Titus Livius (Livy), Ab urbe condita, Benjamin Oliver Foster, Ph.D. (Editor), Frank Gardener Moore (Editor), Evan T. Sage, Ph.D. (Editor), Alfred C. Schlesinger, Ph.D. (Editor), 33.28

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[1] While they had the Roman army close at hand, they determined to do away with Brachyllas, the principal partisan of the king.

[2] They chose for this an occasion when, after a public dinner, he was returning to his home in a drunken state and accompanied by a crowd of effeminate creatures who had been present as entertainers at the crowded dinner.

[3] He was set upon by six armed men, of whom three¹ were Italians and three Aetolians, and killed. His companions scattered; there was a search and the noise of guards with torches hurrying through the whole city; the assassins escaped by the nearest gate.

[4] At daybreak there was a full assembly in the theatre, as if at a meeting called in advance or summoned by the voice of a herald.

[5] Openly the cry was that he had been killed by his own suite and the degenerates who were with him, but in their thoughts they pointed to Zeuxippus as instigator of the murder.

[6] For the time being, it was voted that the men who were with him should be arrested and questioned.

[7] While they were being examined, Zeuxippus, with ready courage, in order to divert suspicion from himself, came into the assembly, and declared that those men were mistaken who put the responsibility for so cruel a murder upon those eunuchs, and he put

[8] forth many plausible arguments to that effect, and by these he created the assurance in some that, if he had felt any sense of guilt, he would never have exposed himself to the crowd or made any reference to this murder without being called upon to do so; others had no doubt that he was shamelessly trying to avert suspicion by volunteering to meet the charge.

[9] A little later the innocent witnesses were tortured, and, knowing nothing themselves, mentioned Zeuxippus and Pisistratus, treating as evidence the general suspicion, but citing no proof to show that they had any knowledge of the affair.

[10] Zeuxippus, nevertheless, and a certain Stratonidas fled to Tanagra by night, fearing his own conscience more than the testimony of men who knew nothing about the crime; Pisistratus paid no attention to the witnesses and remained in Thebes.

[11] Zeuxippus² had a slave, the go-between and agent in the whole affair, and fearing him as an informer, Pisistratus, by reason of that very fear, brought him forth to give evidence.³

[12] He sent word to Zeuxippus advising him to get rid of the slave who was his accomplice: he seemed to him, he said, less skilful in concealing an act than in performing it.

[13] The messenger had orders to deliver this letter to Zeuxippus as soon as possible, but being unable to find him at once, he gave it to that very same slave, whom he believed to be most faithful to his master of all the slaves, adding that it came from Pisistratus and contained information of the greatest interest to Zeuxippus.

[14] The slave, conscious of guilt, promised to deliver it at once, but opened it and having read it fled in terror to Thebes and laid his testimony before the magistrates.

[15] And Zeuxippus, frightened at the flight of his slave, retired to Anthedon, thinking it a safer place of exile; Pisistratus and others were examined under torture and executed.

Ab urbe condita. Titus Livius (Livy). Benjamin Oliver Foster, Ph.D. (Editor), Frank Gardener Moore (Editor), Evan T. Sage, Ph.D. (Editor), Alfred C. Schlesinger, Ph.D. (Editor). Medford, MA. .

Sponsored by Perseus Project, Tufts University.

Funding provided by The National Endowment for the Humanities.

Current edition Perseus

History of Rome (English) (Foster, Benjamin Oliver; Moore, Frank Gardener; Sage, Evan T.; Schlesinger, Alfred C., translators. Cambridge, Mass.; London: Harvard University Press; William Heinemann, Ltd., 1919-1959. (Loeb Classical Library))

Editions (3)

Ab urbe condita Perseus (Pars I-IV, Libri I-XL. Editio Stereotypica. Weissenborn, Wilhelm; Mueller, Moritz, editors. Leipzig: Teubner, 1884-1911.) — 33.28 focus

[1] dum Romana arma in propinqruo propinquo haberent, tollere Brachyllem, principem fautorum regis, statuerunt.

[2] et tempore ad ear eam rem capto, cum in publico epulatus reverteretur domum temulentus prosequentibus mollibus viris,

[3] qui ioci causa convivio celebri interfuerant, ab sex armatis, quorum tres Italici, tres Aetoli erant, circumventus occiditur. fuga comitum et quiritatio facta et tumultus per totam urbem discurrentium cum luminibus;

[4] percussores proxima porta evaserunt. luce prima contio frequens velut ex ante indicto aut voce praeconis convocata in theatro erat. palam ab suo comitatu et obscenis illis viris fremebant interfectum,

[5] animis autem Zeuxippum auctorem destinabant caedis.

[6] in praesentia placuit comprehendi eos, qui simul fuissent,

[7] quaestionemque ex iis haberi. qui dum quaeruntur, Zeuxippus constanti animo avertendi ab se criminis causa in contionem progressus errare ait homines, qui tam atrocem caedem pertinere ad illos semiviros crederent,

[8] multaque in eam partem probabiliter est argumentatus, quibus fidem apud quosdam fecit numquam, si sibi conscius esset, oblaturum se multitudini mentionemve eius caedis nullo lacessente facturum fuisse;

[9] alii non dubitare inpudenter obviam crimini eundo suspicionem averti. torti post paulo insontes, canl cum scirent ipsi nihil, opinione omnium pro indicio Zeuxippum et Pisistratum nominaverunt nullo adiecto,

[10] cur scire quicquam viderentur, argumento. Zeuxippus tanuen tamen cum Stratonida quodam nocte perfLgit perfugit Tanagranm, Tanagram, suam magis conscientiam quam indicium hoWinum hominum nullius rei consciorum metuens;

[11] Pisistratus spretis indicibus Thebis mansit. servus erat Zeuxippi, totius internuntius et minister rei, quem indicem Pisistratus timens eo ipso timore ad indicium protraxit. litteras ad Zeuxippum mittit, ut servum conscium tolleret:

[12] non tam idoneum ad celandam rem eum videri sibi, quam ad agendam fuerit. has qui tulerat litteras iussus Zeuxippo dare quam primum,

[13] quia non statim conveniendi ^ius eius copia fuit, illi ipsi servo, quem ex omnibus domino fidissimum credebat, tradit et adicit a Pisistrato de re magno opere pertinente ad Zeuxippum esse.

[14] conscientia ictus, cum extemplo traditurum eas adfirmasset, aperit perlectisque litteris pavidus Thebas refugit et ad magistratus indicium defert.

[15] et Zeuxippus quidem fuga servi motus Anthedonem, tutiorem exilio locum ratus, concessit; de Pisistrato aliisque quaestiones tormentis habitae et sumptim sumptum supplicium est.

Ab urbe condita Perseus (Livy in Fourteen Volumes. Foster, Benjamin Oliver; Moore, Frank Gardener; Schlesinger, Alfred C., editors. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press; London: William Heinemann, Ltd., 1919-1959 (printing).) — 30.28 focus

[1]

inter haec simul spes simul cura in dies crescebat, nec satis certum constare apud animos ¹ poterat utrum gaudio dignius ² esset Hannibalem post sextum decimum annum ex Italia decedentem vacuam possessionem eius reliquisse populo Romano, an magis metuendum quod incolumi exercitu in Africam transisset:

[2] locum nimirum, non periculum mutatum; cuius tantae dimicationis vatem, qui nuper decessisset, Q. Fabium haud frustra canere solitum graviorem in sua terra futurum hostem Hannibalem quam in aliena fuisset.

[3] nec Scipioni aut cum Syphace, inconditae barbariae rege, cui Statorius semilixa ducere ³ exercitus solitus sit, aut cum socero eius Hasdrubale, fugacissimo duce, rem futuram aut cum ⁴ tumultuariis exercitibus ex agrestium semermi turba subito conlectis,

[4] sed cum Hannibale, prope nato in ⁵ praetorio patris, fortissimi ducis, alito atque educato inter arma, puero quondam milite, vixdum iuvene imperatore,

[5] qui senex vincendo factus Hispanias, Gallias, Italiam ab Alpibus ad fretum monumentis ingentium rerum complesset. ducere⁶ exercitum aequalem stipendiis suis, duratum omnium rerum patientia quas vix fides fiat homines passes, perfusum miliens cruore Romano, exuvias non militum tantum, ⁷ sed etiam imperatorum portantem.

[6] multos occursuros Scipioni in acie qui praetores, qui imperatores, ⁸ qui consules Romanos sua manu ⁹ occidissent, muralibus vallaribusque insignes coronis, pervagatos capta castra, captas urbes Romanas.

[7] non esse hodie tot fasces magistratibus populi Romani, quot captos ex caede imperatorum prae se ferre posset Hannibal.

[8] has formidines agitando animis ipsi curas et metus augebant, etiam quod, cum adsuessent per aliquot annos bellum ante oculos aliis atque aliis in Italiae partibus lenta spe in nullum propinquum debellandi finem gerere, erexerant omnium animos Scipio et Hannibal, velut ad supremum certamen comparati duces.

[9] eis quoque quibus erat ingens in Scipione ¹⁰ fiducia et victoriae spes, quo magis in propinquam eam imminebant animis, eo curae intentiores erant. ¹¹

[10] haud dispar habitus animorum Carthaginiensibus erat, quos modo petisse pacem, intuentes Hannibalem ac rerum gestarum eius magnitudinem, paenitebat, modo,

[11] cum respicerent bis sese acie victos, Syphacem captum, pulsos se Hispania, pulsos Italia, atque ea omnia unius virtute et consilio Scipionis facta, velut fatalem eum ducem in exitium suum natum horrebant.

Ab urbe condita libri, erklärt von M. Weissenborn Perseus (Weissenborn, W.; Müller, H. J., editors. Berlin: Weidmannsche Buchhandlung, 1873-1883.) — 33.28 focus

[1]

dum Romana arma in propinquo haberent, tollere Brachyllem, principem fautorum regis, statuerunt.

[2] et tempore ad eam rem capto, cum in publico epulatus reverteretur domum temulentus prosequentibus mollibus viris,

[4] percussores proxima porta evaserunt. luce prima contio frequens velut ex ante indicto aut voce praeconis convocata in theatro erat.

[5] palam ab suo comitatu et obscenis illis viris fremebant interfectum, animis autem Zeuxippum auctorem destinabant caedis.

[6] in praesentia placuit comprehendi eos, qui simul fuissent, quaestionemque ex iis haberi.

[7] qui dum quaeruntur, Zeuxippus constanti animo avertendi ab se criminis causa in contionem progressus errare ait homines, qui tam atrocem caedem pertinere ad illos semiviros crederent,

[8] multaque in eam partem probabiliter argumentatus, quibus fidem apud quosdam fecit numquam, si sibi conscius esset, oblaturum se multitudini mentionemve eius caedis nullo lacessente facturum fuisse;

[9] alii non dubitare ¹ inpudenter obviam crimini eundo suspicionem averti. torti post paulo insontes, cum scirent ipsi nihil, opinione omnium pro indicio Zeuxippum et Pisistratum nominaverunt nullo adiecto, cur scire quicquam viderentur, argumento.

[10] Zeuxippus tamen cum Stratonida quodam nocte perfugit Tanagram, suam magis conscientiam quam indicium hominum nullius rei consciorum metuens;

[12] non tam idoneum ad celandam rem eum videri sibi, quam ad agendam fuerit. has qui tulerat litteras iussus Zeuxippo dare quam primum,

[13] quia non statim conveniendi eius copia fuit, illi ipsi servo, quem ex omnibus domino fidissimum credebat, tradit et adicit a Pisistrato de re magno opere pertinente ad Zeuxippum esse.

[14] conscientia ictus, cum extemplo traditurum eas adfirmasset, aperit perlectisque litteris pavidus Thebas refugit et ad magistratus indicium defert.

[15] et Zeuxippus quidem fuga servi motus Anthedonem, tutiorem exilio locum ratus, concessit; de Pisistrato aliisque quaestiones tormentis habitae et sumptum supplicium est. ²

Translations (2)

History of Rome Perseus (Spillan, D.; Edmonds, Cyrus; McDevitte, William A., translators. London: Henry G. Bohn, 1849-1868. (Bohn's Classical Library)) — 33.28 focus

[1]

It was resolved, while they had the Roman army near at hand, to take off Brachyllas, who was the principal leader of the faction which favoured the king;

[2] and they chose an opportunity for the deed, when, after having been at a public feast, he was returning to his house inebriated, and accompanied by some of his debauched companions, who, for the sake of merriment, had been admitted to the crowded entertainment.

[3] He was surrounded and assassinated by six men, of whom three were Italians and three Aetolians. His companions fled, crying out for help; and a great uproar ensued among the people, who ran up and down, through all parts of the city, with lights: but the assassins made their escape through the nearest gate.

[4] At the first dawn, a full assembly was called together in the theatre, by the voice of a crier, as if in consequence of a previous appointment.

[5] Many openly clamoured that Brachyllas was killed by those detestable wretches who accompanied him; but their private conjectures pointed to Zeuxippus, as author of the murder.

[6] It was resolved, however, that those who had been in company with him should be seized and examined in their presence.

[7] While they were under examination, Zeuxippus, with his usual composure, came into the assembly, for the purpose of averting the charge from himself; yet said, that people were mistaken in supposing that so daring a murder was the act of such effeminate wretches as those who were charged with it, urging many plausible arguments to the same purpose.

[8] By which behaviour he led several to believe, that, if he were conscious of guilt, he would never have presented himself before the multitude, or, without being challenged by any, have made any mention of the murder.

[9] Others were convinced that he intended, by thus unblushingly exposing himself to the charge, to throw off all suspicion from himself. Soon after, those men who were innocent were put to the torture; and, taking the universal opinion as having the effect of evidence, they named Zeuxippus and Pisistratus; but they produced no proof to show that they knew any thing of the matter.

[10] Zeuxippus, however, accompanied by a man named Stratonidas, fled by night to Tanagra; alarmed by his own conscience rather than by the assertion of men who were privy to no one circumstance of the affair. Pisistratus, despising the informers, remained at Thebes.

[11] A slave of Zeuxippus had carried messages backwards and forwards, and had been intrusted with the management of the whole business. From this man Pisistratus dreaded a discovery; and by that very dread forced him, against his will, to make one.

[12] He sent a letter to Zeuxippus, desiring him to

put out of the way the slave who was privy to their crime; for he did not believe him as well qualified for the concealment of the fact as he was for the perpetration of it.

[13] He ordered the bearer of this letter to deliver it to Zeuxippus as soon as possible; but he, not finding an opportunity of meeting him, put it into the hands of the very slave in question, whom he believed to be the most faithful to his master of any; and added, that it came from Pisistratus respecting a matter of the utmost consequence to Zeuxippus.

[14] Struck by consciousness of guilt, the slave, after promising to deliver the letter, immediately opened it; and, on reading the contents, fled in a fright to Thebes and laid the information before the magistrate.

[15] Zeuxippus, alarmed by the flight of his slave, withdrew to Athens, where he thought he might live in exile with greater safety. Pisistratus, after being examined several times by torture, was put to death.

History of Rome Perseus (Volumes 1-2. Roberts, Canon, Rev, translator. London, New York: J. M. Dent and Sons; E. P. Dutton and Co., 1912.) — 33.28 focus

[1]

As Brachylles was the main supporter of the king they determined to get rid of him while the arms of Rome were in their neighbourhood.

[2] The hour chosen was when he was returning from a State banquet in a state of intoxication, escorted by an effeminate crew who had been carousing in the banquet hall.

[3] He was set upon by six armed men, three of whom were Italians and three Aetolians, and killed on the spot. His companions fled screaming for help, and the whole city was thrown into uproar, men running in all directions with lanterns and torches. The assassins had meanwhile escaped through the nearest gate.

[4] At daybreak the next morning the population gathered in the theatre in such numbers as to give the appearance of a formal assembly convened by edict or by the public crier.

[5] Openly all men were saying that he had been murdered by his retinue and the dissolute wretches who accompanied him, but in their hearts they fixed upon Zeuxippus as the instigator of the crime.

[6] For the time being, however, it was decided that those who had been with him should be arrested and examined under torture.

[7] While search was being made for them Zeuxippus, determined to clear himself of any suspicion of complicity, came calm and undismayed into the gathering and said that people were mistaken who supposed that such an atrocious murder could have been committed by such effeminate creatures.

[8] He adduced many strong arguments to support this view, and some who heard him were convinced that if he were an accomplice he would never have appeared before the people or made any allusion to the murder when no one had challenged him to do so. Others were quite certain that by thus unblushingly meeting the charge he was endeavouring to divert suspicion from himself.

[9] After a short time those who were really innocent were put to the torture, and though they themselves knew nothing about it they treated the universal opinion as though it amounted to proof and named Zeuxippus and Pisistratus without alleging any evidence as to their actually knowing what had happened.

[10] Zeuxippus, however, with a person called Stratonidas escaped by night to Tanagra, fearing his own conscience more than the statements of men who were unconscious of the true state of the case. Pisistratus paid no regard to the informers and remained in Thebes.

[11] Zeuxippus had a slave with him who had acted as messenger and intermediary all through the affair. Pisistratus was afraid that this man might turn informer, and it was through this very fear that the slave was compelled to make the disclosure.

[12] He sent a letter to Zeuxippus warning him to do away with the slave as he was privy to all they had done, and he did not believe him to be so capable of concealing the thing as he had been of carrying it out.

[13] The bearer was ordered to give the letter to Zeuxippus as soon as possible, and as he had no opportunity of giving it at once he handed it to this very slave, whom he regarded as the most faithful of all to his master, telling him at the same time that it was from Pisistratus about a matter which greatly concerned Zeuxippus.

[14] The slave assured the bearer that he would deliver it forthwith, but being conscience stricken he opened it, and after reading it through fled to Thebes and laid the evidence before the magistrates.

[15] Warned by the flight of the slave, Zeuxippus withdrew to Anthedon, as he considered that a safer place to live in. Pisistratus and the others were examined under torture and afterwards executed.

Notes on the current edition

Ab Urbe Condita With An English Translation, books 1-10, 21-45, with periochae 11-20

1. B.C. 196

2. B.C. 196

3. The meaning appears to be that Pisistratus, by advising Zeuxippus to do away with the slave, thereby brought about the very thing he was trying to prevent, viz., the giving of testimony by the slave, since the latter, learning the substance of the message, took steps to protect himself. This seems a more natural interpretation of protraxit than to translate

summoned,

haled into court,

caused to turn state's evidence.

Titus Livius (Livy) Ab urbe condita 33.28

Benjamin Oliver Foster, Ph.D. (Editor), Frank Gardener Moore (Editor), Evan T. Sage, Ph.D. (Editor), Alfred C. Schlesinger, Ph.D. (Editor)

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