decesserat, et L.

[6] Valerius Flaccus in locum M. Corneli Cethegi. et Q. Fabius Maximus augur mortuus est admodum adulescens, priusquam ullum magistratum caperet; nec eo anno augur in eius locum est suffectus.

[7] comitia inde consularia habita a M. Marcello consule. creati consules L. Valerius Flaccus et M. Porcius Cato. praetores inde facti Cn. Manlius Volso, Ap. Claudius Nero, P. Porcius Laeca, C. Fabricius Luscinus, C. Atinius Labeo, P. Manlius.

[8] eo anno aediles curules, M. Fulvius Nobilior et C. Flaminius, tritici deciens centena milia binis aeris populo discripserunt. id C. Flamini honoris causa ipsius patrisque advexerant Siculi Romam; Flaminius gratiam eius communicaverat cum collega.

[9] ludi Romani et apparati magnifice sunt et ter toti instaurati aediles plebis Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus et C. Scribonius Curio maximus, multos pecuarios ad populi iudicium adduxerunt;

[10] tres ex his condemnati sunt; ex eorum multaticia pecunia aedem in insula Fauji Fauni fecerunt.

[11] ludi plebei per biduum instaurati, et epulum fuit ludorum causa.

[1] L. Valerius Flaccus et M. Porcius Cato consules idibus Martiis, quo die magistratum inierunt de provinciis cum ad senatum rettulissent, patres censuerunt,

[2] quoniam in Hispania tantum glisceret bellun, bellum, ut iam consulari et duce et exercitu opus esset placere consules Hispaniam citeriorem Italiamque provincias aut comparare inter se aut sortiri;

[3] utri Hispania provincia evenisset, eum duas legiones et quindecim milia socium Latini nominis et octingentos equites secum portare et naves longas viginti ducere;

[4] alter consul duas scriberet legiones; iis Galliam obtineri provinciam satis esse fractis proximo anno Insubrum Boiorumque animis. animis:

[5] Cato Hispaniam, Valerius Italiam est sortitus. praetores deinde provincias sortiti, C. Fabricius Luscinus urbanam, C. Atinius Labeo peregrinam, Cn. Manlius Volso Siciliam, Ap. Claudius Nero Hispaniam ulteriorem, P. Porcius Laeca Pisas, ut ab tergo Liguribus esset; P. Manlius in Hispaniam citeriorem adiutor consuli datus.

[6] T. Quinctio suspectis non solum Antiocho et Aetolis, sed iam etiam Nabide, Lacedaemoniorum tyranno, prorogatum in annum imperium est, duas legiones ut haberet. in eas si quid supplementi opus esset, consules scribere et mittere in Macedoniam iussi.

[7] Ap. Claudio praeter legionem, quam Q. Fabius habuerat, duo milia peditum et ducentos equites novos ut scriberet, permissum.

[8] par numerus peditum equitumque novorum et P. Manlio in citeriorem Hispaniam decretus et legio eadem,

[9] quae fuerat sub Q. Minucio praetore, data. et P. Porcio Laecae ad Etruriaml Etruriam circa Pisas decem milia peditum et quingenti equites ex Gallico exercitu decreti. in Sardinia prorogatum imperium Ti. Sempronio Longo.

[1] provinciis ita distributis consules, priusquam ab urbe proficiscerentur, ver sacrum ex decreto pontificum iussi facere,

[2] quod A. Cornelius Mammula praetor voverat de senatus sententia populique iussu Cn. Servilio C. Flaminio consulibus. annis post uno et viginti factum est quam votum.

[3] per eosdem dies C. Claudius Appi filius Pulcher augur in Q. Fabi Maximi locum, qui priore anno mortuus erat, lectus inauguratusque est.

[4] mirantibus iam vulgo hominibus, quod Hispania movisset bellum neglegi, litterae a Q. Minucio adlatae sunt se ad Turdam oppidum cum Budare et Baesadine, imperatoribus Hispanis, signis conlatis prospere pugnasse; duodecim milia hostium caesa, Budarem imperatorem captum, ceteros fusos fugatosque.

[5] his litteris lectis minus terroris ab Hispanis erat, unde ingens bellum expectatum fuerat; omnes curae, utique post adventum decem legatorum, in Antiochum regem conversae.

[6] hi expositis prius, quae cum Philippo acta essent et quibus legibus data pax, non minorem belli molem instare ab Antiocho docuerunt:

[7] ingenti classe, egregio terrestri exercitu in Europam eum traiecisse et, nisi avertisset vana spes, ex vaniore rumore orta, Aegypti invadendae, mox bello Graeciam arsuram fuisse; neque enim ne Aetolos quidem quieturos, cum ingenio inquietam tum iratam Romanis gentem.

[8] haerere et aliud in visceribus Graeciae ingens malum,

[9] Nabim, nunc Lacedaemoniorum, mox, si liceat, universae Graeciae futurum tyrannum, avaritia et crudelitate omnis fama celebratos tyrannos aequantem; cui si Argos velut arcem Peloponneso inpositam tenere liceat, deportatis in Italiam Romanis exercitibus nequiquam liberatam a Philippo Graeciam fore, pro rege, si nihil aliud, longinquo vicinum tyrannum dominum habituram.

[1] haec cum ab tam gravibus auctoribus, tum tum qui omnia per se ipsos explorata adferrent,

[2] audirentur, maior res, quod ad Antiochum attineret, maturanda magis, quoniam rex quacumque de causa in Syriam concessisset, de tyranno consultatio visa est.

[3] cum diu disceptatum esset, utrum satis iam causae videretur, cur decerneretur bellum, an permitterent T. Quinctio, quod ad Nabim Lacedaemoniun Lacedaemonium attineret, faceret, quod e re publica censeret esse permiserunt,

[4] ear eam rem esse rati, quae maturata dilatave non ita magni momenti ad summam rem publicam esset;

[5] magis id animadvertendum esse, quid Hannibal et Carthaginienses, si cum Antiocho bellurn bellum motum foret, acturi essent.

[6] adversae Hannibali factionis homines principibus Romanis, hospitibus quisque suis, identidem scribebant nuntios litterasque ab Hannibale ad Antiochum missas et ab rege ad eum clam legatos venisse;

[7] ut feras quasdam nulla mitescere arte, sic inmitem et inplacabilem eius viri animum esse; marcescere otii situ queri civitatem et inertia sopiri nec sine armorui armorum sonitu excitari posse.

[8] haec probabilia memoria prioris belli per unum illum non magis gesti quam moti faciebat. irritaverat etiam recenti facto multorum potentium animos.

[1] iudicum ordo Carthagine ea tempestate dominabatur, eo maxime, quod iidem perpetui iudices erant.

[2] res, fama vitaque omnium in illorum potestate erat. qui unum eius ordinis offendisset, omnis adversos habebat, nec accusator apud infensos iudices deerat.

[3] horum in tam inpotenti regno — neque enim civiliter nimiis opibus utebantur — praetor factus Hannibal vocari ad se quaestorem iussit.

[4] quaestor id pro nihilo habuit; nam et adversae factionis erat et, quia ex quaestura in iudices, potentissimum ordinem, referebatur, iam pro futuris mox opibus animos gerebat.

[5] enimvero indignum id ratus Hannibal viatorem ad prendendum quaestorem misit subductumque in contionem non ipsum magis\' magis quam ordinem iudicum, prae quorum superbia atque opibus nec leges quicquam essent nec magistratus,

[6] accusavit. et ut secundis auribus accipi orationem animadvertit et infimorum quoque libertati gravem esse superbiam eorum, legem extemplo promulgavit pertulitque,

[7] ut in singulos annos iudices legerentur, neu quis biennium continuum iudex esset. ceterum quantam eo facto ad plebem inierat gratiam, tantum magnae partis principum offenderat animos.

[8] adiecit et aliud, quo bono publico sibi proprias simultates irritavit.

[9] vectigalia publica partim neglegentia dilabebantur, partim praedae ac divisui et principum quibusdam et magistratibus erant, et pecunia, quae in stipendium Romanis suo quoque anno penderetur, deerat, tributumque grave privatis inminere videbatur.

[1] Hannibal postquam, vectigalia quanta terrestria maritimaque essent et in quas res erogarentur, animadvertit, et quid eorum ordinarii rei publicae usus consumerent,

[2] quantum peculatus averteret, omnibus residuis pecuniis exactis, tributo privatis remisso satis locupletem rem publicam fore ad vectigal praestandum Romanis pronuntiavit in contione et praestitit promissum.

[3] tum vero ii, quos paverat per aliquot annos publicus peculatus, velut bonis ereptis, non furtorum manubiis extortis infensi et irati Romanos in Hannibalem, et ipsos causam odii quaerentis, instigabant.

[4] ita diu repugnante P. Scipione Africano, qui parum ex dignitate populi Romani esse ducebat subscribere odiis accusatorum Hannibalis

[5] et factionibus Carthaginiensium inserere publicam auctoritatem nec satis habere bello vicisse Hannibalem, nisi velut accusatores calumniam in eum iurarent ac nomen deferrent,

[6] tandem pervicerunt, ut legati Carthaginem mitterentur, qui ad senatum eorum arguerent Hannibalem cum Antiocho rege consilia belli faciendi inire.

[7] legati tres missi, Cn. Servilius, M. Claudius Marcellus, Q. Terentius Culleo. qui cum Carthaginem venissent, ex consilio inimicorum Hannibalis quaerentibus causam adventus dici iusserunt,

[8] venisse se ad controversias quae cum Masinissa rege Numidarum Carthaginiensibus essent, dirimendas.

[9] id creditum vulgo; unul unum Hannibalem se peti ab Romanis non fallebat et ita pacem Carthaginiensibus datam esse, ut inexpiabile bellum adversus se unum maneret.

[10] itaque cedere tempori et fortunae statuit; et praeparatis iam ante omnibus ad fugam, obversatus eo die in foro avertendae suspicionis causa, primis tenebris vestitu forensi ad portam cum duobus comitibus ignaris consilii est egressus.

[1] cum equi, quo in loco iusserat, praesto fuissent, nocte Byzacium — ita regionem quandam agri vocant — transgressus, postero die ad mare inter Acyllam et Thapsum ad suam turrem pervenit.

[2] ibi eum parata instructaque remigio excepit navis. ita Africa Hannibal excessit, saepius patriae quam suum eventum miseratus.

[3] eodem die in Cercinam insulam traiecit. ubi cum in portu naves aliquot Phoenicum onerarias cum mercibus invenisset et ad egressum eum e nave concursus salutantium esset factus, percunctantibus legatum se Tyrum missum dici iussit.

[4] veritus tamen, ne qua earum navis nocte profecta Thapsum aut Hadrumetum nuntiaret se Cercinae visum, sacrificio apparari iusso magistros navium mercatoresque invitari iussit et vela cum antemnis ex navibus conrogari, ut umbraclum —

[5] media aestas forte erat — cenantibus in litore fieret.

[6] quanto res et tempus patiebatur apparatu celebratae eius diei epulae sunt; multoque vino in serum noctis convivium productum.

[7] Hannibal, cum primum fallendi eos, qui in portu erant, tempus habuit, navem solvit.

[8] ceteri sopiti cum postero die tandem ex somno pleni crapulae surrexissent, ad id quod serum erat, aliquot horas referendis in naves collocandisque et aptandis armamentis absumpserunt.

[9] Carthagine et multitudinis adsuetae domum gannibalis Hannibalis frequentare concursus ad vestibulum aedium est factus.

[10] ut non comparere eum vulgatum est, in forum turba convenit principem civitatis quaerentium;

[11] et alii fugam conscisse, id quod erat, alii fraude Romanorum interfectum, idque magis vulgo fremebant, variosque vultus cerneres ut in civitate aliorum alias partes foventium et factionibus discordi; visum deinde Cercinae eum tandem allatum est.

[1] et Romani legati cum in senatu exposuissent compertum patribus Romanis esse, et Philippum regem ante ab Hannibale maxime accensum bellum populo Romano fecisse,

[2] et nunc litteras nuntiosque ab eo ad Antiochum et Aetolos missos, consiliaque inita inpellendae ad defectionem Carthaginis, nec alio eum quam ad Antiochum regem profectum; baud haud quieturum eum, antequam bellum toto orbe terrarum concisset;

[3] id ei non debere impune esse, si satisfacere Carthaginienses populo Romano vellent jiihil nihil eorum sua voluntate nec publico consilio factum esse:

[4] Carthaginienses responderunt, quidquid aecum censuissent Romani, facturos esse.

[5] Hannibal prospero cursu Tyrum pervenit exceptusque a conditoribus Carthaginis, ut ab altera patria, vir tam clarus omni genere honorum, paucos moratus dies Antiochiam navigat.

[6] ibi profectum iam regem in Asiam cum audisset filiumque eius sollemne ludorum ad Daphnen celebrantem convenisset, comiter ab eo exceptus nullam moram navigandi fecit.

[7] Ephesi regem est consecutus, fluctuantem adhuc animo incertumque de Romano bello;

[8] sed haud parvum momentum ad animum eius moliendum adventus Hannibalis fecit. Aetolorum quoque eodem tempore alienati ab societate Romana animi sunt, quorum legatos Pharsalum et Leucadem et quasdam alias civitates ex primo foedere repetentis senatus ad T. Quinctium reiecit.

Ab urbe condita Perseus (Livy in Fourteen Volumes. Foster, Benjamin Oliver; Moore, Frank Gardener; Schlesinger, Alfred C., editors. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press; London: William Heinemann, Ltd., 1919-1959 (printing).) — 30.1 focus

[1]

CN. SERVILIUS et C. Servilius consules—sextus ¹ decimus is annus belli Punici erat—cum de re publica belloque et provinciis ad senatum rettulissent,

[2] censuerunt patres ut consules inter se compararent sortirenturve uter Bruttios adversus Hannibalem, uter Etruriam ac Ligures provinciam haberet;

[3] cui Bruttii evenissent exercitum a P. Sempronio acciperet; P. Sempronius—ei quoque enim pro consule ² imperium in annum prorogabatur—P. Licinio succederet.

[4] is Romam reverteretur, bello quoque bonus habitus ad cetera, quibus nemo ea tempestate instructior civis habebatur, congestis omnibus humanis ab natura fortunaque bonis.

[5] nobilis idem ac dives erat; forma viribusque corporis excellebat; facundissimus habebatur seu causa oranda, seu in senatu et apud ³ populum suadendi ac dissuadendi locus esset;

[6] iuris pontificii peritissimus; super haec ⁴ bellicae quoque laudis consulatus compotem fecerat. quod in Bruttiis provincia, idem in Etruria ac Liguribus decretum:

[7] M. Cornelius novo consuli tradere exercitum iussus; ipse prorogato imperio Galliam provinciam obtineret ⁵ cum legionibus iis quas L. Scribonius priore anno habuisset.

[8] sortiti deinde provincias: Caepioni Bruttii, Gemino ⁶ Etruria evenit.

[9] tum praetorum provinciae in sortem coniectae: iuris dictionem urbanam Paetus Aelius, Sardiniam P. Lentulus, Siciliam ⁷ P. Villius, Ariminum cum duabus legionibus—sub Sp. Lucretio eae fuerant —Quinctilius Varus est sortitus.

[10] et Lucretio prorogatum imperium, ut Genuam oppidum a Magone Poeno dirutum exaedificaret. P. Scipioni non temporis, sed rei gerendae fine, donec debellatum in Africa foret, prorogatum imperium est;

[11] decretumque ut supplicatio fieret, quod is in Africam provinciam traiecisset, ut ea res salutaris populo Romano ipsique duci atque exercitui esset.

Ab urbe condita libri, erklärt von M. Weissenborn Perseus (Weissenborn, W.; Müller, H. J., editors. Berlin: Weidmannsche Buchhandlung, 1873-1883.) — 33.1 focus

haec per hiemem gesta; initio autem veris Quinctius Attalo Elatiam excito Boeotorum gentem incertis ad eam diem animis fluctuantem dicionis suae facere cupiens, profectus per Phocidem quinque milia ab Thebis, quod caput est Boeotiae, posuit castra.

[2] inde postero die cum unius signi militibus et Attalo legationibusque, quae frequentes undique convenerant, pergit ire ad urbem, iussis legionis hastatis — ea duo milia militum erant —

[3] sequi se mille passuum intervallo distantibus. ad medium ferme viae Boeotorum praetor Antiphilus obvius fuit; cetera multitudo e muris adventum imperatoris Romani regisque prospeculabatur.

[4] rara arma paucique milites circa eos apparebant; hastatos ¹ sequentes procul anfractus viarum vallesque interiectae occulebant.

[5] cum iam adpropinquaret urbi, velut obviam egredientem turbam salutaret, tardius incedebat; causa erat morae, ut hastati consequerentur.

[6] oppidani, ante lictorem turba acta, insecutum confestim agmen armatorum non ante, quam ad hospitium imperatoris ventum est, conspexere.

[7] tum velut prodita dolo Antiphili praetoris urbe captaque obstipuerunt omnes; et apparebat nihil liberae consultationis concilio, quod in diem posterum indictum erat Boeotis, relictum esse.

[8] texerunt dolorem, quem et nequiquam et non sine periculo ostendissent.

[1]

in concilio Attalus primus verba fecit. orsus a maiorum suorum suisque et communibus in omnem Graeciam et propriis in Boeotorum gentem meritis,

[2] senior iam et infirmior, quam ut contentionem dicendi sustineret, obmutuit et concidit;

[3] et dum regem auferunt perferuntque parte membrorum captum, paulisper contio intermissa est.

[4] Aristaenus inde, Achaeorum praetor, eo cum maiore auctoritate auditus, quod non alia, quam quae Achaeis ² suaserat, Boeotis suadebat.

[5] pauca ab ipso Quinctio adiecta, fidem magis Romanam quam arma aut opes extollente verbis.

[6] rogatio inde a Plataeensi Dicaearcho lata recitataque de societate cum Romanis iungenda nullo contra dicere audente omnium Boeotiae civitatum suffragiis accipitur iubeturque.

[7] concilio dimisso Quinctius, tantum Thebis moratus, quantum Attali repens casus coegit,

[8] postquam non vitae praesens periculum vis morbi attulisse sed membrorum debilitatem visa est, relicto eo ad curationem necessariam corporis,

[1]

Philippus quoque primo vere, postquam legati ab Roma nihil pacati rettulerant,

[2] dilectum per omnia oppida regni habere instituit in magna inopia iuniorum. absumpserant enim per multas iam aetates continua bella Macedonas;

[3] ipso quoque regnante et navalibus bellis adversus Rhodios Attalumque et terrestribus adversus Romanos ceciderat magnus numerus.

[4] ita et tirones ab sedecim annis milites scribebat, et emeritis quidam stipendiis, quibus modo quicquam reliqui roboris erat, ad signa revocabantur.

[5] ita suppleto exercitu secundum vernum aequinoctium omnis copias Dium contraxit ibique stativis positis exercendo cotidie milite hostem opperiebatur.

[6] et Quinctius per eosdem ferme dies ab Elatia profectus praeter Thronium et Scarpheam ad Thermopylas pervenit.

[7] ibi concilium Aetolorum Heracleam indictum tenuit consultantium, quantis auxiliis Romanum ad bellum ⁴ sequerentur.

[8] cognitis sociorum decretis tertio die ab Heraclea Xynias praegressus in confinio Aenianum Thessalorumque positis castris Aetolica auxilia opperiebatur.

[9] nihil morati Aetoli sunt; Phaenea duce sescenti pedites cum equitibus quadringentis venerunt. ne dubium esset, quid expectasset, confestim Quinctius movit castra.

[11] Philippus cognita profectione ab Elatia Romanorum, ut cui de summa rerum adesset certamen, adhortandos milites ratus,

[12] multa iam saepe memorata de maiorum virtutibus simul de militari laude Macedonum cum disseruisset, ad ea, quae tum maxime animos terrebant quibusque erigi ad aliquam spem poterant, venit.

[1]

acceptae ad Aoum flumen in angustiis cladi ter a Macedonum phalange ad Atracem vi pulsos Romanos opponebat.

[2] et illic tamen, abi insessas fauces Epiri non tenuissent, primam culpam fuisse ⁵ eorum,

[3] qui neglegenter custodias servassent, secundam in ipso certamine levis armaturae mercennariorumque militum; Macedonum vero phalangem et tunc stetisse et loco aequo iustaque pugna semper mansuram invictam.

[4] decem et sex milia militum haec fuere, robur omne virium eius regni. ad hoc duo milia caetratorum, quos peltastas appellant, Thracumque et Illyriorum —

[5] Trallis est nomen genti — par numerus, bina milia erant, et mixti ex pluribus gentibus mercede conducti auxiliares mille ferme et quingenti et duo milia equitum. cum iis copiis rex hostem opperiebatur.

[6] Romanis ferme par numerus erat; equitum copiis tantum, quod Aetoli accesserant, superabant.

[1]

Quinctius ad Thebas Phthioticas castra cum movisset, spem nactus per Timonem, principem civitatis, prodi urbem cum paucis equitum levisque armaturae ad muros successit.

[2] ibi adeo frustrata spes est, ut non certamen modo cum erumpentibus, sed periculum quoque atrox subiret, ni castris exciti repente pedites equitesque in tempore subvenissent.

[3] et postquam nihil conceptae temere spei succedebat, urbis quidem amplius temptandae in praesentia conatu abstitit;

[4] ceterum satis gnarus iam in ⁶ Thessalia regem esse, nondum comperto, quam in regionem venisset, milites per agros dimissos vallum caedere et parare iubet.

[5] vallo et Macedones et Graeci usi sunt, sed usum nec ad commoditatem ferendi nec ad ipsius munitionis firmamentum aptaverunt;

[6] nam et maiores et magis ramosas arbores caedebant, quam quas ferre cum armis miles posset, et cum castra his ante obiectis saepsissent, facilis molitio eorum valli erat.

[7] nam et quia rari stipites magnarum arborum eminebant multique et validi rami praebebant, quod recte manu caperetur, duo aut summum tres iuvenes conixi arborem unam evellebant,

[8] qua evulsa portae instar ⁷ extemplo patebat, nec in promptu erat, quod obmolirentur.

[9] Romanus leves et bifurcos plerosque et trium aut cum plurimum quattuor ramorum vallos caedit, ut et suspensis ab tergo armis ferat pluris simul apte miles;

[10] et ita densos offigunt inplicantque ramis, ut neque quis cuiusque palmae stipes, neque quae cuiusque stipitis palma sit, pervideri possit;

[11] et adeo acuti aliusque per alium inmissi rami locum ad inserendam manum non relincunt, ut neque prehendi,

[12] quod trahatur, neque trahi, cum inter se innexi rami vinculum in vicem praebeant, possit; et, si evulsus forte est unus, nec loci multum aperit, et alium reponere perfacile est. ⁸

[1]

Quinctius postero die vallum secum ferente milite, ut paratus omni loco castris ponendis esset,

[2] progressus modicum iter sex ferme milia a Pheris cum consedisset, speculatum, in qua parte Thessaliae hostis esset quidve pararet, misit.

[3] circa Larisam erat rex. certior iam factus Romanum ab Thebis Pheras movisse, defungi quam primum et ipse certamine cupiens ducere ad hostem pergit et quattuor milia fere a Pheris posuit castra.

[4] inde postero die cum expediti utrimque ad occupandos super urbem tumulos processissent, pari ferme intervallo ab iugo, quod capiendum erat,

[5] cum inter se conspecti essent, constiterunt, nuntios in castra remissos, qui, quid sibi, quoniam praeter spem hostis occurrisset, faciendum esset, consulerent, quieti opperientes.

[6] et illo quidem die nullo inito certamine in castra revocati sunt; postero die circa eosdem tumulos equestre proelium fuit, in quo non minimum Aetolorum opera regii fugati atque in castra compulsi ⁹ sunt.

[7] magnum utri sque impedimentum ad rem gerendam fuit ager consitus crebris arboribus hortique, ut in suburbanis locis, et coartata itinera maceriis et quibusdam locis interclusa.

[8] itaque pariter ducibus consilium fuit excedendi ea regione, et velut ex praedicto ambo Scotusam petierunt, Philippus spe frumentandi inde, Romanus, ut praegressus corrumperet hosti frumenta.

[9] per diem totum, quia colles perpetuo iugo intererant, nullo conspecta inter se loco agmina ierunt.

[10] Romani ad Eretriam Phthiotici agri, Philippus super amnem Onchestum posuit castra.

[11] ne postero quidem die, cum Philippus ad Melambium quod vocant Scotusae i agri, Quinctius circa Thetideum Pharsaliae terrae posuisset castra, aut hi aut illi, ubi hostis esset, satis compertum habuerunt.

[12] tertio die primo nimbus effusus, dein caligo nocti ¹⁰ simillima Romanos metu insidiarum tenuit.

[1]

Philippus maturandi itineris causa,

[2] post imbrem nubibus in terram demissis nihil deterritus, signa ferri iussit; sed tam densa caligo occaecaverat diem, ut neque signiferi viam nec signa milites cernerent, agmen ad incertos clamores vagum velut errore nocturno turbaretur.

[3] supergressi tumulos, qui Cynoscephalae vocantur, relicta ibi statione firma peditum equitumque posuerunt castra.

[5] ubi ventum ad insessos tumulos est, pavore mutuo iniecto velut torpentes quieverunt; dein nuntiis retro in castra ad duces missis, ubi primus terror ab nec opinato visu consedit, non diutius certamine abstinuere.

[6] principio a paucis procurrentibus lacessita pugna est, deinde subsidiis tuentium ¹¹ pulsos aucta, in qua cum haudquaquam pares Romani alios super alios nuntios ad ducem mitterent premi sese,

[7] quingenti equites et duo milia peditum, maxime Aetolorum, cum duobus tribunis militum propere missa rem inclinatam restituerunt,

[8] versaque fortuna Macedones laborantes opem regis per nuntios implorabant. sed, ut qui nihil minus illo die propter effusam caliginem quam proelium expectasset, magna parte hominum omnis generis pabulatum missa aliquamdiu inops consilii trepidavit;

[9] deinde, postquam nuntii instabant, et iam iuga montium detexerat nebula, et in conspectu erant Macedones in tumulum maxime editum inter alios compulsi loco se magis quam armis tutantes,

[10] committendam rerum summam in discrimen utcumque ratus, ne partis indefensae iactura fieret,

[11] Athenagoram, ducem mercede militantium, cum omnibus praeter Thracas auxiliis et equitatu Macedonum ac Thessalorum mittit.

[12] eorum adventu depulsi ab iugo Romani non ante restiterunt, quam in planiorem vallem perventum est.

[13] ne effusa ¹² detruderentur fuga, plurimum in Aetolis equitibus praesidii fuit. is longe tum optimus eques in Graecia erat; pedite inter finitimos vincebantur.

[1]

laetior res quam pro successu pugnae nuntiata, cum alii super alios recurrentes ex proelio clamarent fugere pavidos Romanos, invitum et cunctabundum et dicentem temere fieri,

[2] non locum sibi placere, non tempus, perpulit, ut educeret omnes copias in aciem.

[3] idem et Romanus, magis necessitate quam occasione pugnae inductus, fecit. dextrum cornu elephantis ante signa instructis in subsidiis reliquit; laevo cum omni levi armatura in hostem vadit,

[4] simul admonens cum iisdem Macedonibus pugnaturos, quos ad Epiri fauces, montibus fluminibusque saeptos, victa naturali difficultate locorum expulissent acieque expugnassent, cum iis, quos P. Sulpicii prius ductu obsidentes in Eordaeam aditum vicissent;

[5] fama stetisse, non viribus Macedoniae regnum;

[6] eam quoque famam tandem evanuisse. iam perventum ad suos in ima valle stantes erat, qui adventu exercitus imperatorisque pugnam renovant impetuque facto rursus avertunt hostem.

[7] Philippus cum caetratis et cornu dextro peditum, ¹³ robore Macedonici exercitus, quam phalangem vocabant, prope cursu ad hostem vadit;

[8] Nicanori, ex purpuratis uni, ut cum reliquis copiis confestim sequatur, imperat.

[9] primo, ut in iugum evasit, et iacentibus ibi paucis armis corporibusque hostium proelium eo loco fuisse pulsosque inde Romanos et pugnari prope castra hostium vidit, ingenti gaudio est elatus;

[10] mox refugientibus suis et terrore verso paulisper incertus, an in castra reciperet copias, trepidavit;

[11] deinde ut adpropinquabat hostis, et praeterquam quod caedebantur aversi nec, nisi defenderentur, servari ne ipsi quidem in tuto iam receptus erat,

[12] coactus nondum adsecuta parte suorum periculum summae rerum facere, equites levemque armaturam, qui in proelio fuerant, dextero in cornu locat,

[13] caetratos et Macedonum phalangem hastis positis, quarum longitudo impedimento erat, gladiis rem gerere iubet. ¹⁴ simul ne facile perrumperetur acies,

[14] dimidium de fronte demptum introrsus porrectis ordinibus duplicat, ut longa potius quam lata acies esset; simul et densari ordines iussit, ut vir viro, arma armis iungerentur.

[1]

Quinctius iis, qui in proelio fuerant, inter signa et ordines acceptis tuba dat signum.

[2] raro alias tantus clamor dicitur in principio pugnae exortus; nam forte utraque acies simul conclamavere nec solum qui pugnabant sed subsidia etiam quique tum maxime in proelium veniebant.

[4] media acies, quae propior ¹⁵ dextrum cornu erat, stabat spectaculo velut nihil ad se pertinentis pugnae intenta.

[5] phalanx, quae venerat agmen magis quam acies aptiorque itineri quam pugnae, vixdum in iugum evaserat.

[6] in hos incompositos Quinctius, quamquam pedem referentes in dextro cornu suos cernebat, elephantis prius in hostem actis impetum facit, ratus partem profligatam cetera tracturam.

[7] non dubia res fuit; extemplo terga vertere Macedones, terrore primo bestiarum aversi.

[9] nullam aciem ¹⁶ ab tergo adortus non turbasset; ceterum ad communem omnium in tali re trepidationem accessit,

[10] quod phalanx Macedonum gravis atque immobilis nec circumagere se poterat, nec hoc qui a fronte paulo ante pedem referentes tunc ultro territis instabant patiebantur.

[1]

Philippus cum paucis peditum equitumque primo tumulum altiorem inter ceteros cepit, ut specularetur, quae in laeva parte suorum fortuna esset; deinde, postquam fugam effusam animadvertit et omnia circa iuga signis atque armis fulgere, tum et ipse acie excessit.

[2] Quinctius cum institisset cedentibus, repente quia erigentes hastas Macedonas conspexerat,

[3] quidnam pararent incertus, paulisper novitate rei constituit signa; deinde, ut accepit hunc morem esse Macedonum tradentium sese, parcere victis in animo habebat.

[4] ceterum ab ignaris militibus, omissam ab hoste pugnam et quid imperator vellet,

[5] impetus in eos est factus, et primis caesis ceteri in fugam dissipati sunt.

[6] rex effuso cursu ¹⁷ Tempe petit. ibi ad Gonnos diem unum substitit ad excipiendos, si qui proelio superessent. Romani victores in castra hostium spe praedae irrumpunt; ea magna iam ex parte direpta ab Aetolis inveniunt.

[7] caesa eo die octo milia hostium, quinque capta. ex victoribus septingenti ferme ceciderunt.

[8] si Valerio qui credat omnium rerum inmodice numerum augenti, quadraginta milia hostium eo die sunt caesa; capta — ibi modestius mendacium est —

[9] quinque milia septingenti, signa militaria ducenta undequinquaginta. Claudius quoque duo et triginta milia hostium caesa scribit, capta quattuor milia et trecentos.

[10] nos non minimo potissimum numero credidimus, sed Polybium secuti sumus, non incertum auctorem cum omnium Romanarum rerum tum praecipue in Graecia gestarum.

[1]

Philippus conlectis ex fuga, qui variis casibus pugnae dissipati vestigia eius secuti fuerant, missisque Larisam ad commentarios regios comburendos, ne in hostium venirent potestatem, ¹⁸ in Macedoniam concessit.

[2] Quinctius captivis praedaque venumdatis, partim militi concessis Larisam est profectus, hauddum satis gnarus, quam regionem petisset rex quidve pararet.

[3] caduceator eo regius venit, specie ut indutiae essent, donec tollerentur ad sepulturam, qui in acie cecidissent, re vera ad petendam veniam legatis mittendis. utrumque ab Romano impetratum.

[4] adiecta etiam illa vox, bono animo esse regem ut iuberet, quae maxime Aetolos offendit iam tumentis querentisque mutatum victoria imperatorem:

[5] ante pugnam omnia magna parvaque communicare cum sociis solitum; nunc omnium expertes consiliorum esse,

[6] suo ipsum arbitrio cuncta agere, cum Philippo iam gratiae privatae locum quaerere, ut dura atque aspera belli Aetoli exhauserint, pacis gratiam et fructum Romanus in se vertat.

[7] et haud dubie decesserat iis aliquantum honoris; sed cur neglegerentur, ignorabant. donis regis inminere credebant invicti ab ea cupiditate animi virum;

[8] sed et suscensebat non inmerito Aetolis ob insatiabilem aviditatem praedae et arrogantiam eorum, victoriae gloriam in se rapientium,

[9] quae vanitate sua omnium aures ¹⁹ offendebat, et Philippo sublato, fractis opibus Macedonici regni Aetolos habendos Graeciae dominos cernebat.

[10] ob eas causas multa sedulo, ut viliores levioresque apud omnis essent et viderentur, faciebat.

[1]

indutiae quindecim dierum datae hosti erant et cum ipso rege constitutum conloquium; cuius priusquam tempus veniret, in consilium advocavit socios;

[2] rettulit, quas leges pacis placeret dici. Amynander, Athamanum rex, paucis sententiam absolvit: ita componendam pacem esse, ut Graecia etiam absentibus Romanis satis potens tuendae simul pacis libertatisque esset.

[3] Aetolorum asperior oratio fuit, qui pauca praefati recte atque ordine ²⁰ imperatorem Romanum facere, quod, quos belli socios habuisset, cum iis communicaret pacis consilia;

[4] falli autem eum tota re, si aut Romanis pacem aut Graeciae libertatem satis firmam se credat relicturum nisi Philippo aut occiso aut regno pulso; quae utraque proclivia esse, si fortuna uti vellet.

[5] ad haec Quinctius negare Aetolos aut moris Romanorum memorem aut sibi ipsis convenientem sententiam dixisse.

[6] et illos prioribus omnibus conciliis conloquiisque de condicionibus pacis semper, non ut ad internecionem bellaretur,

[7] disseruisse, et Romanos praeter vetustissimum morem victis parcendi praecipuum clementiae documentum dedisse pace Hannibali et Carthaginiensibus data.

[8] omittere se Carthaginienses; cum Philippo ipso quotiens ventum in conloquium? nec umquam, ut cederet regno, actum esse. an, quia victus proelio foret, inexpiabile bellum factum?

[9] cum armato hoste infestis animis concurri debere; adversus victos mitissimum ²¹ quemque animum maximum habere.

[10] libertati Graeciae videri graves Macedonum reges; si regnum gensque tollatur, Thracas, Illyrios, Gallos deinde, gentes feras et indomitas, in Macedoniam se et in Graeciam effusuras.

[11] ne proxima quaeque amoliendo maioribus gravioribusque aditum ad se facerent.

[12] interfanti deinde Phaeneae, praetori Aetolorum, testificantique, si elapsus eo tempore Philippus foret, mox gravius eum rebellaturum, ‘desistite tumultuari’

[13] inquit, ‘ubi consultandum est. non iis condicionibus inligabitur rex, ut movere bellum possit.’

[1]

hoc dimisso concilio postero die rex ad fauces, quae ferunt in Tempe —

[2] is datus erat locus conloquio —, venit; tertio die datur ei Romanorum ac sociorum frequens concilium.

[3] ibi Philippus perquam prudenter iis, sine quibus pax impetrari non poterat, sua potius voluntate omissis quam altercando extorquerentur,

[4] quae priore conloquio aut imperata a Romanis aut postulata ab sociis essent, omnia se concedere, de ceteris senatui permissurum dixit.

[5] quamquam vel inimicissimis omnibus praeclusisse vocem videbatur, Phaeneas tamen Aetolus cunctis tacentibus ‘

[6] quid? nobis’ inquit, ²² ‘Philippe, reddisne tandem Pharsalum et Larisam Cremasten et Echinum et Thebas Phthias?

[7] ’ cum Philippus nihil morari diceret, quo minus reciperent, disceptatio inter imperatorem Romanum et Aetolos orta est de Thebis;

[8] nam eas populi Romani iure belli factas esse Quinctius dicebat, quod integris rebus, exercitu ab se admoto, vocati in amicitiam, cum potestas libera desciscendi ab rege esset, regiam societatem Romanae praeposuissent;

[9] Phaeneas et pro societate belli, quae ante bellum habuissent, restitui Aetolis aecum censebat et ita in foedere primo cautum esse,

[10] ut belli ²³ praeda rerum, quae ferri agique possent, Romanos, ager urbesque captae Aetolos sequerentur.

[11] ‘vos’ inquit ‘ipsi’ Quinctius ‘societatis istius leges rupistis, quo tempore relictis nobis cum Philippo pacem fecistis.

[12] quae si maneret, captarum tamen urbium illa lex foret; Thessaliae civitates sua voluntate in dicionem nostram venerunt.’

[13] haec cum omnium sociorum adsensu dicta Aetolis non in praesentia modo gravia auditu, sed mox etiam belli causa magnarumque ex eo cladium iis fuerunt.

[14] cum Philippo ita convenit, ut Demetrium filium et quosdam ex amicorum numero obsides et ducenta talenta daret, de ceteris Romam mitteret legatos;

[15] ad eam rem quattuor mensum indutiae essent. si pax non impetrata ab senatu foret, obsides pecuniamque reddi Philippo receptum est. causa Romano imperatori non alia maior fuisse dicitur maturandae pacis, quam quod Antiochum bellum transitumque in Europam moliri constabat.

[1]

eodem tempore atque, ut quidam tradidere, eodem die ad Corinthum Achaei ducem regium Androsthenem iusto proelio fuderunt.

[2] eam urbem pro arce habiturus Philippus adversus ²⁴ Graeciae civitates et principes inde evocatos per speciem conloquendi, quantum equitum dare Corinthii ad bellum possent, retinuerat pro obsidibus,

[3] et praeter quingentos Macedonas mixtosque ex omni genere auxiliorum octingentos, quot iam ante ibi fuerant,

[4] mille Macedonum eo miserat et mille ac ducentos Illyrios Thracasque et Cretenses, qui in utraque parte militabant, octingentos.

[5] his additi Boeoti Thessalique et Acarnanes mille, scutati omnes, et septingenti ex ipsorum Corinthiorum iuventute, impleta ut essent sex milia armatorum, fiduciam Androstheni fecerunt acie decernendi.

[6] Nicostratus, praetor Achaeorum, Sicyone erat cum duobus milibus peditum, centum equitibus, sed imparem se et numero et genere militum cernens moenibus non excedebat.

[7] regiae copiae peditum equitumque vagae Pellenensem et Phliasium et Cleonaeum agrum depopulabantur;

[8] postremo exprobrantes metum hosti in finis Sicyoniorum transcendebant; navibus etiam circumvecti omnem oram Achaiae vastabant.

[9] cum id effusius hostes et, ut fit ab nimia fiducia, neglegentius etiam facerent, Nicostratus spem nactus necopinantes eos adgrediendi circa finitimas civitates nuntium occultum mittit,

[10] quo die et quot ex quaque civitate armati ad Apelaurum — Stymphaliae terrae is locus est —

[11] convenirent. omnibus ad diem edictam paratis profectus ²⁵ inde extemplo per Phliasiorum fines nocte Cleonas insciis omnibus, quid pararet, pervenit.

[12] erant autem cum eo quinque milia peditum, ex quibus armaturae levis, et trecenti equites. cum iis copiis, dimissis qui specularentur, quam in partem hostes effunderent sese, opperiebatur.

[1]

Androsthenes omnium ignarus Corintho profectus ad Nemeam — amnis est Corinthium et Sicyonium interfluens agrum —

[2] castra locat. ibi partem dimidiam exercitus, divisam trifariam, et omnes equites discurrere ad depopulandos simul Pellenensem Sicyoniumque agros et Phliasium iubet.

[3] haec tria diversa agmina discessere. quod ubi Cleonas ad Nicostratum perlatum est, extemplo validam mercennariorum manum praemissam ad occupandum saltum,

[4] per quem transitus in Corinthium est agrum, ante signa equitibus, ut praegrederentur, locatis ipse confestim agmine duplici sequitur.

[5] parte una mercennarii milites ibant cum levi armatura, altera clipeati; id in illarum gentium exercitibus robur erat.

[6] iam haud procul castris aberant pedites equitesque, et Thracum quidam in vagos palatosque per agros hostis impetum fecerant, cum repens terror castris infertur.

[7] trepidare dux, ut qui hostes nusquam nisi raros in collibus ante Sicyonem non audentis agmen demittere in campos vidisset, ab Cleonis quidem accessuros numquam credidisset. ²⁶ revocari tuba iubet vagos a castris dilapsos;

[8] ipse raptim capere arma iussis militibus infrequenti agmine porta egressus super flumen instruit aciem.

[9] ceterae copiae, vix conligi atque instrui cum potuissent, primum hostium impetum non tulerunt;

[10] Macedones et maxime omnium frequentes ad signa fuerant et diu ancipitem victoriae spem fecerunt;

[11] postremo fuga ceterorum nudati, cum duae iam acies hostium ex diverso, levis armatura ab latere, clipeati caetratique a fronte urgerent, et ipsi re inclinata primo rettulere pedem,

[12] deinde inpulsi terga vertunt et plerique abiectis armis, nulla spe castrorum tenendorum relicta, Corinthum petierunt.

[13] Nicostratus mercennariis militibus ad hos persequendos, equitibus Thracumque auxiliis in populatores agri Sicyonii missis magnam ibi quo que caedem edidit, maiorem prope quam in proelio ipso.

[14] ex iis quoque, qui Pellenen Phliuntaque depopulati erant, incompositi partim omniumque ignari ad castra revertentes in hostium stationes tamquam in suas inlati sunt,

[15] partim ex discursu id, quod erat, suspicati ita se in fugam passim sparserunt, ut ab ipsis agrestibus errantes circumvenirentur.

[16] ceciderunt eo die mille et quingenti, capti trecenti. Achaia omnis magno liberata metu.

[1]

priusquam dimicaretur ad Cynoscephalas, L. Quinctius Corcyram excitis Acarnanum principibus, quae sola Graeciae ²⁷ gentium in societate Macedonum manserat, initium quoddam ibi motus fecit.

[2] duae autem maxime causae eos tenuerant in amicitia regis, una fides insita genti, altera metus odiumque Aetolorum.

[3] concilium Leucadem indictum est. eo neque cuncti convenere Acarnanum populi, nec iis, qui convenerant, idem placuit; sed duo principes et magistratus pervicerunt, ut privatum decretum Romanae societatis fieret.

[4] id omnes, qui afuerant, aegre passi; et in hoc fremitu gentis a Philippo missi duo principes Acarnanum, Androcles et Echedemus, non ad tollendum modo decretum Romanae societatis valuerunt,

[6] rem temerariam, sed eventu prosperam damnati fecerunt. suadentibus nam que amicis, cederent tempori et Corcyram ad Romanos abirent,

[7] statuerunt offerre se multitudini et aut eo ipso lenire iras ²⁸ aut pati, quod casus tulisset.

[8] cum se frequenti concilio intulissent, primo murmur ac fremitus admirantium, silentium mox a verecundia simul pristinae dignitatis ac misericordia praesentis fortunae ortum est.

[9] potestate quoque dicendi facta principio suppliciter, procedente autem oratione, ubi ad crimina diluenda ventum est, cum tanta fiducia, quantam innocentia dabat, disseruerunt;

[10] postremo ultro aliquid etiam queri et castigare iniquitatem simul in se crudelitatemque ausi ita adfecerunt animos, ut omnia,

[11] quae in eos decreta erant, frequentes tollerent neque eo minus redeundum in societatem Philippi abnuendamque Romanorum amicitiam censerent.

[1]

Leucade haec sunt decreta. id caput Acarnaniae erat, eoque in concilium omnes populi conveniebant.

[2] itaque cum haec repentina mutatio Corcyram ad legatum Flamininum perlata esset, extemplo cum classe profectus Leucadem ad Heraeum, quod vocant, naves adplicuit.

[3] inde cum omni genere tormentorum machinarumque, quibus expugnantur urbes, ad muros accessit, ad primum terrorem ratus inclinari animos posse.

[4] postquam pacati nihil ostendebatur, tum vineas turresque erigere et arietem admovere muris coepit.

[5] Acarnania universa inter Aetoliam atque Epirum posita solem occidentem et mare Siculum spectat.

[6] Leucadia nunc insula est, vadoso freto, quod perfossum manu est, ab Acarnania divisa; tum paeninsula erat, occidentis regione artis faucibus cohaerens ²⁹ Acarnaniae;

[7] quingentos ferme passus longae eae fauces erant, latae haud amplius centum et viginti. in iis angustiis Leucas posita est, colli adplicata verso in orientem et Acarnaniam;

[9] itaque multis simul locis aut subruti aut ariete decussi ruebant muri. sed quam urbs ipsa opportuna oppugnantibus erat, tam inexpugnabiles hostium animi.

[10] die ac nocte intenti reficere quassata muri, obstruere, quae patefacta ruinis erant, proelia inpigre inire et armis magis muros quam se ipsos moenibus tutari;

[11] diutiusque spe Romanorum obsidionem eam extraxissent, ni exules quidam Italici generis Leucade habitantes ab arce milites accepissent.

[12] eos tamen ex superiore loco magno cum tumultu decurrentes acie in foro instructa iusto proelio aliquamdiu Leucadii sustinuerunt.

[13] interim et scalis capta multis locis moenia, et ³⁰ per stragem lapidum ac ruinas transcensum in urbem;

[14] iamque ipse legatus magno agmine circumvenerat pugnantes. tum pars in medio caesi, pars armis abiectis dediderunt sese victori.

[15] et post dies paucos audito proelio, quo ad Cynoscephalas pugnatum erat, omnes Acarnaniae populi in dicionem legati venerunt.

[1]

iisdem diebus, omnia simul inclinante fortuna, Rhodii quoque ad vindicandam a Philippo continentis regionem — Peraeam vocant —

[2] possessam a maioribus suis, Pausistratum praetorem cum octingentis Achaeis peditibus, mille et octingentis fere armatis, ex vario genere auxiliorum collectis, miserunt;

[3] Galli et Pisuetae et Nisuetae et Tamiani et Arei ex Africa et Laudiceni ex Asia ³¹ erant.

[4] cum iis copiis Pausistratus Tendeba in Stratonicensi agro, locum peropportunum, ignaris regiis, qui Therae erant, occupavit.

[5] in tempore et ad id ipsum excitum auxilium, mille Achaei pedites cum centum equitibus supervenerunt; Theoxenus iis praeerat.

[6] Dinocrates, regius praefectus, reciperandi castelli causa primo castra ad ipsa Tendeba movet, inde ad alterum castellum, item Stratonicensis agri — Astragon vocant —; omnibusque [ex] praesidiis,

[7] quae multifariam disiecta erant, devocatis et ab ipsa Stratonicea Thessalorum auxiliaribus ad Alabanda, ubi hostes erant, ducere pergit.

[8] nec Rhodii pugnam detractaverunt. ita castris in propinquo locatis extemplo in aciem descensum est.

[10] Rhodii Achaeos dextro cornu, sinistro mercennarios milites, lectam peditum manum, habuere, medios mixta ex ³² pluribus gentibus auxilia,

[11] equites levisque armaturae quod erat cornibus circumiectum.

[12] eo die steterunt tantum acies utraque super ripam torrentis, qui tenui tum aqua interfluebat, paucisque telis emissis in castra receperunt sese. postero die eodem ordine instructi maius aliquanto proelium quam pro numero edidere pugnantium.

[13] neque enim plus terna milia peditum fuere et centeni ferme equites;

[14] ceterum non numero tantum nec armorum genere, sed animis quoque paribus et aequa spe pugnarunt.

[15] Achaei primi torrente superato in Agrianas impetum fecerunt; deinde tota prope cursu transgressa amnem acies est. diu anceps pugna stetit.

[16] numero Achaei, mille ipsi, quadringentos loco pepulere; inclinato deinde laevo cornu in dextrum omnes conisi.

[17] Macedones, usque dum ordines et veluti stipata phalanx constabat, moveri nequiverunt;

[18] postquam laevo latere nudato circumagere hastas in venientem ex transverso hostem conati sunt, turbati extemplo tumultum primo inter se fecerunt, terga deinde vertunt, postremo abiectis armis in praecipitem fugam effunduntur.

[19] Bargylias petentes fugerunt; eodem et Dinocrates perfugit. Rhodii quantum diei superfuit secuti receperunt sese in castra. satis constat, si confestim victores Stratoniceam petissent, recipi ³³ eam urbem sine certamine potuisse.

[20] praetermissa eius rei occasio est, dum in castellis vicisque recipiendis Peraeae tempus teritur.

[21] interim animi eorum, qui Stratoniceam praesidio obtinebant, confirmati sunt. mox et Dinocrates cum iis, quae proelio superfuerant, copiis intravit muros.

[22] nequiquam inde obsessa oppugnataque urbs est, nec recipi nisi aliquanto post per Antiochum potuit. haec in Thessalia, haec in Achaia, haec in Asia per eosdem dies ferme gesta.

[1]

Philippus cum audisset Dardanos transgressos finis ab contemptu concussi tum regni superiora Macedoniae evastare,

[2] quamquam toto prope orbe terrarum, undique se suosque exigente fortuna,

[3] urgebatur, tamen morte tristius ratus Macedoniae etiam possessione pelli, dilectu raptim per urbes Macedonum habito cum sex milibus peditum et quingentis equitibus circa Stobos Paeoniae improviso hostes oppressit.

[4] magna multitudo hominum in proelio, maior cupidine praedandi palata per agros caesa est. quibus fuga in expedito fuit, ne temptato quidem casu pugnae ³⁴ in finis suos redierunt.

[5] ea una expeditione, non pro reliquo statu fortunae facta, refectis suorum animis Thessalonicam sese recepit.

[6] non tam in tempore Punicum bellum terminatum erat, ne simul et cum Philippo foret bellandum, quam opportune iam Antiocho ex Syria movente bellum Philippus est superatus;

[7] nam praeterquam quod facilius cum singulis, quam si in unum ambo simul contulissent vires, bellatum est, Hispania quoque sub idem tempus magno tumultu ad bellum consurrexit.

[9] omnibus enim regni viribus conixus cum ingentis copias terrestris maritimasque comparasset, principio veris praemissis terra cum ³⁵ exercitu filiis duobus, Ardye ac Mithridate, iussisque Sardibus se opperiri ipse cum classe centum tectarum navium,

[10] ad hoc levioribus navigiis cercurisque ac lembis ducentis proficiscitur,

[11] simul per omnem oram Ciliciae Lyciaeque et Cariae temptaturus urbes, quae in dicione Ptolomaei essent, simul Philippum — necdum enim debellatum erat — exercitu navibusque adiuturus.

[1]

multa egregie Rhodii pro fide erga populum Romanum proque universo nomine Graecorum terra marique ausi sunt,

[2] nihil magnificentius, quam quod ea tempestate, non territi tanta mole inminentis belli, legatos ad regem miserunt, ne Chelidonias — promunturium Ciliciae est, inclutum foedere antiquo Atheniensium cum regibus Persarum — superaret: si eo fine non contineret classem copiasque suas,

[3] se obviam ituros, non ab odio ullo, sed ne coniungi eum Philippo paterentur et inpedimento esse ³⁶ Romanis liberantibus Graeciam.

[4] Coracesium eo tempore Antiochus operibus oppugnabat, Zephyrio et Solis et Aphrodisiade et Coryco et superato Anemurio — promunturium id quoque Ciliciae est —

[5] Selinunte recepto. omnibus his aliisque eius orae castellis aut metu aut voluntate sine certamine in dicionem acceptis, Coracesium praeter spem clausis portis tenebat eum.

[6] ibi legati Rhodiorum auditi. et quamquam ea legatio erat, quae accendere regium animum posset,

[7] temperavit irae et legatos se Rhodum missurum respondit iisque mandaturum, ut renovarent vetusta iura cum ea civitate sua maiorumque suorum et vetarent eos pertimescere adventum regis: nihil aut iis aut sociis eorum noxiae futurum fraudive;

[8] nam Romanorum amicitiam se non violaturum, argumento et suam recentem ad eos legationem esse et senatus honorifica in se decreta responsaque.

[9] tum forte legati ³⁷ redierant ab Roma comiter auditi dimissique, ut tempus postulabat, incerto adhuc adversus Philippum eventu belli.

[10] cum haec legati regis in contione Rhodiorum agerent, nuntius venit debellatum ad Cynoscephalas esse. hoc nuntio accepto Rhodii dempto metu a Philippo omiserunt consilium obviam eundi classe Antiocho;

[11] illam alteram curam non omiserunt tuendae libertatis civitatum sociarum Ptolomaei, quibus bellum ab Antiocho imminebat.

[12] nam alias auxiliis iuverunt, alias providendo ac praemonendo conatus hostis, causaque libertatis fuerunt Cauniis, Myndiis, Halicarnassensibus Samiisque.

[13] non operae est persequi, ut quaeque acta in his locis sint, cum ad ea, quae propria Romani belli sunt, vix sufficiam.

[1]

eodem tempore Attalus rex aeger ab Thebis Pergamum advectus moritur altero et septuagesimo anno, cum quattuor et quadraginta annos regnasset.

[2] huic viro praeter divitias nihil ad spem regni fortuna dederat. iis simul prudenter, simul magnifice ³⁸ utendo effecit, primum ut sibi, deinde ut aliis non indignus videretur regno.

[3] victis deinde proelio uno Gallis, quae tum gens recenti adventu terribilior Asiae erat, regium adscivit nomen, cuius magnitudini semper animum aequavit.

[4] summa iustitia suos rexit, unicam fidem sociis praestitit, comis uxori ac liberis —

[5] quattuor superstites habuit —, mitis ac munificus amicis fuit; regnum adeo stabile ac firmum reliquit, ut ad tertiam stirpem possessio eius descenderit.

[6] cum hic status rerum in Asia Graeciaque et Macedonia esset, vixdum terminato cum Philippo bello, pace certe nondum perpetrata, ingens in Hispania ulteriore coortum est bellum.

[7] M. Helvius eam provinciam obtinebat. is litteris senatum certiorem fecit Culcham et Luxinium regulos in armis esse,

[8] cum Culcha ³⁹ decem et septem oppida, cum Luxinio validas urbes Carmonem et Baldonem, in maritima ora Malacinos Sexetanosque et Baeturiam omnem et quae nondum animos nudaverant ad finitimorum motus consurrectura.

[1]

sub idem tempus consules Romam venerunt; quibus in aede Bellonae senatum habentibus postulantibusque triumphum ob res prospere bello gestas C. Atinius Labeo et C. Afranius tribuni plebis,

[2] ut separatim de triumpho agerent consules, postularunt: communem se relationem de ea re fieri non passuros, ne par honos in dispari merito esset.

[3] cum Q. Minucius utrique Italiam provinciam obtigisse diceret, communi animo consilioque se et ⁴⁰ collegam res gessisse,

[4] et C. Cornelius adiceret Boios adversus se transgredientis Padum, ut Insubribus Cenomanisque auxilio essent, depopulante vicos eorum atque agros collega ad sua tuenda aversos esse,

[5] tribuni res tantas bello gessisse C. Cornelium fateri, ut non magis de triumpho eius quam de honore diis inmortalibus habendo dubitari possit;

[6] non tamen nec illum nec quemquam alium civem tantum gratia atque opibus valuisse, ut, cum sibi meritum triumphum inpetrasset, collegae eundem honorem inmeritum inpudenter petenti daret.

[7] Q. Minucium in Liguribus levia proelia, vix digna dictu, fecisse, in Gallia magnum numerum militum amisisse;

[8] nominabant etiam tribunos militum, T. Iuventium , Cn. Ligurium legionis quartae: adversa pugna cum multis aliis viris fortibus, civibus ac sociis, cecidisse.

[9] oppidorum paucorum ac vicorum falsas et in tempus simulatas sine ullo pignore deditiones factas esse.

[10] hae inter consules tribunosque altercationes biduum tenuerunt, victique perseverantia tribunorum consules separatim rettulerunt.

[1]

C. Cornelio omnium consensu decretus triumphus. et Placentini Cremonensesque addiderunt favorem consuli,

[2] gratias agentes commemorantesque obsidione sese ab eo liberatos, plerique etiam, cum capti apud hostes essent, ⁴¹ servitute exemptos.

[3] Q. Minucius temptata tantum relatione, cum adversum omnem senatum videret, in monte Albano se triumphaturum et iure imperii consularis et multorum clarorum virorum exemplo dixit.

[4] C. Cornelius de Insubribus Cenomanisque in magistratu triumphavit. multa signa militaria tulit, multa Gallica spolia captivis carpentis transvexit,

[5] multi nobiles Galli ante currum ducti, inter quos quidam Hamilcarem, ducem Poenorum, fuisse auctores sunt;

[6] ceterum magis in se convertit oculos Cremonensium Placentinorumque colonorum turba, pilleatorum currum sequentium.

[7] aeris tulit in triumpho ducenta triginta septem milia quingentos, argenti bigati undeoctoginta milia; septuageni aeris militibus divisi, duplex equiti centurionique.

[9] pecuniae etiam ⁴² prope par summa fuit; aeris tralata ducenta quinquaginta quattuor milia, argenti bigati quinquaginta tria milia et ducenti; militibus centurionibusque et equitibus idem in singulos datum, quod dederat collega.

[1]

secundum triumphum consularia comitia habita. creati consules L. Furius Purpurio et M. Claudius Marcellus .

[2] praetores postero die facti Q. Fabius Buteo , Ti. Sempronius Longus , Q. Minucius Thermus , M'. Acilius Glabrio , L. Apustius Fullo , C. Laelius .

[3] exitu ferme anni litterae a. T. Quinctio venerunt se signis conlatis cum rege Philippo in Thessalia pugnasse, hostium exercitum fusum fugatumque.

[4] hae litterae prius in senatu a M. Sergio praetore, deinde ex auctoritate patrum in contione sunt recitatae et ob res prospere gestas in dies quinque supplicationes decretae.

[5] brevi post legati et ab T. Quinctio et ab rege Philippo venerunt. Macedones deducti extra urbem in villam publicam, ibique eis locus et lautia praebita et ad aedem Bellonae senatus datus.

[6] ibi haud multa verba facta, cum Macedones, quodcumque senatus censuisset, id regem facturum esse dicerent.

[7] decem legati more maiorum, quorum ex consilio T. Quinctius imperator ⁴³ leges pacis Philippo daret, decreti, adiectumque, ut in eo numero legatorum P. Sulpicius et P. Villius essent, qui consules provinciam Macedoniam obtinuissent.

[8] Cosanis eodem anno postulantibus, ut sibi colonorum numerus augeretur,

[9] mille adscribi iussi, dum ne quis in eo numero esset, qui post P. Cornelium et Ti. Sempronium consules hostis fuisset.

[1]

ludi Romani eo anno in circo scaenaque ab aedilibus curulibus P. Cornelio Scipione et Cn. Manlio Vulsone et magnificentius quam alias facti et laetius propter res bello bene gestas spectati, totique ter instaurati.

[2] plebei septiens instaurati; M'. Acilius Glabrio et C. Laelius eos ludos fecerunt;

[3] et de argento multaticio tria signa aenea, Cererem Liberumque et Liberam, posuerunt. ⁴⁴

[4] L. Furius et M. Claudius Marcellus consulatu inito, cum de provinciis ageretur et Italiam utrique provinciam senatus decerneret, ut Macedoniam cum Italia sortirentur tendebant.

[5] Marcellus, provinciae cupidior, pacem simulatam ac fallacem dicendo et rebellaturum, si exercitus inde deportatus esset, regem, dubios sententiae patres fecerat.

[6] et forsitan obtinuisset consul, ni Q. Marcius Ralla et C. Atinius Labeo tribuni plebis se intercessuros dixissent, ni prius ipsi ad plebem tulissent, vellent iuberentne cum rege Philippo pacem esse.

[7] ea rogatio in Capitolio ad plebem lata est;

[8] omnes quinque et triginta tribus 'uti rogas' iusserunt. et quo magis pacem ratam esse in Macedonia vulgo laetarentur, tristis ex Hispania adlatus nuntius effecit vulgataeque litterae ' C. Sempronium Tuditanum proconsulem in citeriore Hispania proelio victum,

[9] exercitum eius fusum fugatum, multos inlustris viros in acie cecidisse, Tuditanum cum gravi vulnere relatum ex proelio haud ita multo post expirasse.

[10] ' consulibus ambobus ⁴⁵ Italia provincia cum iis legionibus, quas superiores consules habuissent, decreta, et ut quattuor legiones novas scriberent, duas urbanas, duas, quae quo senatus censuisset mitterentur;

[11] et T. Quinctius Flamininus [cum duabus legionibus] provinciam eodem exercitu obtinere iussus; imperium ei prorogatum satis iam ante videri esse.

[1]

praetores deinde provincias sortiti, L. Apustius Fullo urbanam iurisdictionem, M'. Acilius Glabrio inter civis et peregrinos, Q. Fabius Buteo Hispaniam ulteriorem, Q. Minucius Thermus citeriorem, C. Laelius Siciliam, Ti. Sempronius Longus Sardiniam.

[2] Q. Fabio Buteoni et Q. Minucio , quibus Hispaniae provinciae evenerant, consules legiones singulas ex quattuor ab se scriptis,

[3] quas videretur, ut darent decretum est et socium ac Latini nominis quaterna milia peditum, trecenos equites;

[4] iique primo quoque tempore in provincias ire iussi. bellum in Hispania quinto post anno motum est, quam simul cum Punico bello fuerat finitum.

[5] priusquam aut hi praetores ad bellum prope novum, quia tum primum suo nomine sine ullo Punico exercitu aut duce ad arma ierant, proficiscerentur, aut ipsi consules ab urbe moverent, procurare, ut adsolet, prodigia, quae nuntiabantur, iussi.

[6] P. Villius eques Romanus in Sabinos proficiscens fulmine ipse equusque exanimati fuerant;

[7] aedis Feroniae in Capenati de caelo tacta erat; ad Monetae duarum hastarum spicula arserant; lupus Esquilina ⁴⁶ porta ingressus, frequentissima parte urbis cum in forum decurrisset, Tusco vico atque inde Cermalo per portam Capenam prope intactus evaserat.

[8] haec prodigia maioribus hostiis sunt procurata.

[1]

iisdem diebus Cn. Cornelius Blasio , qui ante C. Sempronium Tuditanum citeriorem Hispaniam obtinuerat, ovans ex senatus consulto urbem est ingressus.

[2] tulit prae se auri mille et quingenta quindecim pondo, argenti viginti milia, signati denarium triginta quattuor milia et quingentos.

[3] L. Stertinius ex ulteriore Hispania, ne temptata quidem triumphi spe, quinquaginta milia

[4] pondo argenti in aerarium intulit et de manubiis duos fornices in foro bovario ante Fortunae aedem et matris Matutae, unum in maximo circo fecit et his fornicibus signa aurata inposuit.

[5] haec per hiemem ferme acta. ⁴⁷

hibernabat eo tempore Elatiae T. Quinctius , a quo cum multa socii peterent, Boeoti petierunt impetraveruntque, ut, qui suae gentis militassent apud Philippum, sibi restituerentur.

[6] id a Quinctio facile impetratum, non quia satis dignos eos credebat, sed quia Antiocho rege iam suspecto favor conciliandus nomini Romano apud civitates erat.

[7] restitutis iis confestim apparuit, quam nulla inita apud Boeotos gratia esset; nam ad Philippum legatos gratias agentes ei pro redditis hominibus, perinde atque ipsis et non Quinctio et Romanis id datum esset, miserunt et comitiis proximis Boeotarchen ob nullam aliam causam Brachyllem quendam,

[8] quam quod praefectus Boeotorum apud regem militantium fuisset,

[9] fecerunt praeteritis Zeuxippo et Pisistrato aliisque, qui Romanae societatis auctores fuerant.

[10] id aegre et in ⁴⁸ praesentia hi passi et in futurum etiam metum ceperunt: cum ad portas prope sedente exercitu Romano ea fierent, quidnam se futurum esse profectis in Italiam Romanis,

[11] Philippo ex propinquo socios adiuvante et infesto iis, qui partis adversae fuissent?

[1]

dum Romana arma in propinquo haberent, tollere Brachyllem, principem fautorum regis, statuerunt.

[2] et tempore ad eam rem capto, cum in publico epulatus reverteretur domum temulentus prosequentibus mollibus viris,

[4] percussores proxima porta evaserunt. luce prima contio frequens velut ex ante indicto aut voce praeconis convocata in theatro erat.

[5] palam ab suo comitatu et obscenis illis viris fremebant interfectum, animis autem Zeuxippum auctorem destinabant caedis.

[6] in praesentia placuit comprehendi eos, qui simul fuissent, quaestionemque ex iis haberi.

[7] qui dum quaeruntur, Zeuxippus constanti animo avertendi ab se criminis causa in contionem progressus errare ait homines, qui tam atrocem caedem pertinere ad illos semiviros crederent,

[8] multaque in eam partem probabiliter argumentatus, quibus fidem apud quosdam fecit numquam, si sibi conscius esset, oblaturum se multitudini mentionemve eius caedis nullo lacessente facturum fuisse;

[9] alii non dubitare ⁴⁹ inpudenter obviam crimini eundo suspicionem averti. torti post paulo insontes, cum scirent ipsi nihil, opinione omnium pro indicio Zeuxippum et Pisistratum nominaverunt nullo adiecto, cur scire quicquam viderentur, argumento.

[10] Zeuxippus tamen cum Stratonida quodam nocte perfugit Tanagram, suam magis conscientiam quam indicium hominum nullius rei consciorum metuens;

[12] non tam idoneum ad celandam rem eum videri sibi, quam ad agendam fuerit. has qui tulerat litteras iussus Zeuxippo dare quam primum,

[13] quia non statim conveniendi eius copia fuit, illi ipsi servo, quem ex omnibus domino fidissimum credebat, tradit et adicit a Pisistrato de re magno opere pertinente ad Zeuxippum esse.

[14] conscientia ictus, cum extemplo traditurum eas adfirmasset, aperit perlectisque litteris pavidus Thebas refugit et ad magistratus indicium defert.

[15] et Zeuxippus quidem fuga servi motus Anthedonem, tutiorem exilio locum ratus, concessit; de Pisistrato aliisque quaestiones tormentis habitae et sumptum supplicium est. ⁵⁰

[1]

efferavit ea caedes Thebanos Boeotosque omnis ad execrabile odium Romanorum, credentis non sine consilio imperatoris Romani Zeuxippum, principem gentis, id facinus conscisse. ad rebellandum neque vires neque ducem habebant;

[2] proximum bello quod erat, in latrocinium versi alios in hospitiis, alios vagos per hiberna milites ad varios commeantis usus excipiebant.

[3] quidam in ipsis itineribus ad notas latebras ab insidiantibus, pars in deserta per fraudem deversoria deducti opprimebantur;

[4] postremo non tantum ab odio sed etiam aviditate praedae ea facinora fiebant, quia negotiandi ferme causa argentum in zonis habentes in commeatibus erant.

[5] cum primo pauci, deinde in dies plures desiderarentur, infamis esse Boeotia omnis coepit, et timidius quam in hostico egredi castris miles.

[6] tum Quinctius legatos ad quaerendum de latrociniis per civitates mittit. plurimae caedes circa ⁵¹ Copaidem paludem inventae; ibi ex limo eruta extractaque ex stagno cadavera saxis aut amphoris, ut pondere traherentur in profundum, adnexa; multa facinora Acraephiae et Coroneae facta inveniebantur.

[7] Quinctius primo noxios tradi sibi iussit et pro quingentis militibus — tot enim interempti erant — quingenta talenta Boeotos conferre.

[8] quorum neutrum cum fieret, verbis tantum civitates excusarent nihil publico consilio factum esse, missis Athenas et in Achaiam legatis, qui testarentur socios iusto pioque se bello persecuturum Boeotos,

[9] et cum parte copiarum Ap. Claudio Acraephiam ire iusso ipse cum parte Coroneam circumsidit vastatis prius agris, qua ab Elatia duo diversa agmina iere.

[10] hac perculsi clade Boeoti, cum omnia terrore ac fuga completa essent, legatos mittunt. qui cum in castra non admitterentur, Achaei Atheniensesque supervenerunt.

[11] plus auctoritatis Achaei habuerunt deprecantes, quia, ni impetrassent pacem Boeotis, bellum simul gerere decreverant.

[12] per Achaeos et Boeotis copia adeundi adloquendique Romanum facta est iussisque tradere noxios et multae nomine triginta conferre talenta pax data et ab oppugnatione recessum.

[1]

paucos post dies decem legati ab Roma venerunt, quorum ⁵² ex consilio pax data Philippo in has leges est,

[3] deduceret et ex iis, quae in Asia essent, Euromo Pedasisque et Bargyliis et Iaso et Myrina et Abydo et et Perintho:

[4] eas quoque enim placere liberas esse; de Cianorum libertate Quinctium Prusiae, Bithynorum regi, scribere, quid senatui et decem legatis placuisset;

[5] captivos transfugasque reddere Philippum Romanis et navis omnis tectas tradere praeter quinque et regiam unam inhabilis prope magnitudinis, quam ⁵³ sedecim versus remorum agebant;

[6] ne plus quinque milia armatorum haberet neve elephantum ullum; bellum extra Macedoniae fines ne iniussu senatus gereret;

[7] mille talentum daret populo Romano, dimidium praesens, dimidium pensionibus decem annorum.

[8] Valerius Antias quaternum milium pondo argenti vectigal in decem annos inpositum regi tradit; Claudius in annos triginta quaterna milia pondo et ducena, in praesens viginti milia pondo.

[9] idem nominatim adiectum scribit, ne cum Eumene Attali filio —

[10] novus is tum rex erat — bellum gereret. in haec obsides accepti, inter quos Demetrius Philippi filius. adicit Antias Valerius Attalo absenti Aeginam insulam elephantosque dono datos,

[11] et Rhodiis Stratoniceam Cariaeque alias urbes, quas Philippus tenuisset; Atheniensibus insulas datas Lemnum, Imbrum, Delum, Scyrum. ⁵⁴

[1]

omnibus Graeciae civitatibus hanc pacem adprobantibus soli Aetoli decretum legatorum clam mussantes carpebant:

[2] litteras inanis vana specie libertatis adumbratas esse; cur enim alias Romanis tradi urbes nec nominari eas, alias nominari et sine traditione liberas iubere esse,

[3] nisi quod, quae in Asia sint, liberentur, longinquitate ipsa tutiores, quae in Graecia sint, ne nominatae quidem intercipiantur, Corinthus et Chalcis et Oreus cum Eretria et Demetriade?

[5] de iis tribus urbibus legati, quod tempora rei publicae postulassent, id e re publica fideque sua facere ac statuere iussi erant.

[6] Antiochus rex erat, ⁵⁵ quem transgressurum in Europam, cum primum ei vires suae satis placuissent, non dubitabant; ei tam opportunas ad occupandum patere urbes nolebant.

[7] ab Elatia profectus Quinctius Anticyram cum decem legatis, inde Corinthum traiecit. ibi consilia de libertate Graeciae dies prope totos in concilio decem legatorum agitabantur.

[8] identidem Quinctius liberandam omnem Graeciam, si Aetolorum linguas retundere, si veram caritatem ac maiestatem apud omnis nominis Romani vellent esse,

[9] si fidem facere ad liberandam Graeciam, non ad transferendum a Philippo ad se imperium sese mare traiecisse.

[10] nihil contra ea de libertate urbium alii dicebant; ceterum ipsis tutius esse manere paulisper sub tutela praesidii Romani quam pro Philippo Antiochum dominum accipere.

[11] postremo ita decretum est: Corinthus redderetur Achaeis, ut in Acrocorintho tamen praesidium esset; Chalcidem ac Demetriadem retineri, donec cura de Antiocho decessisset.

[1]

Isthmiorum statum ludicrum aderat, semper quidem et alias ⁵⁶ frequens cum propter spectaculi studium insitum genti, quo certamina omnis generis artium viriumque et pernicitatis visuntur, tum quia propter opportunitatem loci, per duo diversa maria omnium rerum usus ministrantis humano generi,

[2] concilium Asiae Graeciaeque is mercatus erat; tum vero non ad solitos modo usus undique convenerant,

[3] sed expectatione erecti, qui deinde status futurus Graeciae, quae sua fortuna esset; alii alia non taciti solum opinabantur sed sermonibus etiam ferebant Romanos facturos; vix cuiquam persuadebatur Graecia omni cessuros. ad spectaculum consederant,

[4] et praeco cum tubicine, ut mos est, in mediam aream, unde sollemni carmine ludicrum indici solet, ⁵⁷ processit et tuba silentio facto ita pronuntiat:

[5] 'senatus Romanus et T. Quinctius imperator Philippo rege Macedonibusque devictis liberos, inmunes, suis legibus esse iubet Corinthios, Phocenses, Locrensesque omnis et insulam Euboeam et Magnetas, Thessalos, Perrhaebos, Achaeos Phthiotas.

[6] ' percensuerat omnis gentis, quae sub dicione Philippi regis fuerant. audita voce praeconis maius gaudium fuit, quam quod universum homines acciperent.

[7] vix satis credere se quisque audisse, et alii alios intueri mirabundi velut ad somni vanam speciem; quod ad quemque pertinebat, suarum aurium fidei minimum credentes, proximos interrogabant.

[8] revocatus praeco, cum unusquisque non audire modo sed videre libertatis suae nuntium averet, iterum pronuntiavit eadem.

[9] tum ab certo iam gaudio tantus cum clamore plausus est ortus totiensque repetitus, ut facile appareret nihil omnium bonorum multitudini gratius quam libertatem esse.

[10] ludicrum deinde ita ⁵⁸ raptim peractum est, ut nullius nec animi nec oculi spectaculo intenti essent; adeo unum gaudium praeoccupaverat omnium aliarum sensum voluptatium.

[1]

ludis vero dimissis cursu prope omnes tendere ad imperatorem Romanum,

[2] ut ruente turba in unum adire, contingere dextram cupientium, coronas lemniscosque iacientium haud procul periculo fuerit.

[3] sed erat trium ferme et triginta annorum, et cum robur iuventae tum gaudium ex tam insigni gloriae fructu vires suppeditabat.

[4] nec praesens tantummodo effusa est laetitia, sed per multos dies gratis et cogitationibus et sermonibus renovata:

[5] esse aliquam in terris gentem, quae sua inpensa, suo labore ac periculo bella gerat pro libertate

[6] aliorum nec hoc finitimis aut propinquae vicinitatis hominibus aut terris continentibus iunctis praestet,

[7] sed maria traiciat, ne quod toto orbe terrarum iniustum imperium sit, ubique ius, fas, ⁵⁹ lex potentissima sint. una voce praeconis liberatas omnis Graeciae atque Asiae urbes;

[8] hoc spe concipere audacis animi fuisse, ad effectum adducere et virtutis et fortunae ingentis.

[1]

secundum Isthmia Quinctius et decem legati legationes regum gentiumque audivere.

[2] primi omnium regis Antiochi vocati legati sunt. iis eadem fere, quae Romae egerant, verba sine fide rerum iactantibus nihil iam perplexe,

[3] ut ante, cum dubiae res incolumi Philippo erant, sed aperte denuntiatum, ut excederet Asiae urbibus, quae Philippi aut Ptolomaei regum fuissent, abstineret liberis civitatibus, neu quam lacesseret armis: et in pace et in libertate esse debere omnis ubique Graecas urbes.

[4] ante omnia denuntiatum, ne in Europam aut ipse transiret aut copias traiceret.

[5] dimissis regis legatis conventus civitatum gentiumque est ⁶⁰ haberi coeptus; eoque maturius peragebatur, quod decreta decem legatorum in civitates nominatim pronuntiabantur.

[6] Orestis — Macedonum ea gens est —, quod primi ab rege defecissent, leges suae redditae. Magnetes et Perrhaebi et Dolopes liberi quoque pronuntiati.

[7] Thessalorum genti praeter libertatem concessam Achaei Phthiotae dati, Thebis Phthioticis et Pharsalo excepta. ⁶¹ Aetolos de Pharsalo et Leucade postulantes, ut ex foedere sibi restituerentur, ad senatum reiecerunt.

[8] Phocenses Locrensesque, sicut ante fuerant, adiecta decreti auctoritate iis contribuerunt.

[9] Corinthus et Triphylia et Heraea — Peloponnesi et ipsa urbs est —

[10] reddita Achaeis. Oreum et Eretriam decem legati Eumeni regi, Attali filio, dabant dissentiente Quinctio; ea una res in arbitrium senatus reiecta est; senatus libertatem his civitatibus dedit Carysto adiecta.

[11] Pleurato Lychnidus et Parthini dati; Illyriorum utraque gens sub dicione Philippi fuerant. Amynandrum tenere iusserunt castella, quae per belli tempus Philippo capta ademisset. ⁶²

[1]

dimisso conventu decem legati, partiti munia inter se, ad liberandas suae quisque regionis civitates discesserunt,

[2] P. Lentulus Bargylias, L. Stertinius Hephaestiam et Thasum et Thraeciae urbes, P. Villius et L. Terentius ad regem Antiochum, Cn. Cornelius ad Philippum.

[3] qui de minoribus rebus editis mandatis percunctatus, si consilium non utile solum sed etiam salutare admittere auribus posset,

[4] cum rex gratias quoque se acturum diceret, si quid,

[5] quod in rem suam esset, expromeret, magno opere ei suasit, quoniam pacem impetrasset, ad societatem amicitiamque petendam mitteret Romam legatos,

[6] ne, si quid Antiochus moveret, expectasse et temporum opportunitates captasse ad rebellandum videri posset.

[7] ad Tempe Thessalica Philippus est conventus. qui cum se missurum extemplo legatos respondisset,

[8] Cornelius Thermopylas, ubi frequens Graeciae statis diebus esse solet conventus —

[9] Pylaicum appellant —, venit; Aetolos praecipue monuit, ⁶³ constanter et fideliter in amicitia populi Romani permanerent.

[10] Aetolorum principes alii leniter questi sunt, quod non idem erga suam gentem Romanorum animus esset post victoriam, qui in bello fuisset,

[11] alii ferocius incusarunt exprobraruntque non modo vinci sine Aetolis Philippum, sed ne transire quidem in Graeciam Romanos potuisse.

[1]

cum haec in Graecia Macedoniaque et Asia gererentur, Etruriam infestam prope coniuratio servorum fecit.

[2] ad quaerendam opprimendamque eam M'. Acilius Glabrio praetor, cui inter civis peregrinosque iurisdictio obtigerat, cum una ex duabus legione ⁶⁴ urbana est missus, alios , alios iam congregatos pugnando vicit;

[3] ex his multi occisi, multi capti; alios verberatos crucibus adfixit, qui principes coniurationis fuerant, alios dominis restituit.

[5] et illustres viri aliquot in illo tumultuario proelio ceciderunt, inter quos praefecti socium T. Sempronius Gracchus et M. Iunius Silanus et tribuni militum de legione secunda M. Ogulnius et P. Claudius .

[6] castra tamen ab Romanis inpigre permunita retentaque, cum hostes prospera pugna elati nequiquam oppugnassent.

[7] stativis deinde iisdem per dies aliquot sese tenuit, dum et saucios curaret et a tanto terrore animos militum reficeret.

[8] Boi, ut est gens minime ad morae taedium ferendum patiens, in castella sua vicosque passim dilapsi sunt.

[9] Marcellus Pado confestim traiecto in agrum Comensem, ubi Insubres Comensibus ad arma excitis castra habebant, legiones ducit. Galli, feroces Boiorum ante dies paucos pugna, in ipso itinere proelium committunt; et primo adeo acriter invaserunt, ut antesignanos inpulerint.

[10] quod ubi Marcellus animadvertit, veritus, ne moti semel pellerentur, cohortem Marsorum cum opposuisset, equitum ⁶⁵ Latinorum omnis turmas in hostem emisit.

[11] quorum cum primus secundusque impetus rettudisset inferentem se ferociter hostem, confirmata et reliqua acies Romana restitit primo, deinde signa acriter intulit.

[12] nec ultra sustinuere certamen Galli, quin terga verterent atque effuse fugerent.

[14] castra eo die Gallorum expugnata direptaque, et Comum oppidum post dies paucos captum. castella inde duodetriginta ad consulem defecerunt.

[15] id quoque inter scriptores ambigitur, utrum in Boios prius an Insubres consul exercitum duxerit adversamque prospera pugna oblitteraverit, an victoria ad Comum parta deformata clade in Bois accepta sit.

[1]

sub haec tam varia fortuna gesta L. Furius Purpurio alter consul per tribum Sapiniam in Boios venit.

[2] iam castro Mutilo ⁶⁶ adpropinquabat, cum veritus, ne intercluderetur simul a Bois Liguribusque, exercitum eadem via, qua adduxerat, reduxit et magno circuitu per aperta eoque tuta loca ad collegam pervenit.

[3] inde iunctis exercitibus primum Boiorum agrum usque ad Felsinam oppidum populantes peragraverunt.

[4] ea urbs ceteraque circa castella et Boi fere omnes praeter iuventutem, quae praedandi causa in armis erat — tunc in devias silvas recesserat —, in deditionem venerunt.

[5] in Ligures inde traductus exercitus. Boi neglegentius coactum agmen Romanorum, quia ipsi procul abesse viderentur, inproviso aggressuros se rati per occultos saltus secuti sunt.

[6] quos non adepti, Pado repente navibus traiecto Laevos Libuosque cum pervastassent, redeuntes inde per Ligurum extremos fines cum agresti praeda in agmen incidunt Romanum.

[7] proelium celerius acriusque commissum, quam si tempore locoque ad certamen destinato praeparatis animis concurrissent.

[8] ibi, quantam vim ad stimulandos animos ira haberet, apparuit; nam ita caedis magis quam victoriae avidi pugnarunt Romani, ut vix nuntium cladis hosti relinquerent.

[9] ob has res gestas consulum litteris ⁶⁷ Romam adlatis supplicatio in triduum decreta est. brevi post Marcellus consul Romam venit, triumphusque ei magno consensu patrum est decretus.

[10] triumphavit in magistratu de Insubribus Comensibusque; Boiorum triumphi spem collegae reliquit, quia ipsi proprie adversa pugna in ea gente evenerat, cum collega secunda.

[11] multa spolia hostium captivis carpentis travecta, multa militaria signa; aeris lata trecenta viginti milia, argenti bigati ducenta triginta quattuor milia.

[12] in pedites singulos dati octogeni aeris, triplex equiti centurionique.

[1]

eodem anno Antiochus rex, cum hibernasset Ephesi, omnes Asiae civitates in antiquam imperii formulam redigere est conatus.

[2] et ceteras quidem, aut quia locis planis positae erant aut quia parum moenibus armisque ac iuventuti fidebant, haud difficulter videbat iugum accepturas;

[3] Zmyrna et Lampsacus libertatem ⁶⁸ usurpabant, periculumque erat, ne, si concessum iis foret quod intenderent, Zmyrnam in Aeolide Ioniaque, Lampsacum in Hellesponto aliae urbes sequerentur.

[4] igitur et ipse ab Epheso ad Zmyrnam obsidendam misit et, quae Abydi copiae erant, praesidio tantum modico relicto duci ad Lampsacum oppugnandam iussit.

[5] nec vi tantum terrebat, sed per legatos leniter adloquendo castigandoque temeritatem ac pertinaciam spem conabatur facere, brevi quod peterent habituros,

[6] sed cum satis et ipsis et omnibus aliis appareret, ab rege impetratam eos libertatem, non per occasionem raptam habere.

[7] adversus quae respondebatur, nihil neque mirari neque suscensere Antiochum debere, si spem libertatis differri non satis aequo animo paterentur.

[8] ipse initio veris navibus ab Epheso profectus Hellespontum petit, terrestris copias traici ab Abydo Chersonesum iussit.

[10] Lysimachiam inde omnibus simul navalibus terrestribus copiis venit. quam cum desertam ac stratam prope omnem ruinis invenisset —

[11] ceperant autem direptamque incenderant Thraces paucis ante annis —, cupido eum restituendi nobilem ⁶⁹ urbem et loco sitam opportuno cepit.

[12] itaque omni cura simul est aggressus et tecta muros restituere et partim redimere servientis Lysimachenses, partim fuga sparsos per Hellespontum Chersonesumque conquirere et contrahere,

[13] partim novos colonos spe commodorum proposita adscribere et omni modo frequentare;

[1]

sub hoc tempus et L. Cornelius , missus ab senatu ad dirimenda inter Antiochum Ptolomaeumque reges certamina, Selymbriae substitit,

[2] et decem legatorum P. Lentulus a Bargyliis, P. Villius et L. Terentius ab Thaso Lysimachiam petierunt. eodem et ab Selymbria L. Cornelius et ex Thracia paucos post dies Antiochus convenerunt.

[3] primus congressus cum legatis et deinceps ⁷⁰ invitatio benigna et hospitalis fuit; ut de mandatis statuque praesenti Asiae agi coeptum est, animi exasperati sunt.

[4] Romani omnia acta eius, ex quo tempore ab Syria classem solvisset, displicere senatui non dissimulabant restituique et Ptolomaeo omnes civitates, quae dicionis eius fuissent, aequum censebant;

[5] nam quod ad eas civitates attineret, quas a Philippo possessas Antiochus per occasionem, averso Philippo in Romanum bellum, intercepisset, id vero ferendum non esse,

[6] Romanos per tot annos terra marique tanta pericula ac labores exhausisse, Antiochum belli praemia habere.

[1]

adversus ea Antiochus mirari se dixit Romanos tam diligenter inquirere, quid regi Antiocho faciundum aut quousque terra marique progrediundum fuerit,

[2] ipsos non cogitare Asiam nihil ad se pertinere, nec magis illis inquirendum esse, quid Antiochus in Asia, quam Antiocho, quid in Italia populus Romanus faciat.

[3] quod ad Ptolomaeum attineat, cui ademptas civitates querantur, sibi cum Ptolomaeo et amicitiam esse, et id agere, ut brevi etiam adfinitas iungatur.

[4] ne ex Philippi quidem adversa fortuna spolia ulla se petisse aut adversus Romanos in Europam traiecisse; sed qua Lysimachi quondam regnum fuerit, quo victo omnia, quae illius fuissent, iure belli Seleuci facta sint, existimare suae dicionis esse.

[5] occupatis maioribus suis rerum aliarum cura primo quaedam ex iis Ptolomaeum, inde et Philippum usurpanda aliena possessionis causa tenuisse.

[6] Chersonesus quidem et proxima Thraciae, quae ⁷² circa Lysimachiam sint, quem dubitare, quin Lysimachi fuerint? ad ea recipienda in antiquum ius venisse et Lysimachiam deletam Thracum impetu de integro condere, ut Seleucus filius eam sedem regni habeat.

[1]

his disceptationibus per dies aliquot habitis rumor sine ullo satis certo auctore allatus de morte Ptolomaei regis, ut nullus exitus inponeretur sermonibus, effecit.

[2] nam et dissimulabat pars utraque se audisse, et L. Cornelius , cui legatio ad duos reges, Antiochum Ptolomaeumque, mandata erat, spatium modici temporis ad conveniendum Ptolomaeum petebat,

[3] ut, priusquam moveretur aliquid in nova possessione regni, praeveniret in Aegyptum, et Antiochus suam fore Aegyptum, si tum occupasset, censebat.

[4] itaque dimissis Romanis relictoque Seleuco filio cum terrestribus copiis ad restituendam,

[5] ut instituerat, Lysimachiam ipse omni classe navigat Ephesum, legatis ad Quinctium missis, qui ad fidem faciendam nihil novaturum regem de societate agerent. oram Asiae legens pervenit in Lyciam Patarisque cognito vivere Ptolomaeum navigandi quidem in Aegyptum omissum consilium est;

[6] Cyprum nihilo minus petens, cum Chelidoniarum promunturium superasset, paulisper seditione remigum est retentus in Pamphylia circa Eurymedontem amnem.

[7] inde profectum ⁷³ eum ad capita quae vocant Sari fluminis foeda tempestas adorta prope cum omni classe demersit. multae fractae, multae naves eiectae, multae ita haustae mari, ut nemo in terram enaverit.

[8] magna vis hominum ibi interiit, non remigum modo militumque ignotae turbae sed etiam insignium regis amicorum.

[9] collectis reliquiis naufragii, cum res non in eo essent, ut Cyprum temptaret, minus opulento agmine, quam profectus erat, Seleuciam rediit. ibi subduci navibus iussis — iam enim et hiems instabat — ipse in hiberna Antiochiam concessit. in hoc statu regum erant res.

[1]

Romae eo primum anno tresviri epulones facti C. Licinius Lucullus tribunus plebis, qui legem de creandis iis tulerat, et P. Manlius et P. Porcius Laeca . iis triumviris item ut pontificibus lege datum est togae praetextae habendae ius.

[2] sed magnum ⁷⁴ certamen cum omnibus sacerdotibus eo anno fuit quaestoribus urbanis, Q. Fabio Labeoni et L. Aurelio .

[3] pecunia opus erat, quod ultimam pensionem pecuniae in bellum collatae persolvi placuerat privatis.

[5] eodem anno duo mortui pontifices, novique in eorum locum suffecti, M. Marcellus consul in locum C. Semproni Tuditani , qui praetor in Hispania decesserat, et L. Valerius Flaccus in locum M. Corneli Cethegi .

[6] et Q. Fabius Maximus augur mortuus est admodum adulescens, priusquam ullum magistratum caperet; nec eo anno augur in eius locum est suffectus.

[7] comitia inde consularia habita a M. Marcello consule. creati consules L. Valerius Flaccus et M. Porcius Cato . praetores inde ⁷⁵ facti Cn. Manlius Volso , Ap. Claudius Nero , P. Porcius Laeca , C. Fabricius Luscinus, C. Atinius Labeo, P. Manlius .

[8] eo anno aediles curules, M. Fulvius Nobilior et C. Flaminius , tritici deciens centena milia binis aeris populo discripserunt. id C. Flamini honoris causa ipsius patrisque advexerant Siculi Romam;

[9] Flaminius gratiam eius communicaverat cum collega. ludi Romani et apparati magnifice sunt et ter toti instaurati.

[10] aediles plebis, Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus et C. Scribonius Curio [maximus], multos pecuarios ad populi iudicium adduxerunt; tres ex his condemnati sunt; ex eorum multaticia pecunia aedem in insula Fauni fecerunt.

[11] ludi plebei per biduum instaurati, et epulum fuit ludorum causa.

[1]

L. Valerius Flaccus et M. Porcius Cato consules idibus Martiis, quo die magistratum inierunt, de provinciis cum ad senatum rettulissent,

[2] patres censuerunt, quoniam in Hispania tantum glisceret bellum, ut iam consulari et duce et exercitu opus esset, placere consules Hispaniam citeriorem Italiamque provincias aut comparare inter se aut sortiri;

[3] utri Hispania provincia evenisset, eum duas legiones et quindecim milia socium Latini nominis ⁷⁶ et octingentos equites secum portare et naves longas viginti ducere;

[4] alter consul duas scriberet legiones; iis Galliam obtineri provinciam satis esse fractis proximo anno Insubrum Boiorumque animis:

[7] Ap. Claudio praeter legionem, quam Q. Fabius habuerat, duo milia peditum et ducentos equites novos ut scriberet, permissum.

[8] par numerus peditum equitumque novorum et P. Manlio in citeriorem Hispaniam decretus et legio eadem, quae fuerat sub Q. Minucio praetore, data.

[9] et P. Porcio Laecae [ad Etruriam] circa Pisas decem milia peditum et quingenti equites ex Gallico exercitu decreti. in Sardinia prorogatum imperium Ti. Sempronio Longo .

[1]

provinciis ita distributis consules, priusquam ab urbe proficiscerentur, ver sacrum ex decreto pontificum iussi facere,

[2] quod A. Cornelius Mammula praetor voverat de senatus sententia ⁷⁷ populique iussu Cn. Servilio C. Flaminio consulibus. annis post uno et viginti factum est quam votum.

[3] per eosdem dies C. Claudius Appi filius Pulcher augur in Q. Fabi Maximi locum, qui priore anno mortuus erat, lectus inauguratusque est.

[5] his litteris lectis minus terroris ab Hispanis erat, unde ingens bellum expectatum fuerat; omnes curae, utique post adventum decem legatorum, in Antiochum regem conversae.

[6] hi expositis prius, quae cum Philippo acta essent et quibus legibus data pax, non minorem belli molem instare ab Antiocho docuerunt:

[8] haerere et aliud in visceribus Graeciae ingens malum, Nabim, nunc Lacedaemoniorum, mox, si liceat, universae Graeciae futurum tyrannum, avaritia et crudelitate omnis fama celebratos tyrannos aequantem;

[9] cui si Argos velut arcem Peloponneso inpositam tenere liceat, deportatis in Italiam Romanis exercitibus nequiquam liberatam a Philippo Graeciam fore, pro rege, si nihil aliud, longinquo vicinum tyrannum dominum habituram.

[1]

haec cum ab tam gravibus auctoribus, tum qui omnia per se ipsos explorata adferrent,

[2] audirentur, maior res, quod ad Antiochum attineret, maturanda magis, quoniam rex quacumque de causa in Syriam concessisset, de tyranno consultatio visa est.

[3] cum diu disceptatum esset, utrum satis iam causae videretur, cur decerneretur bellum, an permitterent T. Quinctio , quod ad Nabim Lacedaemonium attineret, faceret, quod e re publica censeret esse,

[4] permiserunt, eam rem esse rati, quae maturata dilatave non ita magni momenti ad summam rem publicam esset;

[5] magis id animadvertendum esse, quid Hannibal et Carthaginienses, si cum Antiocho bellum motum foret, acturi essent. ⁷⁹

[6] adversae Hannibali factionis homines principibus Romanis, hospitibus quisque suis, identidem scribebant nuntios litterasque ab Hannibale ad Antiochum missas, et ab rege ad eum clam legatos venisse;

[7] ut feras quasdam nulla mitescere arte, sic inmitem et inplacabilem eius viri animum esse; marcescere otii situ queri civitatem et inertia sopiri nec sine armorum sonitu excitari posse.

[8] haec probabilia memoria prioris belli per unum illum non magis gesti quam moti faciebat. irritaverat etiam recenti facto multorum potentium animos.

[1]

iudicum ordo Carthagine ea tempestate dominabatur, eo maxime, quod iidem perpetui iudices erant.

[2] res, fama vitaque omnium in illorum potestate erat. qui unum eius ordinis offendisset, omnis adversos habebat, nec accusator apud infensos iudices deerat.

[3] horum in tam inpotenti regno—neque enim civiliter nimiis opibus utebantur—praetor factus Hannibal ⁸⁰ vocari ad se quaestorem iussit.

[4] quaestor id pro nihilo habuit; nam et adversae factionis erat et, quia ex quaestura in iudices, potentissimum ordinem, referebatur, iam pro futuris mox opibus animos gerebat.

[5] enimvero indignum id ratus Hannibal viatorem ad prendendum quaestorem misit subductumque in contionem non ipsum magis quam ordinem iudicum, prae quorum superbia atque opibus nec leges quicquam essent nec magistratus, accusavit.

[6] et ut secundis auribus accipi orationem animadvertit et infimorum quoque libertati gravem esse superbiam eorum. legem extemplo promulgavit pertulitque,

[7] ut in singulos annos iudices ⁸¹ legerentur, neu quis biennium continuum iudex esset. ceterum quantam eo facto ad plebem inierat gratiam, tantum magnae partis principum offenderat animos.

[8] adiecit et aliud, quo bono publico sibi proprias simultates irritavit. vectigalia publica partim neglegentia dilabebantur, partim praedae ac divisui et principum quibusdam et magistratibus erant,

[9] et pecunia, quae in stipendium Romanis suo quoque anno penderetur, deerat, tributumque grave privatis inminere videbatur.

[1]

Hannibal postquam, vectigalia quanta terrestria maritimaque essent et in quas res erogarentur, animadvertit, et quid eorum ordinarii rei publicae usus consumerent,

[4] ita diu repugnante P. Scipione Africano , qui parum ex dignitate populi Romani esse ducebat subscribere odiis accusatorum Hannibalis et factionibus Carthaginiensium inserere publicam auctoritatem nec satis habere bello vicisse Hannibalem,

[5] nisi velut accusatores calumniam in eum iurarent ac nomen deferrent, tandem pervicerunt,

[6] ut legati Carthaginem mitterentur, qui ad senatum eorum arguerent Hannibalem cum Antiocho rege consilia belli faciendi inire.

[7] legati tres missi, Cn. Servilius , M. Claudius Marcellus , Q. Terentius Culleo . qui cum Carthaginem venissent, ex consilio inimicorum Hannibalis quaerentibus causam adventus dici iusserunt,

[8] venisse se ad controversias, quae cum Masinissa rege Numidarum Carthaginiensibus essent, dirimendas.

[9] id creditum vulgo; unum Hannibalem se peti ab Romanis non fallebat et ita pacem Carthaginiensibus datam esse, ut inexpiabile bellum adversus se unum maneret.

[10] itaque cedere tempori et fortunae statuit; et praeparatis iam ante omnibus ad fugam, ⁸³ obversatus eo die in foro avertendae suspicionis causa, primis tenebris vestitu forensi ad portam cum duobus comitibus ignaris consilii est egressus.

[1]

cum equi, quo in loco iusserat, praesto fuissent, nocte Byzacium—ita regionem quandam agri vocant—transgressus, postero die ad mare inter Acyllam et Thapsum ad suam turrem pervenit.

[2] ibi eum parata instructaque remigio excepit navis. ita Africa Hannibal excessit, saepius patriae quam suum eventum miseratus.

[4] veritus tamen, ne qua earum navis nocte profecta Thapsum aut Hadrumetum nuntiaret se Cercinae visum, ⁸⁴ sacrificio apparari iusso magistros navium mercatoresque invitari iussit et vela cum antemnis ex navibus conrogari, ut umbraclum —

[5] media aestas forte erat—cenantibus in litore fieret. quanto res et tempus patiebatur apparatu celebratae eius diei epulae sunt; multoque vino in serum noctis convivium productum.

[6] Hannibal, cum primum fallendi eos, qui in portu erant, tempus habuit, navem solvit.

[7] ceteri sopiti cum postero die tandem ex somno pleni crapulae surrexissent, ad id quod serum erat, aliquot horas referendis in naves collocandisque et aptandis armamentis absumpserunt.

[8] Carthagine [et] multitudinis adsuetae domum Hannibalis frequentare concursus ad vestibulum aedium est factus.

[9] ut non comparere eum vulgatum est, in forum turba convenit principem civitatis quaerentium;

[10] et alii fugam conscisse, id quod erat, alii fraude Romanorum interfectum, idque magis vulgo fremebant, variosque vultus cerneres ut in civitate aliorum alias partes foventium et factionibus discordi; visum deinde Cercinae eum tandem allatum est.

[1]

et Romani legati cum in senatu exposuissent compertum patribus Romanis esse, et Philippum regem ante ab Hannibale maxime accensum bellum populo Romano fecisse,

[2] et ⁸⁵ nunc litteras nuntiosque ab eo ad Antiochum et Aetolos missos, consiliaque inita inpellendae ad defectionem Carthaginis, nec alio eum quam ad Antiochum regem profectum; haud quieturum eum, antequam bellum toto orbe terrarum concisset;

[3] id ei non debere impune esse, si satisfacere Carthaginienses populo Romano vellent nihil eorum sua voluntate nec publico consilio factum esse:

[4] Carthaginienses responderunt, quidquid aecum censuissent Romani, facturos esse.

[5] Hannibal prospero cursu Tyrum pervenit exceptusque a conditoribus Carthaginis, ut ab altera patria, vir tam clarus omni genere honorum, paucos moratus dies Antiochiam navigat.

[6] ibi profectum iam regem in Asiam cum audisset filiumque eius sollemne ludorum ad Daphnen celebrantem convenisset, comiter ab eo exceptus nullam moram navigandi fecit.

[7] Ephesi regem est consecutus, fluctuantem adhuc animo incertumque de Romano bello; sed haud parvum momentum ad animum eius moliendum ⁸⁶ adventus Hannibalis fecit.

[8] Aetolorum quoque eodem tempore alienati ab societate Romana animi sunt, quorum legatos Pharsalum et Leucadem et quasdam alias civitates ex primo foedere repetentis senatus ad T. Quinctium reiecit.

Translations (2)

History of Rome Perseus (Spillan, D.; Edmonds, Cyrus; McDevitte, William A., translators. London: Henry G. Bohn, 1849-1868. (Bohn's Classical Library)) — 33.1 focus

[1]

SUCH were the occurrences of the winter. In the beginning of spring, Quinctius, having summoned Attalus to Elatia, and being anxious to bring under his authority the nation of the Bœotians, who had until then been wavering in their dispositions, marched through Phocis, and pitched his camp at the distance of five miles from Thebes, the capital of Bœotia.

[2] Next day, attended by one company of soldiers, and by Attalus, together with the ambassadors, who had come to him in great numbers from all quarters, he proceeded towards the city, having ordered the spearmen of two legions, being two thousand men, to follow him at the distance of a mile.

[3] About midway, Antiphilus, praetor of the Bœotians, met him: the rest of the people stood on the walls, watching the arrival of the king and the Roman general.

[4] Few arms and few soldiers appeared around them —the hollow roads, and the valleys, concealing from view the spearmen, who followed at a distance. When Quinctius drew near the city, he slackened his pace, as if with intention to salute the multitude, who came out to meet him;

[5] but the real motive of his delaying was, that the spearmen might come up.

[6] The townsmen pushed forward, in a crowd, before the lictors, not perceiving the band of soldiers who were following them close, until they arrived at the general's quarters. Then, supposing the city betrayed and taken, through the treachery of Antiphilus, their praetor, they were all struck with astonishment and dismay.

[7] It was now evident that no room was left to the Bœotians for a free discussion of measures in the assembly, which was summoned for the following day.

[8] However, they concealed their grief, which it would have been both vain and unsafe to have discovered.

[1]

When the assembly met, Attalus first rose to speak, and he began his discourse with a recital of the kindnesses conferred by his ancestors and himself on the Greeks in general, and on the Bœotians in particular.

[2] But, being now too old and infirm to bear the exertion of speaking in public, he lost his voice and fell;

[3] and for some time, while they were carrying him to his apartments, (for he was deprived of the use of one half of his limbs,) the proceedings of the assembly were for a short time suspended.

[4] Then Aristaenus spoke on the part of the Achaeans, and was listened to with the greater attention, because he recommended to the Bœotians no other measures than those which he had recommended to the Achaeans.

[5] A few words were added by Quinctius, extolling the good faith rather than the arms and power of the Romans.

[6] A resolution was then proposed, by Dicaearchus of Plataea, for forming a treaty of friendship with the Roman people, which was read; and no one daring to offer any opposition, it was received and passed by the suffrages of all the states of Bœotia.

[7] When the assembly broke up, Quinctius made no longer stay at Thebes than the sudden accident to Attalus made necessary.

[8] When it appeared that the force of the disorder had not brought the king's life into any immediate danger, but had only occasioned a weakness in his limbs, he left him there, to use the necessary means for recovery, and returned to Elatia, from whence he had come.

[9] Having now brought the Bœotians, as formerly the Achaeans, to join in the confederacy, while all places were left behind him in a state of tranquillity and safety, he bent his whole attention towards Philip, and the remaining business of the war.

[1]

Philip, on his part, as his ambassadors had brought no hopes of peace

[2] from Rome, resolved, as soon as spring began, to levy soldiers through every town in his dominions: but he found a great scarcity of young men;

[3] for successive wars, through several generations, had very much exhausted the Macedonians, and, even in the course of his own reign, great numbers had fallen, in the

[4] naval engagements with the Rhodians and Attalus, and in those on land with the Romans. Mere youths, therefore, from the age of sixteen, were enlisted;

[5] and even those who had served out their time, provided they had any remains of strength, were recalled to their standards.

[6] Having, by these means, filled up the numbers of his army about the vernal equinox, he drew together all his forces to Dius: he encamped them there in a fixed post;

[7] and, exercising the soldiers every day, waited for the enemy.

[8] About the same time Quinctius left Elatia, and came by Thronium and Scarphea to Thermopylae. There he held an assembly of the Aetolians, which had been summoned to meet at Heraclea, to determine with what number of auxiliaries they should follow the Roman general to the war.

[9] On the third day, having learned the determination of the allies, he proceeded from Heraclea to Xyniae; and, pitching his camp on the confines between the Aenians and Thessalians, waited for the Aetolian auxiliaries.

[10] The Aetolians occasioned no delay. Six hundred foot and four hundred horse, under the command of Phaeneas, speedily joined him; and then Quinctius, to show plainly what he had waited for, immediately decamped.

[11] On passing into the country of Phthiotis, he was joined by five hundred

[12] Cretans of Gortynium, whose commander was Cydantes, with three hundred Apollonians, armed nearly in the same manner; and not long after, by Amynander, with one thousand two hundred Athamanian foot.

[1]

Philip, being informed of the departure of the Romans from Elatia, and considering that, on the approaching contest, his kingdom was at hazard, thought it advisable to make an encouraging speech to his soldiers;

[2] in which, after he had expatiated on many topics often alluded to before, respecting the virtues of their ancestors, and the military fame of the Macedonians, he touched particularly on those considerations which at the time threw the greatest damp on their spirits, and on those by which they might be animated to some degree of confidence.

[3] To the defeat thrice suffered at the narrow passes near the river Aous, by the phalanx of the Macedonians, he opposed the repulse given by main force to the Romans at Atrax:

[4] and even with respect to the former case, when they had not maintained possession of the pass leading into Epirus, he said,

the first fault was to be imputed to those who had been negligent in keeping the guards; and the second, to the light infantry and mercenaries in the time of the engagement; but that, as to the phalanx of the Macedonians, it had stood firm on that occasion; and would for ever remain invincible, on equal ground, and in regular fight.

[5] This body consisted of sixteen thousand men, the prime strength of the army, and of the kingdom. Besides these, he had two thousand targeteers, called Peltastae; of Thracians, and Illyrians of the tribe called Trallians, the like number of two thousand; and of hired auxiliaries, collected out of various nations, about one thousand; and two thousand horse. With this force the king waited for the enemy.

[6] The Romans had nearly an equal number; in cavalry alone they had a superiority, by the addition of the Aetolians.

[1]

Quinctius, having decamped to Thebes in Phthiotis, and having received encouragement to hope that the city would be betrayed to him by Timon, a leading man in the state, came up close to the walls with only a small number of cavalry and some light infantry.

[2] So entirely were his expectations disappointed, that he was not only obliged to maintain a fight with the enemy who sallied out against him, but would have incurred a fearful conflict had not both infantry

[3] and cavalry been called out hastily from the camp, and come up in time. Not meeting with that success which he had too inconsiderately expected, he desisted from any further attempt to take the city at present.

[4] He had received certain information of the king being in Thessaly; but as he had not yet discovered into what part of it he had come, he sent his soldiers round the country, with orders to cut timber and prepare palisades.

[5] Both Macedonians and Greeks had palisades; but the latter had not adopted the most convenient mode of using them, either with respect to carriage, or for the purpose of strengthening their fortifications.

[6] They cut trees both too large and too full of branches for a soldier to carry easily along with his arms: and after they had fenced their camp with a line of these, the demolition of their palisade was no difficult matter;

[7] for the trunks of large trees appearing to view, with great intervals between them, and the numerous and strong shoots affording the hand a good hold, two, or at most three young men, uniting their efforts, used to pull out one tree, which, being removed,

[8] a breach was opened as wide as a gate, and there was nothing at hand with which it could be stopped up.

[9] But the Romans cut light stakes, mostly of one fork, with three, or at the most four branches; so that a soldier, with his arms slung at his back, can conveniently carry several of them together;

[10] and then they stick them down so closely, and interweave the branches in such a manner, that it cannot be seen to what main stem any branch belongs; besides which, the boughs are so sharp, and wrought so intimately with each other, as to leave no room for a hand to be thrust between;

[11] consequently an enemy cannot lay hold of any thing capable of being dragged out, or, if that could be done, could he draw out the branches thus intertwined, and which mutually bind each other.

[12] And even if, by accident, one should be pulled out, it leaves but a small opening, which is very easily filled up.

[1]

Next day Quinctius, causing his men to carry palisades with them, that they might be ready to encamp on any spot, marched forward a short way, and took post about six miles from Pherae;

[2] whence he sent scouts to discover in what part of Thessaly the king was, and what appeared to be his intention.

[3] Philip was then near Larissa, and as soon as he learned that the Roman general had removed from Thebes, being equally impatient for a decisive engagement, he proceeded towards the enemy, and pitched his camp about four miles from Pherae.

[4] On the day following, some light troops went out from both camps, to seize on certain hills, which overlooked the city. When, nearly at equal distance from the summit which was intended to be seized, they came within sight of each other, they halted;

[5] and sending messengers to their respective camps for directions, how they were to proceed on this unexpected meeting with the enemy, waited their return in quiet.

[6] For that day, they were recalled to their camps, without having commenced any engagement. On the following day, there was a battle between the cavalry, near the same hills, in which the Aetolians bore no small part; and in which the king's troops were defeated, and driven into their camp.

[7] Both parties were greatly impeded in the action, by the ground being thickly planted with trees; by the gardens, of which there were many in a place so near the city; and by the roads being enclosed between walls, and in some places shut up.

[8] The commanders, therefore, were equally desirous of removing out of that quarter; and, as if by a preconcerted scheme, they both directed their route to Scotussa: Philip with the hope of getting a supply of corn there; the Roman intending to get before the enemy and destroy the crops.

[9] The armies marched the whole day without having sight of each other in any place, the view being intercepted by a continued range of hills between them.

[10] The Romans encamped at Eretria, in Phthiotis; Philip, on the river Onchestus. But though Philip lay at Melambius, in the territory of Scotussa, and Quinctius near Thetidium, in Pharsalia, neither party knew with any certainty where his antagonist was.

[11] On the third day, there first fell a violent rain, which was succeeded by darkness equal to that of night, and this confined the Romans to

[12] their camp, through fear of an ambuscade.

[1]

Philip, intent on hastening his march, and in no degree deterred by the clouds, which after the rain lowered over the face of the country, ordered his troops to march:

[2] and yet so thick a fog had obscured the day, that neither the standard-bearers could see the road, nor the soldiers the standards; so that all, led blindly by the shouts of uncertain guides, fell into disorder, like men wandering by night.

[3] When they had passed over the hills called Cynoscephalae, where they left a strong guard of foot and horse, they pitched their camp.

[4] Although the Roman general staid at Thetidium, yet he detached ten troops of horse and one thousand foot, to find out where the enemy lay; warning them, however, to beware of ambuscades, which the darkness of the day would cover, even in an open country.

[5] When these arrived at the hills, where the enemy's guard was posted, struck with mutual fear, both parties stood, as if deprived of the power of motion. They then sent back messengers to their respective commanders; and when the first surprise subsided, they proceeded to action without more delay. The fight was begun by small advanced parties; and afterwards the numbers of the combatants were increased by reinforcements of men, who supported those who gave way.

[6] In this contest the Romans, being far inferior to their adversaries, sent message after message to the general, that they were being overpowered; on which he hastily sent five hundred horse and two thousand foot, mostly Aetolians, under the command of two military tribunes, who relieved them, and restored the fight.

[7] The Macedonians, distressed in turn by this change of fortune, sent to beg succour from their king;

[8] but as, on account of the general darkness from the fog, he had expected nothing less, on that day, than a battle, and had therefore sent a great number of men, of every kind, to forage, he was, for a considerable time, in great perplexity, and unable to form a resolution.

[9] Subsequently, as the messengers still continued to urge him, and the covering of clouds was now removed from the tops of the mountains, and the Macedonian party was in view, having been driven up to the highest summit, and trusting for safety rather to the nature of the ground than to their arms, he thought it necessary, at all events, to

[10] hazard the whole, in order to prevent the loss of a part, for want of support;

[11] and, accordingly, he sent up Athenagoras, general of the mercenary soldiers, with all the auxiliaries, except the Thracians, joined by the Macedonian and Thessalian cavalry.

[12] On their arrival, the Romans were forced from the top of the hill, and did not face about until they came to the level plain. The principal support which saved them from being driven down in disorderly flight, was the Aetolian horsemen.

[13] The Aetolians were then by far the best cavalry in Greece; in infantry, they were surpassed by some of their neighbours.

[1]

This affair was represented as more successful than the advantage gained in the battle could warrant; for people came, one after another, and calling out that the Romans were flying in a panic;

[2] so that, though reluctant and hesitating, declaring it a rash proceeding, and that he liked not either the place or the time, yet he was prevailed upon to draw out his whole force to battle.

[3] The Roman general did the same, induced by necessity, rather than by the favourableness of the occasion. Leaving the right wing as a reserve, having the elephants posted in front, he, with the left, and all the right infantry, advanced against the enemy;

[4] at the same time reminding his men, that

they were going to fight the same Macedonians whom they had fought in the passes of Epirus, fenced, as they were, with mountains and rivers, and whom, after conquering the natural difficulties of the ground, they had dislodged and vanquished; the same, whom they had before defeated under the command of Publius Sulpicius, when they opposed their passage to Eordaea.

[5]

That the kingdom of Macedonia had been hitherto supported by its reputation, not by real strength; and that even that reputation had, at length, vanished.

[6] Quinctius soon reached his troops, who stood in the bottom of the valley; and they, on the arrival of their general and the army, renewed the fight, and, making a vigorous onset, compelled the enemy again to turn their backs.

[7] Philip, with the targeteers, and the right wing of infantry, (the main strength of the Macedonian army, called by them the phalanx,) advanced at a quick pace, having ordered Nicanor, one of his courtiers, to bring up the rest of his forces with all speed.

[8] At first, on reaching the top of the hill, from a few arms and bodies lying there, he perceived that there had been an engagement on the spot, and that the Romans had been repulsed from it.

[9] When he likewise saw the fight now going on close to the enemy's works, he was elated with excessive delight;

[10] but presently, observing his men flying back, and that the panic was on the other side, he was much embarrassed, and hesitated for some time, whether he should cause his troops to retire into the camp.

[11] Then, as the enemy approached, he was sensible that his party, besides the losses which they suffered as they fled, must be entirely lost, if not speedily succoured; and as, by this time, even a retreat would be unsafe, he found himself compelled to put all to hazard, before he was joined by the other division of his forces.

[12] He placed the cavalry and light infantry that had been engaged, on the right wing;

[13] and ordered the targeteers, and the phalanx of Macedonians, to lay aside their spears, which their great length rendered unserviceable, and to manage the business with their swords:

[14] at the same time, that his line might not be easily broken, he lessened the extent of the front one half, and doubled the files within so that it might be deeper than it was broad. He ordered them also to close their files, so that man might join with man and arms with arms.

[1]

Quinctius, having received among the standards and ranks those who had been engaged with the enemy, gave the signal by sound of trumpet.

[2] It is said, that such a shout was raised, as was seldom heard at the beginning of any battle; for it happened, that both armies shouted at once; not only the troops then engaged, but also the reserves, and those who were just then coming into the field.

[3] The king, fighting from the higher ground, had the better on the right wing, by means chiefly of the advantage of situation. On the left, all was disorder and confusion; particularly when that division of the phalanx, which had marched in the rear, was coming up.

[4] The centre stood intent on the fight as on a spectacle which in no way concerned them. The phalanx, just arrived, (a column rather than a line of battle, and fitter for a march than for a fight,) had scarcely mounted the top of the hill:

[5] before these could form, Quinctius, though he saw his men in the left wing giving

[6] way, charged the enemy furiously, first driving on the elephants against them, for he judged that one part being routed would draw the rest after. The affair was no longer doubtful.

[7] The Macedonians, repelled by the first shock of the elephants, instantly turned their backs; and the rest, as had been foreseen, followed them in their retreat.

[8] Then, one of the military tribunes, forming his design in the instant, took with him twenty companies of men; left that part of the army which was evidently victorious; and making a small circuit, fell on the rear of the enemy's right wing. Any army whatever, thus charged from the rear, must have been thrown into confusion. But to that confusion which under such circumstances would be common to all armies, there was in this case an additional cause.

[9] The phalanx of the Macedonians, being heavy, could not readily face about; nor would they have been suffered to do it by their adversaries in front, who, although they gave way to them a little before, on this new occasion pressed them vigorously.

[10] Besides, they lay under another inconvenience in respect of the ground; for, by pursuing the retreating enemy down the face of the hill, they had left the top to the party who came round on their rear.

[11] Thus attacked on both sides, they were exposed for some time to great slaughter, and then betook themselves to flight, most of them throwing away their arms.

[1]

Philip, with a small party of horse and foot, ascended a hill somewhat higher than the rest, to take a view of the situation of his troops on the left.

[2] Then, when he saw them flying in confusion, and all the hills around glittering with Roman standards and arms, he withdrew from the field.

[3] Quinctius, as he was pressing on the retreating enemy, observed the Macedonians suddenly raising up their spears, and not knowing what they meant thereby, he ordered the troops to halt.

[4] Then, on being told that this was the practice of the Macedonians when surrendering themselves prisoners, he was disposed to spare the vanquished;

[5] but the troops, not being apprized, either of the enemy having ceased fighting, or of the general's intention, made a charge on them, and the foremost having been cut down, the rest dispersed themselves and fled.

[6] Philip hastened in disorderly flight to Tempè, and there halted one day at Gonni, to pick up any who might have survived the battle. The victorious Romans rushed into the Macedonian camp with hopes of spoil, but found it, for the most part, plundered already by the Aetolians. Eight thousand of the enemy were killed on that day, five thousand taken.

[7] Of the victors, about seven hundred fell.

[8] If any credit is to be attached to Valerius Antias, who on every occasion exaggerates numbers enormously, the killed of the enemy on that day amounted to forty thousand; the prisoners taken, (in which article the deviation from truth is less extravagant,) to five thousand seven hundred, with two hundred and forty-nine military standards.

[9] Claudius also asserts that thirty-two thousand of the enemy were slain, and four thousand three hundred taken.

[10] We have not given entire credit, even to the smallest of those numbers, but have followed Polybius, a safe authority with respect to all the Roman affairs, but especially those which were transacted in Greece.

[1]

Philip having collected, after the flight, such as, having been scattered by the various chances of the battle, had followed his steps, and having sent people to Larissa to burn the records of the kingdom, lest they should fall into the hands of the enemy, retired into Macedonia.

[2] Quinctius set up to sale a part of the prisoners and booty, and part he bestowed on the soldiers; and then proceeded to Larissa, without having yet received any certain intelligence to what quarter Philip had betaken himself, or what were his designs.

[3] To this place came a herald from the king, apparently to obtain a truce, until those who had fallen in battle should be removed and buried, but in reality to request permission to send ambassadors. Both were obtained from the Roman general; who, besides, added this message to the king,

not to be too much dejected.

[4] This expression gave much offence, particularly to the Aetolians, who were become very assuming, and who complained, that

the general was quite altered by success.

[5]

Before the battle, he was accustomed to transact all business, whether great or small, in concert with the allies; but they had, now, no share in any of his counsels; he conducted all affairs entirely by his own judgment;

[6]

and was even seeking an occasion of ingratiating himself personally with Philip, in order that, after the Aetolians had laboured through all hardships and difficulties of the war, the Roman might assume to himself all the merit and all the fruits of a peace.

[7] Certain it is, that he had treated them with less respect than formerly, but they did not know why they were thus slighted. They imagined that he was actuated by an expectation of presents from the king, though he was of a spirit incapable of yielding to any such passion of the mind;

[8] but he was, with good reason, displeased at the Aetolians, on account of their insatiable greediness for plunder, and of their arrogance in assuming to themselves the honour of the victory —a claim so ill founded, as to offend the ears of all.

[9] Besides, he foresaw that, if Philip were removed out of the way, and the strength of the kingdom of Macedonia entirely broken, the Aetolians would necessarily be regarded as the masters of Greece.

[10] For these reasons, he intentionally did many things to lessen their importance and reputation in the judgment of the other states.

[1]

A truce for fifteen days was granted to the Macedonians, and a conference with the king himself appointed. Before the day arrived on which this was to be held, the Roman general called a council of the allies, and desired their opinions respecting the terms of peace, proper to be prescribed.

[2] Amynander, king of Athamania, delivered his opinion in a few words; that

the conditions of peace ought to be adjusted in such a manner, as that Greece might have sufficient power, even without the interference of the Romans, to maintain the peace, and also its own liberty.

[3] The address of the Aetolians was more harsh;

[4] for, after a few introductory observations on the justice and propriety of the Roman general's conduct, in communicating his plans of peace to those who had acted with him as allies in the war, they insisted, that he was utterly mistaken, if he supposed that he could leave the peace with the Romans, or the liberty of Greece, on a permanent footing, unless Philip was either put to death or banished from his kingdom; both which he could easily accomplish, if he chose to pursue his present success."

[5] Quinctius, in reply, said, that

the Aetolians, in giving such advice, attended not either to the maxims of the Roman policy, or to the consistency of their own conduct.

[6]

For, in all the former councils and conferences, wherein the conditions of peace were discussed, they never once urged the pushing of the war to the utter ruin of the Macedonian:

[7]

and, as to the Romans, besides that they had, from the earliest periods, observed the maxim of sparing the vanquished, they had lately given a signal proof of their clemency in the peace granted to Hannibal and the Carthaginians.

[8]

But, not to insist on the case of the Carthaginians, how often had the confederates met Philip himself in conference, yet that it had never been urged that he should resign his kingdom: and, because he had been defeated in battle, was that a reason that their animosity should become implacable?

[9]

Against an armed foe, men ought to engage with hostile resentment; towards the vanquished, the loftiest spirit was ever the most merciful.

[10]

The kings of Macedonia were thought to be dangerous to the liberty of Greece. Suppose that kingdom and nation extirpated, the Thracians, Illyrians, and in time the Gauls, (nations unsubjugated and savage,) would pour themselves into Macedonia first, and then into Greece.

[11]

That they should not, by removing inconveniences which lay nearest, open a passage to others greater and more grievous.

Here he was interrupted by Phaeneas, praetor of the Aetolians, who solemnly declared, that

if Philip escaped now, he would soon raise a new and more dangerous war.

[12] On which Quinctius said, —

Cease wrangling, when you ought to deliberate. The king shall be bound down by such conditions as will not leave it in his power to raise a war.

[1]

The convention was then adjourned; and next day, the king came to the pass at the entrance of Tempè, the place appointed for a conference;

[2] and the third day following was fixed for introducing him to a full assembly of the Romans and allies.

[3] On this occasion Philip, with great prudence, intentionally avoided the mention of any of those conditions, without which peace could not be obtained, rather than suffer them to be extorted after discussion;

[4] and declared, that he was ready to comply with all the articles which, in the former conference, were either prescribed by the Romans or demanded by the allies; and to leave all other matters to the determination of the senate.

[5] Although he seemed to have hereby precluded every objection, even from the most inveterate of his enemies, yet, all the rest remaining silent, Phaeneas, the Aetolian, said to him, —

What!

[6]

Philip, do you at last restore to us Pharsalus and Larissa, with Cremaste, Echinus, and Thebes in Phthiotis?

[7] On Philip answering, that

he would give no obstruction to their retaking the possession of them,

a dispute arose between the Roman general and the Aetolians about Thebes; for Quinctius affirmed, that it became the property of the Roman people by the laws of war;

[8] because when, before the commencement of hostilities, he marched his army thither, and invited the inhabitants to friendship, they, although at full liberty to renounce the king's party, yet preferred an alliance with Philip to one with Rome.

[9] Phaeneas alleged, that, in consideration of their being confederates in the war, it was reasonable, that whatever the Aetolians possessed before it began, should be restored; and that, besides, there was, in the first treaty, a provisional clause of that purport, by which the spoils of war,

[10] of every kind that could be carried or driven, were to belong to the Romans; and that the lands and captured cities should fall to the Aetolians.

[11]

Yourselves,

replied Quinctius,

annulled the conditions of that treaty, at the time when ye deserted us, and made peace with Philip; but supposing it still remained in force, yet that clause could affect only captured cities.

[12]

Now, the states of Thessaly submitted to us by a voluntary act of their own.

[13] — These words were heard by their allies with universal approbation; but to the Aetolians they were both highly displeasing at the present, and proved afterwards the cause of a war, and of many great disasters attending it.

[14] The terms settled with Philip were, that he should give his son Demetrius, and some of his friends, as hostages; should pay two hundred talents; ¹ and send ambassadors to Rome, respecting the other articles: for which purpose there should be a cessation of arms for four months. An engagement was entered into, that, in case the senate should refuse to conclude a treaty, his money and hostages should be returned to Philip.

[15] It is said, that one of the principal reasons which made the Roman general wish to expedite the conclusion of a peace, was, that he had received certain information of Antiochus intending to commence hostilities, and to pass over into Europe.

[1]

About the same time, and, as some writers say, on the same day, the Achaeans defeated Androsthenes, the king's commander, in a general engagement near Corinth.

[2] Philip, intending to use this city as a citadel, to awe the states of Greece, had invited the principal inhabitants to a conference, under pretence of agreeing with them as to the number of horsemen which the Corinthians could supply towards the war, and these he detained as hostages.

[3] Besides the force already there, consisting of five hundred Macedonians and eight hundred auxiliaries of

[4] various kinds, he had sent thither one thousand Macedonians, one thousand two hundred Illyrians, and of Thracians and Cretans (for these served in both the opposite armies) eight hundred.

[5] To these were added Bœotians, Thessalians, and Acarnanians, to the amount of one thousand, all carrying bucklers; with as many of the young Corinthians themselves, as filled up the number of six thousand men under arms, —a force which inspired Androsthenes with a confident wish to decide the matter in the field.

[6] Nicostratus, praetor of the Achaeans, was at Sicyon, with two thousand foot and one hundred horse; but seeing himself so inferior, both in the number and kind of troops, he did not go outside the walls:

[7] the king's forces, in various excursions, were ravaging the lands of Pellene, Phliasus, and Cleone.

[8] At last, reproaching the enemy with cowardice, they passed over into the territory of Sicyon, and, sailing round Achaia, laid waste the whole coast.

[9] As the enemy, while thus employed, spread themselves about too widely and too carelessly, (the usual consequence of too much confidence,) Nicostratus conceived hopes of attacking them by surprise. He therefore sent secret directions to all the neighbouring states, as to what day, and what number from each state, should assemble in arms at Apelaurus, a place in the territory of Stymphalia.

[10] All being in readiness at the time appointed, he marched thence immediately;

[11] and, without the knowledge of any one as to what he was contemplating, came by night through the territory of the Phliasians to Cleone.

[12] He had with him five thousand foot, of whom * * * * * * ² were light-armed, and three hundred horse; with this force he waited there, having despatched scouts to watch on what quarter the enemy should make their irregular inroads.

[1]

Androsthenes, utterly ignorant of all these proceedings, set out from Corinth, and encamped on the Nemea, a river running between the confines of Corinth and Sicyon.

[2] Here, dismissing one half of his troops, he divided the remainder into three parts, and ordered all the cavalry of each part to march in separate divisions, and ravage, at the same time, the territories of Pellene, Sicyon, and Phlius.

[3] Accordingly, the three divisions set out by different roads. As soon as Nicostratus received intelligence of this at Cleone, he instantly sent forward a numerous detachment of mercenaries, to seize a pass at the entrance into the territory of Corinth;

[4] and he himself quickly followed, with his troops in two columns, the cavalry proceeding before the head of each, as advanced guards.

[5] In one column marched the mercenary soldiers and light infantry; in the other, the shield-bearers of the Achaeans and other states, who composed the principal strength of the army.

[6] Both infantry and cavalry were now within a small distance of the camp, and some of the Thracians had attacked parties of the enemy, who were straggling and scattered over the country, when the sudden alarm reached their tents.

[7] The commander was thrown into the utmost perplexity; for, having never had a sight of the Achaeans, except occasionally on the hills before Sicyon, when they did not venture to come down into the plains, he had never imagined that they would come so far as Cleone.

[8] He ordered the stragglers to be recalled by sound of trumpet; commanded the soldiers to take arms with all haste; and, marching out of the gate at the head of thin battalions, drew up his line on the bank of the river.

[9] His other troops, having scarcely had time to be collected and formed, did not withstand the enemy's first onset;

[10] the Macedonians had surrounded their standards in by far the greatest numbers, and now kept the prospect of victory a long time doubtful. At length, being left exposed by the flight of the rest,

[11] and pressed by two bodies of the enemy on different sides, by the light infantry on their flank, and by the shield-bearers and targeteers in front, and seeing victory declare against them, they at first gave ground; soon after, being vigorously pushed, they turned their backs;

[12] and most of them, throwing away their arms and having lost all hope of defending their camp, made the best of their way to Corinth.

[13] Nicostratus sent the mercenaries in pursuit of these; and the auxiliary Thracians against the party employed in ravaging the lands of Sicyon: occasioned great carnage in both instances, greater almost than occurred in the battle itself.

[14] Of those who had been ravaging Pellene and Phlius, some, returning to their camp, ignorant of all that had happened, and without any regular order, fell in with the advanced guards of the enemy, where they expected their own.

[15] Others, from the bustle which they perceived, suspecting what was really the case, fled and dispersed themselves in such a manner, that, as they wandered up and down, they were cut off by the very peasants. There fell, on that day, one thousand five hundred: three hundred were made prisoners.

[16] All Achaia was thus relieved from their great alarm.

[1]

Before the battle at Cynoscephalae, Lucius Quinctius had invited to Corcyra some chiefs of the Acarnanians, the only state in Greece which had continued to maintain its alliance with the Macedonians; and there made some kind of scheme for a change of measures.

[2] Two causes, principally, had retained them in friendship with the king: one was a principle of honour, natural to that nation; the other, their fear and hatred of the Aetolians.

[3] A general assembly was summoned to meet at Leucas; but neither did all the states of Acarnania come thither, nor were those who did attend agreed in opinion. However, the magistrates and leading men prevailed so far, as to get a decree passed, thus privately, for joining in alliance with the Romans.

[4] This gave great offence to those who had not been present; and, in this ferment of the nation, Androcles and Echedemus, two men of distinction among the Acarnanians, being commissioned by Philip, had influence enough in the assembly, not only to obtain the repeal of the decree for an alliance

[5] with Rome, but also the condemnation, on a charge of treason, of Archesilaus and Bianor, both men of the first rank in Acarnania, who had been the advisers of that measure; and to deprive Zeuxidas, the praetor, of his office, for having put it to the vote.

[6] The persons condemned took a course apparently desperate, but successful in the issue: for, while their friends advised them to yield to the necessity of the occasion, and withdraw to Corcyra, to the Romans, they resolved to present themselves to the multitude;

[7] and either, by that act, to mollify their resentment, or endure whatever might befall them.

[8] When they had introduced themselves into a full assembly, at first, a murmur arose, expressive of surprise; but presently silence took place, partly from respect to their former dignity, partly from commiseration of their present situation.

[9] Having been also permitted the liberty of speaking, at first they addressed the assembly in a suppliant manner; but, in the progress of their discourse, when they came to refute the charges made against them, they spoke with that degree of confidence which innocence inspires.

[10] At last, they even ventured to utter some complaints, and to charge the proceedings against them with injustice and cruelty; and this had such an effect on the minds of all present, that, with one consent, they annulled all the decrees passed against them.

[11] Nevertheless, they came to a resolution, to renounce the friendship of the Romans, and return to the alliance with Philip.

[1]

These decrees were passed at Leucas, the capital of Acarnania, the place where all the states usually met in council.

[2] As soon, therefore, as the news of this sudden change reached the lieutenant-general Flamininus, in Corcyra, he instantly set sail with the fleet for Leucas; and coming to an anchor at a place called Heraeus, advanced thence towards the walls with every kind of machine used in the attacking of cities;

[3] supposing that the first appearance of danger might bend the minds of the inhabitants to submission.

[4] But seeing no prospect of effecting any thing, except by force, he began to erect towers and sheds, and to bring up the battering-rams to the walls.

[5] The whole of Acarnania, being situated between Aetolia and Epirus, faces towards the west and the Sicilian sea.

[6] Leucadia, now an island, separated from Acarnania by a shallow strait which was dug by the hand, was then a peninsula, united on its eastern side to Acarnania by a narrow isthmus: this isthmus was about five hundred paces in length, and in breadth not above one hundred and twenty.

[7] At the entrance of this narrow neck stands Leucas, stretching up part of a hill which faces the east and Acarnania: the lower part of the town is level, lying along the sea, which divides Leucadia from Acarnania.

[8] Thus it lies open to attacks, both from the sea and from the land; for the channel is more like a marsh than a sea, and all the adjacent ground is solid enough to render the construction of works easy. In many places, therefore, at once the walls fell down, either undermined, or demolished by the ram.

[9] But the spirit of the besieged was as invincible as the town itself was favourably situated for the besiegers: night and day they employed themselves busily in repairing the shattered parts of the wall;

[10] and, stopping up the breaches that were made, fought the enemy with great spirit, and showed a wish to defend the walls by their arms rather than themselves by the walls.

[11] And they would certainly have protracted the siege to a length unexpected by the Romans, had not some exiles of Italian birth, who resided in Leucas, admitted a band of soldiers into the citadel:

[12] notwithstanding which, when those troops ran down from the higher ground with great tumult and uproar, the Leucadians, drawing up in a body in the forum, withstood them for a considerable time in regular fight.

[13] Meanwhile the walls were scaled in many places; and the besiegers, climbing over the rubbish, entered the town through the breaches.

[14] And now the lieutenant-general himself surrounded the combatants with a powerful force. Being thus hemmed in, many were slain, the rest laid down their arms, and surrendered to the conqueror.

[15] In a few days after, on hearing of the battle at Cynoscephalae, all the states of Acarnania made their submission to the lieutenant-general.

[1]

About this time, fortune, depressing the same party in every quarter at once, the Rhodians, in order to recover from Philip the tract on the continent called Peraea, which

[2] had been in possession of their ancestors, sent thither their praetor, Pausistratus, with eight hundred Achaean foot, and about one thousand nine hundred men, made up of auxiliaries of various nations.

[3] These were Gauls, Nisuetans, Pisuetans, Tamians, Areans from Africa, and Laodiceans from Asia.

[4] With this force Pausistratus seized by surprise Tendeba, in the territory of Stratonice, a place exceedingly convenient for his purpose, without the knowledge of the king's troops who had held it.

[5] A reinforcement of one thousand Achaean foot and one hundred horse, called out for the same expedition, came up at the very time, under a commander called Theoxenus.

[6] Dinocrates, the king's general, with design to recover the fort, marched his army first to Tendeba, and then to another fort called Astragon, which also stood in the territory of Stratonice. Then, calling in all the garrisons, which were scattered in many different places, and the Thessalian auxiliaries from Stratonice itself, he led them on to Alabanda, where the enemy lay.

[7] The Rhodians were no way averse from a battle, and the camps being pitched near each other, both parties immediately came into the field.

[8] Dinocrates placed five hundred Macedonians on his right wing, and the Agrians on his left;

[9] the centre he formed of the troops which he had drawn together out of the garrisons of the forts; these were mostly Carians; and he covered the flanks with the cavalry, and the Cretan and Thracian auxiliaries.

[10] The Rhodians had on the right wing the Achaeans; on the left, mercenary soldiers; and in the centre a chosen band of infantry, a body of auxiliaries composed of troops of various nations.

[11] The cavalry and what light infantry they had, were posted on the wings.

[12] During that day both armies remained on the banks of a rivulet, which ran between them, and, after discharging a few javelins, they retired into their camps. Next day, being drawn up in the same order, they fought a more important battle than could have been expected, considering the numbers engaged; for there were not more than three thousand infantry on each side, and about one hundred horse:

[13] but they were not only on an equality with respect to numbers, and the kind of arms which they used, but they also fought with equal spirit and equal hopes.

[14] First, the Achaeans, crossing the rivulet, made an attack on the Agrians; then the whole line passed the river, almost at full speed.

[15] The fight continued doubtful a long time: the Achaeans, one thousand in number, drove back the four hundred from their position.

[16] Then the left wing giving way, all exerted themselves against the right. On the Macedonians no impression could be made, so long as their phalanx preserved its order, each man clinging as it were to another:

[17] but when, in consequence of their flank being left exposed, they endeavoured to turn their spears against the enemy, who were advancing upon that side, they immediately broke their ranks.

[18] This first caused disorder among themselves; they then turned their backs, and at last, throwing away their arms, and flying with precipitation, made the best of their way to Bargylii. To the same place Dinocrates also made his escape.

[19] The Rhodians continued the pursuit as long as the day lasted, and then retired to their camp. There is every reason to believe, that, if the victors had proceeded with speed to Stratonice, that city would have been gained without a contest;

[20] but the opportunity for effecting this was neglected, and the time wasted in taking possession of the forts and villages in Peraea.

[21] In the mean time, the courage of the troops in garrison at Stratonice revived; and shortly after, Dinocrates, with the troops which had escaped from the battle, came into the town, which, after that, was besieged and assaulted without effect; nor could it be reduced until a long time after that, when Antiochus took it.

[22] Such were the events that took place in Thessaly, in Achaia, and in Asia, all about the same time.

[1]

Philip was informed that the Dardanians, in contempt of the power of his kingdom, shaken as at that time it was,

[2] had passed the frontiers, and were spreading devastation through the upper parts of Macedonia:

[3] on which, though he was hard pressed in almost every quarter of the globe, fortune on all occasions defeating his measures and those of his friends, yet, thinking it more intolerable than death to be expelled from the possession of Macedonia, he made hasty levies through the cities of his dominions; and, with six thousand foot and five hundred horse, defeated the enemy by a surprise near Stobi in Paeonia.

[4] Great numbers were killed in the fight, and greater numbers of those who were scattered about in quest of plunder. As to such as found a road open for flight, without having even tried the chance of an engagement, they hastened back to their own country.

[5] After this enterprise, executed with a degree of success beyond what he met in the rest of his attempts, and which raised the drooping courage of his people, he retired to Thessalonica.

[6] Seasonable as was the termination of the Punic war, in extricating the Romans from the danger of a quarrel with Philip, the recent triumph over Philip happened still more opportunely, when Antiochus, in Syria, was already making preparations for hostilities.

[7] For besides that it was easier to wage war against them separately than if both had combined their forces together, Spain had, a little before this time, risen in arms in great commotion.

[8] Antiochus, though he had in the preceding summer reduced under his power all the states in Cœle-Syria belonging to Ptolemy, and retired into winter quarters at Antioch, yet allowed himself no relaxation from the exertions of the summer.

[9] For resolving to exert the whole strength of his kingdom, he collected a most powerful force, both naval and military; and in the beginning of spring, sending forward by land his two sons, Ardues and Mithridates, at the head of the army, with orders to wait for him at Sardis, he himself set out

[10] by sea, with a fleet of one hundred decked ships, besides two hundred lighter vessels, barks and fly-boats, designing to attempt the reduction of all the cities under the dominion of Ptolemy along the whole coast of Caria and Cilicia;

[11] and, at the same time, to aid Philip with an army and ships, for as yet that war had not been brought to a conclusion.

[1]

The Rhodians, out of a faithful attachment to the Roman people, and an affection for the whole race of the Greeks, have performed many honourable exploits, both on land and sea:

[2] but never was their gallantry more eminently conspicuous than on this occasion, when, nowise dismayed at the formidable magnitude of the impending war, they sent ambassadors to tell the king, that he should not double the point of Cheledoniae, which is a promontory of Cilicia, rendered famous by an ancient treaty between the Athenians and the king of Persia;

[3] that if he did not confine his fleet and forces to that boundary, they would meet him there and oppose him, not out of any ill will, but because they would not suffer him to join Philip and obstruct the Romans, who were restoring liberty to Greece.

[4] At this time Antiochus was pushing on the siege of Coracesium with his works; for, after he had got possession of Zephyrium, Solae, Aphrodisias, and Corycus;

[5] and doubling Anemurium, another promontory of Cilicia, had taken Selinus; when all these, and the other fortresses on that coast, had, either through fear or inclination, submitted without resistance, Coracesium shut its gates, and gave him a delay which he did not expect.

[6] Here an audience was given to the ambassadors of the Rhodians, and although the purport of their embassy was such as might kindle passion in the breast of a king, yet he stifled his resentment, and answered, that

he would send ambassadors to Rhodes, and would give them instructions to renew the old treaties, made by him and his predecessors, with that state;

[7]

and to assure them, that they need not be alarmed at his approach; that it would involve no injury or fraud either to them or their allies;

[8]

for that he was not about to violate the friendship subsisting between himself and the Romans, both his own late embassy to that people, and the senate's answers and decrees, so honourable to him, were a sufficient evidence.

[9] Just at that time his ambassadors happened to have returned from Rome, where they had been heard and dismissed with courtesy, as the juncture required; the event of the war with Philip being yet uncertain.

[10] While the king's ambassadors were haranguing to the above purpose, in an assembly of the people at Rhodes, a courier arrived with an account of the battle at Cynoscephalae having finally decided the fate of the war. Having received this intelligence, the Rhodians, now freed from all apprehensions of danger from Philip, resolved to oppose Antiochus with their fleet.

[11] Nor did they neglect another object that required their attention; the protection of the freedom of the cities in alliance with Ptolemy, which were threatened with war by Antiochus.

[12] For, some they assisted with men, others by forewarning them of the enemy's designs; by which means they enabled the Cauneans, Mindians, Halicarnassians, and Samians to preserve their liberty.

[13] It were needless to attempt enumerating all the transactions as they occurred in that quarter, when I am scarcely equal to the task of recounting those which immediately concern the war in which Rome was engaged.

[1]

At this time king Attalus, having fallen sick at Thebes, and been carried thence to Pergamus, died at the age of seventy-one, after he had reigned forty-four years.

[2] To this man for- tune had given nothing which could inspire hopes of a throne except riches. By a prudent, and, at the same time, a splendid use of these, he begat, in himself first, and then in others, an opinion, that he was not undeserving of a crown.

[3] Afterwards, having in one battle utterly defeated the Gauls, which nation was then the more terrible to Asia, as having but lately made its appearance there, he assumed the title

[4] of king, and ever after exhibited a spirit equal to the dignity of that name.

[5] He governed his subjects with the most perfect justice, and observed an unvarying fidelity towards his allies; gentle and bountiful to his friends; affectionate to his wife and four sons, who survived him; and he left his government established on such solid and firm foundations, that the possession of it descended to the third generation.

[6] While this was the posture of affairs in Asia, Greece, and Macedonia, the war with Philip being scarcely ended, and the peace certainly not yet perfected, a desperate insurrection took place in the Farther Spain.

[7] Marcus Helvius was governor of that province.

[8] He informed the senate by letter, that

two chieftains, Colca and Luscinus, were in arms; that Colca was joined by seventeen towns, and Luscinus by the powerful cities of Carmo and Bardo; and that the people of the whole sea-coast, who had not yet manifested their disposition, were ready to rise on the first motion of their neighbours.

[9] On this letter being read by Marcus Sergius, city praetor, the senate decreed, that, as soon as the election of praetors should be finished, the one to whose lot the government of Spain fell should, without delay, consult the senate respecting the commotions in that province.

[1]

About the same time the consuls came

[2] home to Rome, and, on their holding a meeting of the senate in the temple of Bellona, and demanding a triumph, in consideration of their successes in the war, Caius Atinius Labeo, and Caius Ursanius, plebeian tribunes, insisted that

the consuls should propose their claims of a triumph separately, for they would not suffer the question to be put on both jointly, lest equal honours might be conferred where the merits were unequal.

[3] Minucius urged, that they had both been appointed to the government of one province, Italy; and that, through the course of their administration, his colleague and himself had been united in sentiments and in counsels;

[4] to which Cornelius added, that, when the Boians were passing the Po, to assist the Insubrians and Caenomanians against him, they were forced to return to defend their own country, from his colleague ravaging their towns and lands.

[5] In reply the tribunes ac- knowledged, that the services performed in the war by Cor- nelius were so great, that

no more doubt could be entertained respecting his triumph than respecting the ascribing of glory to the immortal gods.

[6] Nevertheless they insisted, that

neither he nor any other member of the community should possess such power and influence as to be able, after obtaining the honour that was due to himself, to bestow the same distinction on a colleague, who immodestly demanded what he had not deserved.

[7]

The exploits of Quintus Minucius in Liguria were trifling skirmishes, scarcely deserving mention; and in Gaul he had lost great numbers of soldiers.

[8] They mentioned even military tribunes, Titus Juvencius and Cneius Labeo, of the fourth legion, the plebeian tribune's brother, who had fallen in unsuccessful conflict, together with many other brave men, both citizens and allies: and they asserted, that

pretended surrenders of a few towns and villages, fabricated for the occasion, had been made, without any pledge of fidelity being taken.

[9] These altercations between the consuls and tribunes lasted two days:

[10] at last the consuls, overcome by the obstinacy of the tribunes, proposed their claims separately.

[1]

To Cneius Cornelius a triumph was unanimously decreed: and the inhabitants of Placentia and Cremona added to the applause bestowed on

[2] the consul, by returning him thanks, and mentioning, to his honour, that they had been delivered by him from a siege; and that very many of them, when in the hands of the enemy, had been rescued from captivity.

[3] Quintus Minucius just tried how the proposal of his claim would be received, and finding the whole senate averse from it, declared, that by the authority of his office of consul, and pursuant to the example of many illustrious men, he would triumph on the Alban mount.

[4] Caius Cornelius, being yet in office, triumphed over the Insubrian and Caenomanian Gauls. He produced a great number of military standards, and carried in the procession abundance of Gallic spoils in captured chariots.

[5] Many Gauls of distinction were led before his chariot, and along with them, some writers say, Hamilcar, the Carthaginian general.

[6] But what, more than all, attracted the eyes of the public, was a crowd of Cremonian and Placentian colonists, with caps of liberty on their heads, following his chariot.

[7] He carried in his triumph two hundred and thirty-seven thousand five hundred asses,³ and of silver denarii, stamped with a chariot, seventy-nine thousand. ⁴ He distributed to each of his soldiers seventy asses,⁵ to a horseman and a centurion double that sum.

[8] Quintus Minucius, consul, triumphed on the Alban mount, over the Ligurian and Boian Gauls. Although this triumph was less respectable, in regard to the place and the fame of his exploits, and because all knew the expense was not issued from the treasury; yet, in regard of the number of standards, chariots, and spoils, it was nearly equal to the other. The amount of the money also was nearly equal.

[9] Two hundred and fifty-four thousand asses⁶ were conveyed to the treasury, and of silver denarii, stamped with a chariot, fifty-three thousand two hundred. ⁷ He likewise gave to the soldiers, horsemen, and centurions, severally, the same sums that his colleague had given.

[1]

After the triumph, the election of consuls came on. The persons chosen were Lucius Furius Purpureo and Marcus Claudius Marcellus.

[2] Next day, the following were elected praetors; Quintus Fabius Buteo, Tiberius Sempronius Longus, Quintus Minucius Thermus, Manius Acilius Glabrio, Lucius Apustius Fullo, and Caius Laelius.

[3] Toward the close of this year, a letter came from Titus Quinctius, with information that he had fought a pitched battle with Philip in Thessaly, and that the army of the enemy had been routed and put to flight.

[4] This letter was read by Sergius, the praetor, first in the senate, and then, by the direction of the fathers, in a general assembly; and supplications of five days' continuance were decreed on account of those successes. Soon after arrived the ambassadors, both from Titus Quinctius and from the king.

[5] The Macedonians were conducted out of the city to the Villa Publica, where lodgings and every other accommodation were provided for them, and an audience of the senate was given them in the temple of Bellona. Not many words passed; for the Macedonians declared, that whatever terms the senate should prescribe, the king was ready to comply with them.

[6] It was decreed, that, conformably to ancient practice, ten ambassadors should be appointed, and that, in council with them, the general, Titus Quinctius, should grant terms of peace to Philip;

[7] and a clause was added, that, in the number of these ambassadors, should be Publius Sulpicius and Publius Villius, who in their consulships had held the province of Macedonia.

[8] On the same day the inhabitants of Oossa having presented a petition, praying that the number of their colonists might be enlarged; an order was accordingly passed, that one thousand should be added to the list, with a provision, that

[9] no persons should be admitted into that number who, at any time since the consulate of Publius Cornelius and Tiberius Sempronius, had been partisans of the enemy.

[1]

This year the Roman games were exhibited in the circus, and on the stage, by the curule aediles, Publius Cornelius Scipio and Cneius Manlius Vulso, with an unusual degree of splendour, and were beheld with the greater delight, in consequence of the late successes in war. They were thrice repeated entire, and the plebeian games seven times.

[2] These were exhibited by Manius Acilius Glabrio and Caius Laelius, who also, out of the money arising from fines, erected three brazen statues, to Ceres, Liber, and Libera.

[3] Lucius Furius and Marcus Claudius Marcellus, having entered on the consulship, when the distribution of

[4] the provinces came to be agitated, and the senate appeared disposed to vote Italy the province of both, exerted themselves to get that of Macedonia put to the lot along with Italy.

[5] Marcellus, who of the two was the more eager for that province, by assertions that the peace was merely a feigned and delusive one, and that, if the army were withdrawn thence, the king would renew the war, caused some perplexity in the minds of the senate.

[6] The consuls would probably have carried the point, had not Quintus Marcius Rex and Caius Antinius Labeo, plebeian tribunes, declared, that they would enter their protest, unless they were allowed, before any further proceeding, to take the sense of the people, whether it was their will and order that peace be concluded with Philip.

[7] This question was put to the people in the Capitol, and every one of the thirty-five tribes voted on the affirmative side.

[8] The public found the greater reason to rejoice at the ratification of the peace with Macedonia, as melancholy news was brought from Spain; and a letter was made public, announcing that

the proconsul, Caius Sempro- nius Tuditanus, had been defeated in battle in the Hither Spain;

[9]

that his army had been utterly routed and dispersed, and several men of distinction slain in the fight. That Tuditanus, having been grievously wounded, and carried out of the field, expired soon after.

[10] Italy was decreed the province of both consuls, in which they were to employ the same legions which the preceding consuls had; and they were to raise four new legions, two for the city, and two to be in readiness to be sent whithersoever the senate should direct.

[11] Titus Quinctius Flamininus was ordered to continue in the government of his province, with the army of two legions, then on the spot. The former prolongation of his command was deemed sufficient.

[1]

The praetors then cast lots for their provinces. Lucius Apustius Fullo obtained the city jurisdiction; Manius Acilius Glabrio, that between natives and foreigners; Quintus Fabius Buteo, Farther Spain:

[2] Quintus Minucius Thermus, Hither Spain; Caius Laelius, Sicily; Tiberius Sempronius Longus, Sardinia.

[3] To Quintus Fabius Buteo and Quintus Minucius, to whom the government of the two Spains had fallen, it was decreed, that the consuls, out of the four legions raised by them, should give one each whichever they thought fit, together with four thousand foot and three hundred horse of the allies and Latin confederates;

[4] and those praetors were ordered to repair to their provinces at the earliest possible time.

[5] This war in Spain broke out in the fifth year after the former had been ended, together with the Punic war.

[6] The Spaniards now, for the first time, had taken arms in their own name, unconnected with any Carthaginian army or general. Before the consuls stirred from the city, however, they were ordered, as usual, to expiate the reported prodigies. Publius Villius, a Roman knight, on the road to Sabinia, had been killed by lightning, together with his horse. The temple of Feronia, in the Capenatian district, had been struck by lightning.

[7] At the temple of Moneta, the shafts of two spears had taken fire and burned.

[8] A wolf, coming in through the Esquiline gate, and running through the most frequented part of the city, down into the forum, passed thence through the Tuscan and Maelian streets; and scarcely receiving a stroke, made its escape out of the Capenian gate.

[9] These prodigies were expiated with victims of the larger kinds.

[1]

About the same time Cneius Cornelius Lentulus, who had held the government of Hither Spain before Sempronius Tuditanus, entered the city in ovation, pursuant to a decree of the senate,

[2] and carried in the procession one thousand five hundred and fifteen pounds' weight of gold, twenty thousand of silver; and in coin, thirty-four thousand five hundred and fifty denarii. ⁸

[3] Lucius Stretinius, from the Farther Spain, without making any pretensions to a triumph, carried into the treasury fifty thousand pounds' weight of silver;

[4] and out of the spoils taken, built two arches in the cattle-market, at the fronts of the temple of Fortune and Mother Matuta, and one in the great Circus; and on these arches placed gilded statues. These were the principal occurrences during the winter.

[5] At this time Quinctius was in winter quarters at Elatia. Among many requests, made to him by the allies, was that of the Bœotians, namely, that their countrymen, who had served in the army with Philip, might be restored to them.

[6] With this Quinctius readily complied; not because he thought them very deserving, but that, as king Antiochus was already suspected, he judged it advisable to conciliate every state in favour of the Roman interest.

[7] It quickly appeared how very little gratitude existed among the Bœotians; for they not only sent persons to give thanks to Philip for the restoration of their fellows, as if that favour had been conferred on them by him, and not by Quinctius and the Romans; but, at the next election, raised to the office of Bœotarch a man named Brachyllas, for no other reason than because he had been commander of the Bœotians serving in the army of Philip;

[8] passing by Zeuxippus, Pisistratus, and the others, who had promoted the alliance with Rome.

[9] These men were both offended at the present and alarmed about the future consequences:

[10] for if such things were done when a Roman army lay almost at their gates, what would become of them when the Romans should have gone away to Italy, and Philip, from a situation so near, should support his own associates, and vent his resentment

[11] on those who had been of the opposite party?

[1]

It was resolved, while they had the Roman army near at hand, to take off Brachyllas, who was the principal leader of the faction which favoured the king;

[2] and they chose an opportunity for the deed, when, after having been at a public feast, he was returning to his house inebriated, and accompanied by some of his debauched companions, who, for the sake of merriment, had been admitted to the crowded entertainment.

[3] He was surrounded and assassinated by six men, of whom three were Italians and three Aetolians. His companions fled, crying out for help; and a great uproar ensued among the people, who ran up and down, through all parts of the city, with lights: but the assassins made their escape through the nearest gate.

[4] At the first dawn, a full assembly was called together in the theatre, by the voice of a crier, as if in consequence of a previous appointment.

[5] Many openly clamoured that Brachyllas was killed by those detestable wretches who accompanied him; but their private conjectures pointed to Zeuxippus, as author of the murder.

[6] It was resolved, however, that those who had been in company with him should be seized and examined in their presence.

[7] While they were under examination, Zeuxippus, with his usual composure, came into the assembly, for the purpose of averting the charge from himself; yet said, that people were mistaken in supposing that so daring a murder was the act of such effeminate wretches as those who were charged with it, urging many plausible arguments to the same purpose.

[8] By which behaviour he led several to believe, that, if he were conscious of guilt, he would never have presented himself before the multitude, or, without being challenged by any, have made any mention of the murder.

[9] Others were convinced that he intended, by thus unblushingly exposing himself to the charge, to throw off all suspicion from himself. Soon after, those men who were innocent were put to the torture; and, taking the universal opinion as having the effect of evidence, they named Zeuxippus and Pisistratus; but they produced no proof to show that they knew any thing of the matter.

[10] Zeuxippus, however, accompanied by a man named Stratonidas, fled by night to Tanagra; alarmed by his own conscience rather than by the assertion of men who were privy to no one circumstance of the affair. Pisistratus, despising the informers, remained at Thebes.

[11] A slave of Zeuxippus had carried messages backwards and forwards, and had been intrusted with the management of the whole business. From this man Pisistratus dreaded a discovery; and by that very dread forced him, against his will, to make one.

[12] He sent a letter to Zeuxippus, desiring him to

put out of the way the slave who was privy to their crime; for he did not believe him as well qualified for the concealment of the fact as he was for the perpetration of it.

[13] He ordered the bearer of this letter to deliver it to Zeuxippus as soon as possible; but he, not finding an opportunity of meeting him, put it into the hands of the very slave in question, whom he believed to be the most faithful to his master of any; and added, that it came from Pisistratus respecting a matter of the utmost consequence to Zeuxippus.

[14] Struck by consciousness of guilt, the slave, after promising to deliver the letter, immediately opened it; and, on reading the contents, fled in a fright to Thebes and laid the information before the magistrate.

[15] Zeuxippus, alarmed by the flight of his slave, withdrew to Athens, where he thought he might live in exile with greater safety. Pisistratus, after being examined several times by torture, was put to death.

[1]

This murder exasperated the Thebans, and all the Bœotians, to the most rancorous animosity against the Romans, for they considered that Zeuxippus, one of the first men of the nation, had not been party to such a crime without the instigation of the Roman general.

[2] To recommence a war, they had neither strength nor a leader; but they had recourse to private massacres, as being next to war, and cut off many of the soldiers, some as they came to lodge in their houses, others as they wandered about their winter quarters, or were on leave of absence for various purposes.

[3] Some were killed on the roads by parties lying in wait in lurking-places; others were seduced and carried away to inns, which were left uninhabited, and there put to death.

[4] At last they committed these crimes, not merely out of hatred, but likewise from a desire of booty; for the soldiers on furlough generally carried money in their purses for the purpose of trading.

[5] At first a few at a time, afterwards greater numbers used to be missed, until all Bœotia became notorious for those practices, and a soldier went beyond the bounds of the camp with more timidity than into an enemy's country.

[6] Quinctius then sent deputies round the states, to make inquiry concerning the murders committed. The greatest number of murders were found to have been committed about the lake called Copais; there the bodies were dug out of the mud, and drawn up out of the marsh, having had earthen jars or stones tied to them, so as to be dragged to the bottom by the weight. Many deeds of this sort were discovered to have been perpetrated at Acrœphia and Coronea.

[7] Quinctius at first insisted that the persons guilty should be given up to him, and that, for five hundred soldiers, (for so many had been cut off,) the Bœotians should pay five hundred talents. ⁹

[8] Neither of these requisitions being complied with, and the states only making verbal apologies, declaring, that none of those acts had been authorized by the public; Quinctius first sent ambassadors to Athens and Achaia, to satisfy the allies, that the war which he was about to make on the Bœotians was conformable to justice and piety;

[9] and then, ordering Publius Claudius to march with one-half of the troops to Acrœphia, he himself, with the remainder, invested Coronea; and these two bodies, marching by different roads from Elatia, laid waste all the country through which they passed.

[10] The Bœotians, dismayed by these losses, while every place was filled with fugitives, and while the terror became universal, sent ambassadors to the camp; and as these were refused admittance, the Achaeans and Athenians came to their assistance.

[11] The Achaeans had the greater influence as intercessors; inasmuch as they were resolved, in case they could not procure peace for the Bœotians, to join them in the war.

[12] Through the mediation of the Achaeans, however, the Bœotians obtained admission and an audience of the Roman general; who, ordering them to deliver up the guilty, and to pay thirty talents ¹⁰ as a fine, granted them peace, and raised the siege.

[1]

A few days after this, the ten ambassadors arrived from Rome, in pursuance of whose counsel, peace was granted to Philip on the following conditions:

[2]

That all the Grecian states, as well those in Asia as those in Europe, should enjoy liberty, and their own laws: That from such of them as had been in the possession of Philip, he should withdraw his garrisons, particularly from the following places in Asia; Euromus, Pedasi, Bargylii, Iassus, Myrina, Abydus;

[3]

and from Thasus and Perinthus, for it was determined that these likewise should be free: That with respect to the freedom of Cius, Quinctius should write to Prusias, king of Bithynia, the resolutions of the senate, and of the ten ambassadors:

[4]

That Philip should return to the Romans the prisoners and deserters, and deliver up all his decked ships, excepting five and the royal galley, —of

[5]

a size almost unmanageable, being moved by sixteen banks of oars: That he should not keep more than five hundred soldiers, nor any elephant: That he should not wage war beyond the bounds of Macedonia without permission from the senate:

[6]

That he should pay to the Roman people one thousand talents: ¹¹ one half at present, the other by instalments, within ten years.

[7] Valerius Antias writes, that there was imposed on him an annual tribute of four thousand pounds' weight of silver, for ten years, and an immediate payment of twenty thousand pounds' weight.

[8] The same author says, that an article was expressly inserted, that he should not make war on Eumenes, Attalus's son, who had lately come to the throne.

[9] For the performance of these conditions hostages were received, among whom was Demetrius, Philip's son.

[10] Valerius Antias adds, that the island of Aegina, and the elephants, were given as a present to Attalus, who was absent; to the Rhodians, Stratonice, and other cities of Caria which had been in the possession of Philip;

[11] and to the Athenians, the islands of Paros, Imbros, Delos, and Scyros.

[1]

While all the other states of Greece expressed their approbation of these terms of peace, the Aetolians alone, in private murmurs, made severe strictures on the determination of the ten ambassadors.

[2] They said,

it consisted merely of an empty piece of writing varnished over with a fallacious appearance of liberty.

[3]

For why should some cities be put into the hands of the Romans without being named, while others were particularized, and ordered to be enfranchised without such consignment; unless the intent was, that those in Asia, which, from their distant situation, were more secure from danger, should be free; but those in Greece, not being even mentioned by name, should be made their property: Corinth, Chalcis, and Oreum; with Eretria, and Demetrias.

[4] Nor was this charge entirely without foundation: for there was some hesitation with respect to Corinth, Chalcis, and Demetrias; because, in the decree of the senate in pursuance of which the ten ambassadors had been sent from Rome, all Greece and Asia, except these three, were expressly ordered to be set at liberty;

[5] but, with regard to these, ambassadors were instructed, that, whatever measures the exigencies of the state might render expedient, they should determine to pursue in conformity to the public good and their own honour.

[6] King Antiochus was one of whom they did not doubt that, so soon as he was satisfied that his forces were adequate, he would cross over into Europe; and they were unwilling to let these cities, the possession of which would be so advantageous to him, lie open to his occupation.

[7] Quinctius, with the ten ambassadors, sailed from Elatia to Anticyra, and thence to Corinth. Here the plans they had laid down respecting the liberation of Greece were discussed for about three days in a council of the ten ambassadors.

[8] Quinctius frequently urged, that

every part of Greece ought to be set at liberty, if they wished to refute the cavils of the Aetolians; if they wished, that sincere affection and respect for the Roman nation should be universally entertained;

[9]

or if they wished to convince the world that they had crossed the sea with the design of liberating Greece, and not of transferring the sovereignty of it from Philip to themselves.

[10] The Macedonians alleged nothing in opposition to the arguments made use of in favour of the freedom of the cities; but

they thought it safer for those cities themselves that they should remain, for a time, under the protection of Roman garrisons, than be obliged to receive Antiochus for a master in the room of Philip.

[11] Their final determination was, that

Corinth be restored to the Achaeans, but that a Roman garrison should continue in the citadel; and that Chalcis and Demetrias be retained, until their apprehensions respecting Antiochus should cease.

[1]

The stated solemnity of the Isthmian games was at hand. These have ever been attended by very numerous meetings, as well on account of the universal fondness entertained by this nation for exhibitions of skill in arts of every kind, as well as of contests in strength and swiftness of foot;

[2] as also, because of the convenience of the locality, which furnishes commercial advantages of all kinds by its two opposite seas, and by which it had obtained the character of a rendezvous for all the population of Asia and Greece.

[3] But on this occasion, all were led thither not only for their ordinary purposes, but by an eager curiosity to learn what was thenceforward to be the state of Greece, and what their own condition; while many at the same time not only formed opinions within themselves, but uttered their conjectures in conversation. Scarcely any supposed that the Romans, victorious as they were, would withdraw from the whole of Greece.

[4] They took their seats, as spectators; and a herald, preceded by a trumpeter, according to custom, advanced into the centre of the theatre, where notice of the commencement of the games is usually made, in a solemn form of words.

[5] Silence being commanded by sound of trumpet, he uttered aloud the following proclamation: THE SENATE AND PEOPLE OF ROME, AND TITUS QUINCTIUS, THEIR GENERAL, HAVING SUBDUED KING PHILIP AND THE MACEDONIANS, DO HEREBY ORDER, THAT THE FOLLOWING STATES BE FREE, INDEPENDENT, AND RULED BY THEIR OWN LAWS: THE CORINTHIANS, PHOCIANS, AND ALL THE LOCRIANS; THE IS- LAND OF EUBŒA, AND THE MAGNESIANS; THE THESSALIANS, PERRHAeBIANS,

[6] AND THE ACHAeANS OF PHTHIOTIS. He then read a list of all the states which had been under subjection to king Philip. The joy occasioned by hearing these words of the herald was so great, that the people's minds were unable to conceive the matter at once.

[7] Scarcely could they believe that they had heard them; and they looked at each other, marvelling as at the empty illusion of a dream. Each inquired of his neighbours about what immediately concerned himself, altogether distrusting the evidence of his own ears.

[8] As every one desired not only to hear, but to see the messenger of liberty, the herald was called out again; and he again repeated the proclamation.

[9] When they were thus assured of the reality of the joyful tidings, they raised such a shout, and clapping of hands, and repeated them so often, as clearly to show that of all blessings none is more grateful to the multitude than liberty.

[10] The games were then proceeded through with hurry; for neither the thoughts nor eyes of any attended to the exhibitions, so entirely had the single passion of joy pre-occupied their minds, as to exclude the sense of all other pleasures.

[1]

But, when the games were finished, every one eagerly pressed towards the Roman general;

[2] so that by the crowd rushing to one spot, all wishing to come near him, and to touch his right hand, and throwing garlands and ribands, he was in some degree of danger.

[3] He was then about thirty-three years of age; and besides the vigour of youth, the grateful sensations excited by so eminent a harvest of glory, increased his strength.

[4] Nor was the general exultation exhausted in the presence of all the assembly, but, through the space of many days, was continually revived by sentiments and expressions of gratitude.

[5]

There was a nation in the world,

they said,

which, at its own expense, with its own labour, and at its own risk, waged wars for the liberty of others.

[6]

And this was performed, not merely for contiguous states, or near neighbours, or for countries that made parts of the same continent; but they even crossed the seas for the purpose, that no unlawful power should subsist on the face of the whole earth;

[7]

but that justice, right, and law should every where have sovereign sway. By one sentence, pronounced by a herald, all the cities of Greece and Asia had been set at liberty.

[8]

To have conceived hopes of this, argued a daring spirit; to have carried it into effect, was a proof of the most consummate bravery and good fortune.

[1]

Quinctius and the ten ambassadors then gave audience to the embassies of the several kings, nations, and states.

[2] First of all, the ambassadors of king Antiochus were called. Their proceedings, here, were nearly the same as at Rome; a mere display of words unsupported by facts.

[3] But the answer given them was not ambiguous as formerly, during the uncertainty of affairs, and while Philip was unsubdued; for the king was required in express terms to evacuate the cities of Asia, which had been in possession either of Philip or Ptolemy; not to meddle with the free cities, or ever take arms against them, and to be in a state of peace and equality with all the cities of Greece wherever they might be.

[4] Above all it was insisted on, that he should neither come himself into Europe, nor transport an army thither.

[5] The king's ambassadors being dismissed, a general convention of the nations and states was immediately held; and the business was despatched with the greater expedition, because the resolutions of the ten ambassadors mentioned the several states by name.

[6] To the people of Orestis, a district of Macedonia, in consideration of their having been the first who came over from the side of the king, their own laws were granted.

[7] The Magnesians, Perrhaebians, and Dolopians were likewise declared free. To the nation of the Thessalians, besides the enjoyment of liberty, the Achaean part of Phthiotis was granted, excepting Phthiotian Thebes and Pharsalus.

[8] The Aetolians, demanding that Pharsalus and Leucas should be restored to them in conformity to the treaty, were referred to the senate: but the council united to these, by authority of a decree, Phocis and Locris,

[9] places which had formerly been annexed to them. Corinth, Triphylia, and Heraea, another city of Peloponnesus, were restored to the Achaeans.

[10] The ten ambassadors were inclined to give Oreum and Eretria to king Eumenes, son of Attalus; but Quinctius dissenting, the matter came under the determination of the senate, and the senate declared those cities free; adding to them Carystus.

[11] Lycus and Parthinia, Illyrian states, each of which had been under subjection to Philip, were given to Pleuratus. Amynander was ordered to retain possession of the forts, which he had taken from Philip during the war.

[1]

When the convention broke up, the ten ambassadors, dividing the business among them, set out by different routes to give liberty to the several cities within their respective districts.

[2] Publius Lentulus went to Bargylii; Lucius Stertinius, to Hephaestia, Thasus, and the cities of Thrace; Publius Villius and Lucius Terentius to king Antiochus; and Cneius Cornelius to Philip.

[3] The last of these, after executing his commission with respect to smaller matters, asked Philip, whether he was disposed to listen to advice, not only useful but highly salutary.

[4] To which the king answered that he was, and would give him thanks besides, if he mentioned any thing conducive to his advantage.

[5] He then earnestly recommended to him, since he had obtained peace with the Romans, to send ambassadors to Rome to solicit their alliance and friendship;

[6] lest, in case of Antiochus pursuing any hostile measure, he might be suspected of having lain in wait and seized the opportunity of the times for reviving hostilities. This meeting with Philip was at Tempè in Thessaly;

[7] and on his answering that he would send ambassadors without delay, Cornelius proceeded to Thermopylae, where all the states of Greece are accustomed to meet in general assembly on certain stated days.

[8] This is called the Pylaic assembly. Here he admonished the Aetolians, in particular, constantly and firmly to cultivate the friendship of the Roman people;

[9] but some of the principal of these interrupted him with complaints, that the disposition of the

[10] Romans towards their nation was not the same since the victory, that it had been during the war;

[11] while others censured them with greater boldness, and in a reproachful manner asserted, that

without the aid of the Aetolians, the Romans could neither have conquered Philip, nor even have made good their passage into Greece.

[12] To such discourses the Roman forbore giving an answer, lest the matter might end in an altercation, and only said, that if they sent ambassadors to Rome, every thing that was reasonable would be granted to them. Accordingly, they passed a decree for such mission, agreeably to his direction. — In this manner was the war with Philip concluded.

[1]

While these transactions passed in Greece, Macedonia, and Asia, a conspiracy among the slaves had well nigh made Etruria an hostile province.

[2] To examine into and suppress this, Manius Acilius the praetor, whose province was the administration of justice between natives and foreigners, was sent at the head of one of the two city legions. A number of them, who were by this time formed in a body, he reduced by force of arms, killing and taking many.

[3] Some, who had been the ringleaders of the conspiracy, he scourged with rods, and then crucified; some he returned to their masters.

[4] The consuls repaired to their provinces. Just as Marcellus entered the frontiers of the Boians, and while his men were fatigued with marching the whole length of the day, and as he was pitching his camp on a rising ground, Corolam, a chieftain of the Boians, attacked him with a very numerous force, and slew three thousand of his men:

[5] several persons of distinction fell in that tumultuary engagement; amongst others, Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus and Marcus Junius Silanus, praefects of the allies; and Aulus Ogulnius and Publius Claudius, military tribunes in the second legion.

[6] The Romans, notwithstanding, had courage enough to finish the fortification of their camp, and to defend it, in spite of an assault made on it by the enemy, elated by their success in the field.

[7] Marcellus remained for some time in the same post, until he could tend the wounded, and revive the spirits of his men, after such a disheartening blow.

[8] The Boians, a nation remarkably impatient of delay, and quickly disgusted at a state of inaction, separated, and withdrew to their several forts and villages.

[9] Marcellus then, suddenly crossing the Po, led his lesions into the territory of Comum, where the Insubrians, after rousing the people of the country to arms, lay encamped. The fierce Boian Gauls attacked him on his march, and their first onset was so vigorous, as to make a considerable impression on his van.

[10] On perceiving which, and fearing lest, if his men once gave way, they would be dislodged, he brought up a cohort of Marsians against the enemy, and ordered every troop of the Latin cavalry to charge them.

[11] The first and second charges of these having checked the enemy in their furious attack, the other troops in the Roman line, resuming courage, advanced briskly on the foe. The Gauls no longer maintained the contest, but turned their backs and fled in confusion.

[12] Valerius Antias relates, that in that battle above forty thousand men were killed,

[13] five hundred and seven military standards taken, with four hundred and thirty-two chariots, and a great number of gold chains, one of which, of great weight, Claudius says, was deposited as an offering to Jupiter, in his temple in the Capitol. The camp of the Gauls was taken and plundered the same day; and the town of Comum was reduced in a few days after.

[14] In a little time, twenty-eight forts came over to the consul. There is a doubt among writers, whether the consul led his legions first against the Boians, or against the Insubrians;

[15] so as to determine, whether the successful battle obliterated the disgrace of the defeat, or whether the victory obtained at Comum was tarnished by the disaster incurred among the Boii.

[1]

Soon after those matters had passed with such variety of fortune, Lucius Furius Purpureo, the other consul, came into the country of the Boians, through the Sappinian tribe.

[2] He proceeded almost to the fort of Mutilus, when, beginning to apprehend that he might be enclosed between the Boians and Ligurians, he marched back by the road by which he came; and, making a long circuit, through an open and therefore safe country, arrived at the camp of his colleague.

[3] After this junction of their forces, they overran the territory of the Boians, spreading devastation as far as the city of Felsina.

[4] This city, with the other fortresses, and almost all the Boians, excepting only the young men who kept arms in their hands for the sake of plunder, and had at that time withdrawn into remote woods, made submission. The army was then led away against the Ligurians.

[5] The Boians thought that the Romans, as they were supposed to be at a great distance, would be the more careless in keeping their army together, and thereby afford an opportunity of attacking them un- awares: with this expectation, they followed them by secret paths through the forests.

[6] They did not overtake them: and therefore, passing the Po suddenly in ships, they ravaged all the country of the Laevans and Libuans; whence, as they were returning with the spoil of the country, they fell in with the Roman army on the borders of Liguria.

[7] A battle was begun with more speed, and with greater fury, than if the parties had met with their minds prepared, and at an appointed time and place.

[8] On this occasion it appeared to what degree of violence anger can stimulate men; for the Romans fought with such a desire of slaughter, rather than of victory, that they scarcely left one of the enemy to carry the news of their defeat.

[9] On account of these successes, when the letters of the consuls were brought to Rome, a supplication for three days was decreed. Soon after, Marcellus came to Rome, and had a triumph decreed him by an unanimous vote of the senate. He triumphed, while in office, over the Insubrians and Comans.

[10] The prospect of a triumph over the Boians he left to his colleague, because his own arms had been unfortunate in that country; those of his colleague, successful.

[11] Large quantities of spoils, taken from the enemy, were carried in the procession in captured chariots, and many military standards; also, three hundred and twenty thousand asses of brass, ¹² two hundred and thirty-four thousand of silver denarii, ¹³ stamped with a chariot.

[12] Eighty asses¹⁴ were bestowed on each foot soldier, and thrice that value on each horseman and centurion.

[1]

During that year, king Antiochus, after having spent the winter at Ephesus, took measures for reducing, under his dominion, all the cities of Asia, which had formerly been members of the empire.

[2] As to the rest, being either situated in plains, or having neither walls, arms, nor men in whom they could confide, he supposed they would, without difficulty, receive the yoke.

[3] But Smyrna and Lampsacus openly asserted their independence: yet there was a danger that if what they claimed were conceded to these, the rest of the cities in Aetolia and Ionia would follow the example of Smyrna; and those on the Hellespont that of Lampsacus.

[4] Wherefore he sent an army from Ephesus to invest Smyrna; and ordered the troops, which were at Abydos, to leave there only a small garrison, and to go and lay siege to Lampsacus. Nor did he only alarm them by an exhibition of force.

[5] By sending ambassadors, to make gentle remonstrances, and reprove the rashness and obstinacy of their conduct, he endeavoured to give them hopes that they might soon obtain the object of their wishes;

[6] but not until it should appear clearly, both to themselves and to all the world, that they had gained their liberty through the kindness of the king, and not by any violent efforts of their own.

[7] In answer to which, they said, that

Antiochus ought neither to be surprised nor displeased, if they did not very patiently suffer the establishment of their liberty to be deferred to a distant period.

[8] He himself, with his fleet, set sail from Ephesus in the beginning of spring, and steered towards the Hellespont. His army he transported to Madytus, a city in the Chersonese, and there joined his land and sea forces together.

[9] The inhabitants having shut their gates, he surrounded the walls with his troops; and when he was just bringing up his machines to the walls, a capitulation was entered into. This diffused such fear through the inhabitants of Sestus and the other cities of the Chersonese, as induced them to submit.

[10] He then came, with the whole of his united forces, by land and sea, to Lysimachia; which finding deserted, and almost buried in ruins, (for the Thracians had, a few years before, taken, sacked, and burned it,) he conceived a wish to rebuild a city so celebrated, and so commodiously situated.

[11] Accordingly, extending his care to every object at once, he set about repairing the walls and

[12] houses, ransomed some of the Lysimachians who were in captivity, sought out and brought home others, who had fled and dispersed themselves through the Chersonese and Hellespontus, enrolled new colonists, whom he invited by prospects of advantages, and used every means to repeople it fully.

[13] At the same time, that all fear of the Thracians might be removed, he went, in person, with one half of the land forces, to lay waste the nearest provinces of Thrace;

[14] leaving the other half, and all the crews of the ships, employed in the repairs of the city.

[1]

About this time Lucius Cornelius, who had been commissioned by the senate to accommodate the differences between the kings Antiochus and Ptolemy, stopped at Selymbria; and, of the ten ambassadors, Publius Lentulus from Bargylii, and Publius Villius and Lucius Terentius from Thasus, came to Lysimachia.

[2] Hither came, likewise, Lucius Cornelius from Selymbria, and a few days after Antiochus from Thrace.

[3] His first meeting with the ambassadors, and an invitation which he afterwards gave them, were friendly and hospitable; but when the business intrusted to them, and the present state of Asia, came to be treated of, the minds of both parties were exasperated.

[4] The Romans did not scruple to declare, that every one of his proceedings, from the time when he set sail from Syria, was displeasing to the senate; and they required restitution to be made, to Ptolemy, of all the cities which had been under his dominion.

[5]

For, as to what related to the cities which had been in the possession of Philip, and which Antiochus, taking advantage of

[6]

a season when Philip's attention was turned to the war with Rome, had seized into his own hands, it would surely be an intolerable hardship, if the Romans were to have undergone such toils and dangers, on land and sea, for so many years, and Antiochus to appropriate to himself the prizes of the war.

[7]

But, though his coming into Asia might be passed over unnoticed by the Romans, as a matter not pertaining to them, yet when he proceeded so far as to pass over into Europe with all his land and naval forces, how much was this short of open war with the Romans? Doubtless, had he even passed into Italy, he would deny that intention. But the Romans would not wait to give him an opportunity of doing so.

[1]

To this the king replied, that

he wondered how it was, that the Romans were in the habit of diligently inquiring what ought to be done by king Antiochus; but never considered how far they themselves ought to advance on land or sea.

[2]

Asia was no concernment of the Romans, in any shape; nor had they any more right to inquire what Antiochus did in Asia, than Antiochus had to inquire what the Roman people did in Italy.

[3]

With respect to Ptolemy, from whom they complained that cities had been taken, there was a friendly connexion subsisting between him and Ptolemy, and he was taking measures to effect speedily a connexion of affinity also;

[4]

neither had he sought to acquire any spoils from the misfortunes of Philip, nor had he come into Europe against the Romans, but to recover the cities and lands of the Chersonese, which, having been the property of Lysimachus, ¹⁵ he considered as part of his own dominion; because, when Lysimachus was subdued, all things belonging to him became, by the right of conquest, the property of Seleucus.

[5]

That, at times, when his predecessors were occupied by cares of different kinds, Ptolemy first, and afterwards Philip, usurping the rights of others, possessed themselves of several of these places, but who could doubt that the Chersonese and the nearest parts of Thrace belonged to Lysimachus?

[6]

To restore these to their ancient state, was the intent of his coming, and to build Lysimachia anew, (it having been destroyed by an inroad of the Thracians,) in order that his son, Seleucus, might have it for the seat of his empire.

[1]

These disputes had been carried on for several days, when a rumour reached them, but without any sufficiently certain authority, that Ptolemy was dead;

[2] which prevented the conferences coming to any issue: for both parties made a secret of their having heard it; and Lucius Cornelius, who was charged with the embassy to the two kings, Antiochus and Ptolemy, requested to be allowed a short space of time, in which he could have a meeting with the latter;

[3] because he wished to arrive in Egypt before any change of measures should take place in consequence of the new succession to the crown: while Antiochus believed that Egypt would be his own, if at that time he should take possession of it.

[4] Wherefore, having dismissed the Romans, and left his son Seleucus, with the land forces, to finish the rebuilding of Lysimachia, as he had intended to do, he sailed, with his whole fleet, to Ephesus;

[5] sent ambassadors to Quinctius to treat with him about an alliance, assuring him that the king would attempt no innovations, and then, coasting along the shore of Asia, proceeded to Lycia.

[6] Having learned at Patarae that Ptolemy was living, he dropped the design of sailing to Egypt, but nevertheless steered towards Cyprus; and, when he had passed the promontory of Chelidonium, was detained some little time in Pamphylia, near the river Eurymedon, by a mutiny among his rowers.

[7] When he had sailed thence as far as the headlands, as they are called, of Sarus, such a dreadful storm arose as almost buried him and his whole fleet in the deep. Many ships were broken to pieces, and many cast on shore; many swallowed so entirely in the sea, that not one man of their crews escaped to land.

[8] Great numbers of his men perished on this occasion; not only persons of mean rank, rowers and soldiers, but even of his particular friends in high stations.

[9] When he had collected the relics of the general wreck, being in no capacity of making an attempt on Cyprus, he returned to Seleucia, with a far less numerous force than he had set out with. Here he ordered the ships to be hauled ashore, for the winter was now at hand, and proceeded to Antioch, where he intended to pass the winter. —In this posture stood the affairs of the kings.

[1]

At Rome, in this year, for the first time, were created offices called triumviri epulones;¹⁶ these were Caius Licinius Lucullus, who, as tribune, had proposed the law for their creation, Publius Manlius, and Publius Porcius Laeca. These triumvirs, as well as the pontiffs, were allowed by law the privilege of wearing the purple-bordered gown.

[2] The body of the pontiffs had this year a warm dispute with the city quaestors, Quintus Fabius Labeo and Lucius Aurelius.

[3] Money was wanted; an order having been passed for making the last payment to private persons of that which had been raised for the support of the war;

[4] and the quaestors demanded it from the augurs and pontiffs, because they had not contributed their share while the war subsisted. The priests in vain appealed to the tribunes; and the contribution was exacted for every year in which they had not paid.

[5] During the same year two pontiffs died, and others were substituted in their room: Marcus Marcellus, the consul, in the room of Caius Sempronius Tuditanus, who had been a praetor in Spain; and Lucius Valerius, in the room of Marcus Cornelius Cethegus.

[6] An augur also, Quintius Fabius Maximus, died very young, before he had attained to any public office; but no augur was appointed in his place during that year.

[7] The consular election was then held by the consul Marcellus. The persons chosen were, Lucius Valerius Flaccus and Marcus Porcius Cato. Then were elected praetors, Caius Fabricius Luscinus, Caius Atinius Labeo, Cneius Manlius Vulso, Appius Claudius Nero, Publius Manlius, and Publius Porcius Laeca. The curule aediles, Marcus Fulvius Nobilior and Caius Flaminius, made a distribution to the people of one million pecks of wheat, at the price of two asses.

[8] This corn the Sicilians had brought to Rome, out of respect to Caius Flaminius and his father; and he gave share of the credit to his colleague. The Roman games were solemnized with magnificence, and exhibited thrice entire.

[9] The plebeian aediles, Cneius Domitius Aenobarbus and Caius Scribonius, chief curio, brought many farmers of the public pastures to trial before the people. Three of these were convicted; and out of the money accruing from fines imposed on them, they built a temple of Faunus in the island.

[10] The plebeian games were exhibited for two days, and there was a

[11] feast on occasion of the games.

[1]

Lucius Valerius Flaccus and Marcus Porcius, on the ides of March, the day of their entering into office, consulted the senate respecting the provinces;

[2] who resolved, that

whereas the war in Spain was grown so formidable, as to require a consular army and commander; it was their opinion, therefore, that the consuls should either settle between themselves, or cast lots, for Hither Spain and Italy as their provinces.

[3]

That he to whom Spain fell should carry with him two legions, five thousand of the Latin confederates, and five hundred horse; together with a fleet of twenty ships of war.

[4]

That the other consul should raise two legions; for these would be sufficient to maintain tranquillity in the province of Gaul, as the spirits of the Insubrians and Boians had been broken the year before.

[5] The lots gave Spain to Cato, and Italy to Valerius. The praetors then cast lots for their provinces: to Caius Fabricius Luscinus fell the city jurisdiction; Caius Atinius Labeo obtained the foreign; Cneius Manlius Vulso, Sicily; Appius Claudius Nero, Farther Spain; Publius Porcius Laeca, Pisa, in order that he might be at the back of the Ligurians; and Publius Manlius was sent into Hither Spain, as an assistant to the consul.

[6] Quinctius was continued in command for the year, as apprehensions were entertained, not only of Antiochus and the Aetolians, but likewise of Nabis, tyrant of Lacedaemon; and it was ordered that he should have two legions, for which, if there was any necessity for a further supply, the consuls were ordered to raise recruits, and send them into Macedonia.

[7] Appius Claudius was permitted to raise, in addition to the legion which Quintius Fabius had commanded, two thousand foot and two hundred horse.

[8] The like number of new-raised foot and horse was assigned to Publius Manlius for Hither Spain; and the legion was given to him which had been under the command of Minucius, the praetor.

[9] To Publius Porcius Laeca, for Etruria, near Pisa, were decreed two thousand foot and five hundred horse, out of the army in Gaul. Sempronius Longus was continued in command in Sardinia.

[1]

The provinces being thus distributed, the consuls, before their departure from the city, were ordered, in accordance with a decree of the pontiffs, to proclaim a

[2] sacred spring, which Aulus Cornelius Mammula, praetor, had vowed in pursuance of a vote of the senate, and an order of the people, in the consulate of Cneius Servilius and Caius Flaminius. It was celebrated twenty-one years after the vow had been made.

[3] About the same time, Caius Claudius Pulcher, son of Appius, was chosen and inaugurated into the office of augur, in the room of Quintus Fabius Maximus, who died the year before.

[4] While people, in general, wondered that, though Spain had arisen in arms, they were neglecting the war, a letter was brought from Quintus Minucius, announcing that he had fought a pitched battle with the Spanish generals, Budar and Besasis, near the town of Tura, and had gained the victory: that twelve thousand of the enemy were slain; their general, Budar, taken; and the rest routed and dispersed." After the reading of this letter less alarm prevailed with respect to Spain, where a very formidable war had been apprehended.

[5] The whole anxiety of the public was directed towards king Antiochus, especially after the arrival of the ten ambassadors.

[6] These, after relating the proceedings with Philip, and the conditions on which peace had been granted him, gave information, that

there still subsisted a war of no less magnitude to be waged with Antiochus; that he had come over into Europe with a very numerous fleet and a powerful army; that, had not a delusive prospect of an opportunity of invading Egypt, raised by a more delusive rumour, diverted him to another quarter, all Greece would have quickly been involved in the flames of war.

[7]

Nor would even the Aetolians remain quiet, a race as well restless by nature as full of anger against the Romans.

[8]

That, besides, there was another evil, of a most dangerous nature, lurking in the bowels of Greece: Nabis, tyrant at present of Lacedaemon, but who would soon, if suffered, become tyrant of all Greece, equalling in avarice and cruelty all the tyrants most remarkable in history.

[9]

For, if he were allowed to keep possession of Argos, which served as a citadel commanding the Peloponnesus, when the Roman armies should be brought home to Italy, Greece would have been in vain delivered out of bondage to Philip; because, instead of that king, who, supposing no other difference, resided at a distance, she would have for a master, a tyrant, close to her side.

[1]

On this intelligence being received from men of such respectable authority, and who had, besides, examined into all the matters which were reported, the senate, although

[2] they deemed the business relating to Antiochus the more important, yet, as the king had, for some reason or other, gone home into Syria, they thought that the affair respecting the tyrant ought to be more promptly attended to.

[3] After debating, for a long time, whether they should judge the grounds which they had at present sufficient whereon a declaration of war should be decreed, or whether they should empower Titus Quinctius to act, in the case respecting Nabis the Lacedaemonian, in such manner as he should judge conducive to the public interest; they left it in his hands.

[4] For they thought the business of such a nature, that whether expedited or delayed, it could not very materially affect the general interest of the Roman people.

[5] It was deemed more important to endeavour to discover what line of conduct Hannibal and the Carthaginians would pursue, in case of a war breaking out with Antiochus.

[6] Persons of the faction which opposed Hannibal wrote continually to their several friends, among the principal men in Rome, that

messages and letters were sent by Hannibal to Antiochus, and that envoys came secretly from the king to him. That, as some wild beasts can never be tamed, so the disposition of this man was irreclaimable and implacable.

[7]

That he sometimes complained, that the state was debilitated by ease and indolence, and lulled by sloth into a lethargy, from which nothing could rouse it but the sound of arms.

These accounts were deemed probable, when people recollected the former war, which had not more been carried on than at first set on foot by the efforts of that single man.

[8] Besides, he had by a recent act provoked the resentment of many men in power.

[1]

The order of judges possessed, at that time, absolute power in Carthage; and this was owing chiefly to their holding the office during life.

[2] The property, character, and life of every man was in their disposal. He who incurred the displeasure of one of that order, found an enemy in every one of them; nor were accusers wanting in a court where the justices were disposed to condemn.

[3] While they were in possession of this despotism, (for they did not exercise their exorbitant power constitutionally,) Hannibal was elected praetor; and he summoned the quaestor before him.

[4] The quaestor disregarded the summons, for he was of the opposite faction; and besides, as the practice was that, after the quaestorship men were advanced into the order of judges, the most powerful of all, he already assumed a spirit suited to the powers which he was shortly to possess.

[5] Hannibal, highly offended hereat, sent an officer to apprehend the quaestor; and, bringing him forth into an assembly of the people, he made heavy charges not against him alone, but on the whole order of judges; in consequence of whose arrogance and power, neither the magistracy nor the laws availed any thing.

[6] Then, perceiving that his discourse was with willing ears attended to, and that the conduct of those men was incompatible with the freedom of the lowest classes, he proposed a law, and procured it to be enacted, that the

judges should be elected annually; and that no person should hold the office two years successively.

[7] But, whatever degree of favour he acquired among the commons by this proceeding, he roused, in a great part of the nobility, an equal degree of resentment.

[8] To this he added another act, which, while it was for the advantage of the people, provoked personal enmity against himself.

[9] The public revenues were partly wasted through neglect, partly embezzled, and divided among some leading men and magistrates; insomuch, that there was not money sufficient for the regular annual payment of the tribute to the Romans, so that private persons seemed to be threatened with a heavy tax.

[1]

When Hannibal had informed himself of the amount of the revenues arising from taxes and port duties, for what purposes they were issued from the treasury, what proportion of them was consumed by the ordinary expenses of the state, and how much was alienated by embezzlement;

[2] he asserted in an assembly of the people, that if payment were enforced of the residuary funds, the taxes might be remitted to the subjects; and that the state would still be rich enough to pay the tribute to the Romans: which assertion he proved to be true.

[3] But now those persons who, for several years past, had maintained themselves by plundering the public, were greatly enraged; as if this were ravishing from them their own property, and not as dragging out of their hands their ill-gotten spoil. Accordingly, they instigated the Romans against Hannibal, who were seeking a pretext for indulging their hatred against him.

[4] A strenuous opposition was, however, for a long time made to this by Scipio Africanus, who thought it highly unbecoming the dignity of the Roman people to make themselves a party in the animosities and charges against Hannibal;

[5] to interpose the public authority among factions of the Carthaginians, not deeming it sufficient to have conquered that commander in the field, but to become as it were his prosecutors ¹⁷ in a judicial process, and preferring an action against him. Yet at length the point was carried, that an embassy should be sent to Carthage to represent to the senate there, that Hannibal, in concert with king Antiochus, was forming plans for kindling a war. Three

[6] ambassadors were sent, Caius Servilius, Marcus Claudius Marcellus, and Quintus Terentius Culleo. These, when they had arrived at Carthage, by the advice of Hannibal's enemies, ordered, that any who inquired the cause of

[7] their coming should be told, that they came to determine the disputes subsisting between the Carthaginians and Masinissa, king of Numidia; and this was generally believed. But Hannibal was not ignorant that he was the sole object aimed at by the Romans; and that, though they had granted peace to the Carthaginians, their war against him, individually, remained irreconcilable. He

[8] therefore determined to give way to fortune and the times; and having already made every preparation for flight, he showed himself that day in the forum, in order to guard against suspicion; and, as soon as it grew dark, went in his common dress to one of the gates, with his two attendants, who knew nothing of his intention.

[1]

Finding horses in readiness at a spot where he had ordered, he traversed by night a district which the Africans denominated Byzacium, and arrived, in the morning of the following day, at a castle of his own between Acholla and Thapsus. There a ship, ready fitted out and furnished with rowers, took him on board.

[2] In this manner did Hannibal leave Africa, lamenting the misfortunes of his country oftener than his own.

[3] He sailed over, the same day, to the island of Cercina, where he found in the port a number of merchant ships, belonging to the Phœnicians, with their cargoes; and on landing was surrounded by a concourse of people, who came to pay their respects to him; on which he gave orders, that, in answer to any inquiries, it should be said that he had been sent as ambassador to Tyre.

[4] Fearing, however, lest some of these ships might sail in the night to Thapsus or Adrumetum, and carry information of his having been seen at Cercina, he ordered a sacrifice to be prepared, and the masters of the ships, with the merchants, to be invited to the entertainment, and that the sails and yards should be collected out of the ships to form a shade on shore

[5] for the company at supper, as it happened to be the middle of summer.

[6] The feast of the day was as sumptuous, and well attended, as the time and circumstances allowed; and the entertainment was prolonged, with plenty of wine, until late in the night.

[7] As soon as Hannibal saw an opportunity of escaping the notice of those who were in the harbour, he set sail.

[8] The rest were fast asleep, nor was it early, next day, when they arose from their sleep, full of the illness of intoxication; and then, when it was too late, they set about replacing the sails in the ships, and fitting up the rigging, which employed several hours.

[9] At Carthage, those who were accustomed to visit Hannibal met in a crowd, at the porch of his house; and when it was publicly known that he was not to be found, the whole multitude assembled in

[10] the forum, eager to gain intelligence of the man who was considered as the first in the state.

[11] Some surmised that he had fled, as the case was; others, that he had been put to death through the treachery of the Romans; and there was visible in the expression of their countenances, that variety which might naturally be expected in a state divided into factions, whereof each supported a different interest. At length intelligence was brought, that he had been seen at Cercina.

[1]

The Roman ambassadors represented to the council, that

proof had been laid before the senate at Rome, that formerly king Philip had been moved, principally by the instigation of Hannibal, to make war on the Roman people;

[2]

and that lately, Hannibal had, besides, sent letters and messages to king Antiochus, that he had entered into plans for driving Carthage to revolt, and that he had now gone no whither but to king Antiochus. That he was a man who would never be content, until he had excited war in every part of the globe.

[3]

That such conduct ought not to be suffered to pass with impunity, if the Carthaginians wished to convince the Roman people that none of those things were done with their consent, or with the approbation of the state.

[4] The Carthaginians answered, that they were ready to do whatever the Romans required them.

[5] Hannibal, after a prosperous voyage, arrived at Tyre; where, as a man illustrated by every description of honours, he was received by those founders of Carthage, as if in a se- cond native country, and here he staid a few days.

[6] He then sailed to Antioch; where, hearing that the king had already left the place, he procured an interview with his son, who was celebrating the solemnity of the games at Daphne, and who treated him with much kindness; after which, he set sail without delay.

[7] At Ephesus, he overtook the king, who was still hesitating in his mind, and undetermined respecting a war with Rome: but the arrival of Hannibal proved an incentive of no small efficacy to the prosecution of that design.

[8] At the same time, the inclinations of the Aetolians also were alienated from the Roman alliance in consequence of the senate having referred to Quinctius their ambassadors, who demanded Pharsalus and Leucas, and some other cities, in conformity with the first treaty.

History of Rome Perseus (Volumes 1-2. Roberts, Canon, Rev, translator. London, New York: J. M. Dent and Sons; E. P. Dutton and Co., 1912.) — 33.1 focus

[1]

The above-described events took place in the winter. At the commencement of spring Quinctius, anxious to make the Boeotians, who were uncertain which side to take, into a Roman dependency, summoned Attalus to Elatia, and marching through Phocis fixed his camp at a point five miles from Thebes, the Boeotian capital.

[2] The following day, escorted by a single maniple and accompanied by Attalus and the various deputations who had flocked to him from all quarters, he proceeded to the city. The hastati of the legion, numbering 2000 men, were ordered to follow him at a distance of one mile.

[3] About half-way he was met by Antiphilus, the captain-general of the Boeotians; the population of the city were on the walls, anxiously watching the approach of the Roman general and the king.

[4] They saw few arms and few soldiers with them, the hastati, who were following a mile behind, were hidden by the windings of the road and the undulating nature of the terrain.

[5] As he came nearer to the city he slackened his pace, as though he were saluting the crowds who had come out to meet him, but really to allow the hastati to catch him up.

[6] The townsfolk pushing along in a mass in front of the lictor did not see the armed column which had hurried up until they reached the general's quarters.

[7] Then they were utterly dismayed, as they believed that the city had been betrayed and captured through the treachery of Antiphilus. It was quite clear that the Council of Boeotia which was summoned for the next day would have no chance of unfettered deliberation.

[8] They concealed their vexation, since to have exhibited it would have been useless and dangerous.

[1]

Attalus was the first to speak in the council. He began by recounting the services which he had rendered to Greece as a whole and in particular to the Boeotians.

[2] But he was too old and infirm to stand the strain of public speaking, and suddenly became silent and fell down.

[3] Whilst they were removing the king, who had lost the use of one side, the proceedings were suspended.

[4] Aristaenus, the chief magistrate of the Achaeans, was the next to speak, and he spoke with all the more weight because he gave the Boeotians the same advice which he had given to the Achaeans.

[5] Quinctius himself added a few remarks, in which he dwelt more upon the good faith of the Romans and their sense of honour than upon their arms and resources.

[6] Dicaearchus of Plataea next brought forward a motion in favour of alliance with Rome. When its terms had been recited no one ventured to oppose it, consequently it was passed by the unanimous vote of the cities of Boeotia.

[7] After the council broke up Quinctius only stayed in

[8] Thebes as long as Attalus' sudden attack made it necessary, and as soon as he saw that there was no immediate danger to life but only powerlessness in the limbs, he left him to undergo the necessary treatment and returned to Elatia.

[9] The Boeotians, like the Achaeans before them, were thus admitted as allies, and as he was leaving everything behind in peaceful security, he was able to devote all his thoughts to Philip and the means of bringing the war to a close.

[1]

After his envoys had returned from their fruitless mission to Rome, Philip decided to raise troops in every town in his kingdom.

[2] Owing to the perpetual wars which had for so many generations drained the manhood of Macedonia there was a serious lack of men of military age, and under Philip's own rule vast

[3] numbers had perished in the naval battles against the Rhodians and Attalus and in the campaigns against the Romans.

[4] Under these circumstances he even enrolled youths of sixteen and recalled to the colours men who had served their time, provided they had any stamina left. After his army was brought up to its proper strength he concentrated the whole of his forces at Dium and

[5] formed a standing camp there in which he drilled and exercised his soldiers day by day whilst waiting for the enemy. During this time Quinctius left Elatia and marched by way of Thronium and Scarphea to Thermopylae.

[6] The Aetolian Council had been summoned to meet at Heraclea to decide the strength of the contingent which was to follow

[7] the Roman general to war, and he waited at Thermopylae for a couple of days to learn the result.

[8] When he had been informed of their decision he started, and marching past Xyniae fixed his camp where the frontiers of Acarnania and Thessaly meet. Here he waited for the Aetolian contingent, who came up without any loss of time under the command of Phaeneas.

[9] They numbered 600 infantry and 400 cavalry. To remove any doubt as to why he had waited he resumed his march as soon as they arrived.

[10] On his advance through Phthiotis he was joined by 500 Cretans from Gortynium and 300 Apollonians, armed like the Cretans, and not long after by Amynander with 1200 Athamanian infantry. As soon as Philip ascertained that the Romans had started from Elatia he realised that a struggle lay before him which would decide the fate

[11] of his kingdom, and he thought it well to address words of encouragement to his soldiers.

[12] After repeating the familiar phrases about the virtues of their ancestors and the military reputation of the Macedonians, he dwelt more especially on the considerations which tended to depress their courage and then on those from which they ought to derive consolation and hope.

[1]

Against the three defeats sustained by the Macedonian phalanx at the Aous he set the repulse of the Romans at Atrax.

[2] On the former occasion, when they failed to maintain their hold on the pass leading into Epirus, he pointed out that the fault lay, first, with those who had been careless in

[3] their outpost duties and then in the behaviour of the light infantry and the mercenaries in the actual battle. But the Macedonian phalanx stood its ground, and on favourable ground and in a fair field would always remain unbeaten.

[4] The phalanx consisted of 16,000 men, the flower of the military strength of his dominions. There were in addition 2000 caetrati, whom they call " peltasts," and contingents of the same strength were furnished by the Thracians and by the Trallians, an Illyrian tribe.

[5] Besides these there were about 1500 hired troops drawn from various nationalities. and a body of cavalry numbering 2000 troopers. With this force the king awaited his enemies.

[6] The Roman army was almost equal in numbers, in cavalry alone were they superior, owing to the accession of the Aetolians.

[1]

Quinctius had been led to hope that Thebes in Phthiotis would be betrayed to him by Timon, the first man in the city, and accordingly he marched thither.

[2] He rode up to the walls with a small body of cavalry and light infantry, but his expectations were so far frustrated by a sortie from the city that he would have been in imminent danger had not infantry and cavalry from the camp come to his assistance in time.

[3] When he found that his hopes were illusory and that there was no prospect of their being realised he desisted from any further attempt for the time.

[4] Definite information having reached him, however, that the king was now in Thessaly, though his exact whereabouts was unknown, he sent his men into the fields round to cut down and prepare stakes for a stockade.

[5] Both the Macedonians and the Greeks made use of stockades, but they did not adapt their materials either for convenience in carrying or for defensive strength.

[6] The trees they cut down were too large and too branching for the soldiery to carry together with their arms, and when they had put them in position and fenced their camp with them the demolition of their rampart was an easy matter.

[7] The large trunks stood up apart from one another and the numerous stout branches afforded a good hold, so that two, or at the most three, men by pulling together would bring a tree down, making at once a gap as wide as a gate, and there was nothing at hand with which to block the opening.

[8] On the other hand, the stakes which the Romans cut were light and generally forked with

[9] three, or at the most four, branches, so that, with his arms slung at his back, the Roman soldier could carry several of them together comfortably.

[10] Then again they fix them so close together in the ground and interlace the branches in such a way that it is impossible to discover to which particular tree any of the outside branches belong, and these are made so sharp and so closely intertwined that there is no room

[11] left for inserting the hand, nothing can be got hold of to be dragged away, nor if there were would the enemy succeed in doing so because the branches are hooked together like the links of a chain.

[12] If one happens to be pulled out, it leaves only a small opening and it is very easy to put another in its place.

[1]

Quinctius resumed his march on the following day, but as the soldiers were carrying the timber for a stockade, so that

[2] they might be ready to form an entrenched camp anywhere, the day's march was not a long one.

[3] The position he selected was about six miles from Pherae, and after fixing his camp he sent out reconnoitring parties to find out in what part of Thessaly the enemy was, and what were his intentions. Philip was in the neighbourhood of Larisa and had already received information that the Romans had left Thebes for Pherae.

[4] He, too, was anxious to bring matters to a decision and determined to make straight for the enemy, and finally fixed his camp some four miles from Pherae. The next day light infantry from both sides moved out to seize some hills which commanded the city, but

[5] when they caught sight of one another they halted and sent to their respective camps for instructions as to what they were to do now that they had come unexpectedly upon the enemy.

[6] As they awaited their return without moving the day passed without any fighting and these detachments were recalled to camp. The next day there was a cavalry action near those hills, in which Philip's troops were routed and driven back to their camp; a success in which the Aetolians had the greatest share.

[7] Both sides were greatly hampered in their movements by the nature of the ground, which was thickly planted with trees, and by the gardens which are usually found in suburban districts, the roads being enclosed between walls and in some cases blocked.

[8] Both commanders alike determined to get out of the neighbourhood, and as though by mutual agreement they both made for Scotusa: Philip, in the hope of obtaining a supply of corn there; Quinctius, with the intention of forestalling his adversary and destroying his corn.

[9] The armies marched the whole day without once getting sight of each other owing to a continuous range of hills which lay between them. The Romans encamped at Eretria in Phthiotis, Philip fixed his camp by the river Onchestus.

[10] The next day Philip encamped at

[11] Melambium in the territory of Scotusa and Quinctius at Thetideum in the neighbourhood of Pharsalia, but not even then did either side know for certain where their enemy was.

[12] The third day heavy clouds came up, followed by a darkness as black as night which kept the Romans in their camp for fear of a surprise attack.

[1]

Eager to press on, Philip was not in the least deterred by the clouds which had descended to the earth after the rain, and he ordered the standard-bearers to march out.

[2] But so thick a fog had blotted out the daylight that the standard-bearers could not see their way, nor could the men see their standards.

[3] Misled by the confused shouts, the column was thrown into as great disorder as if it had lost its way in a night march.

[4] When they had surmounted the range of hills called Cynoscephalae, where they left a strong force of infantry and cavalry in occupation, they formed their camp. The Roman general was still in camp at Thetideum; he sent out, however, ten squadrons of cavalry and a thousand velites to reconnoitre and warned them to be on their guard against an ambuscade, which owing to the darkened daylight might not be detected even in open country.

[5] When they reached the heights where the enemy were posted both sides stood stock-still as though paralysed by mutual fear. As soon as their alarm at the unexpected sight subsided they sent messages to their generals in camp and did not hesitate any longer to engage.

[6] The action was begun by the advanced patrols, and then as the supports came up the fighting became general. The Romans were by no means a match for their opponents, and they sent message after message to their general to inform him that they were being overpowered.

[7] A reinforcement of 500 cavalry and 2000 infantry, mostly Aetolians, under two military tribunes, was hastily despatched and restored the battle, which was going against the Romans.

[8] This turn of fortune threw the Macedonians into difficulties and they sent to their king for help. But as owing to the darkness a battle was the last thing he had looked for on that day, and as a large number of men of all ranks had been sent out to forage, he was for a considerable time at a loss what to do.

[9] The messages became more and more importunate, and as the fog had now cleared away and revealed the situation of the Macedonians who had been driven to the topmost height and were finding more safety in their position than in their arms, Philip felt that

[10] he ought to risk a general and decisive engagement rather than let a part of his force be lost through want of support.

[11] Accordingly he sent Athenagoras, the commander of the mercenaries, with the whole of the foreign contingent, except the Thracians, and also the Macedonian and Thessalian cavalry.

[12] Their appearance resulted in the Romans being dislodged from the hill and compelled to retreat to lower ground.

[13] That they were not driven in disorderly flight was mainly owing to the Aetolian cavalry, which at that time was the best in Greece, though in infantry they were inferior to their neighbours.

[1]

This affair was reported to the king as a more important success than the facts warranted. Messenger after messenger ran back from the field shouting that the Romans were in flight, and though

[2] the king, reluctant and hesitating, declared that the action had been begun rashly and that neither the time nor the place suited him, he was at last driven into bringing the whole of his forces into the field.

[3] The Roman commander did the same, more because no other course was open to him than because he wished to seize the opportunity of a battle. He posted the elephants in front of his right wing, which he kept in reserve; the left, with the whole of the light infantry, he led in person against the enemy.

[4] As they advanced he reminded them that they were going to fight with the same Macedonians as those whom in spite of the difficult ground they had driven out of the pass leading into Epirus, protected though they were by the mountains and the river, and had thoroughly defeated;

[5] the same as those whom they had vanquished under P. Sulpicius when they tried to stop their march on Eordaea. The kingdom of Macedonia, he declared, stood by its prestige, not by its strength, and even its prestige had at last disappeared.

[6] By this time he had come up to his detachments who were standing at the bottom of the valley. They at once renewed the fight and by a fierce attack compelled the enemy to give ground.

[7] Philip with his caetrati and the infantry of his right wing, the finest body in his army, which they call "the phalanx," went at the enemy almost at a run;

[8] Nicanor, one of his courtiers, was ordered to follow at once with the rest of his force.

[9] As soon as he reached the top of the hill and saw a few of the enemy's bodies and weapons lying about, he concluded that there had been a battle there and that the Romans had been repulsed, and when he further saw that fighting was going on near the enemy's camp he was in a state of great exultation.

[10] Soon, however, when his men came back in flight and it was his turn to be alarmed, he was for a few moments anxiously debating whether he ought not to recall his troops to camp.

[11] Then, as the enemy were approaching, and especially as his own men were being cut down as they fled and could not be saved unless they were defended by fresh troops, and also as retreat was no

[12] longer safe, he found himself compelled to take the supreme risk, though half his force had not yet come up.

[13] The cavalry and light infantry who had been in action he stationed on his right; the caetrati and the men of the phalanx were ordered to lay aside their spears, the length of which only embarrassed them, and make use of their swords.

[14] To prevent his line from being quickly broken he halved the front and gave twice the depth to the files, so that the depth might be greater than the width. He also ordered the ranks to close up so that man might be in touch with man and arms with arms.

[1]

After the Roman troops who had been engaged had retired through the intervals between the leading maniples, Quinctius ordered the trumpets to sound the advance.

[2] Seldom, it is said, has such a battle-shout been raised at the beginning of an action, for both armies happened to shout at the same moment, not only those actually engaged, but even the Roman reserves and the Macedonians who were just then appearing on the field.

[3] On the right the king, aided mainly by the higher ground on which he was fighting, had the advantage. On the left, where that part of the phalanx which formed the rear was only just coming up, all was confusion and disorder.

[4] The centre stood and looked on as though it were watching a fight in which it had no concern.

[5] The newly-arrived part of the phalanx, in column instead of in line of battle, in marching rather than in fighting formation, had hardly reached the crest of the hill.

[6] Though Quinctius saw that his men were giving ground on the left he sent the elephants against these unformed troops and followed up with a charge, rightly judging that the rout of a part would involve the rest.

[7] The result was not long in doubt; the Macedonians in front, terrified by the animals, instantly turned tail, and when these were repulsed the rest followed them.

[8] One of the military tribunes, seeing the position, suddenly made up his mind what to do, and leaving that part of his line which was undoubtedly winning, wheeled round with twenty maniples and attacked the enemy's right from behind.

[9] No army when attacked in the rear can fail to be shaken, but the inevitable confusion was increased by the inability of the Macedonian phalanx, a heavy and immobile formation, to face round on a new front.

[10] To make matters worse, they were at a serious disadvantage from the ground, for in following their repulsed enemy down the hill they had left the height for the enemy to make use of in his enveloping movement.

[11] Assailed on both sides they lost heavily, and in a short time they flung away their arms and took to flight.

[1]

With a small body of horse and foot Philip occupied the highest point on the hills in order to see what fortune his left wing had met with.

[2] When he became aware of their disorderly flight and saw the Roman standards and arms flashing on all the hills he too left the field.

[3] Quinctius, who was pressing on the retiring foe, saw the Macedonians suddenly holding their spears upright, and

[4] as he was doubtful as to what they intended by this unfamiliar maneuver he held up the pursuit for a few minutes. On learning that it was the Macedonian signal of surrender, he made up his mind to spare them.

[5] The soldiers, however, unaware that the enemy were no longer resisting and ignorant of their general's intention, commenced an attack upon them, and when those in front had been cut down the rest scattered in flight.

[6] Philip himself rode off at a hard gallop in the direction of Tempe and drew rein at Gomphi, where he remained for a day to pick up any survivors from the battle.

[7] The Romans broke into the hostile camp in hopes of plunder, but they found that it had to a large extent been cleared out by the Aetolians.

[8] 8000 of the enemy perished that day; 5000 were made prisoners. Of the victors about 700 fell. If we are to believe Valerius, who is given to boundless exaggeration, 40,000 of the enemy were killed and-here his invention is not so wild-5700 made prisoners and 249 standards captured.

[9] Claudius too writes that 32,000 of the enemy were killed and 4300 made prisoners.

[10] We have taken the smaller number, not because it is the smaller, but because we have followed Polybius, who is no untrustworthy authority on Roman history especially when the scene of it is in Greece.

[1]

After collecting together the fugitives who had been scattered in the various stages of the battle and had followed him in his flight, Philip despatched men to burn his papers at Larisa, that they might not fall into the enemy's hands, and then retreated into Macedonia.

[2] Quinctius sold some of the prisoners and a part of the booty and gave the rest to the soldiers, after which he proceeded to Larisa, not knowing for certain in what direction the king had gone or what movements he was contemplating.

[3] Whilst he was there a herald arrived from the king ostensibly to ask for an armistice for the purpose of burying those who had fallen in the battle, but really to ask for permission to open negotiations for peace.

[4] Both requests were granted by the Roman general, who also sent a message to the king bidding him not to lose heart. This gave great offence to the Aetolians, who were intensely mortified and said that the commander had been changed by his victory.

[5] Before the battle, so they alleged, he used to consult his allies on all matters great and small, but now they were excluded from all his counsels; he was acting solely on his own judgment.

[6] He was looking out for an opportunity of ingratiating himself personally with Philip so that after the Aetolians had borne the whole burden of the hardships and sufferings of the war the Roman might secure for himself all the credit and advantages of peace.

[7] As a matter of fact Quinctius certainly did show the Aetolians less consideration, but they were quite ignorant of his reason for treating them with neglect.

[8] They believed that he was looking for bribes from Philip, though he was a man who never yielded to the temptation of money; but it was not without good reason that he was disgusted with the Aetolians for their insatiable appetite for plunder and their arrogance in claiming for themselves the credit of the victory, a piece of vanity which offended all men's ears.

[9] Besides, if Philip were out of the way and the kingdom of Macedonia hopelessly crushed he recognised that the Aetolians must be regarded as the dominant power in Greece.

[10] Dictated by these considerations his conduct was deliberately designed to humiliate and belittle them in the eyes of Greece.

[1]

The enemy were granted a fifteen days' armistice and arrangements were made for a conference with Philip. Before the date fixed for it Quinctius called his allies into consultation and laid before them the conditions of peace which he thought ought to be imposed.

[2] Amynander briefly stated his view, which was that the terms should be such that Greece should be sufficiently strong, even in the absence of the Romans, to protect her liberty and prevent the peace from being broken.

[3] The Aetolians spoke in a more vindictive tone. After a brief allusion to the correctness of Quinctius' attitude in calling in those who

[4] had been his allies in war to advise with him on the question of peace, they went on to assure him that he was totally mistaken if he supposed that he would leave either peace with Rome or liberty for Greece on a sure basis unless Philip were either put to death or expelled from his kingdom. Either of these alternatives was easy for him if he chose to make full use of his victory.

[5] Quinctius replied that in uttering these sentiments the Aetolians were losing sight of the settled policy of Rome and convicting themselves of inconsistency.

[6] In all the former councils and conferences when discussing the question of peace they had never advocated the destruction

[7] of Macedonia, and the Romans, whose policy from the earliest times had been to show mercy to the conquered, had furnished a conspicuous proof of this in the peace which had been granted to Hannibal and the Carthaginians.

[8] Leaving the Carthaginians, however, out of account, how often had he himself had conferences with Philip? But never had the question of his abdication been raised.

[9] Had his defeat in battle made the war one of extermination? "An enemy in arms one is bound to meet with ruthless hostility; towards the conquered the greatest minds show the greatest clemency. You think that kings of Macedon are a danger to the liberties of Greece.

[10] If that nation and kingdom were swept away, Thracians, Illyrians, Gauls, savage and barbarous tribes, would pour into Macedonia and then into Greece.

[11] Do not, by removing the danger closest to you, open the door to greater and more serious ones." Here he was interrupted by Phaeneas, the president of the Aetolian league, who solemnly declared amid great excitement that if Philip escaped then, he would soon prove a still more dangerous enemy.

[12] "Cease your uproar," said Quinctius, "when we have to deliberate.

[13] Peace will not be settled upon such terms as to make it possible to recommence war."

[1]

The council broke up, and on the morrow Philip went to the spot fixed for the conference, which was in the pass leading into Tempe.

[2] The day following a meeting of the Romans and all their allies was convened, before which he appeared.

[3] He showed great prudence in deliberately abstaining from any allusion to those conditions which were regarded as essential, instead of letting them be forced from him in the discussion.

[4] All the concessions which in the former conference the Romans had insisted upon or the allies had demanded he said he would agree to, everything else he would leave to the decision of the senate.

[5] This would seem to have precluded any further demands even from those most hostile to him, and yet Phaeneas broke the general silence by asking, "What?

[6] Philip! Do you at last restore to us Larisa, Cremaste, Echinus and Phthiotic Thebes?"

[7] On Philip replying that he placed no difficulty in the way of their resuming possession of these places, a dispute arose between Quinctius and the Aetolians over Thebes.

[8] Quinctius asserted that it belonged to Rome by the right of war, for before the war broke out he marched there and invited the citizens to enter into friendly relations with him, and whilst they were at full liberty to abandon Philip they preferred his allegiance to that of the Romans.

[9] Phaeneas retorted that it was only just and equitable, considering the part they had taken in the war, that all which the Aetolians possessed before the war should be restored to them.

[10] It was provided by treaty from the very first that the spoils of war, including all movable goods and all livestock and prisoners, should go to the Romans; the conquered cities and territories to the Aetolians.

[11] "You yourselves," replied Quinctius, "broke that treaty when you left us and made peace with Philip.

[12] If it were still in force, it would only apply to the cities which have been captured; the cities of Thessaly have passed into our power of their own free will."

[13] This declaration was approved by all the allies, but created a bitter feeling amongst the Aetolians at the time, and soon led to a war which proved most disastrous to them. It was agreed that Philip should give up his son Demetrius and some of "the friends of the king" as hostages and also pay an indemnity of 200 talents.

[14] With regard to the other matters, he was to send an embassy to Rome and a four months' truce was granted him to enable him to do so.

[15] In case the senate declined to grant terms of peace the agreement was to be cancelled and the hostages and money returned to Philip. The main reason for Quinctius desiring an early peace is alleged to have been the warlike designs of Antiochus and his threatened invasion of Europe.

[1]

At this very time, and according to some accounts on the very day on which the battle of Cynoscephalae was fought, the Achaeans routed Androsthenes, one of Philip's generals, in a pitched battle at Corinth.

[2] Philip intended to hold that city as a menace to the States of Greece, and after inviting the leading citizens to a conference on the pretext of settling

[3] what force of cavalry the Corinthians could furnish for the war, he had detained them all as hostages.

[4] The force in occupation consisted of 500 Macedonians and 800 auxiliaries of various nationalities. In addition to these he had sent 1000 Macedonians and 1200 Illyrians and also Thracian and Cretan contingents (these tribes fought on both sides), amounting to 800 in all.

[5] There were in addition 1000 heavy-armed troops, consisting of Boeotians, Thessalians and Acarnanians. A draft from Corinth itself made up the whole force to 6000 men, and Androsthenes felt himself strong enough to give battle.

[6] The Achaean captain-general, Nicostratus, was at Sicyon with 2000 infantry and 200 cavalry, but seeing that he was inferior in both the number and the quality of his troops, he did not venture outside the walls.

[7] The king's troops overran and ravaged the territories of Pellene, Phlius and Cleonae. At last, to show their contempt for the timidity of their

[8] enemy, they invaded the territory of Sicyon and, sailing along the Achaean seaboard, harried and wasted the land.

[9] Their confidence, as is usually the case, made them careless, and their raids were conducted with an absence of all precautions. Seeing a possibility of a successful surprise attack, Nicostratus sent secret information to all the cities round as to what force each city should contribute and on

[10] what day they should all muster at Apelaurus, a place in Stymphalia.

[11] All being in readiness on the appointed day he made a night march through the district of Phlius to Cleonae, no one knowing what his object was. He had with him 5000 infantry, of which . . . were light-armed troops, and also 300 cavalry.

[12] With this force he waited for the return of the scouting patrols whom he had sent out to ascertain in what direction the enemy had dispersed themselves.

[1]

Androsthenes, in perfect ignorance of all this, marched out from Corinth and encamped by the Nemea, a stream which divides the territory of Corinth from that of Sicyon.

[2] Here, leaving half his army in camp, he formed the other half and the whole of the cavalry into three divisions and ordered them to make simultaneous raids in the territories of Pellene, Sicyon and Phlius.

[3] The three divisions marched off on their separate errands. As soon as intelligence of this was brought to Nicostratus at Cleonae, he promptly sent a strong detachment of mercenaries to seize the pass leading to Corinth.

[4] He followed with his army in two columns, the cavalry forming an advanced guard.

[5] In one column marched the mercenaries and light infantry; in the other the hoplites, the main strength of all Greek armies. When they were not far from the hostile camp some of the Thracians began to attack the parties of the enemy scattered in the fields.

[6] The camp was filled with sudden alarm and the commander was surprised and bewildered.

[7] He had never seen the enemy, unless it were a few here and there on the hills before Sicyon, as they did not venture on the lower ground, and he never supposed that they would leave their position at Cleonae and take the aggressive against him.

[8] The dispersed parties were recalled to camp by sound of trumpet, and, ordering the soldiers to seize their arms with all speed, he hurried out, of the camp with a weak force and formed his line on the river bank.

[9] The other troops had hardly had time to collect and form, and did not withstand the first charge, but the Macedonians, who formed the bulk of the fighting line, made the victory for a long time doubtful.

[10] At length, with their flank exposed by the flight of the

[11] rest of the army and subjected to two separate attacks from the light infantry on their flank and the hoplites and heavy armed on their front, they began to give ground, and, as the pressure increased, turned and fled.

[12] The greater number flung away their arms and, abandoning all hope of holding their camp, made for Corinth. Against these Nicostratus sent his mercenaries in pursuit, and despatched the cavalry and Thracian auxiliaries to attack the plundering parties round Sicyon.

[13] Here too there was great slaughter, almost more, in fact, than in the actual battle.

[14] Some who had been ravaging the country round Pellene and Phlius were returning to camp, in no military formation and unaware of all that had happened, when they fell in with the enemy patrols where they had expected to find their own.

[15] Others, seeing men running in all directions, suspected what had happened and fled with such precipitation that they lost themselves and even the peasantry were able to cut them off. 1500 men fell on that day and 300 prisoners were secured.

[16] The whole of Achaia was delivered from a great fear.

[1]

Acarnania was the only Greek State that still adhered to the Macedonian alliance. Before the battle of Cynoscephalae L. Quinctius had invited their chiefs to a conference at Corcyra, where he induced them to take

[2] the first step towards a change of policy.

[3] The two main reasons for their fidelity were their innate sense of loyalty and their fear and dislike of the Aetolians. A national council was convened at Leucas. It was by no means generally attended, nor did those who were present agree as to the course to be pursued. The leaders, however, including the presiding magistrate, succeeded in getting a party motion carried in favour of an alliance with Rome.

[4] The cities which had not sent representatives resented this strongly, and amidst the national excitement two of their leading men, Androcles and Echedemus, emissaries of Philip, had sufficient influence not only to obtain the cancelling of the decree, but even to secure the

[5] condemnation of its authors, Archelaus and Bianor, on a charge of treason and the dismissal from office of Zeuxidas, who as president had allowed the motion to be put. The condemned men took a hazardous but, as events turned out, a successful step.

[6] Their friends advised them to bow to circumstances and go to the Romans at Corcyra, but they resolved to present themselves before the people and either calm the popular indignation or submit to whatever fortune might have in store for them.

[7] When they entered the crowded council chamber there were at first

[8] murmurs of astonishment, but soon the respect inspired by the high position they once held and the compassion felt for their present misfortunes evoked silent sympathy.

[9] Permission having been given them to speak, they at first adopted a suppliant tone, but when it came to meeting the charges against them they defended themselves with all the confidence of innocent men, and at last they ventured to complain mildly

[10] of the treatment they had received and remonstrated against the injustice and cruelty which had been meted out to them. The feelings of their audience were so stirred that all the decrees made against them were rescinded by a large majority.

[11] Nevertheless it was decided to go back to the alliance with Philip and renounce friendly relations with Rome.

[1]

These decrees were passed at Leucas, the capital of Acarnania and the seat of the national council.

[2] When this sudden change of feeling was reported to Flamininus at Corcyra, he at once set sail for Leucas and brought up at a spot called the Heraeum.

[3] He then advanced towards the city with every description of artillery and siege engines, thinking that at the first shock of alarm the defenders would lose heart.

[4] As soon as he saw that there were no signs of their asking for peace he began to set up the vineae and towers and bring the battering-rams up to the walls.

[5] Acarnania as a whole lies between Aetolia and Epirus and looks westward towards the Sicilian Sea.

[6] Leucadia, which is now an island separated from Acarnania by a canal of moderate depth, was then a peninsula, connected with the western shore of Acarnania by a narrow isthmus half a mile long, and at no point more than 120 paces broad.

[7] The city of Leucas is situated at the head of this isthmus, resting on a hill which faces eastward towards Acarnania; the lowest part of the city lies on the sea front and is level.

[8] This makes it open to attack both by land and sea, for the shallow waters are more like a lagoon than like the sea, and the soil of the surrounding plain can easily be thrown up for lines of investment and siege works. Many parts of the wall were in consequence undermined or shaken down by the battering-rams.

[9] But the advantage which the situation of the city gave to the assailants was counterbalanced by the indomitable spirit of the defenders.

[10] Ever on the alert, night and day they repaired the shattered walls, barricaded the breaches, made constant sorties and defended their walls by arms more than their walls defended them.

[11] The siege would have been protracted longer than the Romans anticipated had not some refugees of Italian nationality who were living in Leucas admitted soldiers from the citadel.

[12] Once admitted, they ran down with great tumult from the higher ground and found the Leucadians drawn up in battle formation in the forum, who offered a stout resistance.

[13] In the meanwhile the walls had in many places been successfully escaladed, and over the heaps of stones and debris a way was made into the city.

[14] By this time the general himself had enveloped the combatants with considerable force, and whilst some perished between the two bodies of assailants others threw down their arms and surrendered.

[15] A few days later, on hearing of the battle of Cynoscephalae; the whole of Acarnania submitted to the Roman general.

[1]

In every direction alike Philip's fortunes were sinking. Just at this time the Rhodians determined to win back from him the district on the mainland known as Peraea, which had been held by their forefathers.

[2] An expedition was despatched under the command of Pausistratus, consisting of 1300 Achaean infantry and about 1800 miscellaneous troops drawn from various nations-Gauls and Pisuetae;

[3] Nisuetae, Tamians and Trahi from Africa, and Laudicenes from Asia.

[4] With this force Pausistratus seized Tendeba, an extremely advantageous position situated in the territory of Stratonice, the king's troops who had held it being unaware of his advance.

[5] Here he was joined by a body of 1000 Achaean infantry and 400 cavalry specially raised for this campaign. They were commanded by Theoxenus.

[6] Dinocrates, one of the king's lieutenants, marched to Tendeba with a view of recovering the place, and from there to Astragon, another fortified position in the same district. All the scattered garrisons were recalled, and with these and a contingent of Thessalians from Stratonice itself he went on to Abanda where the enemy lay.

[7] The Rhodians were quite ready for battle, and as the camps lay near one another they at once took the field.

[8] Dinocrates posted his 500 Macedonians on his right and the Agrianians on his left, and formed his centre from the troops of

[9] the various garrisons, mostly Carians, whilst the flanks were covered by the Macedonian horse and the Cretan and Thracian irregulars.

[10] The Rhodians had the Achaeans on their right and a picked force of mercenaries on their left; the centre was held by a mixed force drawn from several nationalities; their cavalry and such light infantry as they had protected their flanks.

[11] On that day the two armies only stood on the banks of the stream, which was then running low, and after discharging a few missiles at each other returned to camp.

[12] The following day they were marshalled in the same order, and the action which followed was a much more keenly contested one than might have been expected from the numbers engaged.

[13] There were not more than 3000 infantry and about 100 cavalry on each side, but they were fairly matched not only in numbers and equipment, but also in courage and tenacity.

[14] The battle was begun by the Achaeans, who crossed the rivulet and attacked the Agrianians, and they were followed by the whole line, who went over the brook at the double.

[15] For a long time the struggle remained doubtful, till the Achaeans, who numbered . . ., compelled the 400 to give ground.

[16] With the enemy's left pushed back, they concentrated their attack on his right.

[17] As long as the Macedonian ranks were unbroken and the phalanx kept its close formation they could not be moved, but when their left was exposed and they tried to

[18] bring their spears round to face the enemy who were making a flank attack, they at once got into confusion and fell foul of one another, then they turned and at last, flinging away their arms, broke into headlong flight.

[19] The fugitives made for Bargyliae, and Dinocrates also fled thither. The Rhodians kept up the pursuit for the remainder of the day and then returned to camp. Had they gone on to Stratonice straight from the battle-field the city would in all probability have been taken, but they lost the

[20] chance of doing this by wasting their time in recovering the fortified posts and villages in Peraea.

[21] During this interval those in command at Stratonice regained their courage, and before long Dinocrates with the survivors from the battle entered the place.

[22] The city was subsequently besieged and assaulted, but all to no purpose, nor could it be secured until some years later, when it was made over to the Rhodians by Antiochus. These incidents occurred almost simultaneously in Thessaly, Achaia and Asia.

[1]

Emboldened by the successive Macedonian defeats, the Dardanians began to lay waste the northern part of the realm.

[2] Although Philip had almost the whole world against him and Fortune was driving him and his people out of every place in turn, he felt that to be expelled from Macedonia itself would be worse than death.

[3] No sooner, therefore, did he hear of the Dardanian invasion than he hurriedly levied troops in all the cities of his kingdom and with a force of 6000 infantry and 500 cavalry he came upon the enemy unexpectedly near Stobi in Paeonia.

[4] A great many men fell in the battle, a greater number amongst the fields, where they were dispersed in the hope of plunder. Where there was no obstacle to flight they were in no mood to risk the chance of a battle, and so they retired within their own borders.

[5] The success of this expedition, so different from the state of things elsewhere, revived the spirits of his men.

[6] After this he returned to Thessalonica. The close of the Punic War took place at a favourable moment, for it removed the danger of having a second war on hand at the same time, namely the war against Philip.

[7] Still more opportune was the victory over Philip at a time when Antiochus was already taking hostile action from Syria. Not only was it easier to meet each singly than if they had joined forces, but Spain was giving trouble at the same time and a warlike movement on a large scale was taking place in that country.

[8] During the previous summer Antiochus had reduced all the cities in Coelo-Syria which had been under Ptolemy's sway, and though he had now withdrawn into winter quarters he displayed as great activity as he had done during the summer.

[9] He had called up the whole strength of his kingdom and had amassed enormous forces, both military and naval. At the commencement of spring he had sent his two sons, Ardys and Mithridates, with an army to Sardis with instructions to wait for him there

[10] whilst he started by sea with a fleet of a hundred decked ships and two hundred smaller vessels, including swift pinnaces and Cyprian barques.

[11] His object was twofold: to attempt the reduction of the cities along the whole coastline of Cilicia, Lycia and Caria which owed allegiance to Ptolemy, and also to assist Philip-the war with him was not over-both by land and sea.

[1]

The Rhodians have given many splendid proofs of their courage in maintaining their loyalty to Rome and in defending the liberties of Greece, but never did they afford a finer instance of it than at this time.

[2] Undismayed by the vastness of the impending war they sent a message to the king forbidding him to sail beyond the promontory of Chelidonia in Cilicia, a place rendered famous by its being mentioned in an ancient treaty between the Athenians and the kings of Persia.

[3] If he did not keep his fleet and his forces within that limit, they informed him that they should oppose him, not because of any personal enmity to him, but because they would not allow him to join forces with Philip and so hinder the Romans in their work of liberating Greece.

[4] Antiochus was at the time investing Coracesium. He had so far secured Zephyrium, Soli, Aphrodisias and Corycus, and after rounding Anemurium-another Cilician headland-had captured Selinus.

[5] All these towns and other fortified places on this coast had submitted to him either voluntarily or under the stress of fear, but Coracesium unexpectedly shut its gates against him.

[6] During this delay the Rhodian envoys obtained an audience of him. The tenor of their instructions was of a nature to rouse the

[7] king's wrath, but he curbed his anger and told them that he should send envoys to Rhodes with instructions to renew the old ties which he and his ancestors had formed with that State, and also to reassure them as to the object of his approach, which would bring no injury or loss either to them or to their allies.

[8] The embassy which he had sent to Rome had just returned, and as the issue of the war with Philip was still uncertain the senate had wisely given them a favourable reception.

[9] Antiochus alleged the gracious reply of the senate and the resolution they passed, so complimentary to him, as a proof that he had no intention of breaking off his friendly relations with Rome.

[10] Whilst the king's envoys were urging these considerations in a meeting of the citizens of Rhodes, news came that the war had been brought to a close at Cynoscephalae. On receipt of this intelligence the Rhodians, having nothing more to fear from Philip, abandoned their design of opposing Antiochus with their fleet.

[11] They did not, however, abandon the other object, the defence of the liberties of the States in alliance with Ptolemy which Antiochus was now threatening. To some they gave active assistance, others they forewarned of the movements of the enemy; it was thus that Caunos, Myndus, Halicarnassus and Samos owed their liberty to Rhodes.

[12] It is not worth while to go in detail into the events which happened in this

[13] part of the world, seeing that it is almost beyond my powers to deal with those especially connected with the war with Rome.

[1]

It was at this time that Attalus, who owing to his illness had been carried from Thebes to Pergamum, died there in his seventy-second year after a reign of forty-four years.

[2] Beyond his wealth Fortune had bestowed nothing on this man which could lead him to hope that he would ever be king. But by making a wise use of his riches and at the same time employing them on a magnificent scale he gradually began to be regarded, first in his own estimation and then in the eyes of his friends, as not unworthy of the crown.

[3] In one decisive battle he defeated the Gauls-a nation all the more dreaded because they had migrated into Asia comparatively recently-and after

[4] this victory he assumed the royal title and ever after justified it by a corresponding greatness of soul.

[5] He governed his subjects with absolute justice and showed exceptional loyalty to his allies; affectionate towards his wife and his children, four of whom survived him, he was considerate and generous to his friends and left his kingdom so settled and secure that the possession of it descended to the third generation of his posterity.

[6] This was the state of things in Greece, Asia and Macedonia, when just as the campaign against Philip was brought to a close and before peace had been definitely established a serious war broke out in Further Spain.

[7] M. Helvius was administering the province, and he wrote to the senate to inform them that the tribal chiefs Culchas and Luxinius were in arms.

[8] Fifteen fortified towns were taking part with Culchas, whilst Luxinius was supported by the strong cities of Carmo and Bardo, the Malacini and Sexetani on the coast and the whole of Baeturia. In addition to these the tribes which had not yet disclosed their intentions were prepared to rise as soon as their neighbours moved.

[9] After M. Sergius, the city praetor, had read this despatch in the senate a decree was passed ordering that after the new praetors were elected the one who obtained Spain as his province should as soon as possible ask for the senate's instructions as to the military operations there.

[1]

The consuls arrived in Rome both at the same time and convened the senate at the temple of Bellona.

[2] On their demanding a triumph for their military successes, they were opposed by two of the tribunes of the plebs, who insisted on the proposal being submitted to the House by each consul separately. They would not permit a joint proposal to be made on the ground that in that case equal honours would be conferred when the services were far from equal.

[3] Q. Minucius replied that Italy had been assigned to them both and he and his colleague had conducted their operations with one mind and one policy.

[4] C. Cornelius added that when the Boii crossed the Po to assist the Insubres and the Cenomanni it was through his colleague's action in laying waste their fields and villages that they were compelled to return and defend their own country.

[5] The tribunes admitted that the achievements of C. Cethegus were such that there could be no more hesitation about according him a triumph than about paying honours to the immortal gods.

[6] Neither Cethegus, however, nor any other citizen possessed so much influence and power that he could, after obtaining a well-deserved triumph for himself, grant the same honour to a colleague who did not deserve it, and whose request for it was an affront.

[7] Q. Minucius, they declared, had fought some insignificant actions, hardly worth talking about, amongst the Ligurians and had lost a large number of men in Gaul.

[8] Two military tribunes, T. Juventius and Cneius Ligurius, both attached to the fourth legion, had fallen in an unsuccessful battle in company with many other brave men, both citizens and allies. A few towns and villages had ostensibly surrendered for the time being, without giving any guarantee of good faith.

[9] These altercations between the consuls and the tribunes took up two days.

[10] At last the pertinacity of the tribunes won the day and the consuls submitted their requests separately.

[1]

A triumph was unanimously decreed to C. Cethegus. His popularity was still further enhanced by delegates from Cremona and

[2] Placentia, who gratefully described how he had delivered them from the horrors of a siege, and in the case of most of those who had fallen into the enemy's hands from actual slavery.

[3] Q. Minucius put his motion merely tentatively, and on finding the whole senate opposed to him gave out that by virtue of his rights as consul, and in accordance with the precedent set by many illustrious men, he should triumph on the Alban Mount.

[4] C. Cethegus celebrated his triumph while he was still in office.

[5] Many military standards were carried in the procession, many spoils in captured wagons and many noble Gauls were led before his chariot. Some authorities aver that the Carthaginian general Hamilcar was amongst them.

[6] But the eyes of all were turned chiefly to a crowd of colonists from Cremona and Placentia who followed the consul's chariot wearing the cap of liberty.

[7] The amount of specie carried in the procession was 237,500 ases and 79,000 silver denarii. Each of the soldiers received a bonus of 70 ases and double the amount was given to each centurion and horseman.

[8] Q. Minucius celebrated his victories over the Ligurians and the Boii on the Alban Mount. Though this triumph was less of a distinction than the other in respect of the scene and glory of his achievements, and though everybody was aware that its cost was not defrayed from the public treasury, still it about equalled it in the number of standards and wagons and spoils.

[9] Even the amount of money almost reached the same figure; there were 254,000 ases and 53,200 silver denarii. He gave to each of his soldiers the same sums as his colleague had given

[1]

After the triumph came the elections. The new consuls were L. Furius Purpurio and M. Claudius Marcellus.

[2] The praetors elected the day following were Q. Fabius Buteo, Tiberius Sempronius Longus, Q. Minucius Thermus, Manius Acilius Glabrio, L. Apustius Fullo and C. Laelius.

[3] About the end of the year despatches arrived from T. Quinctius stating that he had fought a pitched battle with Philip in Thessaly, and that the enemy had been routed and put to flight.

[4] These despatches were read by Sergius first in the senate and then, with the sanction of the senate, at a meeting of the citizens. A five days' thanksgiving was appointed for this success. The joint delegation from T. Quinctius and Philip arrived soon afterwards.

[5] The Macedonians were conducted to the Government building in the Campus Martius, where they were accommodated as guests of the State. The senate received them in audience in the temple of Bellona; no long speeches were made, for the delegates simply stated that the king was prepared to act in accordance with the wishes of the senate.

[6] Following the traditional usage, ten commissioners were appointed to advise with T. Quinctius as to the terms on which peace was to be granted to

[7] Philip, and a clause was added to the decree providing that among the members of the commission should be included P. Sulpicius and P. Villius, to whom Macedonia had been assigned as their province when they were consuls.

[8] On the same day a petition was presented by the inhabitants of Cosa praying that their numbers might be enlarged, and an order was made for a thousand fresh colonists to

[9] be enrolled, no one to be included in the number who had been an enemy alien since the consulship of P. Cornelius and Tiberius Sempronius.

[1]

The Roman Games in the Circus Maximus and the scenic plays on the stage were exhibited by the curule aediles, P. Cornelius Scipio and Cneius Manlius Vulso, on a more splendid scale than usual, and amid greater hilarity on the part of the spectators owing to the recent successes in the field.

[2] Three times they were repeated in every detail. The Plebeian Games were repeated seven times.

[3] The latter were exhibited by Manius Acilius Glabrio and C. Laelius, and out of the proceeds of fines they set up bronze statues of Ceres, Liber and Libera.

[4] The first business before the new consuls, L. Furius and M. Claudius Marcellus, after taking office was the allotment of the provinces. The senate was preparing to decree Italy as the province for both, but the consuls tried hard to get Macedonia allotted as well as Italy.

[5] Marcellus, who was the more anxious of the two to obtain Macedonia, declared that the peace with Philip was illusory and that if the Roman army were withdrawn he would resume hostilities.

[6] This made the senate hesitate in coming to a decision, and the consul would probably have gained his point had not two tribunes of the plebs, Q. Marcius Ralla and C. Atinius Labeo, threatened to interpose their veto unless the plebs were first consulted as

[7] to whether it was their will and pleasure that peace should be made with Philip. The question was submitted to the plebs in the Capitol, and the whole of the thirty-five tribes voted in the affirmative.

[8] The satisfaction felt at the peaceful settlement with Macedonia was all the more welcome owing to the gloomy news from Spain and the publication of a despatch stating that the proconsul, C. Sempronius Tuditanus, acting in Hither Spain had been defeated and his army routed and put to flight.

[9] Many men of high rank had fallen in the battle, and Tuditanus himself was seriously wounded and died soon after being carried off the field.

[10] Italy was assigned to both the consuls as their province, together with the legions which the previous consuls had had, and they were to raise four new legions, two to garrison the City and two to be at the disposal of the senate.

[11] T. Quinctius Flamininus was to remain in his province with the army which he had, and the previous extension of his command was deemed sufficient.

[1]

The praetors next balloted for their provinces. L. Apustius Fullo obtained the City jurisdiction, M. Acilius Glabrio the jurisdiction in causes between citizens and aliens.

[2] Q. Fabius Buteo received Further Spain and Q. Minucius Thermus, Hither Spain. C. Laelius was allotted Sicily and Tiberius Sempronius Longus, Sardinia.

[3] The consuls were ordered to furnish the two praetors who were to proceed to Spain with one legion each from the four new legions they were raising and also 4000 allied infantry and 300 cavalry.

[4] These two praetors were ordered to proceed to their provinces at the earliest possible moment.

[5] The Spanish war, which was practically a fresh war, because the natives had resorted to arms on their own account without any Carthaginian army or general to support them, broke out five years after the former war had been brought to a close simultaneously with the Punic War.

[6] Before the praetors started for Spain, or the consuls left the City, they were charged with the expiation of the various portents that had been announced. P. Villius, a Roman knight who was on his way to the Sabine country, was killed, together with his horse, by a flash of lightning.

[7] The temple of Ferona near Capenae was similarly struck.

[8] At the temple of Moneta two spear-heads burst into flame. A wolf entered the City through the Porta Esquilina, the busiest part of the City, and ran down to the Forum; it then ran through the Tuscan and Cermalian wards, and finally escaped through the Porta Capena almost untouched.

[9] These portents were expiated by the sacrifice of full-grown victims.

[1]

During this interval Cneius Cornelius Blasio, who had administered Hither Spain before Tuditanus, was authorised by the senate to enter the City in ovation.

[2] Before him were borne 1515 pounds of gold and 20,000 of silver, and also 34,500 silver denarii. L. Stertinius, who made no effort to obtain a triumph, brought away from Further Spain 50,000

[3] pounds of silver for the public treasury, and with the proceeds from the sale of the spoil he erected two gateways in the Forum Boarium in front of the temples of Fortuna and Mater Matuta, and one in the Circus Maximus.

[4] On these three structures he placed gilded statues. The above were the principal events during the winter. T. Quinctius was in winter quarters at Elatia.

[5] Amidst the numerous requests which he received from the friendly States was one from the Boeotians begging that, those of their countrymen who had been fighting for Philip might be restored to them.

[6] Quinctius readily granted their request, not because he thought that they deserved it, but because he was anxious, in view of Antiochus' suspicious movements, to win the support and sympathy of the Grecian States.

[7] After they had been restored it became at once apparent how little gratitude he had evoked among the Boeotians, for they sent delegates to thank Philip for the return of their countrymen, as though it were he who had made the concession and not Quinctius and the Romans.

[8] And at the next election they chose a person called Brachylles as the Boeotarch, for no other reason than because he had commanded the Boeotian contingent which had served under Philip, thus passing over men like Zeuxippus and Pisistratus and others who had brought about the alliance with Rome.

[9] Annoyed as these men were at the time, they were

[10] still more apprehensive as to the future, for if these things could go on while a Roman army was lying almost at their gates, what would happen to them, they asked, when the Romans had left for Italy and Philip was close at hand to help

[11] his friends and take his revenge upon his opponents?

[1]

As Brachylles was the main supporter of the king they determined to get rid of him while the arms of Rome were in their neighbourhood.

[2] The hour chosen was when he was returning from a State banquet in a state of intoxication, escorted by an effeminate crew who had been carousing in the banquet hall.

[3] He was set upon by six armed men, three of whom were Italians and three Aetolians, and killed on the spot. His companions fled screaming for help, and the whole city was thrown into uproar, men running in all directions with lanterns and torches. The assassins had meanwhile escaped through the nearest gate.

[4] At daybreak the next morning the population gathered in the theatre in such numbers as to give the appearance of a formal assembly convened by edict or by the public crier.

[5] Openly all men were saying that he had been murdered by his retinue and the dissolute wretches who accompanied him, but in their hearts they fixed upon Zeuxippus as the instigator of the crime.

[6] For the time being, however, it was decided that those who had been with him should be arrested and examined under torture.

[7] While search was being made for them Zeuxippus, determined to clear himself of any suspicion of complicity, came calm and undismayed into the gathering and said that people were mistaken who supposed that such an atrocious murder could have been committed by such effeminate creatures.

[8] He adduced many strong arguments to support this view, and some who heard him were convinced that if he were an accomplice he would never have appeared before the people or made any allusion to the murder when no one had challenged him to do so. Others were quite certain that by thus unblushingly meeting the charge he was endeavouring to divert suspicion from himself.

[9] After a short time those who were really innocent were put to the torture, and though they themselves knew nothing about it they treated the universal opinion as though it amounted to proof and named Zeuxippus and Pisistratus without alleging any evidence as to their actually knowing what had happened.

[10] Zeuxippus, however, with a person called Stratonidas escaped by night to Tanagra, fearing his own conscience more than the statements of men who were unconscious of the true state of the case. Pisistratus paid no regard to the informers and remained in Thebes.

[11] Zeuxippus had a slave with him who had acted as messenger and intermediary all through the affair. Pisistratus was afraid that this man might turn informer, and it was through this very fear that the slave was compelled to make the disclosure.

[12] He sent a letter to Zeuxippus warning him to do away with the slave as he was privy to all they had done, and he did not believe him to be so capable of concealing the thing as he had been of carrying it out.

[13] The bearer was ordered to give the letter to Zeuxippus as soon as possible, and as he had no opportunity of giving it at once he handed it to this very slave, whom he regarded as the most faithful of all to his master, telling him at the same time that it was from Pisistratus about a matter which greatly concerned Zeuxippus.

[14] The slave assured the bearer that he would deliver it forthwith, but being conscience stricken he opened it, and after reading it through fled to Thebes and laid the evidence before the magistrates.

[15] Warned by the flight of the slave, Zeuxippus withdrew to Anthedon, as he considered that a safer place to live in. Pisistratus and the others were examined under torture and afterwards executed.

[1]

This murder roused Thebes and the whole of Boeotia to an intensely bitter hatred against the Romans; they were quite convinced that Zeuxippus, the foremost man amongst them, would not have been a party to such a crime if he had not been countenanced by the Roman general.

[2] To go to war was impossible; they had neither forces nor a leader, but they did the next thing to it, they took to brigandage and assassination.

[3] They made away with soldiers who were billeted on them, and others on furlough who were going about on various errands in their winter quarters. Some were caught in the high roads by men who lay in wait for them, others were led on false pretences to lonely inns and then seized and murdered.

[4] These crimes were committed from greed quite as much as from hatred, because the men carried silver in their belts for making purchases.

[5] As more and more men were amongst the missing every day, the whole of Boeotia acquired an evil reputation, and the men were more afraid to go outside their camp than if they had been in an enemy's country. On this, Quinctius sent officers to the different cities to investigate the murders.

[6] Most of them were found to have been committed round Lake Copais; here bodies were dug out of the mud and recovered from the shallows with stones or amphorae fastened to them, to sink them deeper by their weight. Many murders also took place at Acraephia and Coronea.

[7] Quinctius issued orders for those who were guilty to be given up to him, and he levied a fine of 500 talents upon the Boeotians for the 500 soldiers who had been murdered.

Neither of these orders was complied with. The cities simply excused themselves by saying that their government had not sanctioned any of these deeds.

[8] Quinctius thereupon sent a deputation to visit Athens and Achaia and explain to them that it was in a just and holy cause that he was going to punish the Boeotians by arms.

[9] Appius Claudius received orders to march to Acraephia with half the force, and he himself with the other half invested Coronea after laving waste the country round. All the country through which the two divisions advanced from Elatia was devastated.

[10] The Boeotians, completely cowed by the losses they were sustaining and seeing fear and flight everywhere, sent envoys, but as they were not admitted into the camp, the Athenian and Achaean envoys came to their support. The mediation of the Achaeans was the more effectual of the two, because in case they failed to obtain peace for the Boeotians they were resolved to fight by the side of the Romans.

[11] Through their representations, the Boeotians were allowed to approach the Roman general and lay their case before him.

[12] Peace was granted them on condition that they surrendered the guilty parties and paid a fine of 30 talents, and the siege was raised.

[1]

A few days later the ten commissioners arrived from Rome. On their advice peace was granted to Philip on the following terms: All the Greek communities in Europe and Asia were to be free and independent;

[2] Philip was to withdraw his garrisons from those which had been under his rule and after their evacuation hand them over to the Romans before the date fixed for the Isthmian Games. He was also to withdraw his garrisons from the following cities in Asia: Euromus, Pedasae, Bargyliae, Iasos, Myrina, Abydos, Thasos and Perinthus, for it was decided that these too should be free.

[3] With regard to the freedom of Cios, Quinctius undertook to communicate the decision of the senate and the commissioners to Prusias, King of Bithynia.

[4] The king was also to restore all prisoners and deserters to the Romans, and all his decked ships, save five, were to be surrendered, but he could retain his royal galley, which was all but unmanageable owing to its size and was propelled by sixteen banks of oars.

[5] His army was never to exceed 5000 men and he was not allowed to have a single elephant, nor was he permitted to make war beyond his frontiers without the express sanction of the senate.

[6] The indemnity which he was required to pay amounted to 1000 talents, half of it to be paid at once and the remainder in ten annual instalments.

[7] Valerius Antias asserts that an annual tribute of 4000 lbs.

[8] of silver was imposed on the king for ten years. Claudius says that the annual tribute amounted to 4200 lbs. of silver and extended over thirty years, with an immediate payment of 2000 lbs. He also says that an additional clause in the treaty expressly provided that Philip should not make war upon Eumenes, who had succeeded his father Attalus upon the throne.

[9] As a guarantee of the observance of these conditions hostages were taken by the Romans, amongst whom was Philip's son, Demetrius.

[10] Valerius Antias further states that the island of Aegina and the elephants were given to Attalus, and that Stratonice and the other cities in Caria which Philip had held were given to the

[11] Rhodians, and the islands of Lemnos, Imbros, Delos and Scyros to the Athenians.

[1]

Almost all the States of Greece welcomed peace on these terms. The Aetolians formed a solitary exception.

[2] They did not venture upon open opposition, but they criticised the commissioners' decision bitterly in private. It was, they said, a mere form of words vaguely suggesting the delusive image of pretended liberty.

[3] Why, they asked, were some cities to be given to the Romans without being named, and others which were named to retain their freedom, unless it was thought that the cities in Asia might be safely left free because of their remoteness, whilst those in Greece which are not even named might be appropriated, viz. Corinth, Chalcis, Oreus, together with Eretria and Demetrias?

[4] Nor was this charge altogether groundless, for there was much hesitation as to three of those cities. In the decree of the senate which the commissioners had brought with them the rest of the cities in Greece and Asia were unequivocally declared free, but in the case of Corinth, Chalcis and Demetrias the commissioners were instructed to do and determine

[5] as the interests of the commonwealth and the circumstances of the time and their own sense of duty required. It was Antiochus they had in their minds;

[6] they were convinced that as soon as he deemed his strength adequate he would invade Europe, and they did not intend to leave it open to him to occupy cities which would form such favourable bases of operations.

[7] Quinctius proceeded with the ten commissioners to Anticyra, and from there sailed across to Corinth. Here the commissioners discussed for days the measures for securing the freedom of Greece. Again and again Quinctius urged that the whole of Greece must be declared free if they wanted to stop the tongues of the Achaeans and inspire all

[8] with a true affection for Rome and an appreciation of her greatness-if, in fact, they desired to convince the Greeks that they had crossed the seas with the sole purpose of winning their freedom and not of transferring Philip's dominion over them to themselves.

[9] The commissioners took no exception to his insistence on making the cities free, but they argued that it would be safer for the cities themselves

[10] to remain for a time under the protection of Roman garrisons rather than have to accept Antiochus as their master in the place of Philip.

[11] At last they came to a decision; the city of Corinth was to be restored to the Achaeans, but a garrison was to be placed in Acrocorinthus, and Chalcis and Demetrias were to be retained until the menace of Antiochus was removed.

[1]

The date fixed for the Isthmian Games was now close at hand. These Games always drew vast crowds, owing partly to the innate love of the nation for a spectacle in which they watched contests of every kind, competitions

[2] of artistic skill, and trials of strength and speed, and partly owing to the fact that its situation between two seas made it the common emporium of Greece and Asia, where supplies were to be obtained of everything necessary or useful to man.

[3] But on this occasion it was not the usual attractions alone that drew the people from every part of Greece; they were in a state of keen expectancy, wondering what would be the future position of the country, and what fortune awaited themselves. All sorts of conjectures were formed and openly expressed as to what the Romans would do, but hardly anybody persuaded himself that they would withdraw from Greece altogether.

[4] When the spectators had taken their seats, a herald, accompanied by a trumpeter, stepped forward into the middle of the arena, where the Games are usually opened by the customary formalities, and after a blast from the trumpet had produced silence, made the following announcement:

[5] "THE SENATE OF ROME AND T. QUINCTIUS, THEIR GENERAL, HAVING CONQUERED KING PHILIP AND THE MACEDONIANS DO NOW DECREE AND ORDAIN THAT THESE STATES SHALL BE FREE, SHALL BE RELEASED FROM THE PAYMENT OF TRIBUTE, AND SHALL LIVE UNDER THEIR OWN LAWS, NAMELY THE CORINTHIANS;

[6] THE PHOCIANS; ALL THE LOCRIANS TOGETHER WITH THE ISLAND OF EUBOEA; THE MAGNESIANS; THE THESSALIANS; THE PERRHAEBIANS, AND THE ACHAEANS OF PHTHIOTIS." This list comprised all those States which had been under the sway of Philip.

[7] When the herald had finished his proclamation the feeling of joy was too great for men to take it all in. They hardly ventured to trust their ears, and gazed wonderingly on one another, as though it were an empty dream.

[8] Not trusting their ears, they asked those nearest how their own interests were affected, and as everyone was eager not only to hear but also to see the man who had proclaimed their freedom, the herald was recalled and repeated his message.

[9] Then they realised that the joyful news was true, and from the applause and cheers which arose it was perfectly evident that none of life's blessings was dearer to the multitude than liberty.

[10] The Games were then hurried through; no man's eyes or ears were any longer fixed on them, so completely had the one master joy supplanted all other pleasurable sensations.

[1]

At the close of the Games, almost the entire assemblage ran to the spot where the

[2] Roman general was seated, and the rush of the crowd who were trying to touch his hand and throw garlands and ribbons became almost dangerous.

[3] He was about thirty-three years old at the time, and not only the robustness of his manhood but the delight of reaping such a harvest of glory gave him strength.

[4] The universal rejoicing was not simply a temporary excitement; for many days it found expression in thoughts and words of gratitude. "There is," people said, "one nation which at its own cost, through its own exertions, at

[5] its own risk has gone to war on behalf of the liberty of others.

[6] It renders this service not to those across its frontiers, or to the peoples of neighbouring States or to those who dwell on the same mainland, but it crosses the seas in order that nowhere in the

[7] wide world may injustice and tyranny exist, but that right and equity and law may be everywhere supreme. By this single proclamation of the herald all the cities in Greece and Asia recover their liberty.

[8] To have formed this design shows a daring spirit; to have brought it to fulfilment is a proof of exceptional courage and extraordinary good fortune."

[1]

Immediately after the Isthmian Games Quinctius and the ten commissioners gave audience to the ambassadors from the different monarchs and self-governing communities.

[2] The first to be heard were those from Antiochus. They spoke to very much the same effect as they had before spoken in Rome, making insincere and empty professions of friendship, but they did not receive the same ambiguous answer as on the former occasion, when the business with Philip was not yet settled.

[3] Antiochus was openly and unequivocally warned to evacuate all the cities in Asia which had belonged to either Philip or Ptolemy, to leave the free States alone, and never to make aggressions on them, as all the cities through the length and breadth of Greece must continue to enjoy peace and liberty.

[4] He was especially warned not to lead his forces into Europe or go there himself.

[5] On the dismissal of the king's ambassadors a convention of those from the different cities and States was held and the proceedings were expedited by the reading out of the names in the decree of the ten commissioners.

[6] The people of Orestis, a district in Macedonia, had their old constitution restored to them as a reward for having been the first to revolt from Philip. The Magnetes, the Perrhaebians and the Dolopians were also declared free.

[7] The Thessalians received their freedom and also a grant of the Achaean portion of Phthiotis exclusive of Thebes and Pharsalus.

[8] The demand of the Aetolians that Pharsalus and Leucas should be restored to them in accordance with treaty rights was referred to the senate, but the commissioners acting under the authority of their decree united Phocis and Locris

[9] thus reverting to the former state of things. Corinth, Triphylia and Heraea-also in the Peloponnesus-were restored to the Achaean league.

[10] The commissioners intended to make a grant of Oreus and Eretria to Eumenes, Attalus' son, but as Quinctius raised objections this one point was left to the decision of the senate, and that body declared these places and also Carystus to be free cities.

[11] Lychnis and Parthus were given to Pleuratus; both these Illyrian cities had been subject to Philip. Amynander was told to keep the forts which he had taken from Philip during the war.

[1]

After the convention had broken up the commissioners divided amongst themselves the work that lay before them and separated, each proceeding to effect the liberty of the cities within his own district.

[2] P. Lentulus went to Bargyliae; L. Stertinius to Hephaestia, Thasos and the cities in Thrace; P. Villius and L. Terentius went to interview Antiochus; and Cn. Cornelius visited Philip.

[3] After settling minor points in accordance with his instructions, he asked the king whether he would listen patiently to advice that might be not only useful to him but salutary as well.

[4] Philip replied that he should be grateful for any suggestion he might make which would be to his interest.

[5] Cornelius then strongly urged him, now that he had obtained peace, to send a mission to Rome to establish relations of friendship and alliance.

[6] By doing this he would remove, in case of any hostile movement on the part of Antiochus, the possibility of appearing to be waiting for an opportunity of recommencing hostilities.

[7] This meeting with Philip took place at Tempe. He assured Cornelius that he would send delegates forthwith, and Cornelius then went on to Thermopylae, where what

[8] was called the Pylaic council-a gathering from all parts of Greece-met on stated days.

[9] He appeared before the council, and urged the Aetolians especially to continue staunch and loyal friends to Rome.

[10] Some of their leaders mildly remonstrated against the change in the feelings of the Romans towards them since their victory; others took a much stronger line and declared that without the aid of the Aetolians Philip could not have been vanquished, nor could the Romans ever have landed in Greece.

[11] To prevent matters from coming to an open quarrel, the Roman commander abstained from replying to these charges and simply assured them that if they would send an embassy to Rome they would gain everything that was fair and reasonable.

[12] On his authority, therefore, they passed a resolution that a mission should be despatched. Such were the incidents that marked the close of the war with Philip.

[1]

Whilst these events were happening in Greece and Macedonia and Asia, Etruria very nearly became the scene of war owing to a conspiracy of the slaves.

[2] For the purpose of investigating and crushing this movement, Manius Acilius Glabrio, to whom as praetor the mixed jurisdiction over citizens and aliens had been assigned, was sent into Etruria with one of the two legions stationed in the City.

[3] A body of the conspirators was defeated in open battle and many of them were killed or taken prisoners; the ringleaders were scourged and crucified; the others sent back to their masters.

[4] The consuls left for their provinces. Marcellus entered the territory of the Boii, and whilst he was entrenching his camp on some rising ground, his men worn out with marching all day long, Corolamus, one of the Boian chiefs, attacked him with a large force and killed as many as 3000. Several men of high rank fell in this tumultuary battle;

[5] amongst them Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus and M. Junius Silanus, prefects of the allies, and two military tribunes in the second legion-M. Ogulnius and P. Claudius.

[6] The Romans, however, succeeded by great exertions in completing their lines and held the camp against the attacks of the enemy, which his initial success rendered all the more fierce.

[7] Marcellus remained in his camp for some time, in order that his wounded might be cured and that his men might have time to recover their spirits after such heavy losses.

[8] The Boians, quite incapable of supporting the weariness of delay, dispersed everywhere to their villages and strongholds. Suddenly Marcellus crossed the Po and invaded the Comum territory, where the Insubres had induced the natives to take up arms and were now encamped.

[9] The Boian Gauls, full of confidence after the recent fight, joined battle with him while he was actually on the march, and at first attacked with such violence that they forced the front ranks to give way.

[10] Fearing that if they once began to give ground it might end in a complete repulse, Marcellus brought up a cohort of Marsians and launched all the troops of the Latin cavalry against the enemy.

[11] After they had by successive charges held up the determined onset of the Gauls the rest of the Roman line recovered its steadiness and resisted all attempts to break it. At last they took the offensive in a furious charge which the Gauls were unable to stand; they turned and fled in disorder.

[12] According to Valerius Antias over 40,000 men were killed in that battle, 801 standards captured, together with 732 wagons and a large number of gold chains.

[13] Claudius tells us that one of these, a very heavy one, was deposited as an offering in the temple of Jupiter on the Capitol. The Gaulish camp was stormed and plundered on the same day as the battle took place, and a few days later the town of Comum was captured.

[14] Subsequently twenty-eight fortified places went over to the consul. It is a question amongst the various historians whether it was against the Boii or the Insubres that the consul marched

[15] in the first place, and whether he wiped out his unsuccessful action by a successful one afterwards or whether the victory at Comum was marred by his later disaster amongst the Boii.

[1]

Soon after these instances of Fortune's caprice, the other consul, L. Furius Purpurio, invaded the Boian territory from the Sapinian canton in Umbria.

[2] He was approaching the fortress of Mutelus, but fearing that he might be cut off by the Boii and Ligurians, he led his army back over the way he had come, and by making a wide detour through open and therefore safe country ultimately joined his colleague.

[3] With their united armies they traversed the Boian country as far as the town of Felsina, systematically plundering as they advanced. That place, with all the fortified positions in the country round, surrendered, as did most of the tribe;

[4] the younger men remained in arms for the sake of plunder and had retreated into the depths of the forest. Then the two armies advanced against the Ligurians.

[5] The Boii, who were still in arms, expected that as they were supposed to be a long way off the Roman army would be more careless in keeping its formation on the march, and they followed it through secret paths in the forest with the intention of making a surprise attack.

[6] As they did not catch it up, they suddenly crossed the Po in ships and devastated the lands of the Laevi and Libui. On their way back along the Ligurian frontier they fell in with the Roman armies whilst they were loaded with plunder.

[7] The battle began more quickly and more furiously than if the time and place had previously been determined and all preparations made for battle.

[8] Here was a striking instance of the way in which passion stimulates courage, for the Romans were so determined to kill rather than simply to win a victory that they left hardly a man alive to carry the news of the battle.

[9] When the despatch announcing this success reached Rome a three days' thanksgiving was ordered for the victory. Marcellus arrived in Rome soon afterwards and a triumph was unanimously accorded to him by the senate. He celebrated his triumph over the Insubres and the Comensians while still in office.

[10] The anticipation of a triumph over the Boii he resigned to his colleague, because he personally had been unsuccessful against them, only in conjunction with his colleague had he been victorious.

[11] A large amount of spoil was carried in the wagons taken from the enemy, including numerous standards. The specie amounted to 320,000 ases and 234,000 silver denarii.

[12] Each legionary received a gratuity of 80 ases; the cavalry and centurions each three times as much.

[1]

.During this year Antiochus, who had spent the winter in Ephesus, endeavoured to reduce all the cities in Asia to their old condition of dependence.

[2] With the exception of Smyrna and Lampsacus, he thought that they would all accept the yoke without difficulty, since they either lay in open level country or were weakly defended by their walls and their soldiery.

[3] Smyrna and Lampsacus asserted their right to be free and there was danger, should their claim be allowed, of other cities in Aeolis and Ionia following the example of Smyrna, and those on the Hellespont the example of Lampsacus. Accordingly he despatched a force from Ephesus to invest Smyrna and ordered the troops in Abydos to march to Lampsacus, only a small detachment being left to hold the place.

[4] But it was not only the threat of arms that he made use of, he sent envoys to make friendly overtures to the citizens, and whilst gently rebuking

[5] their rashness and obstinacy lead them to hope that in a short time they would have what they wanted.

[6] It was, however, perfectly clear to them and to all the world that they would enjoy their liberty as the free gift of the king and not because they had seized a favourable opportunity of winning it.

[7] They told the envoys in reply that Antiochus must be neither surprised nor angry if they did not patiently resign themselves to the indefinite postponement of their hopes of liberty.

At the beginning of spring he set sail from Ephesus for the Hellespont and ordered his land army to proceed from Abydos to the Chersonese.

[8] He united his naval and military powers at Madytos, a city in the Chersonese, and as they had shut their gates against him he completely invested the place, and was on the point of bringing up his siege engines when the city surrendered.

[9] The fear which Antiochus thus inspired led the inhabitants of Sestos and the other cities in the Chersonese to make a voluntary surrender. His next objective was Lysimachia.

[10] When he arrived here with the whole of his land and sea forces he found the place deserted and little more than a heap of ruins, for some years previously the Thracians had captured and plundered the city and then burnt it.

[11] Finding it in this condition, Antiochus was seized by a desire to restore a city of such celebrity and so favourably situated, and he at once set about the various tasks which this involved.

[12] The houses and walls were rebuilt, some of the former inhabitants who had been made slaves were ransomed, others who were scattered as refugees throughout the Chersonese and the shores of the Hellespont were discovered and brought together, and new colonists were attracted by the prospect of the advantages they would receive.

[13] In fact every method was adopted of repopulating the city. To remove at the same time all apprehensions of trouble from the Thracians he proceeded with

[14] one half of his army to devastate the neighbouring districts of Thrace, the other half and all the ships' crews he left to go on with the work of restoration.

[1]

Very shortly after this L. Cornelius, who had been sent by the senate to settle the differences between Antiochus and Ptolemy, made a halt at Selymbria, and three of the ten commissioners went to Lysimachia: P. Lentulus from Bargyliae, P. Villius and L. Terentius from Thasos.

[2] They were joined there by L. Cornelius from Selymbria, and a few days later by Antiochus, who returned from Thrace.

[3] The first meeting with the commissioners and the invitation which Antiochus gave them were kindly and hospitable, but when it came to discussing their instructions and the position of affairs in Asia a good deal of temper was shown on both sides.

[4] The Romans told Antiochus plainly that everything he had done since his fleet set sail from Syria met with the disapproval of the senate and they considered it right that all the cities which had been subject to Ptolemy should be restored to him.

[5] With regard to those cities which had formed part of Philip's possessions and which while

[6] he was preoccupied with the war against Rome Antiochus had seized the opportunity of appropriating himself, it was simply intolerable that after the Romans had sustained such risks and hardships by sea and land for all those years Antiochus should carry off the prizes of war.

[7] Granting that it was possible for the Romans to take no notice of his appearance in Asia as being no concern of theirs, what about his entrance into Europe with the whole of his army and navy? What difference was there between that and an open declaration of war against Rome? Even if he had landed in Italy he would say that he did not mean war, but the Romans were not going to wait until he was in a position to do that.

[1]

In his reply Antiochus expressed his surprise that the Romans should go so carefully into the question as to what Antiochus ought to do, whilst they never stopped to consider what limits were to be set to their own advance by land and sea.

[2] Asia was no concern of the senate, and they had no more right to ask what Antiochus was doing in Asia than he had to ask what the Roman people were doing in Italy.

[3] As for Ptolemy and their complaint that he had appropriated his cities, he and Ptolemy were on perfectly friendly terms and arrangements were being made for them to be connected by marriage shortly.

[4] He had not sought to take advantage of Philip's misfortunes nor had he come into Europe with any hostile intent against the Romans. After the defeat of Lysimachus all that belonged to him passed by the right of war to Seleucus, and therefore he counted it part of his dominion.

[5] Ptolemy, and after him Philip, alienated some of these places at a time when his (Antiochus') ancestors were devoting their care and attention to other matters. Could there be a shadow of doubt that the Chersonese and that part of Thrace which lies round Lysimachia once belonged to Lysimachus?

[6] To recover the ancient right over these was the object of his coming and also to rebuild from its foundations the city of Lysimachia, which had been destroyed by the Thracians, in order that his son Seleucus might have it as the seat of empire.

[1]

After this discussion had been going on for some days, an unauthenticated rumour reached them that Ptolemy was dead.

[2] This prevented any decision from being arrived at; both parties pretended that they had heard nothing about it, and L. Cornelius, whose mission extended to both Antiochus and Ptolemy, asked for a short adjournment to allow of his obtaining an interview with Ptolemy. His object was to land in Egypt before the new occupant of the throne could initiate any change of policy.

[3] Antiochus, on the other hand, felt certain that if he took possession of Egypt at once it would be his own, and so, taking his leave of the Roman commissioners and leaving

[4] his son to complete the restoration of Lysimachia, he sailed with the whole of his fleet to Ephesus.

[5] From there he despatched envoys to Quinctius to lull his suspicion and to assure him that he was not contemplating any new departure. Coasting along the Asiatic shores he reached Patarae in Lycia and there he learnt that Ptolemy was alive. He now abandoned all intention of sailing to Egypt, but continued his voyage as far as Cyprus.

[6] When he had rounded the promontory of Chelidoniae he was for some time delayed in Pamphylia near the river Eurymedon by a mutiny amongst the crews. After continuing his voyage as far as the co-called "heads" of the river Saros he was overtaken by a terrible storm which engulfed nearly the whole of his fleet.

[7] Many of the ships were wrecked, many ran aground, a large number foundered so suddenly that none could swim to land. There was a very great loss of life; not only nameless crowds of sailors and soldiers, but many distinguished men, friends of the king, were amongst the victims.

[8] Antiochus collected the remains of his shattered fleet, but as he was in no condition to make an attempt on Cyprus he returned to Seleucia, much poorer in men and material resources than when he started on his expedition.

[9] Here he had the ships beached, for winter was close at hand, after which he went to Antioch for the winter. Such was the position of affairs with regard to the two monarchs.

[1]

This year for the first time three epulones were appointed, namely C. Licinius Lucullus, one of the tribunes of the plebs who had got the law passed under which they were appointed, and with him P. Manlius and P. Portius Laeca. They were allowed by law to wear the toga praetexta like the priests.

[2] But a serious dispute broke out this year between the whole body of priests and the City quaestors, Q. Fabius Labeo and P. Aurelius.

[3] The senate had decided that the last repayment of the money subscribed for the Punic War should be made to those who had contributed and money was needed for the purpose.

[4] As the augurs and pontiffs had not made any contribution during the war, the quaestors demanded payment from them.

[5] They appealed in vain to the tribunes of the plebs, and were compelled to pay their quota for every year of the war.

[6] Two pontiffs died during the year; they were succeeded by the consul, M. Marcellus, in place of C. Sempronius Tuditanus, who had died while acting as praetor in Spain, and L. Valerius Flaccus in place of M. Cornelius Cethegus.

[7] The augur Q. Fabius Maximus also died while quite young, before he could hold any magistracy; no successor was appointed during the year.

The consular elections were conducted by M. Marcellus; the new consuls were L. Valerius Flaccus and M. Porcius Cato. The praetors elected were Cn. Manlius Volso, Ap. Claudius Nero P. Porcius Laeca, C. Fabricius Luscinus, C. Atinius Labeo and P. Manlius.

[8] The curule aediles, M. Fulvius Nobilior and C. Flaminius, sold during the year a million modii of wheat to the people at two ases the modius. This wheat was sent by the Sicilians out of regard to C. Flaminius and in honour of his father's memory.

[9] The Roman Games were celebrated with great splendour and repeated on three different days. The plebeian aediles, Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus and C. Scribonius Curio, brought several farmers of State lands before the popular tribunal;

[10] three of these were convicted, and out of the fines imposed they built a temple to Faunus on the Island.

[11] The Plebeian Games lasted two days and there was the usual banquet.

[1]

On March 15, the day when they entered upon office, the new consuls consulted the senate as to the allocation of provinces.

[2] The senate decided that since the war in Spain was spreading to such a serious extent as to require the presence of a consul and a consular army, Hither Spain should be one of the two consular provinces. The consuls were instructed to come to a mutual arrangement or else ballot for that province and Italy.

[3] Whichever of them drew Spain was to take with him two legions, 15,000 allied infantry and 800 cavalry and a fleet of 20 ships of war.

[4] The other consul was to raise two legions; that was looked upon as sufficient to hold Gaul after the crushing blow dealt to the Insubres and the Boii the previous year.

[5] Cato drew Spain, Valerius Italy. The praetors now balloted for their provinces. C. Fabricius Luscinus received the City jurisdiction; C. Atinius Labeo the jurisdiction over aliens; Cn. Manlius Volso, Sicily; Ap. Claudius Nero, Further Spain; P. Porcius Laeca, Pisae, in order to threaten the Ligurians from the rear. P. Manlius was assigned to the consul to assist him in Hither Spain.

[6] Owing to the suspicious attitude of Antiochus and of the Aetolians, and also of Nabis and the Lacedaemonians, T. Quinctius was continued in his command with the two legions he had had before. Any reinforcements required to bring them up to full strength were to be raised by the consuls and despatched to Macedonia.

[7] In addition to the legion which Q. Fabius had had, Appius Claudius was authorised to raise 2000 infantry and 200 cavalry.

[8] The same number of infantry and cavalry were assigned to P. Manlius for employment in Hither Spain as well as the legion which had served under the praetor Q. Minucius.

[9] Out of the army in Gaul 10,000 infantry and 500 cavalry were decreed to P. Portius Laeca to operate in Etruria round Pisae. Tiberius Sempronius Longus had his command in Sardinia extended.

[1]

Such was the distribution of the provinces. Before the consuls left the City they were required, in accordance with a decree of the pontiffs, to proclaim a Sacred Spring.

[2] This was in fulfilment of a vow made by the praetor A. Cornelius Mammula at the desire of the senate and by order of the people twenty-one years previously in the consulship of Cn. Servilius and C. Flaminius.

[3] C. Claudius Pulcher, the son of Appius, was at the same time appointed augur in place of Q. Fabius Maximus, who had died the year before.

[4] Whilst general surprise was felt that nothing was being done about the war which had broken out in Spain, a despatch arrived from Q. Minucius announcing that he had successfully engaged the Spanish generals Budar and Baesadines, and that the enemy had lost 12,000 men, Budar being made prisoner and the rest routed and put to flight. When the despatch was read less apprehension was felt about the two Spains, where a very serious war had been anticipated.

[5] The general anxiety now centered on Antiochus, especially after the return of the ten commissioners. After giving their report on the negotiations with Philip and the terms on which peace had been made with him, they made it evident that a war on at least as great a scale with Antiochus was imminent.

[6] He had, so they informed the senate, landed in Europe with an enormous fleet and a splendid army, and if his attention had not been diverted by a groundless hope based upon a still more groundless rumour, to the invasion of Egypt, Greece would very soon have been in the blaze of war.

[7] Even the Aetolians, a nation naturally restless and now intensely embittered against the Romans, would no longer remain quiet.

[8] And there was another most formidable mischief with its roots in the very vitals of Greece-Nabis, who was for the time being tyrant of Lacedaemon, but who if he were allowed would soon become tyrant of the whole of Greece, a man who in greed and brutality rivalled the most notorious tyrants in history.

[9] If, after the Roman armies had been carried back to Italy, he were allowed to hold Argos as a stronghold threatening the whole of the Peloponnese, the deliverance of Greece from Philip would have been effected in vain; in any case instead of a distant monarch as their lord they would have a tyrant at their doors.

[1]

After listening to these statements made by men of such weight and judgment, who, moreover, had made their report after personal investigation, the senate were

[2] of opinion that though the policy to be pursued towards Antiochus was the more important question before them, still, as the king, whatever his reason might be, had retired into Syria, it seemed better to consider first what to do about the tyrant.

[3] After a lengthy discussion as to whether there were sufficient grounds for a formal declaration of war or whether it would be enough to leave it to T. Quinctius to act, as far as Nabis was concerned, in whatever way he thought best in the interests of the State, the matter was finally left in his hands.

[4] Whether they took prompt steps or whether they delayed action it did not seem to them to be of vital importance to the commonwealth.

[5] A much more pressing question was what Hannibal and Carthage were likely to do in case of war with Antiochus. The members of the party opposed to Hannibal were constantly writing to their friends in Rome.

[6] According to their account, messengers and letters were being sent by Hannibal to Antiochus and emissaries from the king were holding secret conferences with him. Just as there were wild beasts which no skill could tame, so this man was untamable and implacable.

[7] He complained that his countrymen were becoming enervated through ease and self-indulgence, and slumbering in indolence and sloth, and said that nothing could rouse them but the clash of arms.

[8] People were all the more ready to believe these assertions when they remembered that it was this man who was responsible for the beginning quite as much as for the conduct of the late war. His recent action had also called forth strong resentment amongst many of the magnates.

[1]

The order of judges exercised supreme power in Carthage at that time, owing mainly to the fact that they held office for life.

[2] The property, reputation and life of everyone were in their power. Whoever offended one of the order had an enemy in every member, and when the judges were hostile there was always a prosecutor to be found amongst them.

[3] Whilst these men were exercising this unbridled despotism, for they used their power without any regard to the rights of their fellow-citizens, Hannibal, who had been appointed one of the presiding magistrates, ordered the quaestor to be summoned before him.

[4] The quaestor paid no attention to the summons; he belonged to the opposite party and, moreover, as the quaestors were generally advanced to the all-powerful order of judges he gave himself the airs of a man who was sure of promotion.

[5] Resenting this indignity Hannibal sent an officer to arrest the quaestor, and after he was brought into the assembly Hannibal denounced not only the quaestor but the whole of the judicial order, whose insolence and excessive power utterly subverted the laws and the authority of the magistrates who had to enforce them.

[6] When he saw that his words were making a favourable impression and that the insolence and tyranny of that order were recognised as dangerous to the liberty of the meanest citizen, he at once proposed and carried a law enacting that the judges should be elected annually and that none should hold office for two consecutive years.

[7] Whatever popularity, however, he gained amongst the masses by his action was counterbalanced by the offence given to a large number of the aristocracy. A further step which he took in the public interest aroused intense hostility to him personally.

[8] The public revenues were being frittered away, partly through careless management and partly through being fraudulently appropriated by some of the political leaders and superior magistrates.

[9] The result was that there was not money enough to meet the annual payment of the indemnity to Rome, and there seemed every likelihood of a heavy tax being imposed upon the individual citizens.

[1]

When Hannibal had informed himself as to the amount of the national income from all sources, the objects for which calls upon it were made, what proportion was absorbed by the regular needs of the State and

[2] how much had been embezzled, he stated publicly in the assembly that if the balance were called up the government would be rich enough to meet the demands of Rome without any tax falling on individual citizens. And he was as good as his word.

[3] Those who had for years been battening on their pilferings from the national treasury were as furious as if it was the seizure of their personal property and not the forcible recovery of what they had stolen that was contemplated.

[4] In their rage they began to urge on the Romans, who were on their own account looking out for an opportunity of visiting their hate upon him. For a long time this policy found an opponent in P. Scipio Africanus.

[5] He considered it quite beneath the dignity of the Roman people to support the attacks of Hannibal's accusers or to allow the authority of the government to be mixed up with the party politics of Carthage, or not content with having defeated Hannibal in open war to treat him as though he were a criminal against whom they were to appear as prosecutors.

[6] At last, however, his opponents carried their point and delegates were sent to Carthage to point out to the senate there that Hannibal was concerting plans with Antiochus for commencing war.

[7] Cn. Servilius, M. Claudius Marcellus and Q. Terentius Culleo formed the delegation. On their arrival in Carthage they were advised by Hannibal's enemies to give out that people who asked the reason of their coming

[8] should be told that they had come to adjust the differences between Masinissa and the government of Carthage.

[9] This explanation was generally believed. Hannibal alone was not deceived, he knew that he was the object at which the Romans were aiming, and that the underlying motive of the peace with Carthage was that he might be left as the sole victim of their undying hostility.

[10] He decided to bow before the storm, and after making every preparation for flight he showed himself during the day in the forum to allay suspicion and as soon as it was dark he went in his official dress to the gate, accompanied by two attendants who were unaware of his design.

[1]

When the horses which he had ordered were ready, he rode during the night to Byzacium-the name of a country district-and the next day reached his castle on the coast between Acylla and Thapsus. There a ship was awaiting him, prepared for immediate departure.

[2] It was in this way that Hannibal withdrew from Africa, the country for whose misfortunes he had felt much more pity than for his own.

[3] That same day he landed in the island of Cercina. Here he found some Phoenician merchant ships lying in the harbour, and on his leaving his vessel there was a general rush to greet him. In reply to inquiries he gave out that he was on a mission to Tyre.

[4] Fearing, however, that one or other of these ships might leave in the night for Thapsus or Hadrumetum and report his appearance in Cercina, he ordered preparations for a sacrifice to be prepared and the ships' captains to be invited to the solemnity.

[5] He also gave directions for the sails and yards to be collected from the ships that they might serve as awnings to shade them at their feast, as it happened to be the middle of the summer.

[6] The entertainment was as sumptuous as time and circumstances permitted, and the conviviality was prolonged far into the night, much wine being consumed.

[7] As soon as he had an opportunity of escaping the observation of those in the harbour Hannibal set sail.

[8] The rest were all asleep and it was not till late the next day that they rose from their torpor, stupid with the effects of intoxication, and then had to spend several hours in getting the tackle of their vessels back into its place. At Hannibal's house in Carthage the usual crowd had collected in large numbers in the vestibule.

[9] When it became generally known that he was not to be found, the

[10] crowd surged into the forum demanding the appearance of their foremost citizen.

[11] Some, guessing the truth, suggested that he had fled, others-and these were the loudest and most numerous-said that he had been put to death through Roman treachery, and you might note the different expressions in their faces, as would be expected in a city torn by violent political partisanship. Then came the news that he had been seen in Cercina.

[1]

The Roman delegates informed the council of Carthage that the senate had definitely ascertained that it was mainly at Hannibal's instigation that Philip had made war on Rome, and now letters and messengers were being despatched to Antiochus and the Aetolians, and plans had been formed for driving Carthage into revolt.

[2] It was to Antiochus that he had gone, and nowhere else, and he would never rest until he had stirred up war throughout the whole world.

[3] If the Carthaginians wanted to satisfy the Roman people that none of his proceedings was in accordance with their wishes or sanctioned by their government, they must see that he did not go unpunished. The Carthaginians replied that they would do whatever the Romans thought right.

[4] After a fair voyage Hannibal reached Tyre, and the founders of Carthage welcomed as from a second fatherland the man who had achieved every possible distinction.

[5] After a short stay here he continued his voyage to Antiochia.

[6] Here he heard that the king had left for Asia, and he had an interview with his son, who was at the time celebrating the Games at Daphne, and who gave him a most friendly welcome.

[7] Anxious to lose no time he at once resumed his voyage and found the king at Ephesus, still unable to make up his mind on the question of war with Rome.

[8] Hannibal's arrival was not the least important factor in bringing him to a decision. The Aetolians, too, were now growing averse from their alliance with Rome. They had sent a mission to Rome to demand the restitution of Pharsalus, Leucas and certain other cities under the terms of the former treaty, and the senate referred them to Quinctius.

Titus Livius (Livy) Ab urbe condita 33s

Benjamin Oliver Foster, Ph.D. (Editor), Frank Gardener Moore (Editor), Evan T. Sage, Ph.D. (Editor), Alfred C. Schlesinger, Ph.D. (Editor)

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Summary of Book XXXIII

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periocha libri XXXIII.

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