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Summary of Book XXXII

Many prodigies, reported from various quarters, are recorded, among them that the laurel had grown on the stern of a war-ship. Titus Quinctius Flamininus the consul fought successfully against Philip in the passes of Epirus, put him to flight, and forced him to retire to his kingdom. He himself, with the Aetolians and Athamanes as allies, harried Thessaly, which adjoins Macedonia, his brother Lucius Quinctius Flamininus Euboea and the seacoast, in naval warfare, aided by King Attalus and the Rhodians. The Achaeans were received in friendship. The number of praetors was increased so that six each year were elected. A conspiracy of slaves, started for the purpose of freeing the Carthaginian hostages, was crushed and two thousand five hundred executed. Cornelius Cethegus the consul routed the Insubrian Gauls in battle. A treaty of friendship was struck with the Lacedaemonians and their tyrant Nabis. Besides, the takings of cities in Macedonia are recorded.

Ab urbe condita. Titus Livius (Livy). Benjamin Oliver Foster, Ph.D. (Editor), Frank Gardener Moore (Editor), Evan T. Sage, Ph.D. (Editor), Alfred C. Schlesinger, Ph.D. (Editor). Medford, MA. .

Sponsored by Perseus Project, Tufts University.

Funding provided by The National Endowment for the Humanities.

Current edition Perseus

History of Rome (English) (Foster, Benjamin Oliver; Moore, Frank Gardener; Sage, Evan T.; Schlesinger, Alfred C., translators. Cambridge, Mass.; London: Harvard University Press; William Heinemann, Ltd., 1919-1959. (Loeb Classical Library))

Editions (3)

Ab urbe condita Perseus (Pars I-IV, Libri I-XL. Editio Stereotypica. Weissenborn, Wilhelm; Mueller, Moritz, editors. Leipzig: Teubner, 1884-1911.) — 32s focus

periocha liber XXXII

Complura prodigia ex diversis regionibus nuntiata referuntur, inter quae in Macedonia in puppe longae navis lauream esse natam. T. Quintius Flamininus consul adversus Philippum feliciter pugnavit in faucibus Epiri fugatumque coegit in regnum reverti. ipse Thessaliam, quae est vicina Macedoniae, sociis Aetolis et Athamanibus vexavit, L. Quintius Flamininus, frater consulis, navali proelio Attalo rege et Rhodiis adiuvantibus Euboeam et maritimam oram. Achaei in amicitiam recepti sunt. praetorum numerus ampliatus est, ut seni crearentur. coniuratio servorum facta de solvendis Carthaginiensium obsidibus oppressa est; duo milia quingenti necati. Cornelius Cethegus consul Gallos Insubres proelio fudit. cum Lacedaemoniis et tyranno eorum Nabide amicitia iuncta est. praeterea expugnationes urbium in Macedonia referuntur.

[1] consules praetoresque, cum idibus Martiis magistratum inissent, provincias sortiti sunt.

[2] L. Lentulo Italia, P. Villio Macedonia, praetoribus L. Quinctio urbana, Cn. Baebio Ariminum, L. Valerio Sicilia, L.

[3] Villio Sardinia evenit. Lentulus consul novas legiones scribere iussus, Villius a P. Sulpicio exercitum accipere;

[4] in supplementum eius, quantum militum videretur, ut scriberet, ipsi permissum. praetori Baebio legiones, quas C. Aurelius consul habuisset, ita decretae, ut retineret eas, donec consul novo cum exercitu succederet;

[5] in Galliam ubi is venisset, omnes milites exauctorati domum dimitterentur praeter quinque milia socium; iis obtineri circa Ariminum provinciam satis esse.

[6] prorogata imperia praetoribus prioris anni, C. Sergio, ut militibus, qui in Hispania Sicilia, Sardinia stipendia per multos annos fecissent agrum adsignandum curaret,

[7] Q. Minucio, ut in Bruttiis idem de coniurationibus quaestiones, quas praetor cum fide curaque exercuisset, perficeret

[8] et eos, quos sacrilegii compertos in vinculis Romam misisset, Locros mitteret ad supplicium, quaeque sublata ex delubro Proserpinae essent, reponenda cum piaculis curaret.

[9] feriae Latinae pontificum decreto instauratae sunt, quod legati ab Ardea questi in senatu erant sibi in monte Albano Latinis carnem, ut adsolet, data non esse.

[10] ab Suessa nuntiatum est duas portas quodque inter eas muri erat de caelo tactum; et Formiani legati aedem Iovis, item Ostienses aedem Iovis, et Veliterni Apollinis et Sangus aedes, et in Herculis aede capillum enatum;

[11] et ex Bruttiis ab Q. Minucio propraetore scriptum eculeum cum quinque pedibus, pullos gallinaceos tris cum ternis pedibus natos esse. —

[12] a P. Sulpicio proconsule ex Macedonia litterae adlatae, in quibus inter cetera scriptum erat lauream in puppi navis longae enatam.

[13] priorum prodigiorum causa senatus censuerat, ut consules maioribus hostiis, quibus diis videretur, sacrificarent;

[14] ob hoc unum prodiginum prodigium haruspices in senatum vocati, atque ex responso eorum supplicatio populo in diem unum indicta et ad omnia pulvinaria res divinae factae.

[1] Carthaginienses eo anno argentum in stipendiumi stipendium impositum primum Romam advexerunt.

[2] id quia probum non esse quaestores renuntiaverant, experientibusque pars quarta decocta erat, pecunia Romae mutual mutua sumpta intertrimentum argenti expleverunt.

[3] petentibus, deinde, ut, si iam videretur senatui, obsides sibi redderentur. centnm centum redditi obsidles; obsides; dP de ceteris, si in fide

[4] permanerent, apes spes facta.

[5] petentibus iisdem, qui non reddebantur obsides, ut ab Norba, ubi parum commode essent, alio traducerentur, concessum, ut Signiam et Ferentinum transirent.

[6] Gaditanis item petentibus remissum, ne praefectus Gadis mitteretur adversus id, quod iis in fidem populi Romani venientibus cum T. L. Marcio Septimo convenisset. et Narniensium legatis querentibus ad numerum sibi colonos non esse et immixtos quosdam non sui generis pro colonis se grerere, gerere, earum rerum causa tresviros creare L. Cornelius consul iussus.

[7] creati P. et Sex. Aelii — Paetis fait fuit ambobus cognomen — et On. Cn. Cornelius Lentulus. quod Narniensibus datum, ut colonorum numerus augeretur, id Cosani petentes non impetraverunt.

[1] rebus, quae Romae agendae erant, perfectis consules in provincias profecti.

[2] P. Villius in Macedoniam cum venisset, atrox seditio militum iam ante irritata nec satis in principio compressa excepit.

[3] duo milia ea militum fuere, quae ex Africa post devictum Hannibalem in Siciliam, inde anno fere post in Macedoniam pro voluntariis transportata erant. id voluntate factum negabant: ab tribunis recusantes in naves impositos.

[4] sed utcumque, seu iniuncta seu suscepta foret militia, et eam exhaustam, et finem aliquem militandi fieri aequum esse.

[5] multis annis sese Italiam non vidisse; consenuisse sub armis in Sicilia, Africa, Macedonia; confectos iam se labore opere,

[6] exangues tot acceptis vulneribus esse. consul causam postulandae missionis probabilem, si modeste peteretur, videri dixit; seditionis nec eam nec ullam aliam satis iustam causam esse.

[7] itaque si manere ad signa et dicto parere velint, se de missione eorum ad senatum scripturum; modestia facilius quam pertinacia quod velint impetraturos.

[1] Thaumacos eo tempore Philippus summa vi oppugnabat aggeribus vineisque et iam arietem muris admoturus erat;

[2] ceterum incepto absistere eum coegit subitus Aetolorum adventus, qui Archidamo duce inter custodias Macedonum moenia ingressi nec nocte nec die finem ullum erumpendi nunc in stationes nunc in opera Macedonum faciebant. et adiuvabat eos natura ipsa loci.

[3] namque Thaumaci a Pylis sinuque Maliaco per Lamiam eunti loco alto siti sunt in ipsis faucibus,

[4] imminentes, quam Coelen vocant, Thessaliae; quae transeunti confragosa loca inplicatasque flexibus vallum vallium vias, ubi ventum ad hanc urbem est, repente velut maris vasti sic universa panditur planities, ut subiectos campos terminare oculis baud haud facile queas.

[5] ab eo miraculo Thaumaci appellati. nec altitudine solum tuta urbs, sed quod saxo undique absciso rupibus imposita est.

[6] hae difficultates et quod haud satis dignum tanti laboris periculique pretium erat,

[7] ut absisteret incepto Philippus, effecerunt. hiems quoque iam instabat, cum inde abscessit et in Macedoniam in hiberna copias reduxit.

[1] ibi ceteri quidem data quanticunque quiete temporis simul animos corporaque remiserant;

[2] Philippum, quantum ab adsiduis laboribus itinerum pugnarumque laxaverat animum, tanto magis intentum in universum eventum belli curae angunt, non hostis modo timentem, qui terra marique urgebant,

[3] sed nunc sociorum, nunc etiam popularium animos, ne et illi ad spem amicitiae Romanorum deficerent, et Macedonas ipsos cupido novandi res caperet.

[4] itaque et in Achaiam legatos misit, simul qui iusiurandum — ita enim pepigerant, quotannis iuraturos in verba Philippi — exigerent, simul qui redderent Achaeis Orchomenon et Heraean et Triphylian Eleis ademptam,

[5] Megalopolitis Alipheran, contendentibus numquam ear eam urbem fuisse ex Triphylia, sed sibi debere restitui, quia una esset ex iis, quae ad condendam Megalen polin ex concilio Arcadum contributae forent.

[6] et cum Achaeis quidem per haec societatem firmabat;

[7] ad Macedonum animos cum Heracliden amicum maxime invidiae sibi esse cerneret, multis criminibus oneratum in vincla coniecit ingenti popularium gaudio.

[8] bellum si quando umquam ante alias,

[9] tur tum magna cura apparavit exercuitque in armis et Macedonas et mercennarios milites principioque veris cum Athenagora omnia externa auxilia quodque levis armaturae erat in Chaoniam per Epirum ad occupandas quae ad Antigoneam fauces sunt — Stena vocant Graeci — misit.

[10] ipse post paucis diebus graviore secutus agmine, cum situm omnem regionis adspexisset, maxime idoneum ad muniendum locum credidit esse praeter amnem Aoum.

[11] is inter montes, quorum alterum Meropum, alterum Asnaum incolae vocant, angusta valle fluit, iter exiguum super ripam praebens. Asnaum Athenagoram cum levi armatura tenere et communire iubet; ipse in Meropo posuit castra.

[12] qua abscisae rupes erant, statio paucorum armatorum tenebat; qua minus tuta erant alia fossis, alia vallo, alia turribus muniebat.

[13] magna tormentorum etiam vis, ut missilibus procul arcerent hostem, idoneis locis disposita est. tabernaculum regium pro vallo in conspecto maxime tumulo, ut terrorem hostibus suisque spem ex fiducia faceret, positum.

[1] consul per Charopum Epiroten certior factus, quos saltus cum exercitu insedisset rex, et ipse, cum Corcyrae hibernasset, vere primo in continentem travectus ad hostem ducere pergit.

[2] quinque milia ferme ab regiis castris cum abesset, loco munito relictis legionibus ipse cum expeditis progressus act ad speculanda loca postero die consilium habuit,

[3] utrum per insessum ab hoste saltum, quamquam labor ingens periculumqut periculumque proponeretur, transitum temptaret, an eodem itinere,

[4] quo priore anno Sulpicius Macedoniam intraverat, circumduceret copias. hoc consilium per multos dies agitanti ei nuntius venit T. Quinctium consulem factum sortitumque provinciam Macedoniam maturato itinere iam Corcyram traiecisse.

[5] Valerius Antias intrasse saltum Villium tradit, quia recto itinere nequiverit omnibus ab rege insessis, secutum vallem, per quam mediam fertur Aous amnis,

[6] ponte raptim facto in ripam, in qua erant castra regia, transgressum acie conflixisse; fusum fugatumque regem, castris exutum;

[7] duodecim milia hostium eo proelio caesa, capta duo milia et ducentos et signa militaria centum triginta duo, equos ducentos triginta; aedem etiam Iovi in eo proelio votam, si res prospere gesta esset.

[8] ceteri Graeci Latinique auctores, quorum quidem ego legi annales, nihil memorabile a Villio actum integrumque bellum insequentem consulem T. Quinctium accepisse tradunt.

[1] dum haec in Macedonia geruntur, consul alter L. Lentulus, qui Romae substiterat, comitia censoribus creandis habuit.

[2] multis claris petentibus viris creati censores P. Cornelius Scipio Africanus et P.

[3] Aelius Paetus. ii magna inter se concordia et senatum sine ullius nota legerunt et portoria venalicium Capuae Puteolisque, item Castrum portorium, quo in loco nunc oppidum est, fruendum locarunt colonosque eo trecentos — is enim numerus finitus ab senatu erat — adscripserunt et sub Tifatis Capuae agrum vendiderunt.

[4] sub idem tempus L. Manlius Acidinus ex Hispania decedens, prohibitus a P. Porcio Laeca tribuno plebis ne ovans rediret, cum ab senatu impetrasset, privatus urbem ingrediens mille ducenta pondo argenti, triginta pondo ferme auri in aerarium tulit.

[5] eodem anno Cn. Baebius Tamphilus, qui ab C. Aurelio, consule anni prioris, provincial provinciam Galliam acceperat, temere ingressus Gallorum Insubrum finis prope cum toto exercitu est circumventus: supra sex milia et septingentos milites ainisit; amisit;

[6] tanta ex eo bello, quod iam timeri desierat, clades accepta est. ea res L. Lentulum consulem ab urbe excivit.

[7] qui ut in provinciam venit plenam tumultus, trepido exercitu accepto praetorem multis probris increpitum provincia decedere atque abire Romam iussit.

[8] neque ipse consul memorabile quicquam gessit, comitiorum causa Romam revocatus; quae ipsa per M. Fulviumn Fulvium et M’. Curium tribunes tribunos plebis impediebantur,

[9] quod T. Quinctium Flamininum consulatum ex quaestura petere non patiebantur:

[10] iam aedilitatem praeturamque fastidiri, nee nec per honorum gradus, documentum sui dantis, nobiles homines tendere ad consulatum, sed transcendendo media summa imis continuare.

[11] res ex campestri certamine in senatum pervenit. patres censuerunt, qui honorem, quem sibi capere per leges liceret, peteret, in eo populo creandi, quem velit, potestatem fieri aequum esse.

[12] in auctoritate patrum fuere tribuni. creati consules Sex. Aelius Paetus et T. Quinctius Flamininus.

[13] inde praetorum comitia habita. creati L. Cornelius Merula, M. Claudius Marcellus, M. Porcius Cato, C. Helvius, qui aediles plebis fuerant. ab iis ludi plebeii instaurati; et epulum lovis Iovis fuit ludorum causa.

[14] et ab aedilibus curulibus C. Valerio Flacco, famine flamine Diali, et C. Corneio Cornelio Cethego ludi Romani magno apparatu facti.

[15] Ser. et C. Sulpicii Galbae pontifices eo anno mortui sunt; in eorum locum M. Aemilius Lepidus et Cn. Cornelius Scipio pontifices suffecti sunt.

[1] Sex. Aelius Paetus T. Quinctius Flamininus magistratu inito senatum in Capitolio cum habuissent, decreverunt patres, ut provincias Macedoniam atque Italiam consules compararent inter se sortirenturve;

[2] utri eorum Macedonia evenisset, in supplementum legionum tria milia militum Romanorum scriberet et trecentos equites, item sociorum Latini nominis quinque milia peditum, quingentos equites.

[3] alteri consuli novus omnis exercitus decretus. L. Lentulo, prioris anni consuli, prorogatum imperium, vetitusque aut ipse provincia decedere prius aut veterem deducere exercitum, quam cum legionibus novis consul venisset.

[4] sortiti consules provincias; Aelio Italia, Quinctio Macedonia evenit.

[5] praetores L. Cornelius Merula urbanam, M. Claudius Siciliam, M. Porcius Sardiniam, C.

[6] Helvius Galliam est sortitus. dilectus inde haberi est coeptus; nam praeter consulares exercitus praetoribus quoque iussi scribere milites erant,

[7] Marcello in Siciliam quattuor milia peditum socium et Latini niominis nominis et trecentos equites, Catoni in Sardiniam ex eodelr eodem genere militum duo milia peditum, ducentos equites,

[8] ita ut ii praetores ambo, cum in provincias venissent, veteres dimitterent pedites equitesque.

[9] Attali deinde regis legatos in senatum consules introduxerunt. ii regem classe sua copiisque omnibus terra marique rem Romanam iuvare quaeque imperarent Romani consules, impigre atque oboedienter ad earn eam diem fecisse cum exposuissent, vereri dixerunt,

[10] ne id praestare ei per Antiochum regem ultra non liceret; vacuum namque praesidiis navalibus terrestribusque regnum Attali Antiochum invasisse.

[11] itaque Attalum orare patres conscriptos, si sua classi suaque opera uti ad Macedonicum bellum vellent, mitterent ipsi praesidium ad regnum eius tutandum; si id :nollent, nollent, ipsum ad sua defendenda cum classe ac reliquis copiis redire paterentur.

[12] senatus legatis ita responderi iussit: quod rex Attalus classe copiisque allis aliis duces Romanos iuvisset, id gratum senatui esse;

[13] auxilia nec ipsos missuros Attalo adversus Antiochum, socium et amicum populi Romani, nec Attali auxilia retenturos ultra, quam regi commodum esset;

[14] semper populum Romanum alienis rebus arbitrio alieno usum; et principium et finem in potestatem ipsorum, qui ope sua velint adiutos Romanos, esse;

[15] legatos ad Antiochum missuros, qui nuntient Attali naviumque eius et militum opera adversus Philippum communem hostem uti populum Romanum;

[16] gratum eum facturum senatui, si regno Attali abstineat belloque absistat; aequum esse socios et amicos populi Romani reges inter se quoque ipsos pacem servare.

[1] consulem T. Quinctium ita habito dilectu, ut eos fere legeret, qui in Hispania aut Africa meruissent, spectatae virtutis milites, properantem in provinciam prodigia nuntiata atque eorum procuratio Romae tenuerunt.

[2] de caelo tacta erant via publica Veis, forum et aedes Iovis Lanuvi, Herculis aedes Ardeae, Capuae murus et turres et aedes, quae alba dicitur;

[3] caelum ardere visum erat Arreti; terra Velitris trium iugerum spatio caverna ingenti desederat; Suessae Auruncae nuntiabant agnum cum duobus capitibus natum et Sinuessae porcum cum humano capite.

[4] eorum prodigiorum causa supplicatio unum diem habita, et consules rebus divinis operam dederunt placatisque diis in provincias profecti sunt, Aelius cum Helvio praetore in Galliam;

[5] exercitumque ab L. Lentulo acceptum, quem dimittere debebat, praetori tradidit, ipse novis legionibus, quas secum adduxerat, bellum gesturus. neque memorabilis rei quicquam gessit.

[6] T. Quinctius alter consul maturius, quam priores soliti erant consulles, consules, a Brundisio cum tramisisset, Corcyram tenuit cum octo milibus peditum, equitibus octingentis.

[7] ab Corcyra in proxima Epiri quinqueremi traiecit et in castra Romana magnis itineribus contendit.

[8] inde Villio dimisso paucos moratus dies, dum se copiae ab Corcyra adsequerentur, consilium habuit, utrum recto itinere per castra hostium vim facere conaretur,

[9] an ne temptata quidem re tanti laboris ac periculi per Dassaretios potius Lyncumque tuto circuitu Macedoniam intraret.

[10] vicissetque ea sententia, ni timuisset, ne, cum a mari longius recessisset, emisso e manibus hoste, si, quod antea fecerat, solitudinibus silvisque se tutari rex voluisset, sine ullo effectu aestas extraheretur.

[11] utcumque esset igitur, illo ipso tam iniquo loco adgredi hostem placuit. sed magis fieri id placebat, quam, quomodo fieret, satis expediebant;

[1] diesque quadraginta sine ullo conatu sedentes in conspectu hostium absumpserant. inde spes data Philippo est per Epirotarum gentem temptandae pacis;

[2] habitoque concilio delecti ad earn eam rem agendam Pausanias praetor et Alexander magister equitum consulem et regem, ubi in artissimas ripas Aous cogitur amnis, in conloquium adduxerunt.

[3] summa postulatorum consulis erat: praesidia ex civitatibus rex deduceret; iis, quorum agros urbesque populatus esset, redderet res, quae comparerent; ceterorum aequo arbitrio aestimatio fieret.

[4] Philippus aliam aliarum civitatium condicionem esse respondit: quas ipse cepisset, eas liberaturum; quae sibi traditae a maioribus essent, earum hereditaria ac iusta possessione non excessurum.

[5] si quas quererentur belli clades eae civitates, cum quibus bellatum foret, arbitro quo vellent populorum, cum quibus pax utrisque fuisset, se usurum.

[6] consul nihil ad id quidem arbitro aut iudice opus esse dicere; cui enim non apparere ab eo, qui prior arma intulisset, iniuriam ortam, nec Philippum ab ullis bello lacessitum priorem vim omnibus fecisse?

[7] inde cum ageretur, quae civitates liberandae essent, Thessalos primos omnium nominavit consul. ad id vero adeo accensus indignatione est rex, ut exclamaret: “quid victo gravius imperares, T. Quincti?”,

[8] atque ita se ex colloquio proripuit; et temperatum aegre est, quin missilibus, quia dirempti medio amni fuerant, pugnam inter se consererent.

[9] postero die per excursiones ab stationibus primo in planitie satis ad id patenti multa levia commissa proelia sunt;

[10] deinde recipientibus se regiis in arta et confragosa loca aviditate accensi certaminis eo quoque Romani penetravere.

[11] pro his ordo et militaris disciplina et genus armorum erat, aptum tegendis corporibus; pro hoste loca et catapultae ballistaeque in omnibus prope rupibus quasi in muro dispositae.

[12] multis hinc atque illinc vulneribus acceptis, cum etiam, ut in proelio iusto, aliquot cecidissent, nox pugnae finem fecit.

[1] cum in hoc statu res esset, pastor quidam a Charopo, principe Epirotarum, missus deducitur ad consulem.

[2] is se in eo saltu, qui regiis tur tum teneretur castris, armentum pascere solitum ait omnes montium eorum amfractus callesque nosse.

[3] si secum aliquos consul mittere velit, se non iniquo nec perdifficili aditu super caput hostium eos educturum.

[4] haec ubi consul audivit, percunctatum ad Charopum mittit, satisne credendum super tanta re agresti censeret. Charopus renuntiari iubet, ita crederet, ut suae potius omnia quam illius potestatis essent.

[5] cum magis vellet credere qulam quam auderet mixtumque gaudio et metu aninumr animum gereret, auctoritate motus Charopi experiri spem oblatam statuit et,

[6] ut averteret reygm regem ab suspicione, biduo insecluenti insequenti lacessere hostem dispositis ab omni ,arte parte copiis succedentibusque integris in locum defessorum non destitit.

[7] quattuor milia inde lecta peditum et trecentos equites tribuno militum trait. tradit. equites, quoad loca patiantur, ducere iubet; ubi ad invia equiti ventum sit, in planitie aliqua locari equitatum, pedites, qua dux monstraret viam, ire;

[8] ubi, ut polliceatur, super caput hostium perventum sit, fumo dare signum nec antea clamored clamorem tollere, quam ab se signo recepto pugnam coeptam arbitrari posset.

[9] nocte itinera fieri iubet — et pernox forte luna erat — ; interdiu cibi quietisque sumeret tempus. ducem promissis ingentibus oneratum, si fides extet, vinctum tamen tribuno tradit.

[10] his copiis ita dimissis eo intentius Romanus undique instat, † capit stationes.

[1] interim die tertio cum verticem, quem petierant, Romani cepisse ac tenere se fumo significarent, tum vero trifariam divisis copiis consul valle media cum militum robore succedit, cornua dextra laevaque admovet castris;

[2] nec segnius hostes obviam eunt. et dum aviditate certaminis provecti extra munitiones pugnant, haud paulo superior est Romanus miles et virtute et scientia et genere armorum;

[3] postquam multis vulneratis interfectisque recepere se regii in loca ant aut munimento aut natural natura tuta, verterat periculum in Romanos temere in loca iniqua nec facilis ad receptur receptum angustias progressos.

[4] neque impunita temeritate inde recepissent sese, ni clamor primum ab tergo auditus, dein pugna etiam coepta amentis repentino terrore regios fecisset.

[5] pars in fugam effusi sunt; pars, magis quia locus fugae deerat, quam quod animi satis esset ad pugnam, cum substitissent, ab hoste et a fronte et ab tergo urgente circumventi sunt.

[6] deleri totus exercitus potuit, si fugientis persecuti victores essent;

[7] sed equitem angustiae locorumque asperitas, peditem armorum gravitas impediit.

[8] rex primo effuse ac sine respectu fugit; dein quinque milium spatium progressus, cum ex iniquitate locorum, id quod erat, suspicatus esset, sequi non posse hostem, substitit in tumulo quodam dimisitque suos per omnia iuga vallesque, qui palatos in unum colligerent.

[9] non plus duobus milibus hominum amissis cetera omnis multitudo, velut signum aliquod secuta, in unum cum convenisset, frequenti agmine petunt Thessaliam.

[10] Romani, quoad tutum fuit, insecuti caedentes spoliantesque caesos, castra regia, etiam sine defensoribus difficili aditu, diripiunt; atque ea nocte in suis castris manserunt.

[1] postero die consul per ipsas angustias, quas inter valle se flumen insinuat, hostem sequitur.

[2] rex primo die ad castra Pyrrhi pervenit; locus, quem ita vocant, est in Triphylia terrae Molottidis. inde postero die — ingens iter agmini, sed metus urgebat — in montes Lyncon perrexit.

[3] ipsi Epiri sunt, interiecti Macedoniae Thessaliaeque; latus, quod vergit in Thessaliam, oriens spectat, septentrio a Macedonia obicitur. vestiti frequentibus silvis sunt; iuga summa campos patentes aquasque perennis habent.

[4] ibi stativis rex per aliquot dies habitis fluctuatus animo est, utrum protinus in regnum se reciperet, an praeverti in Thessaliam posset.

[5] inclinavit sententia, ut in Thessaliam agmen demitteret, Triccamque proximis limitibus petit; inde obvias urbes raptim peragravit.

[6] homines, qui sequi possent, sedibus excibat; oppida incendebat. rerum suarum, quas possent, ferendarum secum dominis ils ius fiebat, cetera militis praeda erat.

[7] nec, quod ab hoste crudelius pati possent, reliqui quicquam fuit, quam quae ab sociis patiebantur.

[8] haec etiam facienti Philippo acerba erant, sed e terra mox futura hostium corpora saltem eripere sociorum volebat.

[9] ita evastata oppida sunt Phacium, lresiae, Iresiae, Euhydrium, Eretria, Palaepharsalus. Pheras cum peteret, exclusus, quia res egebat mora, si expugnare vellet, nec tempus erat, omisso incepto in Macedoniam transcendit;

[10] nam etiam Aetolos adpropinquare fama erat. qui audito proelio, quod circa amnem Aoum factum erat, proximis prius evastatis circa Sperchias et Macran quam vocant Comen, transgressi inde in Thessaliam Cymenes et Angeias primo impetu potiti sunt.

[11] a Metropoli, dum vastant agros, concursu oppidanorum ad tuenda moenia facto repulsi sunt. Callithera inde adgressi similem impetum oppidanorum pertinacius sustinuerunt;

[12] compulsisque intra moenia qui eruperant, contenti ea victoria, quia spes nulla admodum expugnandi erat, abscesserunt. Teuma inde et Celathara vicos expugnant diripiuntque;

[13] Acharras per deditionem receperunt.

[14] Xyniae simili metu a cultoribus desertae sunt. hoc sedibus suis extorre agmen in praesidium incidit, quod ad ThaumaLcum, Thaumacum, quo tutior frumentatio esset, ducebatur; incondita inermis(cie inermisque multitudo, mixta et imbelli turba, ab armatis caesa est. Xyniae desertae diripiuntur. Cyphaera inde Aetoli capiunt, opportune Dolopiae imminens castellum.

[15] haec raptim intra paitcos paucos dies ab Aetolis gesta. nec Amynander atque Athamanes post famam prosperae pugnae Romanorum quieverunt.

[1] ceterum Amynander, quia suo militi parum fidebat, petito a consule modico praesidio cum Gomphos peteret, oppidum protinus nomine Phaecam situm inter Gomphos faucesque angustas, quae ab Athamania Thessaliam dirimunt, vi cepit.

[2] inde Gomphos adortus est, et per aliquot dies summa vi tuentes urbem, cum iam scalas ad moenia erexisset, eo demum metu perpulit ad deditionem.

[3] haec traditio Gomphorum ingentem terrorem Thessalis intulit. dedidere deinceps sese qui Argenta quique Pherinium et Timarum et Ligynas et Strymonem et Lampsum habent aliaque castella iuxta ignobilia.

[4] dum Athamanes Aetolique submoto Macedonum metu in aliena victoria suam praedam faciunt, Thessaliaque ab tribus simul exercitibus incerta, quem hostem quemve socium crederet,

[5] vastatur, consul faucibus, quas fuga hostium aperuerat, in regionem Epiri transgressus, etsi probe scit, cui parti Charopo principe excepto Epirotae favissent,

[6] tamen quia ab satisfaciendi quoque cura imperata enixe facere videt, ex praesenti eos potius quam ex praeterito aestimat habitu et ea ipsa facilitate veniae animos eorum in posterum conciliat.

[7] missis deinde nuntiis Corcyram, ut onerariae naves in sinum venirent Ambracium, ipse progressus modicis itineribus quarto die in monte Cercetio posuit castra, eodem Amynandro cum suis auxiliis accito,

[8] non tam virium eius egens, quam ut duces in Thessaliam haberet. ab eodem consilio et plerique Epirotarum voluntarii inter auxilia accepti.

[1] primam urbem Thessaliae Phaloriam est adgressus. duo milia Macedonum in praesidio habebat, qui primo summa vi restiterunt, quantum arma, quantum moenia tueri poterant.

[2] sed oppugnatio continua, non nocte non die remissa, cum consul in eo verti crederet ceterorum Thessalorum animos, si primi vim Romanam non sustlnuissent, sustinuissent, vicit pertinaciam Mlcedonum. Macedonum.

[3] capta Phaloria legati a Metropoli et a Cierio dedentes urmes urbes venerunt. venia eisdem petentibus datur: Phaloria incensa ac direpta est.

[4] inde Aeginium petit: quem locum cum vel modico praesidio tntu tutum m ac prope inexpugnabilem vidisset, paucis in stationem proximam telis coniectis ad Gomphorum regionem agmen vertit.

[5] degressusque in campos Thessaliae, cum iam omnia exercitui deessent, quia Epirotarum pepercerat agris, explorato ante, utrum Leucadem an sinum Ambracium onerariae tenuissent, frumentatum Ambraciam in vicem cohortes misit;

[6] et est iter a Gomphis Ambraciam gsiut sicut impeditum ac difficile, ita spatio perbrevi.

[7] intra paucos itaque dies transvectis a mari commeatibus repleta omni rerum copia sunt castra.

[8] inde Atracem est profectus. decem ferme milia ab Larisa abest; ex Perrhaebia oriundi sunt; sita est urbs super Peaeum Peneum amnem.

[9] nihil trepidavere Thessali ad primum adventum Romanorum; et Philippus sicut in Thessaliam ipse progredi non audebat, ita intra Tempe stativis positis, ut quisque locus ab hoste temptabatur, praesidia per occasiones summittebat.

[1] sub idem fere tempus, quo consul adversus Philippum primum in Epiri faucibus posuit castra,

[2] et L. Quinctius frater consulis, cui classis cura maritimaeque orae imperium mandatum ab senatu erat, cum duabus quinqueremibus Corcyram travectus,

[3] postquam profectam inde classem audivit, nihil morandum ratus, cum ad Samen insulam adsecutus esset,

[4] dimisso Livio, cui successerat, tarde inde ad Maleum trahendis plerumque remulco navibus, quae cum commeatu sequebantur, pervenit.

[5] a Maleo, iussis ceteris, quantum maxime possent maturare, sequi, ipse tribus quinqueremibus expeditis Piraeum praecedit accepitque naves relictas ibi ab L. Apustio legato ad praesidium Athenarum.

[6] eodem tempore duae ex Asia classes profectae, una cum Attalo rege — eae quattuor et viginti quinqueremes erant — , Rhodia altera viginti navium tectarum;

[7] Agesimbrotus praeerat. hae circa drumm Andrum insulam classes coniunctae Euboeam inde exiguo distantem freto traiecerunt.

[8] Carystiorum primum agros vastarunt; deinde, ubi Carystus praesidio a Chalcide raptim misso firma visa est, ad Eretriam accesserunt.

[9] eodem et L. Quinctius cum iis navibus, quae Piraei fuerant, Attali regis adventu audito venit iussis, ut quaeque ex sua classe venissent naves, Euboeam petere.

[10] Eretria summa vi oppugnabatur; nam et trium iunctarum classium naves omnis generis tormenta machinasque ad urbium excidia secum portabant, et agri adfatim materiae praebebant ad nova molienda opera.

[11] oppidani primo haud impigre tuebantur moenia, dein fessi vulneratique aliquot, cum et muri partem eversam operibus hostium cernerent,

[12] ad deditionem inclinarunt. sed praesidium erat Macedonum, quos non minus quam Romanos metuebant, et Philocles regius praefectus a Chalcide nuntios mittebat se in tempore adfuturum, si sustinerent obsidionem.

[13] haec mixta metu spes ultra, quam vellent aut quam possent, trahere eos tempus cogebat;

[14] deinde, postquam Philoclen repulsum trepidantemque refugisse Chalciden Chalcidem acceperunt, oratores extemplo ad Attalum veniam fidemque eius petentis miserunt.

[15] dum in spem pacis intenti segnius munera belli obeunt et ea modo parte, qua murus dirutus erat, ceteris neglectis stationes armatas opponunt, Quinctius noctu ab ea parte, quae minime suspecta erat, impetu facto scalis urbem cepit.

[16] oppidanorum omnis multitudo cum coniugibus ac liberis in arcem confugit, deinde in deditionem venit. pecuniae aurique et argenti haud sane multum fuit;

[17] signa et tabulae priscae artis ornamentaque eius generis plura quam pro urbis magnitudine aut opibus ceteris inventa.

[1] Carystus inde repetita, unde, priusquam e navibus copiae exponerentur, omnis multitudo urbe deserta in arcem confugit.

[2] inde ad fidem ab Romano petendam oratores mittunt. oppidanis extemplo vita ac libertas concessa est; Macedonibus treceni nummi in capita statutum pretium est, et ut armis traditis abirent.

[3] hac summa redempti inermes in Boeotiam traiecti. navales copiae duabus claris urbibus Euboeae intra dies paucos captis circumvectae Sunium, Atticae terrae promunturium, Cenchreas, Corinthiorum emporium, petierunt.

[4] consul interim omnium spe longiorem Atracis atrocioremque oppugnationem habuit, et ea, qua minimuum minimum credidisset, resistebant hostes.

[5] nam omnem laborem in muro crediderat diruendo fore; si aditum armatis in urbem patefecisset, fugam inde caedemque hostium fore, qualis captis urbibus fieri solet;

[6] ceterum postquam parte muri arietibus decussa per ipsas ruinas transcenderunt in urbem armati, illud principiul principium velut novi atque integri laboris fuit.

[7] nam Macedones, qui in pracsidio praesidio erant et multi et delecti,

[8] gloriam etiam egregiam rati, si armis potius et virtute quam moenibus urbem tuerentur, conferti, pluribus introrsus ordinibus acie firmata, cum transcendere ruinas sensissent Romanos, per impeditum ac difficilem ad receptum locum expulerunt.

[9] id consul aegre passus nec eam ignominiam ad unius modo oppugnandae moram urbis sed ad summam universi belli pertinere ratus, quod ex momentis parvarum plerumque rerum penderet,

[10] purgato loco, qui strage semiruti muri cuniulatus cumulatus erat, turrem ingentis altitudinis magnam vim armatorum multiplici tabulato portantem promovit

[11] et cohortes in vicem sub signis, quae cuneum Macedonum — phalangem ipsi vocant — , si possent, vi perrumperent, emittebat.

[12] sed ad loci angustias, baud haud late patente intervallo diruti muri, genus armorum pugnaeque hosti aptius erat.

[13] ubi conferti hastas ingentis longitudinis prae se Macedones obiecissent, velut in constructam densitate clipeorum testudinem Romani pilis nequiquam emissis cum strinxissent gladios,

[14] neque congredi propius neque praecidere hastas poterant, et, si quam incidissent aut praefregissent, hastile fragmento ipso acuto inter spicula integrarum hastarum velut vallum explebat.

[15] ad hoc et muri pars adhuc integra utraque tuta praestabat latera, nec ex longo spatio aut cedendum aut impetus faciendus erat, quae res turbare ordines solet.

[16] accessit etiam fortuita res ad animos eorum firmandos; nam cum turris per aggerem parum densati soli ageretur,

[17] rota una in altiorem orbitam depressa ita turrim inclinavit, ut speciem ruentis hostibus, trepidationem † insanam superstantibus armatis praebuerit.

[1] cum parurn parum quicquam succederet, consul minime aequo animo comparationem militum generisque armorum fieri patiebatur,

[2] simul nec maturam expugnandi spem nec rationem procul a maria mari et in evastatis belli cladibus locis hibernandi ullam cernebat.

[3] itaque relicta obsidione, quia nullus in tota Acarnaniae atque Aetoliae ora portus erat, qui simul et omnis onerarias, quae commeatum exercitui portabant, caperet et tecta ad hibernandum legionibus praeberet,

[4] Anticyra in Phocide, in Corinthium versa sinum, ad id opportunissime sita visa,

[5] quia nec procul Thessalia hostiumque locis aberat et ex adverso Peloponnesum exiguo maris spatio divisam, ab tergo Aetoliam Acarnaniamque, ab lateribus Locridem ac Boeotiam habebat.

[6] Phocidis primo impetu Phanoteam sine certamine cepit. Anticyra haud multum oppugnando morae praebuit. Ambrysus inde Hyampolisque receptae.

[7] Daulis, quia in tumulo excelso sita est, nec scalis nec operibus capi poterat.

[8] lacessendo missilibus eos, qui in praesidio erant, cum ad excursiones elicuissent, refugiendo in vicem sequendoque et levibus sine effectu certaminibus eo neglegentiae et contemptus adduxerunt, ut cum refugientibus in portam permixti impetum Romani facerent.

[9] et alia ignobilia castella Phocidis terrore magis quam armis in potestatem venerunt. Elatia clausit portas, nec, nisi vi cogerentur, recepturi moenibus videbantur aut ducem aut exercitum Romanum.

[1] Elatiam obsidenti consuli rei maioris spes adfulsit, Achaeorum gentem ab societate regia in Romanam amicitiam avertendi.

[2] Cycliadan, principem factionis ad Philippum trahentium res, expulerant; Aristaenus, qui Romanis gentem iungi volebat, praetor erat.

[3] classis Romana cum Attalo et Rhodiis Cenchreis stabat, parabantque communi omnes consilio Corinthum oppugnare.

[4] optimum igitur ratus est, priusquam ear eam rem adgrederentur, legatos ad gentem Achaeorum mitti pollicentis, si ab rege ad Romanos defecissent, Corinthum contributuros in anticum gentis concilium.

[5] auctore consule legati a fratre eius L. Quinctio et Attalo et Rhodiis et Atheniensibus ad Achaeos missi.

[6] Sicyone datum est iis concilium. erat autem non admodum simplex habitus inter Achaeos animorum: terrebat Nabis Lacedaemonius, gravis et adsiduus hostis;

[7] horrebant Romana arma; Macedonum beneficiis et veteribus et recentibus obligati erant; regem ipsum suspectum habebant pro eius crudelitate perfidiaque,

[8] neque ex iis, quae tum ad tempus faceret, aestimantes graviorem post bellum dominum futurum cernebant.

[9] neque solum, quid in senatu quisque civitatis suae aut in communibus conciliis gentis pro sententia dicerent,

[10] ignorabant, sed ne ipsis quidem secum cogitantibus, quid vellent aut quid optarent, satis constabat. ad homines ita incertos introductis legatis potestas dicendi facta est.

[11] Romanus primum legatus L. Calpurnius, deinde Attali regis legati, post eos Rhodii disseruerunt;

[12] Philippi deinde legatis potestas dicendi facta est; postremi Athenienses, ut refellerent Macedonum dicta, auditi sunt. ii fere atrocissime in regem, quia nulli nec plura nec tam acerba passi erant, invecti sunt.

[13] et illa quidem contio sub occasum solis tot legatorum perpetuis orationibus die absumpto dimissa est.

[1] postero die advocatur concilium; ubi cum per praeconem, sicut Graecis mos est, suadendi, si quis vellet, potestas a magistratibus facta esset, nec quisquam prodiret, diu silentium aliorum alios intuentium fuit.

[2] neque mirum, si, quibus sua sponte volutantibus res inter se repugnantes obtorpuerant quodam modo animi, eos orationes quoque insuper turbaverant utrimque, quae difficilia essent, promendo admonendoque per totum diem habitae.

[3] tandem Aristaenus, praetor Achaeorum, ne taciturn tacitum concilium dimitteret, “ubi” inquit “illa certamina animorum, Achaei, sunt, quibus in conviviis et circulis, cum de Philippo et Romanis mentio incidit, vix manibus temperatis?

[4] nunc in concilio ad eam rem unam indicto, cum legatorum utrimque verba audieritis, cum referant magistratus, cum praeco ad suadendum vocet,

[5] obmutuistis! si non cura salutis communis, ne studia quidem, quae in hanc aut in illam partem animos vestros inclinarunt, vocem cuiquam possunt exprimere?

[6] cum praesertim nemo tam hebes sit, qui ignorare possit dicendi ac suadendi, quod quisque aut velit aut optimum putet, nunc occasionem esse, priusquam quicquam decernamus; ubi semel decretum erit, omnibus id, etiam quibus ante displicuerit, pro bono atque utili fore defendendum.”

[7] haec adhortatio praetoris non modo quemquam unum elicuit ad suadendum, sed ne fremitum quidem aut murmur contionis tantae ex tot populis congregatae movit.

[1] tum Aristaenus praetor rursus: “non magis consilium vobis, principes Achaeorum, deest quam lingua; sed suo quisque periculo in commune consultum non vult. forsitan ego quoque tacerem, si privatus essem; nunc praetori video aut non dandum concilium legatis fuisse,

[2] aut non sine responso eos dimittendos esse; respondere autem nisi ex vestro decreto qui possum? et quoniam nemo vestrum, qui in hoc concilium advocati estis, pro sententia quicquam dicere vult aut audet, orationes legatorum hesterno die uit ut pro sententiis dictas percenseamus perinde ac non postulaverint,

[3] quae e re sua essent, sed suaserint, quae nobis censerent utilia esse.

[4] Romani Rhodiique et Attalus societatem amicitiamque nostram petunt et in bello, quod adversus Philippum gerunt, se a nobis adiuvari aequum censent.

[5] Philippus societatis secum admonet et iuris iurandi et modo postulat, ut secum stemus, modo, ne intersiinus intersimus armis, contentum ait se esse.

[6] nulline venit in mentem, cur, qui nondum socii sunt, plus petant quam socius? non fit hoc neque modestia Philippi neque impudentia Romanorum, Achaei:

[7] fortuna et dat fiduciam postulantibus et demit. Philippi praeter legatum videmus nihil; Romana classis ad Cenchreas stat urbium Euboeae spolia prae se ferens, consulem legionesque eius, exiguo maris spatio diiunctas, Phocidem ac Locridem pervagantis videmus:

[8] miramini, cur diffidenter Cleomedon, legatus Philippi, ut pro rege arma caperemus adversus Romanos, modo egerit?

[9] qui, si ex eodem foedere ac iure iurando, cuius nobis religionem iniciebat, rogemus eum, ut nos Philippus et ab Nabide ac Lacedaemoniis et ab Romanis defendat, non modo praesidium, quo tueatur nos,

[10] sed ne quid respondeat quidem nobis sit inventurus, non hercule magis quam ipse Philippus priore anno, qui pollicendo se adversus Nabidem bellum gesturum cum temptasset nostram iuventutem hinc in Euboeam extrahere,

[11] postquam nos neque decernere id sibi praesidium neque velle illigari Romano bello vidit, oblitus societatis eius, quam nunc iactat, vastandos populandosque Nabidi ac Lacedaemoniis reliquit.

[12] ac mihi quidem minime conveniens inter se oratio Cleomedontis visa est. elevabat Romanum bellum eventumque eius eundem fore, qui prioris belli,

[13] quod cum Philippo gesserint, dicebat. cur igitur nostrum ille auxilium absens petit potius quam praesens nos, socios veteres, simul ab Nabide ac Romanis tueatur? nos dico? quid ita passus est Eretriam Carystumque capi? quid ita tot Thessaliae urbes? quid ita Locridem Phocidemque?

[14] quid ita nunc Elatiam oppugnari patitur? cur excessit faucibus Epiri claustrisque illis inexpugnabilibus super Aoum amnem relictoque, quem insidebat, saltu penitus in regnum abiit? aut vi aut metu aut voluntate.

[15] si sua voluntate tot sociob socios reliquit hostibus diripiendos, qui recusare potest, quin et socii sibi consulant? si metu, nobis quoque ignoscat timentibus; si victus armis cessit, Achaei Romana arma sustinebimus, Cleomedon, quae vos Macedones non sustinuistis?

[16] an tibi potius credamus Romanos non maioribus copiis nec viribus nunc bellum gerere, quam antea gesserint, potius quam res ipsas intueamur?

[17] Aetolos tum classe adiuverunt; nec duce consulari nec exercitu bellum gesserunt; sociorum Philippi maritimae tur tum urbes in terrore ac tumultu erant; mediterranea adeo tuta ab armis Romanis fuerunt, ut Philippus Aietoios Aetolos neqUilquam nequiquam opem — aomanorum Romanorum impioranris implorantis aepopularetur; depopularetur;

[18] nunc autem defuncti bello Punico Romani, quod per sedecim annos velut intra viscera Italiae toleraverunt, non praesidium Aetolis bellantibus miserunt, sed ipsi duces belli arma terra marique simul Macedoniae intulerunt.

[19] tertius iam consul summa vi gerit bellum. Sulpicius in ipsa Macedonia congressus fudit fugavitque regem, partem opulentissimam regni eius depopulatus;

[20] nunc Quinctius tenentem claustra Epiri natura loci, munimentis, exercitu fretum castris exuit, fugientem in Thessaliam persecutus praesidia regia sociasque urbes eius prope in conspectu regis ipsius expugnavit.

[21] ne sint vera, quae Atheniensis modo legatus de crudelitate, avaritia, libidine regis disseruit; nihil ad nos pertineant, quae in terra Attica scelera in superos inferosque deos sunt admissa,

[22] multo minus, quae Ciani Abydenique, qui procul ab nobis absunt, passi sunt;

[23] nostrorum ipsi vulnerum, si vultis, obliviscamur, caedes direptionesque bonorum Messenae in media Peloponneso factas, et hospitem Cyparissiae Charitelen contra ius omne ac fas inter epulas prope ipsas occisum, et Aratum patrem filiumque Sicyonios, cum senem infelicem parentem etiam appellare solitus esset, interfectos,

[24] filii etiam uxorem libidinis causa in Macedoniam asportatam, cetera stupra virginum matronarumrque matronarumque oblivioni dentur;

[25] ne sit cum Philippo res, cuius crudelitatis metu obmutuistis omnes — nam quae alia tacendi advocatis in concilium causa est? — ; cu, cum Antigono, mitissimo ac iustissimo rege et de nobis omnibus optime merito, existimemus disceptationem esse:

[26] num † id postularet facere nos, quod fieri non posset? paene insula est Peloponnesus, angustis Isthmi faucibus continenti adhaerens, nulli ,pertior apertior neque opportunior quam navali bello.

[27] si centum tectae naves et quinquaginta leviores apertae et triginta Issaei lembi maritimam oram vastare et expositas prope in ipsis litoribus urbes coeperint oppugnare, in mediterraneas scilicet nos urbes recipiemus, tamquam non intestino et haerente in ipsis visceribus uramur bello!

[28] cum terra Nabis et Lacedaenonii, Lacedaemonii, mari classis Romana urgebunt, † unde regiam societatem et Macedonum praesidia inploremus? an ipsi nostris armis ab hoste Romano tutabimur urbes, quae oppugnabuntur? egregie enim Dymas priore bello sumus tutati!

[29] satis exemplorum nobis clades alienae praebent; ne quaeramus, quern quem ad mnodum modum ceteris exemplo simus.

[30] nolite, quia ultro Romani petunt amicitiam, id quod optandum vobis ac summopere petendum erat,

[31] fastidire. metu enim videlicet compulsi et deprensi in aliena terra, quia sub umbra vestri auxilii latere volunt, in societatem vestram confugiunt, ut portibus vestris recipiantur, ut commeatibus utantur!

[32] mare in potestate habent; terras, quascunque adeunt, extemplo dicionis suae faciunt. quod rogant, cogere possunt;

[33] quia pepercisse vobis volunt, committere vos, cur pereatis, non patiuntur. nam quod Cleomedon modo tamquam mediam et tutissimam vobis viam consilii, ut quiesceretis abstineretisque armis, ostendebat, ea non media, sed nulla via est.

[34] etenim praeterquam quod aut accipienda aut spernenda vobis Romana societas est, quid aliud quam nusquam gratia stabili, velut qui eventum expectaverimus, ut fortunae applicaremus nostra consilia, praeda victoris erimus?

[35] nolite, si, quod omnibus votis petendum erat, ultro offertur, fastidire. non, quem ad modum hodie utrumque vobis licet, sic semper liciturum est; nec saepe nec diu eadem occasio erit.

[36] liberare vos a Philippo iam diu magis vultis quam audetis. sine vestro labore et periculo qui vos in libertatem vindicarent, cum magnis classibus exercitibusque mare traiecerunt.

[37] hos si socios aspernamini, vix mentis sanae estis; sed aut socios aut hostes habeatis oportet.”

[1] secundum orationem praetoris murmur ortum aliorum cum adsensu, aliorum inclementer adsentientes increpantium;

[2] et iam non singuli tantum sed populi universe universi inter se altercabantur. tum inter magistratus gentis — damiurgos vocant; decem numero creantur — certamen nihilo segnius quam inter multitudinem esse.

[3] quinque relaturos de societate Romana se aiebant suffragiumque daturos; quinque lege cautum testabantur, ne quid, quod adversus Philippi societatem esset, aut referre magistratibus aut decernere concilio ius esset. is quoque dies iurgiis est consumptus.

[4] supererat unus iusti concilii dies; tertio enim lex iubebat decretum fieri; in quem adeo exarsere studia, ut vix parentes ab liberis temperaverint.

[5] Pisias Pellenensis erat; filium damiurgum nomine Memnonem habebat, partis eius, quae decretum recitari perrogarique sententias prohibebat.

[6] is diu obtestatus filium, ut consulere Achaeos communi saluti pateretur neu pertinacia sua gentem universam perditum iret,

[7] postquam parum proficiebant preces, iuratus se eum sua manu interempturum nec pro filio sed pro hoste habiturum minis pervicit,

[8] ut postero die coniungeret iis se, qui referebant. qui cum plures facti referrent, omnibus fere populis haud dubie approbantibus relationem ac prae se ferentibus, quid decreturi essent,

[9] Dymaei ac Megalopolitani et quidam Argivorum, priusquam decretum fieret, consurrexerunt ac reliquerunt concilium neque mirante ullo nec improbante.

[10] iiam nam Megalopolitanos avorum memoria pulsos ab Lacedaemoniis restituerat in patriam Antigonus, et Dymaeis, captis nuper direptisque ab exercitu Romano, cum redimi eos, ubicumque servirent, Philippus iussisset, non libertatem modo sed etiam patriam reddiderat;

[11] iam Argivi, praeterquam quod Macedonum reges ab se oriundos credunt, privatis etiam hospitiis familiarique amicitia plerique illigati Philippo erant.

[12] ob laec haec concilio, quod inclinaverat ad Romanam societatem iubendam, excesserunt, veniaque iis huius secessionis fuit et magnis et recentibus obligatis beneficiis.

[1] ceteri populi Achaeorum, cum sententias perrogarentur, societatem cum Attalo ac Rhodiis praesenti decreto confirmarunt;

[2] cum Romanis, quia iniussu populi non poterat rata esse, in id tempus,

[3] quo Romam mitti legati possent, dilata est; in praesentia tris legatos ad L. Quinctium mitti placuit et exercitum omnem Achaeorum ad Corinthum admoveri captis Cenchreis iam urbem ipsam Quinctio oppugnante.

[4] et hi quidem e regione portae, quae fert Sicyonem, posuerunt castra; Romani in Cenchreas versam partem urbis, Attalus traducto per Isthmum exercitu ab Lechaeo, alterius maris portu, oppugnabant, primo segnius, sperantes seditionem intus fore inter oppidanos ac regium praesidium.

[5] postquam uno animo omnes, et Macedones tamquam communem patriam tuebantur, et Corinthii ducem praesidii Androsthenen baud haud secus quam civem et suffragio creatum suo imperio in se uti patiebantur, omnis inde spes oppugnantibus in vi et armis et operibus erat.

[6] undique aggeres baud haud facili aditu ad moenia admovebantur.

[7] aries ex ea parte, quam Romani oppugnabant, aliquantum muri diruerat; in quem locum, quia nudatus munimento erat, protegendum armis cum Macedones concurrerent, atrox proelium inter eos ac Romanos ortum est.

[8] ac primo multitudine facile expellebantur Romani; adsumptis deinde Achaeorum Attalique auxiliis aequabant certamen, nec dubium erat, quin Macedonas Graecosque facile loco pulsuri fuerint.

[9] transfugarum Italicorum magna multitudo erat, pars ex Hannibalis exercitu metu poenae a Romanis Philippum secuta, pars navales socii relictis nuper classibus ad spem honoratioris militiae transgressi; hos desperata salus, si Romani vicissent, ad rabiem magis quam audaciam accendebat.

[10] promunturium est adversus Sicyonem lunonis, Iunonis, quam vocant Acraeam, in altum excurrens; traiectus inde Corinthum septem fere milium passuum.

[11] eo Philocles, regius et ipse praefectus, mille et quingentos milites per Boeotiam duxit. praesto fuere ab Corintho lembi, qui praesidium id acceptum Lechaeum traicerent.

[12] auctor erat Attalus incensis operibus omittendae extemplo oppugnationis; pertinacius Romanus in incepto perstabat. is (uoque, quoque, ut pro omnibus portis disposita videt praesidia regia nee nec facile erumpentium impetus sustineri posse, in Attali sententiam concessit.

[13] ita inrito incepto dimissis Achaeis reditum ad naves est. Attalus Piraeuml, Piraeum, Romani Corcyram petierunt.

[1] dum haec ab navali exercitu geruntur, consul in Phocide ad Elatiam castris positis primo colloquiis rem per principes Elatensium temptavit;

[2] postquam nihil esse in manu sua et plures validioresque esse regios quam oppidanos respondebatur, tum simul ab omni parte operibus armisque urbem est adgressus.

[3] ariete admoto cum quantum inter duas turres muri erat prorutum cum ingenti fragore ac strepitu nudasset urbem, simul et cohors Romana per apertum recenti strage iter invasit,

[4] et ex omnibus oppidi partibus relictis suis quisque stationibus in, in

[5] eum, qui premebatur impetu hostium, locum concurrerunt. eodem tempore Romani et ruinas muri supervadebant et scalas ad stantia moenia inferebant. et dum in unam partem oculos animosque hostium certamen averterat, pluribus locis scalis capitur murus,

[6] armatique in urbem transcenderunt. quo tumultu audito territi hostes relicto, quem conferti tuebantur, loco in arcem omnes, inermi quoque sequente turba,

[7] confugerunt. ita urbe potitur consul. qua direpta missis in arcem, qui vitam regiis, si inermes abire vellent, libertatem Elatensibus pollicerentur, fideque in haec data post dies paucos arcem recipit.

[1] ceterum adventu in Achaiam Philoclis, regii praefecti, non Corinthus tantum liberata obsidione, sed Argivorum quoque civitas per quosdam principes Philocli prodita est temptatis prius animis plebis.

[2] mos erat comitiorum die primo velut ominis causa praetores pronuntiare lovem Iovem Apollinemque et Herculem; additum lege erat, ut his Philippus rex adiceretur.

[3] cuius nomen post pactam cum Romanis societatem quia praeco non adiecit, fremitus primo multitudinis ortus,

[4] deinde clamor subicientium Philippi nomen iubentiumque legitimum honored honorem usurpare, done donec cum ingenti adsensu nomen recitatum est.

[5] huius fiducia favoris Philocles arcessitus nocte occupat collem imminentem urbi — Larisam ear eam arcem vocant — positoque ibi praesidio cum lucis principio signis infestis ad subiectum arci forum vaderet, instructa acies ex adverso occurrit.

[6] praesidium erat Achaeorum, nuper impositum, quingenti fere iuvenes delecti omnium civitatium; Aenesidemus Dymaeus praeerat.

[7] ad hos orator a praefecto regio missus, qui excedere urbe iuberet: neque enim pares eos oppidanis solis, qui idem quod Macedones sentirent, nedum adiunctis Macedonibus esse, quos ne Romani quidem ad Corinthum sustinuissent, primo nihil nec ducem nec ipsos movit;

[8] post paulo, ut Argivos quoque armatos ex parte altera venientis magno agmine viderunt, certain certam perniciem cernentes, ornnem omnem tamen casum, si pertinacior dux fuisset, videbantur subituri.

[9] Aenesidemus, ne flos Achaeorum iuventutis simul cum urbe amitteretur, pactus a Philocle, ut abire illis liceret, ipse quo loco steterat armatus cum paucis clientibus non excessit.

[10] missus a Philocle, qui quaereret, quid sibi vellet. nihil motus tantummodo, cum proiecto prae se clipeo staret, in praesidio creditae urhis urbis moriturum se armatum respondit. tur tum iussu praefecti a Thraecibus coniecta tela interfectique omnes.

[11] et post pactam inter Achaeos ac Romanos societatemn societatem duae nobilissimae urbes, Argi et Corinthus, in potestate regis erant.

[12] haec ea aestate ab Romanis in Graecia terra marique gesta.

[1] in Gallia nihil sane memorabile ab Sex. Aelio consule gestum.

[2] cum duos exercitus in provincia habuisset, unum retentum, quem dimitti oportebat, cui L. Cornelius proconsul praefuerat — ipse ei C. Helvium praetorem praefecit — , alterum, quem,

[3] in provinciam adduxit, totum prope annum Cremonensibus Placentinisque cogendis redire in colonias, unde belli casibus dissipati erant, consumpsit.

[4] quem ad modum Gallia praeter spem quieta eo anno fuit, ita circa urbem servilis prope tumrultus tumultus est.

[5] excitatus. obsides Carthaginiensium Setiae custodiebantur. cum iis, ut principum liberis, magna vis servorum erat.

[6] augebant eorum numerum, ut ab recenti. Africo bello, et ab ipsis Setinis captiva aliquot nationis eius empta ex praeda mancipia.

[7] ea ii cum coniurationem fecissent, missis ex eo numero, primur primum qui, in Setino agro, deinde circa Norbam et Cerceios servitia sollicitarent, satis iam omnibus praeparatis, ludis, qui Setiae prope diem futuri erant, spectaculo intentur intentum populum adgredi statuerant;

[8] Setia per caedem et . repentinum tumultum capta Norbam et Cerceios occupare * * servitia. huius rei tam foedae indicium ftomam Romam ad L. Cornelium Lentulum praetorem urbanum (lelatum delatum est.

[9] servi duo ante lucem ad eum venerunt atque ordine omnia, quae facta futuraque erant, exposuerunt.

[10] quibus domi custodiri iussis, praetor senatu vocato edoctoque, quae indices iudices adferrent, proficisci ad ear eam coniurationem quaerendam atque opprimendam iussus,

[11] cum quinque legatis profectus obvios in agris sacramento rogatos arma capere et sequi cogebat.

[12] hoc tumultuario dilectu duobus milibus ferme hominum armatis Setiam omnibus, quo pergeret, ignaris venit.

[13] ibi raptim principibus coniurations coniurationis comprehensis fuga servorum ex oppido facta est. dimissis deinde per agros, qui vestigarent * * *.

[14] egregia duorum opera servorum indicum et unius liberi fuit. ei centum milia gravis aeris dari patres iusserunt, servis vicena quina milia aeris et libertatem;

[15] pretium eorum ex aerario solutum est dominis. haud ita multo post ex eiusdem coniurationis reliquiis nuntiatum est servitia Praeneste occupatura.

[16] eo L. Cornelius praetor profectus de quingentis fere hominibus, qui in ea ii noxa erant, supplicium sumpsit. in timore civitas fuit obsides captivosque Poenorum ea ii moliri.

[17] itaque et Romae vigiliae per vicos servatae iussique circumire eas minores magistratus, et triumviri carceris lautumiarum intentiorem custodiam habere iussi,

[18] et circa nomen Latinum a praetore litterae missae, ut et obsides in privato servarentur neque in publicum prodeundi facultas daretur, et captivi ne minus decem pondo compedibus vincti in nulla alia quam in carceris publici custodia essent.

[1] eodem anno legati ab rege Attalo coronam auream ducentum quadraginta sex pondo in Capitolio posuerunt gratiasque senatui egere, quod Antiochus legatorum Romanorum auctoritate motus finibus Attali exercitum deduxisset.

[2] eadem aestate equites ducenti et elephanti decem et, et tritici molium modium ducenta milia ab rege Masinissa ad exercitum, qui in Graecia erat, pervenerunt. item ex Sicilia Sardiniaque magni commeatus et vestimenta exercitui missa.

[3] Siciliam M. Marcellus, Sardiniam M. Porcius Cato obtinebat, sanctus et innocens, asperior tamen in faenore coercendo habitus;

[4] fugatique ex insula faeneratores et sumptus, quos in cultum praetorum socii facere soliti erant, circumcisi aut sublati.

[5] Sex. Aelius consul, ex Gallia comitiorum causa Romam cum redisset, creavit consules C. Corneliurm Cornelium Cethegum et Q. Minucium Rufum.

[6] biduo post praetorum comitia habita. sex praetores illo anno primum creati crescentibus iam provinciis et latius patescente imperio;

[7] creati autem hi: L. Manlius Volso, C. Sempronius Tuditanus, M. Sergius Silus, M. Helvius, M. Minucius Rufus, Rufus. L. Atilius — Sempronius et Helvius ex iis aediles plebis erant — ;

[8] curules aediles Q. Minucius Thermus et Ti. Sempronius Longus. ludi Romani eo anno quater instaurati.

[1] C. Cornelio et Q. Minucio consulibus omnium primum de provinciis consulum praetorumque actum.

[2] prius de praetoribus transacta res, quae transigi sorte poterat. urbana Sergio, peregrina iurisdictio Minucio obtigit; Sardiniam Atilius, Siciliam Manlius, Hispanias Sempronius citeriorem, Helvius ulteriorem est sortitus.

[3] consulibus Italiam Macedoniamque sortiri parantibus L. Oppius et Q. Fulvius tribuni plebis impedimento erant, quod longinqua provincia Macedonia esset,

[4] neque ulla alia res maius bello impedimentum ad eam diem fuisset, quam quod vixdum inchoatis rebus in ipso conatu gerendi belli prior consul revocaretur.

[5] quartum iam annum esse ab decreto Macedonico bello. quaerendo regem et exercitum eius Sulpicium maiorem partem anni absumpsisse. Villium congredientem cum hoste infecta re revocatum.

[6] Quinctium rebus divinis Romae maiorem partem anni retentum ita gessisse tamen res, ut, si ant aut maturius in provinciam venisset, aut hiems magis scra sera fuisset, potuerit debellare;

[7] nunc prope in hiberna profectum ita comparare dici bellum, ut, nisi successor impediat, perfecturus aestate proxima videatur.

[8] his orationibus pervicerunt, ut consules in senatus auctoritate fore dicerent se, si idem tribuni plebis facerent. permittentibus utrisque liberam consultationem patres consulibus ambobus Italiam provinciam decreverunt,

[9] T. Quinctio prorogarunt imperium, donec successor ex senatus consulto venisset. consulibus binae legiones decretae et ut bellum cum Gallis Cisalpinis,

[10] qui defecissent a populo Romano, gererent. Quinctio in Macedoniam supplementum decretum, sex milia peditum, trecenti equites, sociorum navalium milia tria.

[11] praeesse eidem, cui praeerat, classi L. Quinctius Flamininus iussus. praetoribus in Hispanias octona inilia milia peditum socium ac nominis Latini data et qualringeni quadringeni equites, ut dimitterent veterem ex Hispaniis railitem; militem; et terminare iussi, qua ulterior citeriorve provincia servaretur.

[12] Macedoniae legatos P. Sulpicium et P. Villium, qui consules in ea provincia fuerant, adiecerunt.

[1] priusquam consules praetoresque in provincias proficiscerentur, prodigia procurari placuit, quod aedes Vulcani Summanique Romae, et quod Fregenis murus et porta de caelo tacta erant,

[2] et Frusinone inter noctem lux orta, et Aefulae agnus biceps cum quinque pedibus natus, et Formiis duo lupi oppidum ingressi obvios aliquot laniaverant, Romae non in urbem solum sed in Capitolium penetraverat lupus.

[3] C. Atinius tribunus plebis tulit, ut quinque coioniae coloniae in oram maritimam deducerentur, duae ad ostia fluminum Vulturni Liternique, una Puteolos, una ad Castrum Salerni:

[4] his Buxentum adiectum, trecenae familiae in singulas colonias iubebantur mitti. triumviri deducendis iis, qui per triennium magistratum haberent, creati M. Servilius Geminus, Q. Minucius Thermus, Ti. Sempronius Longus. dilectu rebusque aliis divinis humanisque,

[5] quae per ipsos agenda erant, perfectis consules ambo in Galliam profecti,

[6] Cornelius recta ad Insubres via, qui tur tum in armis erant Cenomanis adsumptis; Q. Minucius in laeva Italiae ad inferlm inferum mare flexit iter Genuamque exercitu ducto ab Liguribus orsus bellum est.

[7] oppida Clastidium et Litubium, utraque Ligurum, et duae gentis eiusdem civitates, Celeiates Cerdiciatesque, sese dediderunt. et iam omnia cis Padum praeter Gallorum Boios, Ilvates Ligurum sub dicione erant;

[8] quindecim oppida, hominum viginti milia esse dicebantur, quae se dediderant. inde in agrum Boiorum legiones duxit.

[1] Boiorum exercitus haud ita multo ante traiecerat Padum iunxeratque se Insubribus et Cenomanis,

[2] quod ita acceperant, coniunctis legionibus consules rem gesturos, ut et ipsi collatas in unum viris firmarent.

[3] postauam postquam fama accidit alterum consulem Boiorum urere agros, sedition seditio extemplo orta est; postulare Boi, ut laborantibus opem universi ferrent;

[4] Insubres negare se sua deserturos. ita divisae copiae, Boisque in agrum suum tutandum profectis Insubres cum Cenomanis super arnis amnis Mincii ripam consederunt.

[5] infra eum locum duo milia et consul Cornelius eidem flumini castra applicuit.

[6] inde mittendo in vicos Cenomanorum Brixiamque, quod caput gentis erat, ut satis comperit non ex auctoritate seniorum iuventutem in armis esse nec publico consilio Insubrum defectioni Cenomanos sese adiunxisse,

[7] excitis ad se principibus id agere ac moliri coepit, ut desciscerent ab Insubribus Cenomani et sublatis signis aut domos redirent aut ad Romanos transirent.

[8] et id quidem impetrari nequiit; in id fides data consuli est, ut in acie aut quiescerent aut, si qua etiam occasio fuisset, adiuvarent Romanos.

[9] haec ita convenisse Insubres ignorabant; suberat tamen quaedam suspicio animis labare fidem sociorum. itaque cum in aciem eduxissent, neutrum iis cornu committere ausi, ne, si dolo cessissent, rem totam inclinarent, post signa in subsidiis eos locaverunt.

[10] consul principio pugnae vovit aecem aedem Sospitae lunoni, Iunoni, si eo die hostes fusi fugatique fuissent: a militibus clamor sublatus compotem voti consulem se facturos, et impetus in hostis est factus.

[11] non tulerunt Insubres primum concursum. quidam et a Cenomanis, terga repente in ipso certamine adgressis, tumultum ancipitem iniectum auctores sunt, caesaque in medio quinque et triginta milia hostium,

[12] quinque milia et ducentos vivos captos, in iis Hamilcarem, Poenorum imperatorem, qui belli causa fuisset;

[13] signa militaria centum triginta et carpenta supra ducenta. multa oppida Gallorum, quae Insubrum defectionem secuta erant, dediderunt se Romanis.

[1] Minucius consul primo effusis populationibus peragraverat finis Boiorum, deinde, ut relictis Insubribus ad sua tuenda receperant sese, castris se tenuit acie dimicandum cum hoste ratus.

[2] nec Boi detrectassent pugnam, ni fama Insubres victos adlata animos fregisset. itaque relicto duce castrisque dissipati per vicos, sua quisque ut defenderent, rationem gerendi belli hosti mutarunt.

[3] omissa enim spe per unam dimicationem rei decernendae rursus populari agros et urere tecta vicosque expugnare coepit.

[4] per eosdem dies Clastidium incensum. inde in Ligustinos lvates, Ilvates, qui soli non parebant, legiones ductae.

[5] ea quoque gens, ut Insubres acie victos, Boios ita, ut temptare spem certaminis non auderent, territos audivit, in dicionem venit.

[6] litterae consulum amborum de rebus in Gallia prospere gestis sub idem tempus Romam adlatae M. Sergius praetor urbanus in senatu eas, deinde ex auctoritate patrum ad populum recitavit. supplicatio in quadriduum decreta.

[1] hiems iam eo tempore erat, et, cum T. Quinctius capta Elatia in Phocide ac Locride hiberna disposita haberet, Opunte seditio orta est.

[2] factio una Aetolos, qui propiores erant, altera Romanos accersebat.

[3] Aetoli priores venerunt; sed opulentior factio exclusis Aetolis missoque ad imperatorem Romanuin Romanum nuntio usque in adventum eius tenuit urbem.

[4] arcera arcem regium tenebat praesidium, neque, ut decederent inde, aut Opuntiorum minis aut auctoritate imperatoris Romani perpelli potuerunt.

[5] mora, cur non extemplo oppugnarentur, ea fuit, quod caduceator ab rege venerat locum ac tempus petens colloquio.

[6] id gravate regi concessum est, non quin cuperet Quinctius per se partim armis, partim condicionibus confectum videri bellum;

[7] necdum enim sciebat, utrum successor sibi alter ex novis consulibus mitteretur, an, quod summa vi ut tenderent amicis et propinquis mandaverat, imperium prorogaretur;

[8] aptum autem fore colloquium credebat, ut sibi liberum esset vel ad bellum manenti vel ad pacem decedenti rem inclinare.

[9] in sinu Maliaco prope Nicaeam litus elegere. eo rex ab Demetriade cum quinque lembis et una nave rostrata venit.

[10] erant cum eo principes Macedonum et Achaeorum exul, vir insignis, Cycliadas.

[11] cum imperatore Romano rex Amynander erat et Dionysodorus, Attali legatus, et Agesimbrotus, praefectus Rhodiae classis, et Phaeneas, princeps Aetolorum, et Achaei duo,

[12] Aristaenus et Xenophon. inter hos Romanus ad extremum litus progressus, cum rex in proram navis in ancoris stantis processisset,

[13] “commodius” inquit, “si in terram egrediaris, ex propinquo dicamus in vicem audiamusque.” cum rex facturum se id negaret, “quem tandem” inquit Quinctius “times?” ad hoc ille superbo et regio animo:

[14] “neminem equidem timeo praeter deos immortalis; non omnium autem credo fidei, quos circa te video,

[15] atque omnium minime Aetolis”. “istuc quidem” ait Romanus “par omnibus periculum est, qui cum hoste ad colloquium congrediuntur, si nulla fides sit.”

[16] “non tamen” inquit, “T. Quincti, par perfidiae praemium est, si fraude agatur, Philippus et Phaeneas; neque enim aeque difficulter Aetoli praetoremn praetorem alium ac Macedones regem in meum locum substituant.”

[1] secundum haec silentium fuit, cum Romanus eum aecum censeret priorem dicere, qui petisset colloquium, rex eius esse priorem orationem,

[2] qui daret pacis leges, non qui acciperet; tum Romanus: simplicem suam orationem esse; ea enim se dicturum, quae ni fiant, nulla sit pacis condicio.

[3] deducenda ex omnibus Graeciae civitatibus regi praesidia esse, captivos et transfugas sociis populi Romani reddendos, restituenda Romanis ea Illyrici loca, quae post pacem in Epiro factam occupasset,

[4] Ptolomaeo Aegypti regi reddendas urbes, quas post Philopatoris ptolomaei Ptolomaei mortem occupavisset. suas populique Roiani Romani condiciones has esse; ceterum et socium audiri postulata verum esse.

[5] Attali regis legatus naves captivosque, quae ad Chium navali proelio capta essent, et Nicephorium Venerisque templum, quae spoliasset evastassetque, pro incorruptis restitui;

[6] Rhodii Peraeam — regio est continentis adversus insulam, vetustae eorum dicionis — repetebant postulabantque praesidia deduci ab Iaso et a Bargyliis et Euromensium urbe et in Hellesponto Sesto atque Abydo,

[7] et Perinthum Byzantiis in antiqui formulam iuris restitui,

[8] et liberari omnia Asiae emporia portusque. Achaei Corinthum et Argos repetebant. praetor Aetolorum Phaeneas cum eadem fere, quae Romani, ut Graecia decederetur, postulasset, redderenturque Aetolis urbes,

[9] quae quondam iuris ac dicionis eorum fuissent, excepit orationem eius princeps Aetolorum Alexander, vir ut inter Aetolos facundus.

[10] iam dudum se reticere ait, non quo quicquam agi putet eo colloquio, sed ne quem sociorum dicentem interpellet. nec de pace cum fide Philippum agere nec bella vera virtute umquam gessisse.

[11] in colloquiis insidiari et captare; in bello non congredi aequo campo neque signis collatis dimicare, sed refugientem incendere ac diripere urbes et vincentium praemia victum corrumpere.

[12] at non antiques antiquos Malcedonum Macedonum teges reges, rem ita gessisse, sed acie bellare solitos, urbibus parcere, quantum possent, quo opuleitius opulentius habereiit haberent imperium.

[13] nam de quorum possessione dimicetur tollentem nihil sibi praeter bellura bellum relinquere, quod consilium esse?

[14] pluris priore anno sociorum urbes in Thessalia evastasse Philippum quam omnes, qui umquam hostes Thessaliae fuerint.

[15] ipsis quoque Aetolis eum plura socium quam hostem ademisse: Lysimachiam pulso praetore et praesidio Aetolorum occupasse eum;

[16] Cium, item suae dicionis urbelu, urbem, funditus evertisse ac delesse; eadem fraude habere eum Thebas Phthias, Echinum, Larisam, Pharsalum.

[1] motus oratione Alexandri Philippus navem,

[2] ut exaudiretur, propius terram applicuit. orsum eum dicere, in Aetolos maxime, violenter Phaeneas interfatus non in verbis rem verti ait: aut bello vincendum aut melioribus parendum esse.

[3] “apparet id quidem” inquit Philippus “etiam caeco,” iocatus in valetudinemi valetudinem oculorum Phaeneae; et erat dicacior natura, quam regem decet, et ne inter seria quidem risu satis temperans.

[4] indignari inde coepit, Aetolos tamquam Romanos decedi Graecia iubere, qui, quibus finibus Graecia sit, dicere non possent; ipsius enim Aetoliae Agraeos Apodotosque et Amphilochos, quae permagna eorum pars sit, Graeciam non esse.

[5] “an, quod a sociis eorum non abstinuerim, iustam querellam habent, cum ipsi pro lege hunc antiquitus morem servent, ut adversus socios ipsi suos publica tantum auctoritate dempta iuventutem suam militare sinant, et contrariae persaepe acies in utraque parte Aetolica auxilia habeant?

[6] neque ego Cium expugnavi, sed Prusiam socium et amicum oppugnantem adiuvi; et Lysimachiam ab Thracibus vindicavi, sed, quia me necessitas ad hoc bellum a custodia eius avertit, Thraces habent.

[7] et Aetolis haec; Attalo autem Rhodiisque nihil iure debeo; non enim a me, sed ab illis principium belli ortum est;

[8] Romanorum autem honoris causa Peraeaj Peraean IThodiis Rhodiis et naves Attalo cum captivis, qui comparebunt, restituam.

[9] nam quod ad Nicephorium Venerisque templi restitutionem attinet,

[10] quid restitui ea postulantibus respondean respondeam, , nisi, quo uno modo silvae lucique caesi restitui possunt, curam impensamque sationis me praestaturum, — quoniam haec inter se reges postulare et respondere placet.”

[11] extrema eius oratio adversus Achaeos fuit, in qua orsus ab Antigoni primum, suis deinde erga gentem ear eam meritis, recitari decreta eorum iussit omnis divinos humanosque honores complexa atque eis obiecit recens decretum,

[12] quo ab se descivissent; invectusque graviter in perfidiam eorum, Argos tamen se iis redditurum dixit;

[13] de Corintho cum imperatore Romano deliberaturum esse quaesiturumque ab eo simul, utrum iisne urbibus decedere se aecum censeat, quas ab se ipso captas iure belli habeat, an iis etiam, quas a maioribus suis accepisset.

[1] parantibus Achaeis Aetolisque ad ea respondere, cum prope occasum sol esset, dilato in posterum diem colloquio Philippus in stationem,

[2] ex qua profectus erat, Romani sociique in castra redierunt. Quinctius postero die ad Nicaeam — is enim locus placuerat — ad constitutum tempus venit; Philippus nullus usquam, nec nuntius ab eo per aliquot horas veniebat, et iam desperantibus venturum repente apparuerunt naves.

[3] atque ipse quidem, cum tam gravia et indigna imperarentur, inopem consilii diem consumpsisse deliberando aiebat;

[4] vulgo credebant de industria rem in serum tractam, ne tempus dari posset Achaeis Aetolisque ad respondendum,

[5] et earn eam opinionem ipse adfirmavit petendo, ut summotis aliis, ne tempus altercando tereretur et aliqui finis rei imponi posset, cum ipso imperatore Romano liceret sibi colloqui.

[6] id primo non acceptum, ne excludi colloquio viderentur socii,

[7] dein, cum haud absisteret petere, ex omnium consilio Romanus imperator cum Ap. Claudio tribuno militum ceteris summotis ad extremum litus processit;

[8] rex cum duobus, quos pridie adhibuerat, in terram est egressus. ibi cum aliquamdiu secreto locuti essent, quae acta Philippus ad suos rettulerit,

[9] minus compertum est; Quinctius haec rettulit ad socios: Romanis eum cedere tota Illyrici ora, perfugas remittere ac si qui sint captivi;

[10] Attalo naves et curm cum iis captos navalis socios, Rhodiis regionem, quam Peraean vocant, reddere, Iaso et Bargyliis non cessurum;

[11] Aetolis Pharsalum Larisamque reddere, Thebas non reddere; Achaeis non Argis modo sed etiam Corintho cessurum.

[12] nulli omnium placere partium, quibus cessurus aut non cessurus esset, destinatio: plus enim amitti in iis quam acquiri, nec umquam, nisi tota deduxisset Graecia praesidia, causas certaminum defore.

[1] cum haec toto ex concilio certatim omnes vociferarentur, ad Philippum quoque procul stantem vox est perlata.

[2] itaque a Quinctio petit, ut rem totam in posterum diem differret: profecto aut persuasurum se aut persuaderi sibi passurum.

[3] litus ad Thronium colloquio destinatur. eo mature conventum est. ibi Philippus primum et Quinctium et omnis qui aderant rogare, ne spem pacis turbare vellent,

[4] postremo petere tempus, quo legatos mittere Romam ad senatum posset: aut iis condicionibus se pacem impetraturum aut quascumque senatus dedisset leges pacis accepturum.

[5] id ceteris haudquaquam placebat: nec enim aliud quam moram et dilationemr dilationem ad colligendas vires quaeri;

[6] Quinctius verum id futurum fuisse dicere, si aestas et tempus rerum gerendarum esset; nunc hieme instante nihil amitti dato spatio ad legatos mittendos;

[7] nam neque sine auctoritate senatus ratum quicquam eorum fore, quae cum rege ipsi pepigissent, et explorari, dum bello necessariam quietem ipsa hiems daret, senatus auctoritatem posse. in hanc sententiam et ceteri sociorum principes concesserunt;

[8] indutiisque datis in duos menses, et ipsos mittere singulos legatos ad senatum edocendum, ne fraude regis caperetur, placuit.

[9] additum indutiarum pacto, ut regia praesidia Phocide ac Locride extemplo deducerentur.

[10] et ipse Quinctius cum sociorum legatis Amynandrum, Athamanum regem, ut speciem legationi adiceret, et Q. Fabium — uxoris Quincti sororis filius erat — et Q. Fulvium et Ap. Claudium misit.

[1] ut ventum Romam est, prius sociorum legati quam regis auditi sunt. cetera eorum oratio conviciis regis consumpta est;

[2] moverunt maxime senatum demonstrando maris terrarumque regionis eius situm,

[3] ut omnibus appareret, si Demetriadem in Thessalia, Chalcidem in Euboea, Corinthum in Achaia rex teneret, non posse liberam Graeciam esse,

[4] et ipsum Philippum non contumeliosius quam verius compedes eas Graeciae appellare.

[5] legati deinde regis intromissi; quibus longiorem exorsis orationem brevis interrogatio, cessurusne iis tribus urbibus esset, sermonem incidit, cum mandati sibi de iis nominatim negarent quicquam. sic infecta pace regii dimissi; Quinctio liberum arbitrium pacis ac belli permissum.

[6] cui ut satis apparuit non taedere belli senatum, et ipse victoriae quam pacis avidior neque colloquium postea Philippo dedit neque legationem aliam, quam quae omni Graecia decedi nuntiaret, admissurum dixit.

[1] Philippus, cum acie decernendum videret et undique ad se contrahendas vires, maxime de Achaiae urbibus,

[2] regionis ab se diversae, et magis tamen de Argis quam de Corintho sollicitus, optimum ratus Nabidi eam Lacedaemoniorum tyranno velut fiduciariam dare, ut victori sibi restitueret, si quid adversi accidisset, ipse haberet, Philocli, qui Corintho Argisque praeerat, scribit, ut tyrannum ipse conveniret.

[3] Philocles, praeterquam quod iam veniebat cum munere, adicit, ad pignus futurae regi cum tyranno amicitiae, filias suas regem Nabidis filiis matrimonio coniungere velle.

[4] tyrannus primo negare aliter urbem earn eam se accepturum, nisi Argivorum ipsorum decreto accersitus ad auxilium urbis esset,

[5] deinde, ut frequenti contione non aspernatos modo sed abominatos etiarn etiam nomen tyranni audivit, causam se spoliandi eos nactur nactum ratus tradere, ubi vellet, urbem Philoclen iussit.

[6] nocte ignaris omnibus acceptus in urbem est tyrannus; prima luce occupata omnia superiora loca portaeqlie portaeque clausae.

[7] paucis principum inter primum tumultum elapsis, eorum absentium direptae fortunae; praesentibus aurum atque argentum ablatum, pecuniae imperatae ingentes.

[8] qui non cunctanter contulere, sine contumelia et laceratione corporum dimissi; quos occulere aut retrahere aliquid suspicio fuit, in servilem modum lacerati atque extorti.

[9] contione inde advocata rogationes promulgavit, unam de tabulis novis, alteram de agro viritim dividendo, duas faces novantibus res ad plebem in optimates accendendam.

[1] postquam in potestate Argivorum civitas erat, nihil eius memor tyrannus, a quo ear eam civitatem et in quam condicionem accepisset,

[2] legatos Elatiam ad Quinctium et ad Attalum Aeginae hibernantem mittit, qui nuntiarent Argos in potestate sua esse: eo si veniret Quinctius ad colloquium, non diffidere sibi omnia cum eo conventura.

[3] Quinctius, ut eo quoque praesidio Philippum nudaret, cum adnuisset se venturum, mittit ad Attalum, ut ab Aegina Sicyonem sibi occurreret,

[4] ipse ab Anticyra decem quinqueremibus, quas iis forte ipsis diebus L. Quinctius frater eius adduxerat ex hibernis Corcyrae, Sicyonem tramisit.

[5] iam ibi Attalus erat; qui cum tyranno ad Romanum imperatorem, non Romano ad tyrannum eundum diceret, in sententiam suam Quinctium traduxit, ne in urbem ipsam Argos iret.

[6] haud procul urbe Mycenica vocatur; in eo loco ut congrederentur convenit.

[7] Quinctius cum fratre et tribunis militum paucis, Attalus cum regio comitatu, Nicostratus, Achaeorum praetor, cum auxiliaribus paucis venit.

[8] tyrannum ibi cum omnibus copiis opperientem invenerunt. progressus armatus cum satellitibus armatis est in medium fere interiacentis campi; inermis Quinctius cum fratre et duobus tribunis militum, inermi item regi praetor Achaeorum et unus ex purpuratis latus cingebant.

[9] initium sermonis ab excusatione tyranni ortum, quod armatus ipse armatisque saeptus, cum inermes Romanum imperatorem regemque cerneret, in colloquium venisset:

[10] neque enim se illos timere dixit, sed exules Argivorum. inde ubi de condicionibus amicitiae coeptum agi est, Romanus duas postulare res, unam, ut bellum cumn cum Achaeis finiret, alteram, ut adversus Philippum mitteret secum auxilia. ea se missurum dixit; pro pace cum Achaeis indutiae impetratae, donec bellum cum Philippo finiretur.

[1] de Argis quoque disceptatio ab Attalo rege est mota, cum fraude Philoclis proditam urbem vi ab eo teneri argueret, ille ab ipsis Argivis se defenderet accitum.

[2] contionem rex Argivorum postulabat, ut id sciri posset; nec tyrannus abnuere; sed deductis ex urbe praesidiis liberam contionem non immixtis Lacedaemoniis declaraturam, quid Argivi vellent, praeberi debere dicebat rex; tyrannus negavit deducturum.

[3] haec disceptatio sine exitu fuit.

[4] de colloquio discessum sescentis Cretensibus ab tyranno datis Romano indutiisque inter Nicostratum, praetorem Achaeorum, et Lacedaemoniorum tyrannum in quattuor menses factis.

[5] inde Quinctius Corinthum est profectus et ad portam cum Cretensium cohorte accessit, ut Philocli praefecto urbis appareret tyrannum a Philippo descisse.

[6] Philocles et ipse ad imperatorem Romanum in colloquium venit hortantique, ut extemplo transiret urbemque traderet, ita respondit, ut distulisse rem magis quam negasse videretur.

[7] a Corintho Quinctius Anticyram traiecit; inde fratrem ad temptandam Acarnanum gentem misit.

[8] Attalus ab Argis Sicyonem est profectus. ibi et civitas novis honoribus veteres regis honores auxit, et rex ad id, quod sacrum Apollinis agrum grand grandi quondam pecunia redemerat iis,

[9] tur tum quoque, ne sine aliqua munificentia praeteriret civitatem sociam atque amicam, decem talenta argenti dono dedit et decem milia medimnum frumenti; atque ita Cenchreas ad naves redit.

[10] et Nabis firmato presidio praesidio Argis Lacedaemonera Lacedaemonem regressus, cum ipse viros spoliasset, ad feminas spoliandas uxorem Argos remisit.

[11] ea nunc singulas illustres, nunc simul plures genere inter se iunctas accersendo blandiendoque ac minando non aurum modo iis, sed postremo vestem quoque mundumque omnem muliebrem ademit.

Ab urbe condita Perseus (Livy in Fourteen Volumes. Foster, Benjamin Oliver; Moore, Frank Gardener; Schlesinger, Alfred C., editors. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press; London: William Heinemann, Ltd., 1919-1959 (printing).) — 30.1 focus

[1]

CN. SERVILIUS et C. Servilius consules—sextus ¹ decimus is annus belli Punici erat—cum de re publica belloque et provinciis ad senatum rettulissent,

[2] censuerunt patres ut consules inter se compararent sortirenturve uter Bruttios adversus Hannibalem, uter Etruriam ac Ligures provinciam haberet;

[3] cui Bruttii evenissent exercitum a P. Sempronio acciperet; P. Sempronius—ei quoque enim pro consule ² imperium in annum prorogabatur—P. Licinio succederet.

[4] is Romam reverteretur, bello quoque bonus habitus ad cetera, quibus nemo ea tempestate instructior civis habebatur, congestis omnibus humanis ab natura fortunaque bonis.

[5] nobilis idem ac dives erat; forma viribusque corporis excellebat; facundissimus habebatur seu causa oranda, seu in senatu et apud ³ populum suadendi ac dissuadendi locus esset;

[6] iuris pontificii peritissimus; super haec ⁴ bellicae quoque laudis consulatus compotem fecerat. quod in Bruttiis provincia, idem in Etruria ac Liguribus decretum:

[7] M. Cornelius novo consuli tradere exercitum iussus; ipse prorogato imperio Galliam provinciam obtineret ⁵ cum legionibus iis quas L. Scribonius priore anno habuisset.

[8] sortiti deinde provincias: Caepioni Bruttii, Gemino ⁶ Etruria evenit.

[9] tum praetorum provinciae in sortem coniectae: iuris dictionem urbanam Paetus Aelius, Sardiniam P. Lentulus, Siciliam ⁷ P. Villius, Ariminum cum duabus legionibus—sub Sp. Lucretio eae fuerant —Quinctilius Varus est sortitus.

[10] et Lucretio prorogatum imperium, ut Genuam oppidum a Magone Poeno dirutum exaedificaret. P. Scipioni non temporis, sed rei gerendae fine, donec debellatum in Africa foret, prorogatum imperium est;

[11] decretumque ut supplicatio fieret, quod is in Africam provinciam traiecisset, ut ea res salutaris populo Romano ipsique duci atque exercitui esset.

Ab urbe condita libri, erklärt von M. Weissenborn Perseus (Weissenborn, W.; Müller, H. J., editors. Berlin: Weidmannsche Buchhandlung, 1873-1883.) — 32.1 focus

[1]

consules praetoresque, cum idibus Martiis magistratum inissent, provincias sortiti sunt.

[2] L. Lentulo Italia , P. Villio Macedonia , praetoribus L. Quinctio urbana, Cn. Baebio Ariminum, L. Valerio Sicilia , L. Villio Sardinia evenit.

[3] Lentulus consul novas legiones scribere iussus, Villius a P. Sulpicio exercitum accipere; in supplementum eius, quantum militum videretur, ut scriberet, ipsi permissum.

[4] praetori Baebio legiones, quas C. Aurelius consul habuisset, ita decretae, ut retineret eas, donec consul novo cum exercitu succederet;

[5] in Galliam ubi is venisset, omnes milites exauctorati domum dimitterentur praeter quinque milia socium;

[6] iis obtineri circa Ariminum provinciam satis esse. ¹ prorogatum imperium praetoribus prioris anni, C. Sergio , ut militibus, qui in Hispania, Sicilia, Sardinia stipendia per multos annos fecissent,

[7] agrum adsignandum curaret, Q. Minucio , ut in Bruttiis idem de coniurationibus quaestiones, quas praetor cum fide curaque exercuisset,

[8] perficeret et eos, quos sacrilegii compertos in vinculis Romam misisset, Locros mitteret ad supplicium, quaeque sublata ex delubro Proserpinae essent, reponenda cum piaculis curaret.

[9] feriae Latinae pontificum decreto instauratae sunt,

[11] et ex Bruttiis ab Q. Minucio propraetore scriptum eculeum cum quinque pedibus, pullos gallinaceos tris cum ternis pedibus natos esse.

[12] a P. Sulpicio proconsule ex Macedonia litterae adlatae, in quibus inter cetera scriptum erat lauream in puppi navis longae enatam.

[13] priorum prodigiorum causa senatus censuerat, ut consules maioribus hostiis, quibus diis videretur, sacrificarent;

[14] ob hoc unum prodigium haruspices in senatum vocati, atque ex responso eorum supplicatio populo in diem unum indicta et ad omnia pulvinaria res divinae factae.

[1]

Carthaginienses eo anno argentum in stipendium ² impositum primum Romam advexerunt.

[2] id quia probum non esse quaestores renuntiaverant, experientibusque pars quarta decocta erat, pecunia Romae mutua sumpta intertrimentum argenti expleverunt.

[3] petentibus deinde, ut, si iam videretur senatui, obsides sibi redderentur, centum redditi obsides; de ceteris, si in fide permanerent, spes facta.

[4] petentibus iisdem, qui non reddebantur obsides ut ab Norba, ubi parum commode essent, alio traducerentur, concessum, ut Signiam et Ferentinum transirent.

[5] Gaditanis item petentibus remissum, ne praefectus Gadis mitteretur adversus id, quod iis in fidem populi Romani venientibus cum ³ L. Marcio Septimo convenisset.

[6] et Narniensium legatis querentibus ad numerum sibi colonos non esse et immixtos quosdam non sui generis pro colonis se gerere, earum rerum causa tresviros creare L. Cornelius consul iussus.

[7] creati P. et Sex. Aelii — Paetis fuit ambobus cognomen — et Cn. Cornelius Lentulus . quod Narniensibus datum, ut colonorum numerus augeretur, id Cosani petentes non impetraverunt.

[1]

rebus, quae Romae agendae erant, perfectis consules in provincias profecti.

[2] P. Villius in Macedoniam cum venisset, atrox seditio militum iam ante irritata nec satis in principio compressa excepit.

[3] duo milia ea militum fuere, quae ex Africa post devictum Hannibalem in Siciliam, inde anno fere post in ⁴ Macedoniam pro voluntariis transportata erant, id voluntate factum negabant:

[4] ab tribunis recusantes in naves impositos. sed utcumque, seu iniuncta seu suscepta foret militia, et eam exhaustam, et finem aliquem militandi fieri aequum esse.

[5] multis annis sese Italiam non vidisse; consenuisse sub armis in Sicilia, Africa, Macedonia; confectos iam se labore opere, exangues tot acceptis vulneribus esse.

[6] consul causam postulandae missionis probabilem, si modeste peteretur, videri dixit; seditionis nec eam nec ullam aliam satis iustam causam esse.

[7] itaque si manere ad signa et dicto parere velint, se de missione eorum ad senatum scripturum; modestia facilius quam pertinacia quod velint impetraturos.

[1]

Thaumacos eo tempore Philippus summa vi oppugnabat ⁵ aggeribus vineisque et iam arietem muris admoturus erat;

[3] namque Thaumaci a Pylis sinuque Maliaco per Lamiam eunti loco alto siti sunt in ipsis faucibus, imminentes, quam Coelen vocant, Thessaliae;

[4] quae transeunti confragosa loca inplicatasque flexibus vallium vias, ubi ventum ad hanc urbem est, repente velut maris vasti sic universa panditur planities, ut subiectos ⁶ campos terminare oculis haud facile queas.

[5] ab eo miraculo Thaumaci appellati. nec altitudine solum tuta urbs, sed quod saxo undique absciso rupibus imposita est.

[6] hae difficultates et quod haud satis dignum tanti laboris periculique pretium erat, ut absisteret incepto Philippus, effecerunt.

[7] hiems quoque iam instabat, cum inde abscessit et in Macedoniam in hiberna copias reduxit.

[1]

ibi ceteri quidem data quanticunque quiete temporis simul animos corporaque remiserant;

[2] Philippum, quantum ab adsiduis laboribus itinerum pugnarumque laxaverat animum, tanto magis intentum in universum eventum belli curae angunt, non hostis ⁷ modo timentem,

[3] qui terra marique urgebant, sed nunc sociorum, nunc etiam popularium animos, ne et illi ad spem amicitiae Romanorum deficerent, et Macedonas ipsos cupido novandi res caperet.

[5] Megalopolitis Alipheran, contendentibus numquam eam urbem fuisse ex Triphylia, sed sibi debere ⁸ restitui, quia una esset ex iis, quae ad condendam Megalen polin ex concilio Arcadum contributae forent.

[6] et cum Achaeis quidem per haec societatem firmabat;

[7] ad Macedonum animos cum Heracliden amicum maxime invidiae sibi esse cerneret, multis criminibus oneratum in vincla coniecit ingenti popularium gaudio.

[8] bellum si quando umquam ante alias, tum magna cura apparavit

[9] exercuitque in armis et Macedonas et mercennarios milites principioque veris cum Athenagora omnia externa auxilia quodque levis armaturae erat in Chaoniam per Epirum ad occupandas quae ad Antigoneam fauces sunt —

[10] Stena vocant Graeci — misit. ipse ⁹ post paucis diebus graviore secutus agmine, cum situm omnem regionis adspexisset, maxime idoneum ad muniendum locum credidit esse praeter amnem Aoum.

[12] qua abscisae rupes erant, statio paucorum armatorum tenebat; qua minus tuta erant, alia fossis, alia vallo, alia turribus muniebat.

[1]

consul per Charopum Epiroten certior factus, quos saltus cum exercitu insedisset rex, et ipse, cum Corcyrae hibernasset, vere primo in continentem travectus ad hostem ducere pergit.

[2] quinque milia ferme ab regiis castris cum abesset, loco munito relictis legionibus ipse cum expeditis progressus ad speculanda loca postero die consilium habuit,

[3] utrum per insessum ab hoste saltum, quamquam labor ingens periculumque proponeretur, transitum temptaret, an eodem itinere, quo priore anno Sulpicius ¹⁰ Macedoniam intraverat, circumduceret copias.

[4] hoc consilium per multos dies agitanti ei nuntius venit T. Quinctium consulem factum sortitumque provinciam Macedoniam maturato itinere iam Corcyram traiecisse.

[5] Valerius Antias intrasse saltum Villium tradit, quia recto itinere nequiverit omnibus ab rege insessis, secutum vallem, per quam mediam fertur Aous amnis,

[6] ponte raptim facto in ripam, in qua erant castra regia, transgressum acie conflixisse; fusum fugatumque regem, castris exutum;

[8] ceteri Graeci Latinique auctores, quorum quidem ego legi annales, nihil memorabile a Villio actum integrumque bellum insequentem consulem T. Quinctium accepisse tradunt.

[1]

dum haec in Macedonia geruntur, consul alter L. Lentulus , qui Romae substiterat, comitia censoribus creandis habuit.

[2] multis claris petentibus viris creati censores P. Cornelius Scipio Africanus et P. Aelius Paetus .

[3] ii magna inter se concordia et senatum sine ullius nota legerunt et portoria venalicium Capuae ¹¹ Puteolisque, item Castrum portorium, quo in loco nunc oppidum est, fruendum locarunt colonosque eo trecentos — is enim numerus finitus ab senatu erat — adscripserunt et sub Tifatis Capuae agrum vendiderunt.

sub idem tempus L. Manlius Acidinus ex Hispania decedens, prohibitus a P. Porcio Laeca tribuno plebis ne ovans rediret,

[4] cum ¹² ab senatu impetrasset, privatus urbem ingrediens mille ducenta pondo argenti, triginta pondo ferme auri in aerarium tulit.

[5] eodem anno Cn. Baebius Tamphilus , qui ab C. Aurelio , consule anni prioris, provinciam Galliam acceperat, temere ingressus Gallorum Insubrum finis prope cum toto exercitu est circumventus:

[6] supra sex milia et septingentos milites amisit; tanta ex eo bello, quod iam timeri desierat, clades accepta est.

[7] ea res L. Lentulum consulem ab urbe excivit. qui ut in provinciam venit plenam tumultus, trepido exercitu accepto praetorem multis probris increpitum provincia decedere atque abire Romam iussit.

[8] neque ipse consul memorabile quicquam gessit, comitiorum causa Romam revocatus; quae ipsa per M. Fulvium et M'. Curium tribunos plebis impediebantur,

[9] quod T. Quinctium Flamininum consulatum ex quaestura petere non patiebantur:

[10] iam aedilitatem praeturamque fastidiri, nec per honorum gradus, documentum sui dantis, nobiles homines tendere ad consulatum, sed transcendendo media summa imis continuare.

[11] res ex campestri ¹³ certamine in senatum pervenit. patres censuerunt, qui honorem, quem sibi capere per leges liceret, peteret, in eo populo creandi, quem velit, potestatem fieri aequum esse.

[12] in auctoritate patrum fuere tribuni. creati consules Sex. Aelius Paetus et T. Quinctius Flamininus .

[13] inde praetorum comitia habita. creati L. Cornelius Merula , M. Claudius Marcellus , M. Porcius Cato , C. Helvius , qui aediles plebis fuerant. ab iis ludi plebeii instaurati; et epulum Iovis fuit ludorum causa.

[14] et ab aedilibus curulibus C. Valerio Flacco , flamine Diali, et C. Cornelio Cethego ludi Romani magno apparatu facti.

[15] Ser. et C. Sulpicii Galbae pontifices eo anno mortui sunt; in eorum locum M. Aemilius Lepidus et Cn. Cornelius Scipio pontifices suffecti sunt.

[1]

sex. Aelius Paetus T. Quinctius Flamininus magistratu inito senatum in Capitolio cum habuissent, decreverunt patres, ut ¹⁴ provincias Macedoniam atque Italiam consules compararent inter se sortirenturve;

[2] utri eorum Macedonia evenisset, in supplementum legionum tria milia militum Romanorum scriberet et trecentos equites, item sociorum Latini nominis quinque milia peditum, quingentos equites.

[3] alteri consuli novus omnis exercitus decretus. L. Lentulo , prioris anni consuli, prorogatum imperium, vetitusque aut ipse provincia decedere prius aut veterem deducere exercitum, quam cum legionibus novis consul venisset.

[4] sortiti consules provincias; Aelio Italia, Quinctio Macedonia evenit.

[5] praetores L. Cornelius Merula urbanam, M. Claudius Siciliam, M. Porcius Sardiniam, C. Helvius Galliam est sortitus.

[6] dilectus inde haberi est coeptus; nam praeter consulares exercitus praetoribus quoque iussi scribere milites erant,

[7] Marcello in Siciliam quattuor milia peditum socium et Latini nominis et trecentos equites, Catoni in Sardiniam ex eodem genere militum duo milia peditum,

[8] ducentos equites, ita ut ii praetores ambo, cum in provincias venissent, veteres dimitterent pedites equitesque.

[9] Attali deinde regis legatos in senatum consules introduxerunt. ii regem classe sua copiisque omnibus terra marique rem Romanam iuvare quaeque imperarent Romani consules, impigre atque oboedienter ad eam diem fecisse cum exposuissent, vereri dixerunt, ne id praestare ei per Antiochum regem ultra non liceret;

[10] vacuum namque praesidiis navalibus terrestribusque regnum Attali Antiochum invasisse.

[11] itaque Attalum orare patres ¹⁵ conscriptos, si sua classi suaque opera uti ad Macedonicum bellum vellent, mitterent ipsi praesidium ad regnum eius tutandum; si id nollent, ipsum ad sua defendenda cum classe ac reliquis copiis redire paterentur.

[12] senatus legatis ita responderi iussit: quod rex Attalus classe copiisque aliis duces Romanos iuvisset, id gratum senatui esse;

[13] auxilia nec ipsos missuros Attalo adversus Antiochum, socium et amicum populi Romani, nec Attali auxilia retenturos ultra, quam regi commodum esset;

[14] semper populum Romanum alienis rebus arbitrio alieno usum; et principium et finem in potestatem ipsorum, qui ope sua velint adiutos Romanos, esse;

[15] legatos ad Antiochum missuros, qui nuntient Attali naviumque eius et militum opera adversus Philippum communem hostem uti populum Romanum;

[16] gratum eum facturum senatui, si regno Attali abstineat belloque absistat; aequum esse socios et amicos populi Romani reges inter se quoque ipsos pacem servare.

[1]

consulem T. Quinctium ita habito dilectu, ut eos fere ¹⁶ legeret, qui in Hispania aut Africa meruissent, spectatae virtutis milites, properantem in provinciam prodigia nuntiata atque eorum procuratio Romae tenuerunt.

[2] de caelo tacta erant via publica Veis, forum et aedes Iovis Lanuvi, Herculis aedes Ardeae, Capuae murus et turres et aedes, quae alba dicitur;

[3] caelum ardere visum erat Arreti; terra Velitris trium iugerum spatio caverna ingenti desederat; Suessae Auruncae nuntiabant agnum cum duobus capitibus natum et Sinuessae porcum cum humano capite.

[4] eorum prodigiorum causa supplicatio unum diem habita, et consules rebus divinis operam dederunt placatisque diis in provincias profecti sunt, Aelius cum Helvio praetore in Galliam;

[5] exercitumque ab L. Lentulo acceptum, quem dimittere debebat, praetori tradidit, ipse novis legionibus, quas secum adduxerat, bellum gesturus. neque memorabilis rei quicquam gessit.

[6] T. Quinctius alter consul maturius, quam priores soliti erant consules, a Brundisio cum tramisisset, Corcyram tenuit cum octo milibus peditum, equitibus octingentis.

[7] ab Corcyra in ¹⁷ proxima Epiri quinqueremi traiecit et in castra Romana magnis itineribus contendit.

[8] inde Villio dimisso paucos moratus dies, dum se copiae ab Corcyra adsequerentur, consilium habuit, utrum recto itinere per castra hostium vim facere conaretur,

[9] an ne temptata quidem re tanti laboris ac periculi per Dassaretios potius Lyncumque tuto circuitu Macedoniam intraret.

[11] utcumque esset igitur, illo ipso tam iniquo loco adgredi hostem placuit. sed magis fieri id placebat, quam, quomodo fieret, satis expediebant;

[1]

diesque quadraginta sine ullo conatu sedentes in conspectu hostium absumpserant. inde spes data Philippo est per Epirotarum gentem temptandae pacis;

[2] habitoque concilio delecti ad eam rem agendam Pausanias praetor et ¹⁸ Alexander magister equitum consulem et regem, ubi in artissimas ripas Aous cogitur amnis, in conloquium adduxerunt.

[3] summa postulatorum consulis erat: praesidia ex civitatibus rex deduceret; iis, quorum agros urbesque populatus esset, redderet res, quae comparerent; ceterorum aequo arbitrio aestimatio fieret.

[4] Philippus aliam aliarum civitatium condicionem esse respondit: quas ipse cepisset, eas liberaturum; quae sibi traditae a maioribus essent, earum hereditaria ac iusta possessione non excessurum.

[5] si quas quererentur belli clades eae civitates, cum quibus bellatum foret, arbitro quo vellent populorum, cum quibus pax utrisque fuisset, se usurum.

[7] inde cum ageretur, quae civitates liberandae essent, Thessalos primos omnium nominavit consul. ¹⁹ ad id vero adeo accensus indignatione est rex, ut exclamaret:

[8] 'quid victo gravius imperares, T. Quincti ?', atque ita se ex colloquio proripuit; et temperatum aegre est, quin missilibus, quia dirempti medio amni fuerant, pugnam inter se consererent.

[9] postero die per excursiones ab stationibus primo in planitie satis ad id patenti multa levia commissa proelia sunt;

[10] deinde recipientibus se regiis in arta et confragosa loca aviditate accensi certaminis eo quoque Romani penetravere.

[11] pro his ordo et militaris disciplina et genus armorum erat, aptum tegendis corporibus; pro hoste loca et catapultae ballistaeque in omnibus prope rupibus quasi in muro dispositae.

[12] multis hinc atque illinc vulneribus acceptis, cum etiam, ut in proelio iusto, aliquot cecidissent, nox pugnae finem fecit.

[1]

cum in hoc statu res esset, pastor quidam a Charopo, principe Epirotarum, missus deducitur ad consulem.

[2] is se in eo saltu qui regiis tum teneretur castris, armentum pascere solitum ait omnes montium eorum amfractus callesque nosse.

[3] si secum aliquos consul mittere velit, se non iniquo nec perdifficili aditu super caput hostium eos educturum.

[4] haec ubi consul audivit, ²⁰ percunctatum ad Charopum mittit, satisne credendum super tanta re agresti censeret. Charopus renuntiari iubet, ita crederet, ut suae potius omnia quam illius potestatis essent.

[5] cum magis vellet credere quam auderet mixtumque gaudio et metu animum gereret, auctoritate motus Charopi experiri spem oblatam statuit et,

[6] ut averteret re ge m ab suspicione, biduo insequenti lacessere hostem dispositis ab omni parte copiis succedentibusque integris in locum defessorum non destitit.

[7] quattuor milia inde lecta peditum et trecentos equites tribuno militum tradit. equites, quoad loca patiantur, ducere iubet; ubi ad invia equiti ventum sit, in planitie aliqua locari equitatum, pedites, qua dux monstraret viam, ire;

[8] ubi, ut polliceatur, super caput hostium perventum sit, fumo dare signum nec antea clamorem tollere, quam ab se signo recepto pugnam coeptam arbitrari posset.

[9] nocte itinera fieri iubet — et pernox forte luna erat — ; interdiu cibi quietisque sumeret tempus. ducem promissis ingentibus oneratum, si fides extet, vinctum tamen tribuno tradit.

[10] his copiis ita dimissis eo intentius Romanus undique instat, carpit stationes. ²¹ interim die tertio cum verticem,

[1]

quem petierant, Romani cepisse ac tenere se fumo significarent, tum vero trifariam divisis copiis consul valle media cum militum robore succedit, cornua dextra laevaque admovet castris;

[2] nec segnius hostes obviam eunt. et dum aviditate certaminis provecti extra munitiones pugnant, haud paulo superior est Romanus miles et virtute et scientia et genere armorum;

[3] postquam multis vulneratis interfectisque recepere se regii in loca aut munimento aut natura tuta, verterat periculum in Romanos temere in loca iniqua nec facilis ad receptum angustias progressos.

[4] neque impunita temeritate inde recepissent sese, ni clamor primum ab tergo auditus, dein pugna etiam coepta amentis repentino terrore regios fecisset.

[5] pars in fugam effusi sunt; pars, magis quia locus fugae deerat, quam quod animi satis esset ad pugnam, cum substitissent, ab hoste et a fronte et ab tergo urgente circumventi sunt,

[6] deleri totus exercitus potuit, si fugientis persecuti victores essent;

[7] sed equitem angustiae locorumque asperitas, peditem armorum gravitas impediit.

[9] non plus duobus milibus hominum amissis cetera omnis multitudo, velut signum aliquod secuta, in unum cum convenisset, frequenti agmine petunt Thessaliam.

[10] Romani, quoad tutum fuit, insecuti caedentes spoliantesque caesos, castra regia, etiam sine defensoribus difficili aditu, diripiunt;

[1]

atque ea nocte in suis castris manserunt. postero die consul per ipsas angustias, quas inter valle se flumen insinuat, hostem sequitur.

[2] rex primo die ad castra Pyrrhi pervenit; locus, quem ita vocant, est in Triphylia terrae Molottidis. inde postero die — ingens iter agmini, sed metus urgebat — in montes Lyncon perrexit.

[3] ipsi Epiri sunt, interiecti Macedoniae Thessaliaeque; latus, quod vergit in Thessaliam, oriens spectat, septentrio a ²³ Macedonia obicitur. vestiti frequentibus silvis sunt; iuga summa campos patentes aquasque perennis habent.

[4] ibi stativis rex per aliquot dies habitis fluctuatus animo est, utrum protinus in regnum se reciperet, an praeverti in Thessaliam posset.

[5] inclinavit sententia, ut in Thessaliam agmen demitteret, Triccamque proximis limitibus petit;

[6] inde obvias urbes raptim peragravit. homines, qui sequi possent, sedibus excibat; oppida incendebat. rerum suarum, quas possent, ferendarum secum dominis ius fiebat, cetera militis praeda erat.

[7] nec, quod ab hoste crudelius pati possent, reliqui quicquam fuit, quam quae ab sociis patiebantur.

[8] haec etiam facienti Philippo acerba erant, sed e terra mox futura hostium corpora saltem eripere sociorum volebat.

[9] ita evastata oppida sunt Phacium, Iresiae, Euhydrium, Eretria, Palaepharsalus. ²⁴ Pheras cum peteret, exclusus, quia res egebat mora, si expugnare vellet, nec tempus erat, omisso incepto in Macedoniam transcendit;

[11] a Metropoli, dum vastant agros, concursu oppidanorum ad tuenda moenia facto repulsi sunt. Callithera inde adgressi similem impetum oppidanorum pertinacius sustinuerunt;

[12] compulsisque intra moenia qui eruperant, contenti ea victoria, quia spes nulla admodum expugnandi erat, abscesserunt. Teuma inde et Celathara vicos expugnant diripiuntque;

[13] Acharras per deditionem receperunt.

[14] Xyniae simili metu a cultoribus desertae sunt. hoc sedibus suis extorre agmen in praesidium incidit, quod ad Thaumacum, quo tutior frumentatio esset, ducebatur; incondita inermisque multitudo, mixta et imbelli turba, ab armatis caesa est. ²⁵ Xyniae desertae diripiuntur. Cyphaera inde Aetoli capiunt, opportune Dolopiae imminens castellum.

[15] haec raptim intra paucos dies ab Aetolis gesta. nec Amynander atque Athamanes post famam prosperae pugnae Romanorum quieverunt.

[1]

ceterum Amynander, quia suo militi parum fidebat, petito a consule modico praesidio cum Gomphos peteret, oppidum protinus nomine Phaecam situm inter Gomphos faucesque angustas, quae ab Athamania Thessaliam dirimunt, vi cepit.

[2] inde Gomphos adortus est, et post aliquot dies summa vi tuentes urbem, cum iam scalas ad moenia erexisset, eo demum metu perpulit ad deditionem.

[4] dum Athamanes Aetolique submoto Macedonum metu in aliena victoria suam praedam faciunt, Thessaliaque ab tribus simul exercitibus incerta, quem hostem quemve socium crederet, vastatur,

[5] consul faucibus, quas fuga hostium aperuerat, in regionem Epiri transgressus, etsi probe scit, cui parti Charopo ²⁶ principe excepto Epirotae favissent,

[6] tamen quia ab satisfaciendi quoque cura imperata enixe facere videt, ex praesenti eos potius quam ex praeterito aestimat habitu et ea ipsa facilitate veniae animos eorum in posterum conciliat.

[7] missis deinde nuntiis Corcyram, ut onerariae naves in sinum venirent Ambracium, ipse progressus modicis itineribus quarto die in monte Cercetio posuit castra,

[8] eodem Amynandro cum suis auxiliis accito, non tam virium eius egens, quam ut duces in Thessaliam haberet. ab eodem consilio et plerique Epirotarum voluntarii inter auxilia accepti.

[1]

primam urbem Thessaliae Phaloriam est adgressus. duo milia Macedonum in praesidio habebat, qui primo summa vi restiterunt, quantum arma, quantum moenia tueri poterant.

[2] sed oppugnatio continua, non nocte non die remissa, cum consul in eo verti crederet ceterorum Thessalorum animos, si primi vim Romanam non sustinuissent, vicit pertinaciam Macedonum.

[3] capta Phaloria legati a Metropoli et a Cierio dedentes urbes venerunt. venia eisdem petentibus datur; Phaloria incensa ac direpta est.

[4] inde Aeginium petit; quem locum cum vel modico ²⁷ praesidio tutum ac prope inexpugnabilem vidisset, paucis in stationem proximam telis coniectis ad Gomphorum regionem agmen vertit.

[6] et est iter a Gomphis Ambraciam sicut impeditum ac difficile, ita spatio perbrevi.

[7] intra paucos itaque dies transvectis a mari commeatibus repleta omni rerum copia sunt castra.

[8] inde Atracem est profectus. decem ferme milia ab Larisa abest; ex Perrhaebia oriundi sunt;

[9] sita est urbs super Peneum amnem. nihil trepidavere Thessali ad primum adventum Romanorum; et Philippus sicut in Thessaliam ipse progredi non audebat, ita intra Tempe stativis positis, ut quisque locus ab hoste temptabatur, praesidia per occasiones summittebat.

[1]

sub idem fere tempus, quo consul adversus Philippum primum in Epiri faucibus posuit castra,

[2] et L. Quinctius frater ²⁸ consulis, cui classis cura maritimaeque orae imperium mandatum ab senatu erat, cum duabus quinqueremibus Corcyram travectus, postquam profectam inde classem audivit,

[3] nihil morandum ratus, cum ad Samen insulam adsecutus esset, dimisso C. Livio, cui successerat,

[4] tarde inde ad Maleum trahendis plerumque remulco navibus, quae cum commeatu sequebantur, pervenit.

[5] a Maleo, iussis ceteris, quantum maxime possent maturare, sequi, ipse tribus quinqueremibus expeditis Piraeum praecedit accepitque naves relictas ibi ab L. Apustio legato ad praesidium Athenarum.

[6] eodem tempore duae ex Asia classes profectae, una cum Attalo rege — eae quattuor et viginti quinqueremes erant —, Rhodia altera viginti navium tectarum;

[7] Agesimbrotus praeerat. hae circa Andrum insulam classes coniunctae Euboeam inde exiguo distantem freto traiecerunt.

[8] Carystiorum primum agros vastarunt; deinde, ubi Carystus praesidio a Chalcide raptim misso firma visa est, ad Eretriam accesserunt.

[9] eodem et L. Quinctius cum iis ²⁹ navibus, quae Piraei fuerant, Attali regis adventu audito venit iussis, ut quaeque ex sua classe venissent naves, Euboeam petere.

[11] oppidani primo [haud] impigre tuebantur moenia, dein fessi vulneratique aliquot, cum et muri partem eversam operibus hostium cernerent, ad deditionem inclinarunt.

[12] sed praesidium erat Macedonum, quos non minus quam Romanos metuebant, et Philocles regius praefectus a Chalcide nuntios mittebat se in tempore adfuturum, si sustinerent obsidionem.

[13] haec mixta metu spes ultra, quam vellent aut quam possent, trahere eos tempus cogebat;

[14] deinde, postquam Philoclen repulsum trepidantemque refugisse Chalcidem acceperunt, oratores extemplo ad Attalum veniam fidemque eius petentis miserunt.

[15] dum in spem pacis intenti segnius munera belli obeunt et ea modo parte, qua murus dirutus erat, ceteris neglectis stationes armatas opponunt. Quinctius noctu ab ea parte, quae minime suspecta erat, impetu facto scalis urbem cepit.

[16] oppidanorum omnis multitudo cum coniugibus ac liberis in arcem confugit, deinde in deditionem venit.

[17] pecuniae aurique et argenti haud sane multum fuit; signa et³⁰ tabulae priscae artis ornamentaque eius generis plura quam pro urbis magnitudine aut opibus ceteris inventa.

[1]

Carystus inde repetita, unde, priusquam e navibus copiae exponerentur, omnis multitudo urbe deserta in arcem confugit.

[2] inde ad fidem ab Romano petendam oratores mittunt. oppidanis extemplo vita ac libertas concessa est; Macedonibus treceni nummi in capita statutum pretium est, et ut armis traditis abirent.

[4] consul interim omnium spe longiorem Atracis atrocioremque oppugnationem habuit, et ea, qua minimum credidisset, resistebant hostes.

[5] nam omnem laborem in muro crediderat diruendo fore; si aditum armatis in urbem patefecisset, fugam inde caedemque hostium fore, qualis captis urbibus fieri solet;

[6] ceterum postquam parte muri arietibus decussa per ipsas ruinas transcenderunt in urbem armati, illud principium velut novi atque integri laboris fuit.

[7] nam Macedones, qui in praesidio erant et multi et delecti, gloriam etiam egregiam rati, si armis potius et virtute ³¹ quam moenibus urbem tuerentur,

[8] conferti, pluribus introrsus ordinibus acie firmata, cum transcendere ruinas sensissent Romanos, per impeditum ac difficilem ad receptum locum expulerunt.

[9] id consul aegre passus nec eam ignominiam ad unius modo oppugnandae moram urbis sed ad summam universi belli pertinere ratus, quod ex momentis parvarum plerumque rerum penderet,

[10] purgato loco, qui strage semiruti muri cumulatus erat, turrem ingentis altitudinis magnam vim armatorum multiplici tabulato portantem promovit et cohortes in vicem sub signis,

[11] quae cuneum Macedonum — phalangem ipsi vocant —, si possent, vi perrumperent, emittebat.

[12] sed ad loci angustias, haud late patente intervallo diruti muri, genus armorum pugnaeque hosti aptius erat.

[13] ubi conferti hastas ingentis longitudinis prae se Macedones obiecissent, velut in constructam densitate clipeorum testudinem Romani pilis nequiquam emissis cum strinxissent gladios,

[14] neque congredi propius neque praecidere hastas poterant, et, si quam incidissent aut praefregissent, hastile fragmento ipso acuto inter spicula integrarum hastarum velut vallum explebat.

[15] ad hoc et ³² muri pars adhuc integra utraque tuta praestabat latera, nec ex longo spatio aut cedendum aut impetus faciendus erat, quae res turbare ordines solet.

[16] accessit etiam fortuita res ad animos eorum firmandos; nam cum turris per aggerem parum densati soli ageretur,

[17] rota una in altiorem orbitam depressa ita turrim inclinavit, ut speciem ruentis hostibus, trepidationem vanam superstantibus armatis praebuerit.

[1]

cum parum quicquam succederet, consul minime aequo animo comparationem militum generisque armorum fieri patiebatur,

[2] simul nec maturam expugnandi spem nec rationem procul a mari et in evastatis belli cladibus locis hibernandi ullam cernebat.

[4] Anticyra in Phocide, in Corinthium versa sinum, ad id opportunissime sita visa,

[5] quia nec procul Thessalia hostiumque locis aberat et ex adverso Peloponnesum exiguo maris spatio divisam, ab tergo Aetoliam ³³ Acarnaniamque, ab lateribus Locridem ac Boeotiam habebat.

[6] Phocidis primo impetu Phanoteam sine certamine cepit. Anticyra haud multum oppugnando morae praebuit. Ambrysus inde Hyampolisque receptae.

[7] Daulis, quia in tumulo excelso sita est, nec scalis nec operibus capi poterat.

[9] et alia ignobilia castella Phocidis terrore magis quam armis in potestatem venerunt. Elatia clausit portas, nec, nisi vi cogerentur, recepturi moenibus videbantur aut ducem aut exercitum Romanum. ³⁴

[1]

Elatiam obsidenti consuli rei maioris spes adfulsit, Achaeorum gentem ab societate regia in Romanam amicitiam avertendi.

[2] Cycliadan, principem factionis ad Philippum trahentium res, expulerant; Aristaenus, qui Romanis gentem iungi volebat, praetor erat.

[3] classis Romana cum Attalo et Rhodiis Cenchreis stabat, parabantque communi omnes consilio Corinthum oppugnare.

[4] optimum igitur ratus est, priusquam eam rem adgrederentur, legatos ad gentem Achaeorum mitti pollicentis, si ab rege ad Romanos defecissent, Corinthum contributuros in anticum gentis concilium.

[5] auctore consule legati a fratre eius L. Quinctio et ³⁵ Attalo et Rhodiis et Atheniensibus ad Achaeos missi.

[6] Sicyone datum est iis concilium. erat autem non admodum simplex habitus inter Achaeos animorum: terrebat Nabis Lacedaemonius, gravis et adsiduus hostis;

[7] horrebant Romana arma; Macedonum beneficiis et veteribus et recentibus obligati erant; regem ipsum suspectum habebant pro eius crudelitate perfidiaque,

[8] neque ex iis, quae tum ad tempus faceret, aestimantes graviorem post bellum dominum futurum cernebant.

[9] neque solum, quid in senatu quisque civitatis suae aut in communibus conciliis gentis pro sententia dicerent,

[10] ignorabant, sed ne ipsis quidem secum cogitantibus, quid vellent aut quid optarent, satis constabat. ad homines ita incertos introductis legatis potestas dicendi facta est.

[11] Romanus primum legatus L. Calpurnius , deinde Attali regis legati, post eos Rhodii disseruerunt;

[12] Philippi deinde legatis potestas dicendi facta ³⁶ est; postremi Athenienses, ut refellerent Macedonum dicta, auditi sunt. ii fere atrocissime in regem, quia nulli nec plura nec tam acerba passi erant, invecti sunt.

[13] et illa quidem contio sub occasum solis tot legatorum perpetuis orationibus die absumpto dimissa est.

[1]

postero die advocatur concilium; ubi cum per praeconem, sicut Graecis mos est, suadendi, si quis vellet, potestas a magistratibus facta esset, nec quisquam prodiret, diu silentium aliorum alios intuentium fuit.

[3] tandem Aristaenus, praetor Achaeorum, ne tacitum concilium dimitteret, 'ubi' inquit 'illa certamina animorum, Achaei, sunt, quibus in conviviis et circulis, cum de Philippo et Romanis mentio incidit, vix manibus temperatis?

[4] nunc in concilio ad eam ³⁷ rem unam indicto, cum legatorum utrimque verba audieritis, cum referant magistratus, cum praeco ad suadendum vocet, obmutuistis! si non cura salutis communis,

[5] ne studia quidem, quae in hanc aut in illam partem animos vestros inclinarunt, vocem cuiquam possunt exprimere?

[7] sed ne fremitum quidem aut murmur contionis tantae ex tot populis congregatae movit.

[1]

tum Aristaenus praetor rursus: 'non magis consilium vobis, principes Achaeorum, deest ³⁸ quam lingua; sed suo quisque periculo in commune consultum non vult. forsitan ego quoque tacerem, si privatus essem; nunc praetori video aut non dandum concilium legatis fuisse, aut non sine responso eos dimittendos esse;

[2] respondere autem nisi ex vestro decreto qui possum? et quoniam nemo vestrum, qui in hoc concilium advocati estis, pro sententia quicquam dicere vult aut audet, orationes legatorum hesterno die ut pro sententiis dictas percenseamus,

[3] perinde ac non postulaverint, quae e re sua essent, sed suaserint, quae nobis censerent utilia esse.

[4] Romani Rhodiique et Attalus societatem amicitiamque nostram petunt et in bello, quod adversus Philippum gerunt, se a nobis adiuvari aequum censent.

[5] Philippus societatis secum admonet et iuris iurandi et modo postulat, ut secum stemus, modo, ne intersimus armis, contentum ait se esse.

[6] nulline venit in mentem, cur, qui ³⁹ nondum socii sunt, plus petant quam socius? non fit hoc neque modestia Philippi neque impudentia Romanorum, Achaei:

[8] miramini, cur diffidenter Cleomedon, legatus Philippi, ut pro rege arma caperemus adversus Romanos, modo egerit?

[10] non hercule magis quam ipse Philippus priore anno, qui pollicendo se adversus Nabidem bellum gesturum cum temptasset nostram iuventutem hinc in Euboeam extrahere,

[11] postquam nos neque decernere id sibi praesidium neque velle illigari Romano bello vidit, oblitus societatis eius, quam nunc iactat, vastandos populandosque Nabidi ac Lacedaemoniis reliquit.

[12] ac mihi quidem minime conveniens inter se oratio Cleomedontis visa est. elevabat Romanum bellum eventumque eius eundem fore, qui prioris belli, quod cum ⁴⁰ Philippo gesserint, dicebat.

[13] cur igitur nostrum ille auxilium absens petit potius quam praesens nos, socios veteres, simul ab Nabide ac Romanis tueatur? nos dico? quid ita passus est Eretriam Carystumque capi? quid ita tot Thessaliae urbes? quid ita Locridem Phocidemque?

[14] quid ita nunc Elatiam oppugnari patitur? cur excessit faucibus Epiri claustrisque illis inexpugnabilibus super Aoum amnem relictoque, quem insidebat, saltu penitus in regnum abiit?

[15] aut vi aut metu aut voluntate. si sua voluntate tot socios reliquit hostibus diripiendos, qui recusare potest, quin et socii sibi consulant? si metu, nobis quoque ignoscat timentibus; si victus armis cessit, Achaei Romana arma sustinebimus, Cleomedon, quae vos Macedones non sustinuistis?

[16] an tibi [potius] credamus Romanos non maioribus copiis nec viribus nunc bellum gerere, quam antea gesserint, potius quam res ipsas intueamur?

[17] Aetolos tum classe adiuverunt; nec duce consulari nec exercitu bellum gesserunt; sociorum Philippi maritimae tum urbes in terrore ac tumultu erant; mediterranea adeo tuta ab armis Romanis fuerunt, ut Philippus Aetolos nequiquam opem Romanorum implorantis depopularetur;

[18] nunc autem defuncti bello Punico Romani, quod per sedecim annos velut intra viscera Italiae ⁴¹ toleraverunt, non praesidium Aetolis bellantibus miserunt, sed ipsi duces belli arma terra marique simul Macedoniae intulerunt.

[19] tertius iam consul summa vi gerit bellum. Sulpicius in ipsa Macedonia congressus fudit fugavitque regem, partem opulentissimam regni eius depopulatus;

[21] ne sint vera, quae Atheniensis modo legatus de crudelitate, avaritia, libidine regis disseruit; nihil ad nos pertineant, quae in terra Attica scelera in superos inferosque deos sunt admissa,

[22] multo minus, quae Ciani Abydenique, qui procul ab nobis absunt, passi sunt; nostrorum ipsi vulnerum, si vultis, obliviscamur, caedes direptionesque bonorum Messenae in media Peloponneso factas,

[23] et hospitem Cyparissiae Charitelen contra ius omne ac fas inter epulas prope ipsas occisum, et Aratum patrem filiumque Sicyonios, cum senem infelicem parentem etiam appellare ⁴² solitus esset,

[24] interfectos, filii etiam uxorem libidinis causa in Macedoniam asportatam, cetera stupra virginum matronarumque oblivioni dentur;

[25] ne sit cum Philippo res, cuius crudelitatis metu obmutuistis omnes — nam quae alia tacendi advocatis in concilium causa est? —; cum Antigono, mitissimo ac iustissimo rege et de nobis omnibus optime merito, existimemus disceptationem esse:

[26] num id postularet facere nos, quod fieri non posset? paene insula est Peloponnesus, angustis Isthmi faucibus continenti adhaerens, nulli apertior neque opportunior quam navali bello.

[28] mari classis Romana urgebunt, unde regiam societatem et Macedonum praesidia inplorem? an ipsi nostris armis ab hoste Romano tutabimur urbes, quae oppugnabuntur? egregie enim Dymas

[29] priore bello sumus tutati! satis exemplorum nobis clades ⁴³ alienae praebent; ne quaeramus, quem ad modum ceteris exemplo simus.

[30] nolite, quia ultro Romani petunt amicitiam, id quod optandi vobis ac summopere petendum erat, fastidire.

[31] metu enim videlicet compulsi et deprensi in aliena terra, quia sub umbra vestri auxilii latere volunt, in societatem vestram confugiunt, ut portibus vestris recipiantur, ut commeatibus utantur! mare in potestate habent;

[32] terras, quascunque adeunt, extemplo dicionis suae faciunt. quod rogant, cogere possunt; quia pepercisse vobis volunt, committere vos, cur pereatis, non patiuntur.

[33] nam quod Cleomedon modo tamquam mediam et tutissimam vobis viam consilii, ut quiesceretis abstineretisque armis, ostendebat, ea non media, sed nulla via est.

[35] non, quem ad modum hodie utrumque vobis licet, sic semper liciturum est;

[36] nec saepe nec diu eadem occasio erit. liberare vos a Philippo iam diu magis vultis quam audetis. sine vestro labore et periculo qui vos in libertatem vindicarent, cum magnis classibus exercitibusque mare traiecerunt.

[37] hos si socios aspernamini, vix mentis sanae estis; sed aut socios aut hostes habeatis oportet.'

[1]

secundum orationem praetoris murmur ortum aliorum cum adsensu, aliorum inclementer adsentientes increpantium;

[2] et iam non singuli tantum sed populi universi inter se altercabantur. tum inter magistratus gentis — damiurgos vocant; decem numero creantur — certamen nihilo segnius quam inter ⁴⁵ multitudinem esse.

[4] supererat unus iusti concilii dies; tertio enim lex iubebat decretum fieri; in quem adeo exarsere studia, ut vix parentes ab liberis temperaverint.

[5] Pisias Pellenensis erat; filium damiurgum nomine Memnonem habebat, partis eius, quae decretum recitari perrogarique sententias prohibebat.

[6] is diu obtestatus filium, ut consulere Achaeos communi saluti pateretur neu pertinacia sua gentem universam perditum iret,

[7] postquam parum proficiebant ⁴⁶ preces, iuratus se eum sua manu interempturum nec pro filio sed pro hoste habiturum minis pervicit,

[8] ut postero die coniungeret iis se, qui referebant. qui cum plures facti referrent, omnibus fere populis haud dubie approbantibus relationem ac prae se ferentibus,

[9] quid decreturi essent, Dymaei ac Megalopolitani et quidam Argivorum, priusquam decretum fieret, consurrexerunt ac reliquerunt concilium neque mirante ullo nec improbante.

[10] nam Megalopolitanos avorum memoria pulsos ab Lacedaemoniis restituerat in patriam Antigonus, et Dymaeis, captis nuper direptisque ab exercitu Romano, cum redimi eos, ubicumque servirent, Philippus iussisset, non libertatem modo sed etiam patriam reddiderat;

[11] iam Argivi, praeterquam quod Macedonum reges ab se oriundos credunt, privatis etiam hospitiis familiarique amicitia plerique illigati Philippo erant.

[12] ob haec concilio, quod inclinaverat ad Romanam societatem iubendam, excesserunt, veniaque iis huius secessionis fuit et magnis et recentibus obligatis beneficiis.

[1]

ceteri populi Achaeorum, cum sententias perrogarentur, ⁴⁷ societatem cum Attalo ac Rhodiis praesenti decreto confirmarunt;

[2] cum Romanis, quia iniussu populi non poterat rata esse, in id tempus, quo Romam mitti legati possent, dilata est;

[3] in praesentia tris legatos ad L. Quinctium mitti placuit et exercitum omnem Achaeorum ad Corinthum admoveri captis Cenchreis iam urbem ipsam Quinctio oppugnante.

[5] postquam uno animo omnes, et Macedones tamquam communem patriam tuebantur, et Corinthii ducem praesidii Androsthenen haud secus quam civem et suffragio creatum suo imperio in se uti patiebantur, omnis inde spes oppugnantibus in vi et armis et operibus erat.

[6] ⁴⁸ undique aggeres haud facili aditu ad moenia admovebantur.

[8] ac primo multitudine facile expellebantur Romani; adsumptis deinde Achaeorum Attalique auxiliis aequabant certamen, nec dubium erat, quin Macedonas Graecosque facile loco pulsuri fuerint.

[10] promunturium est adversus Sicyonem Iunonis, quam vocant Acraeam, in altum excurrens; traiectus inde Corinthum septem fere milium passuum.

[11] eo Philocles, regius et ipse praefectus, mille et quingentos milites per Boeotiam duxit. praesto fuere ab Corintho lembi, qui praesidium id acceptum Lechaeum ⁴⁹ traicerent.

[12] auctor erat Attalus incensis operibus omittendae extemplo oppugnationis; pertinacius Romanus in incepto perstabat. is quoque, ut pro omnibus portis disposita videt praesidia regia nec facile erumpentium impetus sustineri posse, in Attali sententiam concessit.

[13] ita inrito incepto dimissis Achaeis reditum ad naves est. Attalus Piraeum, Romani Corcyram petierunt.

[1]

dum haec ab navali exercitu geruntur, consul in Phocide ad Elatiam castris positis primo colloquiis rem per principes Elatensium temptavit;

[2] postquam nihil esse in manu sua et plures validioresque esse regios quam oppidanos respondebatur, tum simul ab omni parte operibus armisque urbem est adgressus.

[3] ariete admoto cum quantum inter duas turres muri erat prorutum cum ingenti fragore ac strepitu nudasset urbem, simul et cohors Romana per apertum recenti strage iter invasit,

[4] et ex omnibus oppidi partibus relictis suis quisque stationibus in eum, qui premebatur impetu hostium, locum concurrerunt.

[5] eodem tempore Romani et ruinas muri supervadebant et scalas ad stantia moenia inferebant. et dum in unam partem oculos animosque hostium certamen averterat, pluribus locis scalis capitur murus, armatique in urbem transcenderunt.

[6] quo tumultu audito territi hostes relicto, quem conferti tuebantur, loco in arcem omnes, inermi quoque sequente turba, confugerunt.

[7] ita urbe potitur consul. qua direpta missis in arcem, qui vitam regiis, si inermes abire vellent, libertatem Elatensibus pollicerentur, fideque in haec data post dies paucos arcem recipit. ⁵⁰

[1]

ceterum adventu in Achaiam Philoclis, regii praefecti, non Corinthus tantum liberata obsidione, sed Argivorum quoque civitas per quosdam principes Philocli prodita est temptatis prius animis plebis.

[2] mos erat comitiorum die primo velut ominis causa praetores pronuntiare Iovem Apollinemque et Herculem; additum lege erat, ut his Philippus rex adiceretur.

[3] cuius nomen post pactam cum Romanis societatem quia praeco non adiecit, fremitus primo multitudinis ortus,

[4] deinde clamor subicientium Philippi nomen iubentiumque legitimum honorem usurpare, donec cum ingenti adsensu nomen recitatum est.

[5] huius fiducia favoris Philocles arcessitus nocte occupat collem imminentem urbi — Larisam eam arcem vocant — positoque ibi praesidio cum lucis principio signis infestis ad subiectum arci forum vaderet, instructa acies ex adverso occurrit.

[6] praesidium erat Achaeorum, nuper impositum, quingenti fere iuvenes delecti omnium civitatium;

[7] Aenesidemus Dymaeus praeerat. ad hos orator a praefecto ⁵¹ regio missus, qui excedere urbe iuberet: neque enim pares eos oppidanis solis, qui idem quod Macedones sentirent, nedum adiunctis Macedonibus esse, quos ne Romani quidem ad Corinthum sustinuissent, primo nihil nec ducem nec ipsos movit;

[8] post paulo, ut Argivos quoque armatos ex parte altera venientis magno agmine viderunt, certam perniciem cernentes, omnem tamen casum, si pertinacior dux fuisset, videbantur subituri.

[9] Aenesidemus, ne flos Achaeorum iuventutis simul cum urbe amitteretur, pactus a Philocle, ut abire illis liceret, ipse quo loco steterat armatus cum paucis clientibus non excessit.

[10] missus a Philocle, qui quaereret, quid sibi vellet. nihil statu moto, cum proiecto prae se clipeo staret, in praesidio creditae urbis moriturum se armatum respondit. tum iussu praefecti a Thraecibus coniecta tela interfectique omnes.

[11] et post pactam inter Achaeos ac Romanos societatem duae nobilissimae urbes, Argi et Corinthus, in potestate regis erant.

[12] haec ea aestate ab Romanis in Graecia terra marique gesta.

[1]

in Gallia nihil sane memorabile ab Sex. Aelio consule ⁵² gestum.

[2] cum duos exercitus in provincia habuisset, unum retentum, quem dimitti oportebat, cui L. Cornelius proconsul praefuerat — ipse ei C. Helvium praetorem praefecit —, alterum, quem in provinciam adduxit,

[3] totum prope annum Cremonensibus Placentinisque cogendis redire in colonias, unde belli casibus dissipati erant, consumpsit.

[4] quem ad modum Gallia praeter spem quieta eo anno fuit, ita circa urbem servilis prope tumultus est excitatus.

[5] obsides Carthaginiensium Setiae custodiebantur. cum iis, ut principum liberis, magna vis servorum erat.

[6] augebant eorum numerum, ut ab recenti Africo bello, et ab ipsis Setinis captiva aliquot nationis eius empta ex praeda mancipia.

[7] ii cum coniurationem fecissent, missis ex eo numero, primum qui in Setino agro, deinde circa Norbam et Cerceios servitia sollicitarent, satis iam omnibus praeparatis, ludis, qui Setiae prope diem futuri erant, spectaculo intentum populum adgredi statuerant;

[8] Setia per caedem et repentinum tumultum capta Norbam et Cerceios occupare servitia. huius rei tam foedae indicium Romam ad L. Cornelium Lentulum praetorem urbanum delatum est.

[9] servi duo ante lucem ⁵³ ad eum venerunt atque ordine omnia, quae facta futuraque erant exposuerunt.

[10] quibus domi custodiri iussis, praetor senatu vocato edoctoque, quae iudices adferrent, proficisci ad eam coniurationem quaerendam atque opprimendam iussus,

[11] cum quinque legatis profectus obvios in agris sacramento rogatos arma capere et sequi cogebat.

[12] hoc tumultuario dilectu duobus milibus ferme hominum armatis Setiam omnibus, quo pergeret, ignaris venit.

[13] ibi raptim principibus coniurationis comprehensis fuga servorum ex oppido facta est. dimissis deinde per agros, qui vestigarent . egregia duorum opera servorum indicum et unius liberi fuit.

[14] ei centum milia gravis aeris dari patres iusserunt, servis vicena quina milia aeris et libertatem; pretium eorum ex ⁵⁴ aerario solutum est dominis.

[15] haud ita multo post ex eiusdem coniurationis reliquiis nuntiatum est servitia Praeneste occupatura.

[16] eo L. Cornelius praetor profectus de quingentis fere hominibus, qui in ea noxa erant, supplicium sumpsit. in timore civitas fuit obsides captivosque Poenorum ea moliri.

[17] itaque et Romae vigiliae per vicos servatae iussique circumire eas minores magistratus, et triumviri carceris lautumiarum intentiorem custodiam habere iussi,

[1]

eodem anno legati ab rege Attalo coronam auream ducentum quadraginta sex pondo in Capitolio posuerunt gratiasque senatui egere, quod Antiochus legatorum Romanorum auctoritate motus finibus Attali exercitum deduxisset.

[2] eadem aestate equites ducenti et elephanti decem et tritici modium ducenta milia ab rege Masinissa ad exercitum, qui in Graecia erat, pervenerunt. item ex Sicilia Sardiniaque magni commeatus et vestimenta exercitui missa.

[3] Siciliam M. Marcellus , Sardiniam M. Porcius Cato obtinebat, sanctus et innocens, asperior tamen in faenore coercendo habitus;

[4] fugatique ex insula faeneratores et sumptus, quos in cultum praetorum socii facere soliti erant, circumcisi aut sublati. ⁵⁵

[5] sex. Aelius consul, ex Gallia comitiorum causa Romam cum redisset, creavit consules C. Cornelium Cethegum et Q. Minucium Rufum .

[6] biduo post praetorum comitia habita. sex praetores illo anno primum creati crescentibus iam provinciis et latius patescente imperio;

[7] creati autem hi: L. Manlius Volso, C. Sempronius Tuditanus , M. Sergius Silus , M. Helvius , M. Minucius Rufus . L. Atilius —Sempronius et Helvius ex iis aediles plebis erant—; curules aediles Q. Minucius Thermus et Ti. Sempronius Longus .

[8] ludi Romani eo anno quater instaurati.

[1]

C. Cornelio et Q. Minucio consulibus, omnium primum de provinciis consulum praetorumque actum.

[2] prius de praetoribus transacta res, quae transigi sorte poterat. urbana Sergio, peregrina iurisdictio Minucio obtigit; Sardiniam Atilius, Siciliam ⁵⁶ Manlius, Hispanias Sempronius citeriorem, Helvius ulteriorem est sortitus.

[3] consulibus Italiam Macedoniamque sortiri parantibus L. Oppius et Q. Fulvius tribuni plebis impedimento erant, quod longinqua provincia Macedonia esset,

[4] neque ulla alia res maius bello impedimentum ad eam diem fuisset, quam quod vixdum inchoatis rebus in ipso conatu gerendi belli prior consul revocaretur.

[5] quartum iam annum esse ab decreto Macedonico bello. quaerendo regem et exercitum eius Sulpicium maiorem partem anni absumpsisse. Villium congredientem cum hoste infecta re revocatum.

[6] Quinctium rebus divinis Romae maiorem partem anni retentum ita gessisse tamen res, ut, si aut maturius in provinciam venisset, aut hiems magis sera fuisset, potuerit debellare;

[7] nunc prope in hiberna profectum ita comparare dici bellum, ut, nisi successor impediat, perfecturus aestate proxima videatur.

[9] T. Quinctio⁵⁷ prorogarunt imperium, donec successor ex senatus consulto venisset. consulibus binae legiones decretae et ut bellum cum Gallis Cisalpinis, qui defecissent a populo Romano, gererent.

[10] Quinctio in Macedoniam supplementum decretum, sex milia peditum, trecenti equites, sociorum navalium milia tria.

[11] praeesse eidem, cui praeerat, classi L. Quinctius Flamininus iussus. praetoribus in Hispanias octona milia peditum socium ac nominis Latini data et quadringeni equites, ut dimitterent veterem ex Hispaniis militem; et terminare iussi, qua ulterior citeriorve provincia servaretur.

[12] Macedoniae legatos P. Sulpicium et P. Villium , qui consules in ea provincia fuerant, adiecerunt. ⁵⁸

[1]

priusquam consules praetoresque in provincias proficiscerentur, prodigia procurari placuit, quod aedes Vulcani Summanique Romae, et quod Fregenis murus et porta de caelo tacta erant,

[3] C. Atinius tribunus plebis tulit, ut quinque coloniae in oram maritimam deducerentur, duae ad ostia fluminum Vulturni Liternique, una Puteolos, una ad Castrum Salerni:

[4] his Buxentum ⁵⁹ adiectum. trecenae familiae in singulas colonias iubebantur mitti. triumviri deducendis iis, qui per triennium magistratum haberent, creati M. Servilius Geminus , Q. Minucius Thermus , Ti. Sempronius Longus .

[5] dilectu rebusque aliis divinis humanisque, quae per ipsos agenda erant,

[6] perfectis consules ambo in Galliam profecti, Cornelius recta ad Insubres via, qui tum in armis erant Cenomanis adsumptis; Q. Minucius in laeva Italiae ad inferum mare flexit iter Genuamque exercitu ducto ab Liguribus orsus bellum est.

[8] quindecim oppida, hominum viginti milia esse ⁶⁰ dicebantur, quae se dediderant. inde in agrum Boiorum legiones duxit.

[1]

Boiorum exercitus haud ita multo ante traiecerat Padum iunxeratque se Insubribus et Cenomanis,

[2] quod ita acceperant, coniunctis legionibus consules rem gesturos, ut et ipsi collatas in unum viris firmarent.

[3] postquam fama accidit alterum consulem Boiorum urere agros, seditio extemplo orta est; postulare Boi, ut laborantibus opem universi ferrent; Insubres negare se sua deserturos.

[4] ita divisae copiae, Boisque in agrum suum tutandum profectis Insubres cum Cenomanis super amnis Mincii ripam consederunt.

[5] infra eum locum duo milia et consul Cornelius eidem flumini castra applicuit.

[7] excitis ad se principibus id agere ac moliri coepit, ut desciscerent ab Insubribus Cenomani et sublatis signis aut domos redirent aut ad Romanos transirent.

[8] et id quidem impetrari nequiit; in id fides data consuli est, ut in acie aut quiescerent aut, si qua etiam occasio fuisset, adiuvarent Romanos.

[9] haec ita convenisse Insubres ignorabant; suberat tamen quaedam suspicio animis labare fidem sociorum. itaque cum in aciem eduxissent, neutrum iis cornu ⁶¹ committere ausi, ne, si dolo cessissent, rem totam inclinarent, post signa in subsidiis eos locaverunt.

[10] consul principio pugnae vovit aedem Sospitae Iunoni, si eo die hostes fusi fugatique fuissent; a militibus clamor sublatus compotem voti consulem se facturos, et impetus in hostis est factus.

[12] in iis Hamilcarem, Poenorum imperatorem, qui belli causa fuisset; signa militaria centum triginta et carpenta supra ducenta.

[13] multa oppida Gallorum, quae Insubrum defectionem secuta erant, dediderunt se Romanis.

[1]

Minucius consul primo effusis populationibus peragraverat finis Boiorum, deinde, ut relictis Insubribus ad sua tuenda receperant sese, castris se tenuit acie dimicandum cum hoste ratus.

[3] omissa enim spe per unam dimicationem rei decernendae rursus populari agros et urere tecta vicosque expugnare coepit.

[4] per eosdem dies Clastidium incensum. inde in Ligustinos Ilvates, qui soli non parebant, legiones ductae.

[5] ea quoque gens, ⁶² ut Insubres acie victos, Boios ita, ut temptare spem certaminis non auderent, territos audivit, in dicionem venit.

[6] litterae consulum amborum de rebus in Gallia prospere gestis sub idem tempus Romam adlatae. M. Sergius praetor urbanus in senatu eas, deinde ex auctoritate patrum ad populum recitavit. supplicatio in quadriduum decreta.

[1]

hiems iam eo tempore erat, et, cum T. Quinctius capta Elatia in Phocide ac Locride hiberna disposita haberet, Opunte seditio orta est.

[2] factio una Aetolos, qui propiores erant, altera Romanos accersebat.

[3] Aetoli priores venerunt; sed opulentior factio exclusis Aetolis missoque ad imperatorem Romanum nuntio usque in adventum eius tenuit urbem.

[4] arcem regium tenebat praesidium, neque, ut decederent inde, aut Opuntiorum minis aut auctoritate imperatoris Romani perpelli potuerunt.

[5] mora, cur non extemplo oppugnarentur, ea fuit, quod caduceator ab ⁶³ rege venerat locum ac tempus petens colloquio.

[6] id gravate regi concessum est, non quin cuperet Quinctius per se partim armis, partim condicionibus confectum videri bellum;

[7] necdum enim sciebat, utrum successor sibi alter ex novis consulibus mitteretur, an, quod summa vi ut tenderent amicis et propinquis mandaverat, imperium prorogaretur;

[8] aptum autem fore colloquium credebat, ut sibi liberum esset vel ad bellum manenti vel ad pacem decedenti rem inclinare.

[9] in sinu Maliaco prope Nicaeam litus elegere. eo rex ab Demetriade cum quinque lembis et una nave rostrata venit.

[10] erant cum eo principes Macedonum et Achaeorum exul, vir insignis, Cycliadas.

[11] cum imperatore Romano rex Amynander erat et Dionysodorus, Attali legatus, et Agesimbrotus, praefectus Rhodiae classis, et Phaeneas, princeps Aetolorum, ⁶⁴ et Achaei duo, Aristaenus et Xenophon.

[12] inter hos Romanus ad extremum litus progressus, cum rex in proram navis in ancoris stantis processisset, ‘

[13] commodius’ inquit, ‘si in terram egrediaris, ex propinquo dicamus in vicem audiamusque’. cum rex facturum se id negaret, ‘quem tandem’ inquit Quinctius ‘times?’

[14] ad hoc ille superbo et regio animo: ‘neminem equidem timeo praeter deos immortalis; non omnium autem credo fidei, quos circa te video, atque omnium minime Aetolis’

[15] . ‘istuc quidem’ ait Romanus ‘par omnibus periculum est, qui cum hoste ad colloquium congrediuntur, si nulla fides sit.

[16] ’ ‘non tamen’ inquit, ‘ T. Quincti , par perfidiae praemium est, si fraude agatur, Philippus et Phaeneas; neque enim aeque difficulter Aetoli praetorem alium ac Macedones regem in meum locum substituant.’ secundum haec silentium fuit,

[1]

cum Romanus eum aecum censeret priorem dicere, qui petisset colloquium, rex eius esse priorem orationem, qui daret pacis leges, non qui acciperet; tum Romanus:

[2] simplicem suam orationem esse; ea enim se dicturum, quae ni fiant, nulla sit pacis condicio.

[4] Ptolomaeo Aegypti regi ⁶⁵ reddendas urbes, quas post Philopatoris Ptolomaei mortem occupavisset. suas populique Romani condiciones has esse; ceterum et socium audiri postulata verum esse.

[5] Attali regis legatus naves captivosque, quae ad Chium navali proelio capta essent, et Nicephorium Venerisque templum, quae spoliasset evastassetque, pro incorruptis restitui;

[6] Rhodii Peraeam —regio est continentis adversus insulam, vetustae eorum dicionis —repetebant postulabantque praesidia deduci ab Iaso et a Bargyliis et Euromensium urbe et in Hellesponto Sesto atque Abydo,

[7] et Perinthum Byzantiis in antiqui formulam iuris restitui, et liberari omnia Asiae emporia ⁶⁶ portusque.

[8] Achaei Corinthum et Argos repetebant. praetor Aetolorum Phaeneas cum eadem fere, quae Romani, ut Graecia decederetur, postulasset, redderenturque Aetolis urbes, quae quondam iuris ac dicionis eorum fuissent,

[9] excepit orationem eius princeps Aetolorum Alexander, vir ut inter Aetolos facundus.

[10] iam dudum se reticere ait, non quo quicquam agi putet eo colloquio, sed ne quem sociorum dicentem interpellet. nec de pace cum fide Philippum agere nec bella vera virtute umquam gessisse.

[11] in colloquiis insidiari et captare; in bello non congredi aequo campo neque signis collatis dimicare, sed refugientem incendere ac diripere urbes et vincentium praemia victum corrumpere.

[12] at non antiquos Macedonum reges, sed acie bellare solitos, urbibus parcere, quantum possent, quo opulentius haberent imperium.

[13] nam de quorum ⁶⁷ possessione dimicetur tollentem nihil sibi praeter bellum relinquere, quod consilium esse?

[14] pluris pluris priore anno sociorum urbes in Thessalia evastasse Philippum quam omnes, qui umquam hostes Thessaliae fuerint.

[15] ipsis quoque Aetolis eum plura socium quam hostem ademisse: Lysimachiam pulso praetore et praesidio Aetolorum occupasse eum;

[16] Cium, item suae dicionis urbem, funditus evertisse ac delesse; eadem fraude habere eum Thebas Phthias, Echinum, Larisam, Pharsalum.

[1]

motus oratione Alexandri Philippus navem, ut exaudiretur, propius terram applicuit.

[2] orsum eum dicere, in Aetolos maxime, violenter Phaeneas interfatus non in ⁶⁸ verbis rem verti ait: aut bello vincendum aut melioribus parendum esse.

[3] 'apparet id quidem' inquit Philippus 'etiam caeco', iocatus in valetudinem oculorum Phaeneae; et erat dicacior natura, quam regem decet, et ne inter seria quidem risu satis temperans.

[5] 'an, quod a sociis eorum non abstinuerim, iustam querellam habent, cum ipsi pro lege hunc antiquitus morem servent, ut adversus socios ipsi ⁶⁹ suos publica tantum auctoritate dempta iuventutem suam militare sinant, et contrariae persaepe acies in utraque parte Aetolica auxilia habeant?

[6] neque ego Cium expugnavi, sed Prusiam socium et amicum oppugnantem adiuvi; et Lysimachiam ab Thracibus vindicavi, sed, quia me necessitas ad hoc bellum a custodia eius avertit, Thraces habent.

[7] et Aetolis haec; Attalo autem Rhodiisque nihil iure debeo; non enim a me, sed ab illis principium belli ortum est;

[8] Romanorum autem honoris causa Peraean Rhodiis et naves Attalo cum captivis, qui comparebunt, restituam.

[9] nam quod ad Nicephorium Venerisque templi restitutionem attinet, quid restitui ea postulantibus respondeam,

[10] nisi, quo uno modo silvae lucique caesi restitui possunt, curam impensamque sationis me praestaturum, —quoniam haec inter se reges postulare et respondere placet.

[11] ' extrema eius oratio adversus Achaeos fuit, in qua orsus ab Antigoni primum, suis deinde erga gentem eam meritis, recitari decreta eorum iussit omnis divinos humanosque honores complexa atque eis obiecit recens decretum, quo ab se descivissent;

[12] invectusque graviter in perfidiam eorum, Argos tamen ⁷⁰ se iis redditurum dixit;

[1]

parantibus Achaeis Aetolisque ad ea respondere, cum prope occasum sol esset, dilato in posterum diem colloquio Philippus in stationem, ex qua profectus erat, Romani sociique in castra redierunt.

[2] Quinctius postero die ad Nicaeam — is enim locus placuerat — ad constitutum tempus venit; Philippus nullus usquam, nec nuntius ab eo per aliquot horas veniebat, et iam desperantibus venturum repente apparuerunt naves.

[3] atque ipse quidem, cum tam gravia et indigna imperarentur, inopem consilii diem consumpsisse deliberando aiebat;

[4] vulgo credebant de industria rem in serum tractam, ne tempus dari posset Achaeis Aetolisque ad respondendum, et eam opinionem ipse adfirmavit petendo,

[5] ut summotis aliis, ne tempus altercando tereretur et aliqui finis rei imponi posset, cum ipso imperatore Romano liceret sibi colloqui.

[6] id primo non acceptum, ne excludi colloquio viderentur socii, dein,

[7] cum haud absisteret petere, ex omnium consilio Romanus imperator cum Ap. Claudio tribuno militum ceteris summotis ad extremum litus processit;

[8] rex cum duobus, quos pridie ⁷¹ adhibuerat, in terram est egressus. ibi cum aliquamdiu secreto locuti essent, quae acta Philippus ad suos rettulerit, minus compertum est;

[9] Quinctius haec rettulit ad socios: Romanis eum cedere tota Illyrici ora, perfugas remittere ac si qui sint captivi;

[10] Attalo naves et cum iis captos navalis socios, Rhodiis regionem, quam Peraean vocant, reddere, Iaso et Bargyliis non cessurum;

[11] Aetolis Pharsalum Larisamque reddere, Thebas non reddere; Achaeis non Argis modo sed etiam Corintho cessurum.

[1]

cum haec toto ex concilio certatim omnes vociferarentur, ad Philippum quoque procul stantem vox est perlata.

[2] itaque a Quinctio petit, ut rem totam in posterum diem differret: profecto aut persuasurum se aut persuaderi sibi passurum.

[3] litus ad Thronium colloquio destinatur. eo mature conventum est. ibi Philippus primum et Quinctium et omnis qui aderant rogare,

[4] ne spem pacis turbare vellent, postremo petere tempus, quo legatos mittere Romam ad senatum posset: aut iis condicionibus se pacem impetraturum aut quascumque senatus dedisset leges pacis accepturum.

[5] id ceteris ⁷² haudquaquam placebat: nec enim aliud quam moram et dilationem ad colligendas vires quaeri;

[6] Quinctius verum id futurum fuisse dicere, si aestas et tempus rerum gerendarum esset; nunc hieme instante nihil amitti dato spatio ad legatos mittendos;

[7] nam neque sine auctoritate senatus ratum quicquam eorum fore, quae cum rege ipsi pepigissent, et explorari, dum bello necessariam quietem ipsa hiems daret, senatus auctoritatem posse.

[8] in hanc sententiam et ceteri sociorum principes concesserunt; indutiisque datis in duos menses, et ipsos mittere singulos legatos ad senatum edocendum, ne fraude regis caperetur, placuit.

[9] additum indutiarum pacto, ut regia praesidia Phocide ac Locride extemplo deducerentur.

[10] et ipse Quinctius cum sociorum legatis Amynandrum. Athamanum regem, ut speciem legationi adiceret, et Q. Fabium — uxoris Quincti sororis filius erat — et Q. Fulvium et Ap. Claudium misit.

[1]

ut ventum Romam est, prius sociorum legati quam ⁷³ regis auditi sunt. cetera eorum oratio conviciis regis consumpta est;

[2] moverunt cum maxime senatum demonstrando maris terrarumque regionis eius situm,

[3] ut omnibus appareret, si Demetriadem in Thessalia, Chalcidem in Euboea, Corinthum in Achaia rex teneret,

[4] non posse liberam Graeciam esse, et ipsum Philippum non contumeliosius quam verius compedes eas Graeciae appellare.

[1]

Philippus, cum acie decernendum videret et undique ad se ⁷⁴ contrahendas vires, maxime de Achaiae urbibus, regionis ab se diversae,

[2] et magis tamen de Argis quam de Corintho sollicitus, optimum ratus Nabidi eam Lacedaemoniorum tyranno velut fiduciariam dare, ut victori sibi restitueret, si quid adversi accidisset ipse haberet, Philocli, qui Corintho Argisque praeerat, scribit, ut tyrannum ipse conveniret.

[3] Philocles, praeterquam quod iam veniebat cum munere, adicit, ad pignus futurae regi cum tyranno amicitiae, filias suas regem Nabidis filiis matrimonio coniungere velle.

[4] tyrannus primo negare aliter urbem eam se accepturum, nisi Argivorum ipsorum decreto accersitus ad auxilium urbis esset, deinde,

[5] ut frequenti contione non aspernatos modo sed abominatos etiam nomen tyranni audivit, causam se spoliandi eos nactum ratus tradere, ubi vellet, urbem Philoclen iussit.

[6] nocte ignaris omnibus acceptus in urbem est tyrannus; prima luce occupata omnia superiora loca portaeque clausae.

[7] paucis principum inter primum tumultum elapsis, eorum absentium direptae fortunae; praesentibus aurum atque argentum ablatum, pecuniae imperatae ingentes.

[8] qui non cunctanter contulere, sine ⁷⁵ contumelia et laceratione corporum dimissi; quos occulere aut retrahere aliquid suspicio fuit, in servilem modum lacerati atque extorti.

[9] contione inde advocata rogationes promulgavit, unam de tabulis novis, alteram de agro viritim dividendo, duas faces novantibus res ad plebem in optimates accendendam.

[1]

postquam in potestate Argivorum civitas erat, nihil eius memor tyrannus, a quo eam civitatem et in quam condicionem accepisset,

[3] Quinctius, ut eo quoque praesidio Philippum nudaret, cum adnuisset se venturum, mittit ad Attalum, ut ab Aegina Sicyonem sibi occurreret;

[4] ipse ab Anticyra decem quinqueremibus, quas iis forte ipsis diebus L. Quinctius frater eius adduxerat ex hibernis Corcyrae, Sicyonem tramisit.

[5] iam ibi Attalus erat; qui cum tyranno ad Romanum imperatorem, non Romano ad tyrannum eundum diceret, in sententiam suam Quinctium traduxit, ne in ⁷⁶ urbem ipsam Argos iret.

[6] haud procul urbe Mycenica vocatur;

[7] in eo loco ut congrederentur convenit. Quinctius cum fratre et tribunis militum paucis, Attalus cum regio comitatu, Nicostratus, Achaeorum praetor, cum auxiliaribus paucis venit.

[9] initium sermonis ab excusatione tyranni ortum, quod armatus ipse armatisque saeptus, cum inermes Romanum imperatorem regemque cerneret, in colloquium venisset: neque enim se illos timere dixit, sed exules Argivorum.

[10] inde ubi de condicionibus amicitiae coeptum agi est, Romanus duas postulare res, unam, ut bellum cum Achaeis finiret, alteram, ut adversus Philippum mitteret secum auxilia. ea se missurum dixit; pro pace cum Achaeis indutiae impetratae, donec bellum cum Philippo ⁷⁷ finiretur.

[1]

de Argis quoque disceptatio ab Attalo rege est mota, cum fraude Philoclis proditam urbem vi ab eo teneri argueret, ille ab ipsis Argivis se defenderet accitum.

[3] tyrannus negavit deducturum. haec disceptatio sine exitu fuit.

[4] de colloquio discessum sescentis Cretensibus ab tyranno datis Romano indutiisque inter Nicostratum, praetorem Achaeorum, et Lacedaemoniorum tyrannum in quattuor menses factis.

[5] inde Quinctius Corinthum est profectus et ad portam cum Cretensium cohorte accessit, ut Philocli praefecto urbis appareret tyrannum a Philippo descisse.

[6] Philocles et ipse ad imperatorem Romanum in colloquium venit hortantique, ut extemplo transiret urbemque traderet, ita respondit, ut distulisse rem magis quam negasse videretur.

[7] a Corintho Quinctius Anticyram traiecit; inde fratrem ad temptandam Acarnanum gentem misit.

[8] Attalus ab Argis Sicyonem est profectus. ibi et civitas novis honoribus veteres regis honores auxit, et rex ad id, quod sacrum ⁷⁸ Apollinis agrum grandi quondam pecunia redemerat iis,

[9] tum quoque, ne sine aliqua munificentia praeteriret civitatem sociam atque amicam, decem talenta argenti dono dedit et decem milia medimnum frumenti; atque ita Cenchreas ad naves redit.

[10] et Nabis firmato praesidio Argis Lacedaemonem regressus, cum ipse viros spoliasset, ad feminas spoliandas uxorem Argos remisit.

[11] ea nunc singulas illustres, nunc simul plures genere inter se iunctas accersendo blandiendoque ac minando non aurum modo iis, sed postremo vestem quoque mundumque omnem muliebrem ademit.

Translations (2)

History of Rome Perseus (Spillan, D.; Edmonds, Cyrus; McDevitte, William A., translators. London: Henry G. Bohn, 1849-1868. (Bohn's Classical Library)) — 32.1 focus

[1]

THE consuls and praetors, having entered upon office on the ides of March, cast lots for the provinces.

[2] Italy fell to Lucius Cornelius Lentulus, Macedonia to Publius Villius. Of the praetors, the city jurisdiction fell to Lucius Quinctius, Ariminum to Cneius Baebius, Sicily to Lucius Valerius, Sardinia to Lucius Villius.

[3] The consul Lentulus was ordered to levy new legions; Villius, to receive the army from Publius Sulpicius; and, to complete its number, power was given him to raise as many men as he thought proper.

[4] To the praetor Baebius were decreed the legions which Caius Aurelius, late consul, had commanded, with directions that he should keep them in their present situation, until the consul should come with the new army to supply their place;

[5] and that, on his arriving in Gaul, all the soldiers who had served out their time should be sent home, except five thousand of the allies, which would be sufficient to protect the province round Ariminum.

[6] The command was continued to the praetors of the former year; to Cneius Sergius, that he might superintend the distribution of land to the soldiers who had served for many years in Spain, Sicily, and Sardinia; to Quintus Minucius, that he might finish the inquiries concerning the conspiracies in Bruttium, which, while praetor, he had managed with care and fidelity.

[7] That he should also send to Locri, to suffer punishment, those who had been convicted of sacrilege, and who were then in chains at Rome;

[8] and that he should take care, that whatever had been carried away from the temple of Proserpine should be replaced with expiations.

[9] The Latin festival was repeated in pursuance of a decree of the pontiffs, because ambassadors from Ardea had complained to the senate, that during the said solemnity they had not been supplied with meat as usual on the Alban mount. From Suessa an account was brought, that two of the gates, and the wall between them, had been struck with lightning.

[10] Messengers from Formiae related, that the temple of Jupiter had also been struck by lightning; from Ostia, likewise, news came of the like accident having happened to the temple of Jupiter there; it was said, too, that the temples of Apollo and Sancus, at Veliternum, were struck in like manner;

[11] and that in the temple of Hercules, hair had grown (on the statue). A letter was received from Quintus Minucius, proprietor, from Bruttium, that a foal had been born with five feet, and three chickens with three feet each.

[12] Afterwards a letter was brought from Macedonia, from Publius Sulpicius, proconsul, in which, among other matters, it was mentioned, that a laurel tree had sprung up on the poop of a ship of war. On occasion of the former prodigies, the senate had voted, that the consuls should offer sacrifices with the greater victims to such gods as they thought proper.

[13] On account of the last prodigy, alone, the aruspices were called

[14] before the senate, and, in pursuance of their answer, the people were ordered by proclamation to perform a supplication for one day, and worship was solemnized at all the shrines.

[1]

This year, the Carthaginians brought to Rome the first payment of the silver imposed on them as a tribute;

[2] and the quaestors having reported, that it was not of the proper standard, and that, on the assay, it wanted a fourth part, they made up the deficiency with money borrowed at Rome.

[3] On their requesting that the senate would be pleased to order their hostages to be restored to them, a hundred were given up, and hopes were held out with relation to the rest,

[4] if they remained in fidelity (to the treaty).

[5] They then further requested, that the remaining hostages might be removed from Norba, where they were ill accommodated, to some other place, and they were permitted to remove to Signia and Ferentinum.

[6] The request of the people of Gades was likewise complied with: that a governor should not be sent to their city; being contrary to what had been agreed with them by Lucius Marcius Septimus, when they came under the protection of the Roman people. Deputies from Narnia, com- plaining that they had not their due number of settlers, and that several who were not of their community, had crept in among them, and were conducting themselves as colonists, Lucius Cornelius, the consul, was ordered to appoint three commissioners to adjust those matters.

[7] The three appointed were, Publius and Sextus Aelius, both surnamed Paetus, and Caius Cornelius Lentulus. The favour granted to the Narnians, of filling up their number of colonists, was refused to the people of Cossa, who applied for it.

[1]

The consuls, having finished the business that was to be done at Rome, set out for their provinces.

[2] Publius Villius, on coming into Macedonia, found the soldiers in a violent mutiny, which had been previously excited, and not sufficiently repressed at the commencement.

[3] They were the two thousand who, after Hannibal had been vanquished, had been transported from Africa to Sicily, and then, in about a year after, into Macedonia, as volunteers; they denied, however, that this was done with their consent, affirming, that

they had been put on board the ships, by the tribunes, contrary to their remonstrances;

[4]

but, in what manner soever they had become engaged in that service, whether it had been voluntarily undertaken or imposed on them, the time of it was now expired, and it was reasonable that some end should be put to their warfare.

[5]

For many years they had not seen Italy, but had grown old under arms in Sicily, Africa, and Macedonia; they were now, in short, worn out with labour and fatigue, and were exhausted of their blood by the many wounds they had received.

[6] The consul told them, that

the grounds on which they demanded their discharge, appeared to him to be reasonable, if the demand had been made in a moderate manner; but that neither that, nor any other ground, was a justifying cause of mutiny.

[7]

Wherefore, if they were contented to adhere to their standards, and obey orders, he would write to the senate concerning their release; and that what they desired would more easily be obtained by moderation than by turbulence.

[1]

At this time, Philip was pushing on the siege of Thaumaci, with the utmost vigour, by means of mounds and engines, and was ready

[2] to bring up the ram to the walls, when he was obliged to relinquish the undertaking by the sudden arrival of the Aetolians, who, under the command of Archi- damus, having made their way into the town between the posts of the Macedonians, never ceased, day or night, making continual sallies, sometimes against the guards, sometimes against the works of the besiegers.

[3] They were at the same time favoured by the very nature of the place: for Thaumaci stands near the road from Thermopylae, and the Malian bay, as you go through Lamia, on a lofty eminence, hanging immediately over the narrow pass which the Thessalians call Caela. ¹

[4] After passing through the craggy grounds of Thessaly, the roads are rendered intricate by the windings of the valleys, and on the near approach to the city, such an immense plain opens at once to view, like a vast sea, that the eye can scarcely reach the bounds of the expanse beneath.

[5] From this surprising prospect it was called Thaumaci. ² The city itself is secured, not only by the height of its situation, but by its standing on a rock, the stone of which had been cut away on all sides.

[6] These difficulties, and the prize not appearing sufficient to recompense so much toil and danger, caused Philip to desist from the attempt.

[7] The winter also was approaching; he therefore retired from thence, and led back his troops into winter quarters, in Macedonia.

[1]

There, whilst others, glad of any interval of rest, consigned both body and mind to repose,

[2] Philip, in proportion as the season of the year had relieved him from the incessant fatigues of marching and fighting, found his care and anxiety increase the more, when he turned his thoughts towards the general issue of the war.

[3] He dreaded, not only his enemies, who pressed him hard by land and sea, but also the dispositions, sometimes of his allies, at others of his own subjects, lest the former might be induced, by hopes of friendship with the Romans, to revolt, and the Macedonians themselves be seized with a desire of innovation.

[4] Wherefore, he despatched ambassadors to the Achaeans, both to require their oath, (for it had been made an article of their agreement that they should take an oath prescribed by Philip every year,) and at the same time to restore to them Orchomenes, Heraea, and Triphylia.

[5] To the Eleans he delivered up Aliphera; which city, they insisted, had never belonged to Triphylia, but ought to be restored to them, having been one of those that were incorporated by the council of the Arcadians for the funding of Megalopolis.

[6] These measures had the effect of strengthening his connexion with the Achaeans.

[7] The affections of the Macedonians he conciliated by his treatment of Heraclides: for, finding that his having countenanced this man had been the cause to him of the utmost unpopularity, he charged him with a number of crimes, and threw him into

[8] chains, to the great joy of the people.

[9] It was now, if at any time, that he made preparations for the war with especial energy. He exercised both the Macedonian and mercenary troops in arms, and in the beginning of spring sent Athenagoras, with all the foreign auxiliaries and what light-armed troops there were, through Epirus into Chaonia, to seize the pass at Antigonia, which the Greeks called Stena.

[10] He followed, in a few days, with the heavy troops: and having viewed every situation in the country, he judged that the most advantageous post for fortifying himself was on the river Aous.

[11] This river runs in a narrow vale, between two mountains, one of which the natives call Aeropus, and the other Asnaus, affording a passage of very little breadth along the bank. He ordered Athenagoras, with the light infantry, to take possession of Asnaus, and to fortify it. His own camp he pitched on Aeropus. Those places where the rocks were steep, were defended by guards of a few soldiers only; the less secure he strengthened, some with trenches, some with ramparts, and others with towers.

[12] A great number of engines, also, were disposed in proper places, that, by means of weapons thrown from these, they might keep the enemy at a distance.

[13] The royal pavilion was pitched on the outside of the rampart, on the most conspicuous eminence, in order, by this show of confidence, to dishearten the foe, and raise the hopes of his own men.

[1]

The consul having received intelligence from Charopus of Epirus, on what pass the king had taken his position with his army, as soon as the spring began to open, left Corcyra, where he had passed the winter, and, sailing over to the continent, led on his army against the enemy.

[2] When he came within about five miles of the king's camp, leaving the legions in a strong post, he went forward in person with some light troops, to view the nature of the country;

[3] and, on the day following, held a council, in order to determine whether he should attempt a passage through the defiles occupied by the enemy, notwithstanding the great labour and danger which the proposal involved, or lead round his forces by the same road through which Sulpicius had penetrated into Macedonia the year before.

[4] The deliberations on this question had lasted several days, when news arrived, that Titus Quinctius had been elected consul; that he had obtained, by lot, Macedonia as his province; and that, hastening his journey, he had already come over to Corcyra.

[5] Valerius Antias says, that Villius marched into the defile, and that, as he could not proceed straight forward, because every pass was occupied by the king, he followed the course of a valley, through the middle of which

[6] the river Aous flows, and having hastily constructed a bridge, passed over to the bank where the king's camp was, and fought a battle with him; that the king was routed, and driven out of his camp;

[7] that twelve thousand of the enemy were killed, and two thousand two hundred taken, together with a hundred and thirty-two military standards, and two hundred and thirty horses. He adds, that, during the battle, a temple was vowed to Jupiter in case of success.

[8] The other historians, both Greek and Latin, (all those at least whose accounts I have read,) affirm that nothing memorable was done by Villius, and that Titus Quinctius, the consul who succeeded him, received from him a war which had yet to be commenced.

[1]

During the time of these transactions in Macedonia, the other consul, Lucius Lentulus, who had stayed at Rome, held an assembly for the election of censors.

[2] Out of many illustrious men who stood candidates, were chosen Publius Cornelius Scipio Africanus and Publius Aelius Paetus.

[3] These, acting together in perfect harmony, read the list of the senate, without passing a censure on any one member; they also let to farm the port-duties at Capua, and at Puteoli, and of the fort situate were the city now stands; enrolling for this latter place three hundred colonists, that being the number fixed by the senate; they also sold the lands of Capua, which lie at the foot of Mount Tifata.

[4] About the same time, Lucius Manlius Acidinus, on his return from Spain, was hindered from entering the city in ovation by Marcus Portius Laeca, plebeian tribune, notwithstanding he had obtained permission of the senate: coming, then, into the city in a private character, he conveyed to the treasury one thousand two hundred pounds' weight of silver, and about thirty pounds' weight of gold.

[5] During this year, Cneius Baebius Tamphilus, who had succeeded to the government of the province of Gaul, in the room of Caius Aurelius, consul of the year preceding, having, without proper caution, entered the territories of the Insubrian Gauls, was surprised with almost the whole of his army.

[6] He lost above six thousand six hundred men, —so great a loss was received from a war which had now ceased to be an object of apprehension.

[7] This event called away the consul, Lucius Lentulus, from the city; who, arriving in the province, which was filled with confusion, and taking the command of the army, which he found dispirited by its defeat, severely reprimanded the praetor, and ordered him to quit the province and return to Rome.

[8] Neither did the consul himself perform any considerable service, being called home to preside at the elections, which were obstructed by Marcus Fulvius and Manius Curius, plebeian tribunes, who

[9] wished to hinder Titus Quinctius Flamininus from standing candidate for the consulship, after passing through the office of quaestor.

[10] They alleged, that

the aedileship and praetorship were now held in contempt, and that the nobility did not make their way to the consulship through the regular gradations of offices, thus affording a trial of themselves; but, passing over the intermediate steps, pushed at once from the lowest to the highest.

[11] From a dispute in the Field of Mars, the affair was brought before the senate, where it was voted,

that when a person sued for any post, which by the laws he

[12]

was permitted to hold, the people had the right of choosing whoever they thought proper.

To this decision of the senate the tribunes submitted, and thereupon Sextus Aelius Paetus and Titus Quinctius Flamininus were elected consuls.

[13] Then was held the election of praetors. The persons chosen were, Lucius Cornelius Merula, Marcus Claudius Marcellus, Marcus Porcius Cato, and Caius Helvius, who had been plebeian aediles. By these the plebeian games were repeated, and, on occasion of the games, a feast of Jupiter was celebrated.

[14] The curule aediles, also, Caius Valerius Flaccus, who was flamen of Jupiter, and Caius Cornelius Cethegus, celebrated the Roman games with great magnificence.

[15] Servius and Caius Sulpicius Galba, pontiffs, died this year; in their room were substituted Marcus Aemilius Lepidus and Cneius Cornelius Scipio, as pontiffs.

[1]

The new consuls, Sextus Aelius Paetus and Titus Quinctius Flamininus, on assuming the administration, convened the senate in the Capitol, and the fathers decreed, that

the consuls should settle between themselves or cast lots for the provinces, Macedonia and Italy.

[2]

That he to whom Macedonia fell should enlist, as a supplement to the legions, three thousand Roman footmen and three hundred horse, and also five thousand footmen and five hundred horsemen belonging to the Latin confederacy.

[3] The army assigned to the other consul was to consist entirely of newly-raised men. Lucius Lentulus, consul of the preceding year, was continued in command, and was ordered not to depart from the province, nor to remove the old army, until the consul should arrive with the new legions.

[4] The consuls cast lots for the provinces, and Italy fell to Aelius, Macedonia to Quintius.

[5] Of the praetors, the lots gave to Lucius Cornelius Merula the city jurisdiction; to Marcus Claudius, Sicily; to Marcus Porcius, Sardinia; and to Caius Helvius, Gaul.

[6] The levying of troops was then begun, for besides the consular armies, the praetors had been ordered also to enlist men: for Marcellus, in Sicily, four thousand foot and three hundred horse of the Latin confederates;

[7] for Cato, in Sardinia, three thousand foot and two hundred horse of the same class of soldiers; with directions, that both these praetors, on their arrival in their provinces, should disband the veterans, both foot and horse.

[8] The consuls then introduced to the senate ambassadors from king Attalus. These, after representing that their king gave every assistance to the Roman arms on land and

[9] sea, with his fleet and all his forces, and had up to that day executed with zeal and obedience every order of the consuls, added, that

they feared it would not be in his power to continue so to do by reason of king Antiochus, for that Antiochus had invaded the kingdom of Attalus, when destitute of protective forces by sea and land.

[10]

That Attalus, therefore, entreated the conscript fathers, if they chose to employ his army and navy in the Macedonian war, then to send a body of forces to protect his territories; or if that were not agreeable, to allow him to go home to defend his own possessions, with his fleet and troops.

[11] The following answer was ordered to be given to the ambassadors: that

it was a cause of gratitude to the senate that Attalus had assisted the Roman commanders with his fleet and other forces.

[12]

That they would neither send succours to Attalus, against Antiochus, the ally and friend of the Roman people; nor would they detain the auxiliary troops longer than would be convenient to the king.

[13]

That it was ever a constant rule with the Roman people, to use the aid of others so far only as was agreeable to the will of those who gave it; and even to leave the commencement and the termination of that aid at the discretion of those who desired that the Romans should be benefited by their help.

[14]

That they would send ambassadors to Antiochus, to represent to him, that Attalus, with his fleet and army, were, at the present, employed by the Roman people against Philip, their common enemy;

[15]

and that Antiochus would do that which was gratifying to the senate if he abstained from the kingdom of Attalus and desisted from the war;

[16]

for that it was much to be wished, that kings who were allies and friends to the Roman people should maintain friendship between themselves also.

[1]

When the consul Titus Quinctius had finished the levies, in making which he chose principally such as had served in Spain or Africa, that is, soldiers of approved courage, and when hastening to set forward to his province, he was delayed by reports of prodigies, and the expiations of them.

[2] There had been struck by lightning the public road at Veii, a temple of Jupiter at Lanuvium, a temple of Hercules at Ardea, with a wall and towers at Capua, also the edifice which is called Alba.

[3] At Arretium, the sky appeared as on fire; at Velitrae, the earth, to the extent of three acres, sunk down so as to form a vast chasm. From Suessa Aurunca, an account was brought of a lamb born with two heads; from Sinuessa, of a swine with a human head.

[4] On occasion of these ill omens, a supplication of one day's continuance was performed; the consuls gave their attention to divine services, and, as soon as the gods were appeased, set out for their provinces. Aelius, accompanied by Caius Helvius.

[5] praetor, went into Gaul, where he put under the command of the praetor the army which he received from Lucius Lentulus, and which he ought to have disbanded, intending to carry on his own operations with the new troops, which he had brought with him; but he effected nothing worth recording.

[6] The other consul, Titus Quinctius, setting sail from Brundusium earlier than had been usual with former consuls, reached Corcyra, with eight thousand foot and eight hundred horse. From this place, he passed over, in a quinquereme, to the nearest part of Epirus, and proceeded, by long journeys, to the Roman camp.

[7] Here, having dismissed Villius, and waiting a few days, until the forces from Corcyra should come up and join him, he held a council, to determine whether he should endeavour to force his way straight forward through the camp of the enemy;

[8] or whether, without attempting an enterprise of so great difficulty and danger, he should not rather take a circuitous and safe road, so as to penetrate into Macedonia by the country of the Dassaretians and Lycus.

[9] The latter plan would have been adopted, had he not feared that, in removing to a greater distance from the sea, the enemy might slip out of his hands;

[10] and that if the king should resolve to secure himself in the woods and wilds, as he had done before, the summer might be spun out without any thing being effected. It was therefore determined, be the event what it might, to attack the enemy in their present post, disadvantageous as it was.

[11] But they more easily resolved on this measure, than devised any safe or certain method of accomplishing it.

[1]

Forty days were passed in view of the enemy, without making any kind of effort. Hence Philip conceived hopes of bringing about a treaty of peace, through the mediation of the people of Epirus;

[2] and a council, which was held for the purpose, having appointed Pausanias, the praetor, and Alexander, the master of the horse, as negotiators, they brought the consul and the king to a conference, on the banks of the river Aous, where the channel was narrowest.

[3] The sum of the consul's demands was, that the king should withdraw his troops from the territories of the several states; that, to those whose lands and cities he had plundered, he should restore such of their effects as could be found;

[4] and that the value of the rest should be estimated by a fair arbitration. Philip answered, that

the cases of the several states differed widely from each other.

[5]

That such as he himself had seized on, he would set at liberty; but he would not divest himself of the hereditary and just possessions which had been conveyed down to him from his ancestors.

[6]

If those states, with whom hostilities had been carried on, complained of any losses in the war, he was ready to submit the matter to the arbitration of any state with whom both parties were at peace.

To this the consul replied, that

the business required neither judge nor arbitrator: for to whom was it not evident that every injurious consequence of the war was to be imputed to him who first took up arms.

[7]

And in this case Philip, unprovoked by any, had first commenced hostilities against all.

When they next began to treat of those nations which were to be set at liberty, the consul named, first, the Thessalians:

[8] on which the king, fired with indignation, exclaimed,

What harsher terms, Titus Quinctius, could you impose on me if I were vanquished?

With these words he retired hastily from the conference, and they were with difficulty restrained by the river which separated them from assaulting each other with missile weapons.

[9] On the following day many skirmishes took place between parties sallying from the outposts, in a plain sufficiently wide for the purpose.

[10] Afterwards the king's troops drew back into narrow and rocky places, whither the Romans, keenly eager for fighting, penetrated also.

[11] These had in their favour order and military discipline, while their arms were of a kind well calculated for protecting their persons. In favour of the enemy were the advantage of ground, and their balistas and catapultas disposed on almost every rock as on walls.

[12] After many wounds given and received on both sides, and numbers being slain, as in a regular engagement, darkness put an end to the fight.

[1]

While matters were in this state, a herdsman, sent by Charopus, prince of the Epirots, was brought to the consul.

[2] He said, that

being accustomed to feed his herd in the forest, then occupied by the king's camp, he knew every winding and path in the neighbouring mountains; and that if the consul thought proper to send some troops with him, he would lead them by a road, neither dangerous nor difficult, to a spot over the enemy's head.

[3] When the consul heard these things, he sent to Charopus to inquire if he considered that confidence might be placed in the rustic in so important a matter.

[4] Charopus ordered an answer to be returned, that he should give just so much credit to this man's account, as should still leave every thing rather in his own power than in that of the other.

[5] Though the consul rather wished than dared to give the intelligence full belief, and though his mind was possessed by mingled emotions of joy and fear, yet being moved by the confidence due to Charopus, he resolved to put to trial the prospect that was held out to him.

[6] In order to prevent all suspicion of the matter, during the two following days he carried on attacks against the enemy without intermission, drawing out troops against them in every quarter, and sending up fresh men to relieve the wearied.

[7] Then, selecting four thousand foot and three hundred horse, he put them under the command of a military tribune, with directions to advance the horse as far as the nature of the ground allowed; and when they came to places impassable to cavalry, then to post them in some plain;

[8] that the infantry should proceed by the road which the guide would show, and that when, according to his promise, they arrived on the height over the enemy's head, then they should give a signal by smoke, but raise no shout, until the tribune should have reason to think that, in consequence of the signal received from him, the battle was begun. He ordered that the march should take place by night, (the moon shining through the whole of it,) and employ the day in taking food and rest.

[9] The most liberal promises were made to the guide, provided he fulfilled his engagement; he bound him, nevertheless, and delivered him to the tribune.

[10] Having thus sent off this detachment, the Roman general exerted himself only the more vigorously in every part to make himself master of the posts of the enemy.

[1]

On the third day, the Roman party made the signal by smoke, to notify that they had gained possession of the eminence to which they had been directed; and then the consul, dividing his forces into three parts, marched up with the main strength of his army, through a valley in the middle, and made the wings on right and left advance to the camp of the enemy.

[2] Nor did these advance to meet him with less alacrity. The Roman soldiers, in the ardour of their courage, long maintained the fight on the outside of their works, for they had no small superiority in bravery, in skill, and in the nature of their arms;

[3] but when the king's troops, after many of them were wounded and slain, retreated into places secured either by intrenchments or situation, the danger reverted on the Romans, who pushed forward, inconsiderately, into disadvan- tageous grounds and defiles, out of which a retreat was difficult.

[4] Nor would they have extricated themselves without suffering for their rashness, had not the Macedonians, first, by a shout heard in their rear, and then by an attack begun on that quarter, been utterly dismayed and confounded at the unforeseen danger.

[5] Some betook themselves to a hasty flight: some, keeping their stand, rather because they could find no way for flight than that they possessed spirit to support the engagement, were cut off by the Romans, who pressed them hard both on front and rear.

[6] Their whole army might have been destroyed, had the victors continued their pursuit of the fugitives; but the cavalry were obstructed by the narrowness of the passes and the ruggedness of the ground;

[7] and the infantry, by the weight of their armour.

[8] The king at first fled with precipitation, and without looking behind him; but afterwards, when he had proceeded as far as five miles, he began, from recollecting the unevenness of the road, to suspect, (what was really the case,) that the enemy could not follow him; and halting, he despatched his attendants through all the hills and valleys to collect the stragglers together. His loss was not more than two thousand men.

[9] The rest of his army, coming to one spot, as if they had followed some signal, marched off, in a compact body, towards Thessaly. The Romans, after having pursued the enemy as far as they could with safety, killing such as they overtook, and despoiling the slain, seized and plundered the king's camp;

[10] which, even when it had no defenders, was difficult of access. The following night they were lodged within their own trenches.

[1]

Next day, the consul pursued the enemy through the same defiles through which the river winds its way among the valleys.

[2] The king came on the first day to the camp of Pyrrhus, a place so called in Triphylia, a district of Melotis; and on the following day he reached Mount Lingos, an immense march for his army, but his fear impelled him.

[3] This ridge of mountains belongs to Epirus, and stretches along between Macedonia and Thessaly; the side next to Thessaly faces the east, that next to Macedonia the north. These hills are thickly clad with woods, and on their summits have open plains and perennial streams.

[4] Here Philip remained encamped for several days, being unable to determine whether he should continue his retreat until he arrived in his own dominions, or whether he might venture back into Thessaly. At length, his decision leaned to leading down his army into Thessaly;

[5] and, going by the shortest roads to Tricca, he made hasty excursions from thence to all the cities within his reach.

[6] The inhabitants who were able to accompany him, he summoned from their habitations, and burned the towns, allowing the owners to take with them such of their effects as they were able to carry; the rest became the prey of the soldiers; nor was there any kind of cruelty which they could have suffered from an enemy, that they did not suffer from these their confederates.

[7] These acts were painful to Philip even while he executed them;

[8] but as the country was soon to become the property of the foe, he wished to rescue out of it at least the persons of his allies. In this manner were ravaged the towns of Phacium, Iresiae, Euhydrium, Eretria, and Palaepharsalus.

[9] On his coming to Pherae, the gates were shut against him, and as it would necessarily occasion a considerable delay if he attempted to take it by force, and as he could not spare time, he dropped the design, and crossed over the mountains into Macedonia; for he had received intelligence, that the Aetolians too were marching towards him.

[10] These, on hearing of the battle fought on the banks of the river of Aous, first laid waste the nearest tracts round Sperchia, and Long Come, as they call it, and then, passing over into Thessaly, got possession of Cymine and Angeae at the first assault.

[11] From Metropolis they were repulsed by the inhabitants, who, while a part of their army was plundering the country, assembled in a body to defend the city. Afterwards, making an attempt on Callithera, they were attacked by the townsmen in a like manner;

[12] but withstood their onset with more steadiness, drove back into the town the party which had sallied, and content with that success, as they had no prospect whatever of taking the place by storm, retired.

[13] They then took by assault and sacked the towns of Theuma and Calathas. Acharrae they gained by surrender.

[14] Xyniae, through similar apprehensions, was abandoned by the inhabitants. These having forsaken their homes, and going together in a body, fell in with a party which was being marched to Thaumacus for the purpose of protecting their foragers; all of whom, an irregular and unarmed multitude, incapable of any resistance, were put to the sword by the troops. The deserted town of Xyniae was plundered. The Aetolians then took Cyphara, a fort conveniently situated on the confines of Dolopia.

[15] All this the Aetolians performed within the space of a few days.

[1]

Nor did Amynander and the Athamanians, when they heard of the victory obtained by the Romans, continue inactive. Amynander, having little confidence in his own troops, requested a slight auxiliary force from the consul; and then advancing towards Gomphi, he stormed on his march a place called Pheca, situate between that town and the narrow pass which separates Thessaly from Athamania.

[2] He then attacked Gomphi, and though the inhabitants defended it for several days with the utmost vigour, yet, as soon as he had raised the scaling ladders to the walls, the same apprehension (which had operated on others) at length compelled them to surrender.

[3] This capture of Gomphi spread the greatest consternation among the Thessalians: their fortresses of Argenta, Pherinus, Thimarus, Lisinae, Stimon, and Lampsus surrendered, one after another, with several other garrisons equally inconsiderable.

[4] While the Athamanians and Aetolians, delivered from fear of the Macedonians, converted to their own profit the fruits of another's victory; and Thessaly, ravaged by three armies at once, knew not which to believe its foe or its friend; the consul marched on, through the pass which the enemy's flight had left open, into the country of Epirus.

[5] Though he well knew which party the Epirots, excepting their prince Charopus, were disposed to favour, yet as he saw that, even from

[6] the motive of atoning for past behaviour, they obeyed his orders with diligence, he regulated his treatment of them by the standard of their present rather than of their former temper, and by this readiness to pardon conciliated their affection for the future.

[7] Then, sending orders to Corcyra for the transport ships to come into the Ambrician bay, he advanced by moderate marches, and on the fourth day pitched his camp on Mount Cercetius. Hither lie ordered Amynander to come with his auxiliary troops; not so much as being in want of his forces, as that he might avail himself of them as his guides into Thessaly.

[8] With the same purpose, many volunteers of the Epirots also were admitted into the corps of auxiliaries.

[1]

Of the cities of Thessaly, the first which he attacked was Phaloria. The garrison here consisted of two thousand Macedonians, who at first resisted with the utmost vigour so far as their arms and fortifications could protect them.

[2] The assault was carried on without intermission or relaxation, either by day or by night, because the consul thought that it would have a powerful effect on the spirits of the rest of the Thessalians, if the first who made trial of the Roman strength were unable to withstand it;

[3] and this at the same time subdued the obstinacy of the Macedonians. On the reduction of Phaloria, deputies came from Metropolis and Piera, surrendering those cities.

[4] To them, on their petition, pardon was granted: Phaloria was sacked, and burned. He then proceeded to Aeginium; but finding this place so circumstanced, that, even with a moderate garrison, it was safe, after discharging a few weapons against the nearest advanced guard, he directed his march towards the territory of Gomphi; and thence descended into the plains of Thessaly.

[5] His army was now in want of every thing, because he had spared the lands of the Epirots; he therefore despatched messengers to learn whether the transports had reached Leucas and the Ambracian bay;

[6] sending the cohorts, in turn, to Ambracia for corn.

[7] Now, the road from Gomphi to Ambracia, although difficult and embarrassed, is very short; so that in a few days, provisions having been conveyed from the sea, his camp was filled with an abundant supply of all necessaries.

[8] He then marched to Atrax, which is about ten miles from Larissa, on the river Peneus. The inhabitants came originally from Perrhaebia.

[9] The Thessalians, here, were not in the least alarmed at the first coming of the Romans; and Philip, although he durst not himself advance into Thessaly, yet, keeping his stationary camp in the vale of Tempe, whenever any place was attempted by the enemy, he sent up reinforcements as occasion required.

[1]

About the time that Quinctius first pitched his camp opposite to Philip's, at the entrance of Epirus, Lucius, the consul's brother, whom the senate

[2] had commissioned both to the naval command and to the government of the coast, sailed over with two quinqueremes to Corcyra;

[3] and when he learned that the fleet had departed thence, thinking that no delay ought to be incurred, he followed, and overtook it at the island of Zama.

[4] Here he dismissed Lucius Apustius, in whose room he had been appointed, and then proceeded to Malea, but at a slow rate, being obliged, for the most part, to tow the vessels which accompanied him with provisions.

[5] From Malea, after ordering the rest to follow with all possible expedition, himself, with three light quinqueremes, hastened forward to the Piraeus, and took under his command the ships left there by Lucius Apustius, lieutenant-general, for the protection of Athens.

[6] At the same time, two fleets set sail from Asia; one of twenty-four quinqueremes, under king Attalus; the other belonging to the Rhodians, consisting of twenty decked ships, and commanded by Agesimbrotus. These fleets, joining near the island of Andros, sailed for Eubœa, which was separated from them only by a narrow strait.

[7] They first ravaged the lands belonging to Carystus;

[8] but, judging that city too strong, in consequence of a reinforcement hastily sent from Chalcis, they bent their course to Eretria. Lucius Quinctius also, on hearing of the arrival of king Attalus, came thither with the ships which had lain at the Piraeus; having left orders, that his own ships should, as they arrived, follow him to Eubœa.

[9] The siege of Eretria was now pushed forward with the utmost vigour; for the three combined fleets carried machines and engines, of all sorts, for the demolition of towns, and the adjacent country offered abundance of timber for the construction of new works.

[10] At the beginning the townsmen defended their walls with a good degree of spirit;

[11] afterwards, when they felt the effects of fatigue, a great many being likewise wounded, and a part of the wall demolished by the enemy's works, they became disposed to capitulate.

[12] But they had a garrison of Macedonians, of whom they stood in no less dread than of the Romans; and Philocles, the king's general, sent frequent messages from Chalcis, that he would bring them succour in due time, if they could hold out the siege. The hope of this, in conjunction with their fears, obliged them to protract the time longer than was consistent either with their wishes or their strength.

[13] However, having learned soon after that Philocles had been repulsed in the attempt, and forced to fly back, in disorder, to Chalcis, they instantly sent deputies to Attalus, to beg pardon and protection.

[14] While intent on the prospect of peace, they executed with less energy the duties of war, and kept armed guards in that quarter only where the breach had been made in the wall, neglecting all the rest;

[15] Quinctius made an assault by night on the side where it was least apprehended, and carried the town by scalade. The whole multitude of the townsmen, with their wives and children, fled into the citadel, but soon after surrendered themselves prisoners.

[16] The quantity of money, of gold and silver, taken, was not great. Of statues and pictures, the works of ancient artists, and other ornaments of that kind, a greater number was found than was proportionate either to the

[17] size of the city, or its opulence in other particulars.

[1]

The design on Carystus was then resumed, and the fleets sailed thither; on which the whole body of the inhabitants, before the troops were disembarked, deserted the city and fled into the citadel, whence they sent deputies to beg protection from the Roman general.

[2] To the townspeople life and liberty were immediately granted; and it was ordered, that the Macedonians should pay a ransom of three hundred drachmas ³ a head, deliver up their arms, and quit the country.

[3] After being ransomed for the said amount, they were transported, unarmed, to Bœotia. The combined fleets having, in the space of a few days, taken these two important cities of Eubœa, sailed round Sunium, a promontory of Attica, and steered their course to Cenchreae, the grand mart of the Corinthians.

[4] In the mean time, the consul found the siege of Atrax more tedious and severe than had been universally expected, and the enemy resisted in the way which they had least anticipated.

[5] He had supposed that the whole of the trouble would be in demolishing the wall, and that if he could once open a passage for his soldiers into the city, the consequence would then be, the flight and slaughter of the enemy, as usually happens on the capture of towns.

[6] But when, on a breach being made in the wall by the rams, and when the soldiers, by mounting over the ruins, had entered the place, this proved only the beginning, as it were, of an unusual and fresh labour.

[7] For the Macedonians in garrison, who were both chosen men and many in number, supposing that they would be entitled to extraordinary honour if they should

[8] maintain the defence of the city by means of arms and courage, rather than by the help of walls, formed them- selves in a compact body, strengthening their line by an uncommon number of files in depth. These, when they saw the Romans entering by the breaches, drove them back, so that they were entangled among the rubbish, and with difficulty could effect a retreat.

[9] This gave the consul great uneasiness; for he considered such a disgrace, not merely as it retarded the reduction of a single city, but as likely to affect materially the whole process of the war, which in general depends much on the influence of events in themselves unimportant.

[10] Having therefore cleared the ground, which was heaped up with the rubbish of the half-ruined wall, he brought up a tower of extraordinary height, consisting of many stories, and which carried a great number of soldiers.

[11] He likewise sent up the cohorts in strong bodies one after another, to force their way, if possible, through the wedge of the Macedonians, which is called a phalanx.

[12] But in such a confined space, (for the wall was thrown down to no great extent,) the enemy had the advantage, both in the kind of weapons which they used, and in the manner of fighting.

[13] When the Macedonians, in close array, stretched out before them their long spears against the target fence which was formed by the close position of their antagonists' shields, and when the Romans, after discharging their javelins without effect, drew their swords, these could neither press on to a closer combat, nor cut off the heads of the spears;

[14] and if they did cut or break off any, the shaft, being sharp at the part where it was broken, filled up its place among the points of those which were unbroken, in a kind of palisade.

[15] Besides this, the parts of the wall still standing rendered both the flanks of the Macedonians secure, who were not obliged, either in retreating or in advancing to an attack, to pass through a long space, which generally occasions disorder in the ranks.

[16] An accidental circumstance also helped to confirm their courage: for as the tower was moved along a bank of not sufficiently solid soil, one of the wheels sinking into a rut, made the tower lean in such a manner that it appeared to the enemy as if

[17] falling, and threw the soldiers posted on it into consternation and affright.

[1]

As none of his attempts met any success, the consul was very unwilling to allow such a comparison to be exhibited between the two classes of soldiery and their respective weapons;

[2] at the same time, he could neither see any prospect of reducing the place speedily, nor any means of subsisting in winter, at such a distance from the sea, and in regions desolated by the calamities of war.

[3] He therefore raised the siege; and as, along the whole coast of Acarnania and Aetolia, there was no port capable of containing all the transports that brought supplies to the army, nor any place which afforded lodgings to the

[4] legions, he pitched on Anticyra, in Phocis, on the Corinthian gulf, as most commodiously situated for his purpose.

[5] There the legions would be at no great distance from Thessaly, and the places belonging to the enemy; while they would have in front Peloponnesus, separated from them by a narrow sea; on their rear, Aetolia and Acarnania; and on their sides, Locris and Bœotia.

[6] Phanotea in Phocis he took without resistance at the first assault. The siege of Anticyra gave him not much delay. Then Ambrysus and Hyampolis were taken.

[7] Daulis, being situated on a lofty eminence, could not be reduced either by scalade or works: he therefore provoked the garrison, by missile weapons, to make sallies from out the town.

[8] Then by flying at one time, pursuing at another, and engaging in slight skirmishes, he led them into such a degree of carelessness, and such a contempt of him, that at length the Romans, mixing with them as they ran back, entered by the gates, and stormed the town.

[9] Six other fortresses in Phocis, of little consequence, came into his hands, through fear rather than by force of arms. Elatia shut its gates, and the inhabitants seemed determined not to admit within their walls either the army or the general of the Romans, unless compelled by force.

[1]

While the consul was employed in the siege of Elatia, a prospect opened to him of effecting a business of much more importance; namely, of drawing away the Achaeans from their alliance with Philip to that of the Romans.

[2] Cycliades, the head of the faction that favoured the interest of Philip, they had now banished; and Aristaenus, who wished for a union between his countrymen and the Romans, was praetor.

[3] The Roman fleet, with Attalus and the Rhodians, lay at Cenchreae, and were preparing to lay siege to Corinth with their whole combined force.

[4] The consul therefore judged it prudent, that, before they entered on that affair, ambassadors should be sent to the Achaean state, with assurances, that if they came over from the king to the side of the Romans, the latter would consign Corinth to them, and annex it to the old confederacy of their nation.

[5] Accordingly, by the consul's direction, ambassadors were sent to the Achaeans, by his brother Lucius Quinctius, by Attalus, and by the Rhodians and Athenians —a general assembly being summoned to meet at Sicyon to give them audience.

[6] Now, the state of feeling of the Achaeans was by no means uniform.

[7] Nabis the Lacedaemonian, their constant and inveterate enemy, was the object of their dread; they dreaded the arms of the Romans; they were under obligations to the Macedonians, for services both of ancient and recent date;

[8] but the king himself, on account of his perfidy and cruelty, they looked upon with jealous fear, and, not judging from the behaviour which he then assumed for the time, they knew that, on the conclusion of the war, they should find him a more tyrannical master.

[9] So that every one of them was not only at a loss what opinion he should support in the senate of his own particular state, or in the general diets of the nation;

[10] but, even when they deliberated within themselves, they could not, with any certainty, determine what they ought to wish, or what to prefer. Such was the unsettled state of mind of the members of the assembly, when the ambassadors were introduced and liberty of speaking afforded them.

[11] The Roman ambassador, Lucius Calpurnius, spoke first; next the ambassadors of king Attalus; after them those of the Rhodians; and then Philip's. The Athenians were heard the last, that they might refute the discourses of the Macedonians.

[12] These inveighed against the king with the greatest acrimony of any, for no others had suffered from him so many and so severe hardships.

[13] So great a number of speeches of the ambassadors succeeding each other took up the whole of the day; and about sun-set the council was adjourned.

[1]

Next day the council was convened again; and when the magistrates, according to the custom of the Greeks, gave leave, by their herald, to any person who chose to offer advice, not one stood forth; but they sat a long time, looking on each other in silence.

[2] It was no wonder that men, revolving in their minds matters of such contradictory natures, and who found themselves puzzled and confounded, should be involved in additional perplexity by the speeches continued through the whole preceding day; in which the difficulties, on all sides, were brought into view, and stated in their full force.

[3] At length Aristaenus, the praetor of the Achaeans, not to dismiss the council without any business being introduced, said: —

Achaeans, where are now those violent disputes, in which, at your feasts and meetings, whenever mention was made of Philip and the Romans, you scarcely refrained from blows?

[4]

Now, in a general assembly, summoned on that single business, when you have heard the arguments of the ambassadors on both sides, when the magistrates demand your opinions, when the herald calls you to declare your sentiments, you are struck dumb.

[5]

Although your concern for the common safety be insufficient for determining the matter, cannot the party zeal which has attached you to one side or the other extort a word from any one of you?

[6]

especially when none is so obtuse as not to perceive, that the time for declaring and recommending what each either wishes or thinks most advisable, must be at the present moment; that is, before we make any decree. When a decree shall have been once passed, every man, even such as previously may have disapproved the measure, must then support it as good and salutary.

[7] These persuasions of the praetor, so far from prevailing on any one person to declare his opinion, did not excite, in all that numerous assembly, collected out of so many states, so much as a murmur or a whisper.

[1]

Then the praetor, Aristaenus, again spoke as follows: —

Chiefs of Achaea, you are not more at a loss for advice, than you are for words; but every one is unwilling to promote the interest of the public at a risk of danger to himself.

[2]

Were I in a private character, perhaps I too should be silent; but, as praetor, it is my duty to declare, that I see evidently, either that an audience of the council ought not to have been accorded to the ambassadors, or that they ought not to be dismissed from it without an answer. Yet how can I give them an answer, unless by a decree of yours?

[3]

And, since not one of you who have been called to this assembly either chooses or dares to make known his sentiments, let us examine (as if they were opinions proposed to our consideration) the speeches of the ambassadors delivered yesterday;

[4]

supposing the speakers not to have required what was useful to themselves, but to have recommended what they thought most conducive to our advantage.

[5]

The Romans, the Rho- dians, and Attalus, request an alliance and friendship with us; and they demand to be assisted by us in the war in which they are now engaged against Philip. Philip reminds us of our league with him, and of the obligation of our oath; he requires only, that we declare ourselves on his side; and says, he will be satisfied if we do not intermeddle in the operations of the war.

[6]

Does not the reason occur to the mind of any one of you, why those, who are not yet our allies, require more than he who is?

[7]

This arises not from modesty in Philip, nor from the want of it in the Romans. It is fortune, which, while it bestows confidence to requisitions on one side, precludes it on the other. We see nothing belonging to Philip but his ambassador: the Roman fleet lies at Cenchreae, exhibiting to our view the spoils of the cities of Eubœa.

[8]

We behold the consul and his legions, at the distance of a small tract of sea, overrunning Phocis and Locris.

[9]

You were surprised at Philip's ambassador, Cleomedon, showing such diffidence yesterday in his application to us to take arms on the side of the king against the Romans. But if we, in pursuance of the same treaty and oath, the sacredness of which he inculcated on us, were to ask of him, that Philip should protect us, both from Nabis and his Lacedaemonians, and also from the Romans, he would be utterly unable to find, not only a force with which to protect us, but even an answer to return.

[10]

As much so in truth as was Philip himself, who endeavoured, by promises of waging war against Nabis, to draw away our youth into Eubœa;

[11]

but finding that we would neither decree such assistance to him, nor choose to be embroiled in a war with Rome, forgot that alliance on which he now lays such stress, and left us to Nabis and the Lacedaemonians to be spoiled and plundered. Besides, to me the arguments of Cleomedon appeared utterly inconsistent.

[12]

He made light of the war with the Romans; and asserted, that the issue of it would be similar to that of the former, which they waged against Philip.

[13]

If such be the case, why does he, at a distance, solicit our assistance; rather than come hither in person, and defend us, his old allies, both from Nabis and from the Romans? Us, do I say? Why, on this showing, has he suffered Eretria and Carystus to be taken? Why so many cities of Thessaly? Why Locris and Phocis? Why does he at pre- sent suffer Elatia to be besieged?

[14]

Did he, either through compulsion, or fear, or choice, quit the straits of Epirus, and those impregnable fastnesses on the river Aous; and why, abandoning the pass which he was occupying, did he retire altogether into his own kingdom? If of his own will he gave up so many allies to the ravages of the enemy, what objection can he make to these allies consulting for their own safety?

[15]

If through fear, he ought to pardon the like fear in us. If he retired defeated by force of arms, let me ask you, Cleomedon, shall we, Achaeans, be able to withstand the Roman arms, which you, Macedonians, have not withstood? Are we to give credit to your assertion, that the Romans do not employ, in the present war, greater forces or greater strength than they did in the former, rather than regard the facts themselves?

[16]

In the first instance, they aided the Aetolians with a fleet; they sent not to the war either a consul as commander, or a consular army.

[17]

The maritime cities of Philip's allies were in terror and confusion; but the inland places were so secure against the Roman arms, that Philip ravaged the country of the Aetolians, while they in vain implored succour from those arms.

[18]

Whereas, in the present case, the Romans, after bringing to a final conclusion the Punic war, which they had supported for sixteen years in the bowels, as it were, of Italy, sent not auxiliaries to the Aetolians in their quarrels, but, being themselves principals, made a hostile invasion on Macedonia with land and sea forces at once. Their third consul is now pushing forward the war with the utmost vigour.

[19]

Sulpicius, engaging the king within the territory of Macedonia itself, has overthrown and put him to flight; and afterwards despoiled the most opulent part of his kingdom.

[20]

Then, again, when he was in possession of the strait of Epirus, where, from the nature of the ground, his fortifications, and the strength of his army, he thought himself secure, Quinctius drove him out of his camp; pursued him, as he fled into Thessaly; and, almost in the view of Philip himself, stormed the royal garrisons and the cities of his allies.

[21]

Supposing that there were no truth in what the Athenian ambassadors mentioned yesterday, respecting the cruelty, avarice, and lust of the king; supposing the crimes committed, in the country of Attica, against the gods, celestial and infernal, concerned us not all;

[22]

that we had less to complain of than what the people of Cius and Abydos, who are far distant from us, have endured: let us then, if you please, forget even our own wounds;

[23]

let the murders and ravages committed at Messena, and in the heart of Peloponnesus, the killing of his host Garitenes, at Cyparissia, almost in the very midst of a feast, in contempt of laws divine and human; the murder of the two Aratuses of Sicyon, father and son, though he was wont to call the unfortunate old man his parent; his carrying away the son's wife into Macedonia for the gratification of his vicious appetites, and all his violations of virgins and matrons;

[24]

—let all these, I say, be consigned to oblivion.

[25]

Let us suppose our business were not with Philip, through dread of whose cruelty you are all thus struck dumb; for what other cause could keep you silent, when you have been summoned to a council? Let us imagine that we are treating with Antigonus, a prince of the greatest mildness and equity, to whose kindness we have all been highly indebted; would he require us to perform what at the time was impossible?

[26]

Peloponnesus is a peninsula, united to the continent by the narrow passage of an isthmus particularly exposed and open to the attacks of naval armaments. Now, if a hundred decked ships, and fifty lighter open ones, and thirty Issean barks, shall begin to lay waste our coasts, and attack the cities which stand exposed, almost on the very shore; shall we then retreat into the inland towns, as if we were not afflicted with an intestine war, though in truth it is rankling in our very bowels?

[27]

When Nabis and the Lacedaemonians by land, and the Roman fleet by sea, shall press us, whence must I implore the support due from the king's alliance, whence the succours of the Macedonians?

[28]

Shall we ourselves, with our own arms, defend, against the Roman forces, the cities that will be attacked? Truly, in the former war, we defended Dymae excellently well! The calamities of others afford us abundant examples; let us not seek how we may render ourselves an example to others.

[29]

Do not, because the Romans voluntarily desire your friendship, contemn that which you ought to have prayed for, nay, laboured with all your might to obtain.

[30]

But, it is insinuated, that they are impelled by fear, in a country to which they are strangers; and that, wishing to shelter themselves under your assistance, they have recourse to your alliance in the hope of being admitted into your harbours, and of there finding supplies of provisions.

[31]

Now, at sea they are absolute masters; and instantly reduce to subjection every place at which they land. What they request, they have power to enforce.

[32]

Because they wish to treat you with tenderness, they do not allow you to take steps that must lead you to ruin. Cleomedon lately pointed out, as the middle and safest way, to remain inactive, and abstain from taking up arms.

[33]

But that is not a middle way; it is no way at all. For, besides the necessity of either embracing or rejecting the Roman alliance, what other consequence can ensue from such conduct, than that, while we show no steady attachment to either side, as if we waited the event with design to adapt our counsels to fortune, we shall become the prey of the conqueror?

[34]

Contemn not then, when it is spontaneously offered to your acceptance, what you ought to have solicited with your warmest prayers. The free option between the two, which you have this day, you will not always have.

[35]

The same opportunity will not last long, nor will it frequently recur. You have long wished to deliver yourselves out of the hands of Philip, although you have not dared to make the attempt. Those have now crossed the sea, with large fleets and armies, who are able to rescue you to a state of freedom, without any trouble or danger to yourselves.

[36]

If you reject such persons as allies, you can scarcely be of sane mind; but you must unavoidably have to deal with them, either as allies or as enemies.

[1]

This speech of the praetor was followed by a general murmur; some declaring their approbation, and others vehemently rebuking those who did so.

[2] And now, not only individuals, but whole states were engaged in altercation among themselves; and at length among the magistrates, called Demiurgi, who are ten in number, the dispute was taken up with as much warmth as among the multitude.

[3] Five of them declared, that they would propose the question concerning an alliance with Rome, and would take the votes on it; while five insisted, that it had been provided by law that neither the magistrates should have power to propose nor the council to pass any decree injurious to the alliance with Philip.

[4] This day, also, was spent in contention, and there remained now but one day more of the regular time of sitting; for, accord- ing to the rule, the decree must be passed on the third day: and as that approached, the zeal of the parties was kindled into such a flame, that scarcely did parents refrain from offering violence to their own sons.

[5] There was present a man of Pallene, named Rhisiasus, whose son, Memnon, was a demiurgus, and was of that party which opposed the reading of the decree and taking the votes.

[6] This man, for a long time, entreated his son to allow the Achaeans to take proper measures for their common safety, and not, by his obstinacy, to bring ruin on the whole nation;

[7] but, finding that his entreaties had no effect, he swore that he would treat him, not as a son, but as an enemy, and would put him to death with his own hand.

[8] By these threats he forced him, next day, to join the party that voted for the question being proposed. These, having now become the majority, proposed the question accordingly, while almost every one' of the states, openly approving the measure, showed plainly on which side they would vote.

[9] Whereupon the Dymaeans, Megalopolitans, with several of the Argives, rose up, and withdrew from the council; which step excited neither wonder nor disapprobation.

[10] For when, in the memory of their grandfathers, the Megalopolitans had been expelled their country by the Lacedaemonians, Antigonus had re-instated them in their native residence; and, at a later period, when Dymae was taken and sacked by the Roman troops, Philip ordered that the inhabitants, wherever they were in servitude, should be ransomed, and not only restored them to their liberty, but their country.

[11] As to the Argives, besides believing that the royal family of Macedonia derived its origin from them, the greater part were attached to Philip by personal acts of kindness and familiar friendship. For these reasons, when the council appeared disposed to order an alliance to be concluded with Rome, they withdrew;

[12] and their secession was readily excused, in consideration of the many and recent obligations by which they were bound to the king of Macedon.

[1]

The rest of the Achaean states, on their opinions being demanded, ratified, by an immediate decree, the alliance with Attalus and the Rhodians.

[2] That with the Romans, as it could not be perfected without an order from the people, they deferred until such time as ambassadors could be sent to Rome.

[3] For the present, it was resolved, that three ambassadors should be sent to Lucius Quinctius; and that the whole force of the Achaeans should be brought up to Corinth, which city Quinctius, after taking Cenchreae, was then besieging.

[4] The Achaeans accordingly pitched their camp opposite to the gate that leads to Sicyon. The Romans made their approaches on the side of the city which faces Cenchreae; Attalus having drawn his army across the isthmus, towards Lechaeum, the port on the opposite sea. At first, they did not push forward their operations with any great degree of vigour, because they had hopes of a dissension breaking out between the townsmen and the king's troops.

[5] But afterwards, learning that they all were of one mind; that the Macedonians exerted thamselves as if in defence of their common country; and that the Corinthians submitted to the orders of Androsthenes, commander of the garrison, as if he were their countryman, and elected by their own suffrages; the assailants had no other hopes but in force, arms, and their works.

[6] They therefore brought up their mounds to the walls, though by very difficult approaches.

[7] On that side where the Romans attacked, their ram had demolished a considerable part of the wall; and the Macedonians having run together to defend the place thus stripped of its works, a furious conflict ensued between themselves and the Romans.

[8] At first, by reason of the enemy's superiority in number, the Romans were quickly repulsed; but being joined by the auxiliary troops of Attalus and the Achaeans, they restored the fight to an equality; so that there was no doubt that they would easily drive the Macedonians and Greeks from their ground.

[9] But there were in the town a great multitude of Italian deserters; some of whom, having been in Hannibal's army, had, through fear of being punished by the Romans, followed Philip; others, having been sailors, had lately quitted the fleets, and gone over, in hopes of more honourable employment: despair of safety, therefore, in case of the Romans getting the better, inflamed these to a degree which might rather be called madness than courage.

[10] Opposite to Sicyon is the promontory of Juno Acraea, as she is called, stretching out into the main, the passage to Corinth being about seven miles.

[11] To this place Philocles, one of the king's generals, led, through Bœotia, fifteen hundred soldiers; and there were barks from Corinth ready to take these troops on board, and carry them over to Lechaeum.

[12] Attalus, on this, advised to burn the works, and raise the siege immediately; Quinctius was for persisting more obstinately in the attempt. However, when he saw the king's troops posted at the gates, and that the sallies of the besieged could not easily be withstood, he came over to the opinion of Attalus. Thus, their design proving fruitless, they dismissed the Achaeans, and returned to their ships.

[13] Attalus steered to Piraeus, the Romans to Corcyra.

[1]

While the naval forces were thus employed, the consul, having encamped before Elatia, in Phocis, first endeavoured, by conferring with the principal inhabitants, to bring them over, and by their means to effect his purpose;

[2] but on their answering that they had nothing in their power, because the king's troops were more numerous and stronger than the townsmen, he assaulted the city on all sides at once with arms and engines.

[3] A battering-ram having been brought up, shattered a part of the wall that reached from one tower to another, and this falling with a prodigious noise and crash, left much of the town exposed.

[4] On this a Roman cohort made an assault through the breach, while at the same time the townsmen, quitting their several posts, ran together from all parts to the place, which was endangered by the attack of the enemy.

[5] At the same time others of the Romans climbed over the ruins of the wall, and brought up scaling-ladders to the parts that were standing. As the conflict attracted the eyes and attention of the enemy to one particular spot, the walls were scaled in several places, by which means the soldiers easily entered the town.

[6] The noise and tumult which ensued so terrified the enemy, that quitting the place, which they had crowded together to defend, they all fled in panic to the citadel, accompanied by the unarmed multitude.

[7] The consul having thus become master of the town, gave it up to be plundered, and then sent messengers into the citadel, offering the king's troops their lives, on condition of their laying down their arms, and departing. To the Elatians he offered their liberty; which terms being agreed to, in a few days after he got possession of the citadel.

[1]

In consequence of Philocles, the king's general, coming into Achaia, not only Corinth was delivered from the siege, but the city of Argos was betrayed into his hands by some of the principal inhabitants, after they had first sounded the minds of the populace.

[2] They had a custom, that, on the first day of assembly, their praetors, for the omen's sake, should pronounce the names, Jupiter, Apollo, and Hercules; in addition to which, a rule had been made, that, along with these, they should join the name of king Philip.

[3] After the conclusion of the alliance with the Romans, the herald did not make that addition;

[4] on which a murmur spread through the multitude, who would add the name of Philip, and insisting that the respect, due by law, should be paid as before; until at length the name was given out amidst universal approbation.

[5] On the encouragement afforded by this favourable disposition, Philocles was invited, who seized in the night a strong post called Larissa, seated on a hill which overhangs the city, and in which he placed a garrison.

[6] At the dawn of day, however, and as he was proceeding in order of battle to the forum, at the foot of the hill he was met by a line of troops, drawn up to oppose him. This was a body of Achaeans, lately posted there, consisting of about five hundred young men, selected out of all the states.

[7] Their commander was Aenesidemus, of Dymae. The king's general sent a person to recommend to them to evacuate the city, because they were not a match for the townsmen alone, who held the same sentiments as the Macedonians; much less when these were joined by the Macedonians, whom even the Romans had not withstood at Corinth.

[8] This at first had no effect, either on the commander, or his men: and when they, soon after, perceived the Argives also in arms, coming, in a great body, from the opposite side, perceiving that their destruction was inevitable, they yet seemed determined to run every hazard, if their leader would persevere.

[9] But Aenesidemus, unwilling that the flower of the Achaean youth should be lost, together with the city, made terms with Philocles, that they should have liberty to retire, while himself remained armed with a few of his dependents, in the position which he had occupied.

[10] To a person sent by Philocles to inquire what he meant, he only answered, standing with his shield held out before him, that he meant to die in arms in defence of the city intrusted to his charge. Philocles then ordered some Thracians to throw their javelins at him and his attendants; and they were all put to death.

[11] Thus, notwithstanding the alliance concluded by the Achaeans with the Romans, two of their cities, and those of the greatest consequence, Argos and Corinth, were still in the hands of Philip.

[12] Such were the services performed during that summer by the land and sea forces of Rome employed in Greece.

[1]

In Gaul, the consul Sextus Aelius did nothing worth mention, though he had two armies in the province:

[2] one, which he had retained under their standards, although it ought to have been disbanded; and of this, which had served under Lucius Cornelius, proconsul, he had given the command to Caius Helvius, the praetor: the other he had brought with him into the province.

[3] He spent nearly the whole summer in compelling the people of Cremona and Placentia to return to their colonies, from whence they had been driven to various places by the calamities of war.

[4] While Gaul, beyond expectation, remained quiet through the whole year, an insurrection of the slaves was very near taking place in the neighbourhood of the city.

[5] The hostages, given by the Carthaginians, were kept in custody at Setia:

[6] as they were the children of the principal families, they were attended by a great multitude of slaves; to this number many were added, in consequence of the late African war, and by the Setians themselves having bought, from among the spoil, several of those which had been captured.

[7] Having conspired together, they sent some of their number to engage in the cause the slaves of the country round Setia, and then those at Norba and Circeii. When every thing was fully prepared, they determined, during the games which were soon to be solemnized at the first-mentioned place, to attack the people while intent on the show, and when Setia had been taken in the midst of the slaughter and unexpected turmoil, then to seize on Norba and Circeii.

[8] Information of this atrocious plot was brought to Rome, to Lucius Cornelius Merula, the city praetor. Two slaves came to him before daylight, and disclosed to him in order the whole proceedings and intentions of the conspirators.

[9] The praetor, ordering them to be guarded in his own house, summoned a meeting of the senate;

[10] and having laid before them the information of the discoverers, he was ordered to go himself to the spot, and examine into and crush the conspiracy.

[11] Setting out, accordingly, with five lieutenant-generals, he compelled such as he found in the country to take the military oath, to arm, and follow him.

[12] Having by this tumultuary kind of levy armed about two thousand men, while all were ignorant of his destination, he came to Setia.

[13] There the leaders of the conspiracy were instantly apprehended; on which, the remainder fled from the city; but parties were sent through the country to search them out. The services of the two who made the discovery, and of one free person employed, were highly meritorious.

[14] The senate ordered a present to the latter of a hundred thousand asses;⁴ to the slaves, twenty-five thousand asses⁵ each, and their freedom. The price was paid to their owners out of the treasury.

[15] Not long after, intelligence was received, that other slaves, belonging to the remains of the conspiracy, had formed a design of seizing Praeneste. The praetor, Lucius Cornelius, went thither, and inflicted punishment on near five hundred persons concerned in that wicked scheme.

[16] The public were under apprehensions that the Carthaginian hostages and prisoners fomented these plots: watches were, therefore, kept at Rome in all the streets, which the inferior magistrates were ordered to go round and inspect; while the triumvirs of the prison, called the Quarry, were to keep a stricter guard than usual.

[17] Circular letters were also sent by the praetor to all the Latin states, directing that the hostages should be confined within doors, and not at any time allowed the liberty of going into public;

[18] and that the prisoners should be kept bound with fetters, of not less than ten pounds weight, and confined in no other place of custody than the common jail.

[1]

In this year, ambassadors from king Attalus made an offering, in the Capitol, of a golden crown of two hundred and fifty-six pounds' weight, and returned thanks to the senate, because Antiochus, influenced by the authority of the Romans, had withdrawn his troops out of the territories of Attalus.

[2] During the same summer, two hundred horsemen, ten elephants, and two hundred thousand pecks of wheat, arrived from king Masinissa for the army in Greece. From Sicily also, and Sardinia, large supplies of provisions were sent, with clothing for the troops.

[3] Sicily was then governed by Marcus Marcellus, Sardinia by Marcus Porcius Cato, a man of acknowledged integrity and purity of conduct, but deemed too severe in punishing usury.

[4] He drove the usurers entirely out of the island; and restricted or abolished the contribu- tions, usually paid by the allies, for maintaining the dignity of the praetors.

[5] The consul, Sextus Aelius, coming home from Gaul to Rome to hold the elections, elected consuls, Caius Cornelius Cethegus and Quintus Minucius Rufus.

[6] Two days after was held the election of praetors; and this year, for the first time, six praetors were appointed, in consequence of the increase of the provinces, and the extension of the bounds of the empire.

[7] The persons elected were, Lucius Manlius Vulso, Caius Sempronius Tuditanus, Marcus Sergius Silus, Marcus Helvius, Marcus Minucius Rufus, and Lucius Atilius. Of these Sempronius and Helvius were, at the time, plebeian aediles.

[8] The curule aediles were Quintus Minucius Thermus and Tiberius Sempronius Longus. The Roman games were four times repeated during this year.

[1]

On Caius Cornelius and Quintus Minucius becoming consuls, the first business of all was the arrangement of the provinces of the consuls and praetors.

[2] Those of the praetors were the first settled, because that could be transacted by the lots. The city jurisdiction fell to Sergius; the foreign to Minucius; Atilius obtained Sardinia; Manlius, Sicily; Sempronius, the Hither Spain; and Helvius, the Farther.

[3] When the consuls were preparing to cast lots for Italy and Macedonia, Lucius Oppius and Quintus Fulvius, plebeian tribunes, stood in their way, alleging, that

Macedonia was a very distant province, and that the principal cause which had hitherto retarded the progress

[4]

of the war, was, that when it was scarcely entered upon, and just at the commencement of operations, the former consul was always recalled. This was the fourth year since the declaration of war against Macedonia.

[5]

The greater part of one year Sulpicius spent in seeking the king and his army; Villius, on the point of engaging the enemy, was recalled without any thing having been done.

[6]

Quinctius was detained at Rome, for the greater part of his year, by business respecting religion; nevertheless, he had so conducted affairs, that had he come earlier into the province, or had the cold season been at a greater distance, he might have put an end to hostilities.

[7]

He was then just going into winter quarters; but, it was stated that he had brought the war into such a state, that if he were not prevented by a successor, he seemed likely to complete it in the course of the ensuing summer.

[8] By such arguments the tribunes so far prevailed, that the consuls declared that they would abide by the directions of the senate, if the tribunes would agree to do the same. Both parties having, accordingly, left the consultation perfectly free, a decree was passed, appointing the two consuls to the government of the province of Italy.

[9] Titus Quinctius was continued in command, until a successor should accede by a decree of the senate. To each, two legions were decreed; and they were ordered, with these, to carry on the war with the Cisalpine Gauls, who had revolted from the Romans.

[10] A reinforcement of five thousand foot and three hundred horse was ordered to be sent into Macedonia to Quinctius, together with three thousand seamen.

[11] Lucius Quinctius Flamininus was continued in the command of the fleet. To each of the praetors for the two Spains were granted eight thousand foot, of the allies and Latins, and four hundred horse; so that they might discharge the veteran troops in their provinces. They were further directed to fix the bounds which should divide the hither from the farther province.

[12] Two additional lieutenant-generals were sent to the army in Macedonia, Publius Sulpicius and Publius Villius, who had been consuls in that province.

[1]

It was thought necessary, that before the consuls and praetors went abroad, some prodigies should be expiated. For the temples of Vulcan and Summanus, ⁶ at Rome, and a wall and a gate at Fregellae, had been struck by lightning.

[2] At Frusino, light had shone forth during the night. At Asculum, a lamb had been born with two heads and five feet. At Formiae, two wolves entering the town had torn several persons who fell in their way; and, at Rome, a wolf had made its way, not only into the city, but into the Capitol.

[3] Caius Acilius, plebeian tribune, caused an order to be passed, that five colonies should be led out to the sea-coast; two to the mouths of the rivers Vulturnus and Liternus; one to Puteoli; and one to the fort of Salernum.

[4] To these was added Buxentum. To each colony three hundred families were ordered to be sent. The commissioners appointed to conduct them thither, and who were to hold the office for three years, were Marcus Servilius Geminus, Quintus Minucius Thermus, and Tiberius Sempronius Longus.

[5] As soon as the levies, and such other business, religious and civil, as required their per- sonal attendance, was finished, both the consuls set out for Gaul.

[6] Cornelius took the direct road towards the Insubrians, who were then in arms, and had been joined by the Caenomanians. Quintus Minucius turned his route to the left side of Italy, and leading away his army to the lower sea, to Genoa, opened the campaign with an invasion of Liguria.

[7] Two towns, Clastidium and Litubium, both belonging to the Ligurians, and two states of the same nation, Celela and Cerdicium, surrendered to him. And now, all the states on this side of the Po, except the Boians among the Gauls and the Ilvatians among the Ligurians, were reduced to submission: no less, it is said, than fifteen towns and twenty thousand men surrendered themselves.

[8] He then led his legions into the territory of the Boians.

[1]

The Boian army had, not very long before, crossed the Po, and joined the Insubrians and Caenomanians;

[2] for, having heard that the consuls intended to act with their forces united, they wished to increase their own strength by this junction.

[3] But when information reached them that one of the consuls was ravaging the country of the Boians, a dispute instantly arose. The Boians demanded, that all, in conjunction, should carry succour to those who were attacked; while the Insubrians positively refused to leave their country defenceless.

[4] In consequence of this dissension, the armies separated; the Boians went to defend their own territory, and the Insubrians, with the Caenomanians, encamped on the banks of the river Mincius.

[5] About five miles below this spot, the consul Cornelius pitched his camp close to the same river. Sending emissaries hence into the villages of the Caenomanians, and to Brixia, the capital of their tribe, he learned with certainty that their young men had taken arms without the approbation of the elders;

[6] and that the Caenomanians had not joined in the revolt of the Insubrians by any public authority.

[7] On which he invited to him the principal of the natives, and endeavoured to contrive and concert with them that the Caenomanians should separate from the Insubrians; and either march away and return home, or come over to the side of the Romans.

[8] This he was not able to effect; but so far, he received solemn assurances that, in case of a battle, they would either stand inactive, or, should any occasion offer, would even assist the Romans. The Insubrians knew not that such an agreement had been concluded, but they harboured in their minds some kind of suspicion, that the fidelity of their confederates was wavering.

[9] Wherefore, in forming their troops for battle, not daring to intrust either wing to them, lest, if they should treacherously give ground, they might cause a total defeat, they placed them in reserve behind the line.

[10] At the beginning of the fight, the consul vowed a temple to Juno Sospita, provided the enemy should, on that day, be routed and driven from the field; on which the soldiers raised a shout, declaring, that they would insure to their commander the completion of his vow, and at the same time an attack was made on the enemy. The Insubrians did not stand even the first onset.

[11] Some writers affirm, that the Caenomanians, falling on their rear during the heat of the engagement, caused as much disorder there as prevailed in their front: and that, thus assailed on both sides, thirty-five thousand of them were slain, five thousand seven hundred taken prisoners, among whom was Hamilcar, a Carthaginian general, who had been the cause of the war;

[12] and that a hundred and thirty military standards and above two hundred waggons were taken.

[13] On this, the towns of the Gauls, which had joined in the revolt of the Insubrians, surrendered to the Romans.

[1]

The other consul, Minucius, had at first traversed the territories of the Boians, with wide-spread ravaging parties; but afterwards, when that people left the Insubrians, and came home to defend their own property, he kept his men within their camp, expecting to come to a regular engagement with the enemy.

[2] Nor would the Boians have declined a battle, if their spirits had not been depressed by hearing of the defeat of the Insubrians. Upon this, deserting their commander and their camp, they dispersed themselves through the several towns, each wishing to take care of his own effects.

[3] Thus they changed the enemy's method of carrying on the war: for, no longer hoping to decide the matter by a single battle, he began again to lay waste the lands, burn the houses, and storm the villages.

[4] At this time, Clastidium was burned, and the legions were led thence against the Ilvatian Ligurians, who alone refused to submit.

[5] That state, also, on learning that the Insubrians had been defeated in battle, and the Boians so terrified that they had not dared to try the fortune of an engagement, made a submis- sion.

[6] Letters from the consuls, containing accounts of their successes, came from Gaul to Rome at the same time. Marcus Sergius, city praetor, read them in the senate, and afterwards, by direction of the fathers, in an assembly of the people; on which a supplication, of four days' continuance, was decreed.

[1]

It was by this time winter; and while Titus Quinctius, after the reduction of Elatia, had his winter quarters distributed in Phocis and Locris, a violent dissension broke out at Opus.

[2] One faction invited to their assistance the Aetolians, who were nearest at hand; the other, the Romans.

[3] The Aetolians arrived first; but the other party, which was the more powerful, refused them admittance, and, despatching a courier to the Roman general, held the city until his arrival.

[4] The citadel was possessed by a garrison belonging to the king, and they could not be prevailed on to retire from thence, either by the threats of the people of Opus, or by the authority of the Roman consul's commands.

[5] What prevented their being immediately attacked was, the arrival of an envoy from the king, to solicit the appointing of a time and place for a conference.

[6] This was granted to the king with great reluctance; not that Quinctius did not wish to see war concluded under his own auspices, partly by arms, and partly by negotiation:

[7] for he knew not, yet, whether one of the new consuls would be sent out as his successor, or whether he should be continued in the command; a point which he had charged his friends and relations to labour for with all their might.

[8] But he thought that a conference would answer this purpose;

[9] that it would put it in his power to give matters a turn towards war, in case he remained in the province, or towards peace, if he were to be removed. They chose for the meeting a part of the sea-shore, in the Malian gulf, near Nicaea.

[10] Thither Philip came from Demetrias, with five barks and one ship of war: he was accompanied by some principal Macedonians, and an Achaean exile, name Cycliades, a man of considerable note.

[11] With the Roman general, were king Amynander, Dionysidorus, ambassador from king Attalus, Agesimbrotus, commander of the Rhodian fleet, Phaeneas, praetor of the Aetolians, and two Achaeans, Aristaenus and Xenophon.

[12] Attended by these, the Roman general advanced to the brink of the shore, when the king had come forward to the prow of his vessel, as it lay at anchor; and said,

If you will come on the shore, we shall mutually speak and hear with more convenience.

[13] This the king refused; and on Quinctius asking him,

Whom do you fear?

[14] With the haughty spirit of royalty, he replied,

Fear I have none, but of the immortal gods; but I have no confidence in the faith of those whom I see about you, and least of all in the Aetolians.

[15]

That danger,

said the Roman,

is equal to all in common who confer with an enemy, if no confidence subsists.

But, Titus Quinctius,

replied the king,

if treachery be intended, the prizes of perfidy are not equal, namely, Philip and Phaeneas.

[16]

For it will not be so difficult for the Aetolians to find another praetor, as for the Macedonians to find another king in my place.

—Silence then ensued.

[1]

The Roman expected that he who solicited the conference should open it; and the king thought that he who was to prescribe, not he who received, terms of peace, ought to begin the conference.

[2] At length the Roman said, that "his discourse should be very simple; for he would only mention those articles, without which there could be no conditions of peace. These were, that the king should withdraw his garrisons from all the cities of Greece.

[3] That he should deliver up to the allies of the Roman people the prisoners and deserters; should restore to the Romans those places in Illyricum of which he had possessed himself by force, since the peace concluded in Epirus; and to Ptolemy, king of Egypt, the cities which he had seized since the death of Ptolemy Philopater.

[4] These were the terms which he required, on behalf of himself and the Roman people: but it was proper that the demands of the allies, also, should be heard.

[5] The ambassador of king Attalus demanded

restitution of the ships and prisoners taken in the sea-fight at Cius; and that Nicephorium, and the temple of Venus, which Philip had pillaged and defaced, should be restored as though they had not been injured.

[6] The Rhodians laid claim to Peraea, a tract on the continent, lying opposite to their island, which from early times had been under their jurisdiction; and they required that

the garrisons should be withdrawn from Tassus, Bargylii, and Euroma, and from Sestus and Abydos on the Hellespont;

[7]

that Perinthus should be restored to the Byzantians, in right of their ancient title, and that all the sea-port towns and harbours of Asia should be free.

[8] The Achaeans demanded the restoration of Corinth and Argos. Phaeneas nearly repeated the demands made by the Romans, that the troops should withdraw out of Greece, and the Aetolians be put in possession of the cities which had formerly been under their dominion.

[9] He was followed by Alexander, a man of eminence among the Aetolians, and, considering his country, not uneloquent.

[10] He said, that

he had long kept silence, not because he expected that any business would be effected in that conference, but because he was unwilling to interrupt any of the allies in their discourse.

He asserted, that

Philip was neither treating for peace with sincerity; and that he had never waged war with true courage, at any time:

[11]

that in negotiating, he was insidious and fradulent; while in war he never fought on equal ground, nor engaged in regular battles; but, skulking about, burned and pillaged towns, and, when worsted, destroyed the prizes of victory.

[12]

But not in that manner did the ancient kings of Macedon behave; they decided the fate of the war in the field, and spared the towns as far as they were able, in order to possess the more opulent empire.

[13]

For what sort of conduct was it, to destroy the objects for the possession of which the contest was waged, and thereby leave nothing to himself but fighting? Philip had, in the last year, desolated more cities of his allies in Thessaly, than all the enemies that Thessaly ever had.

[14]

On the Aetolians themselves he had made greater depredations, when he was in alliance with them, than since he became their enemy.

[15]

He had seized on Lysimachia, after dislodging the praetor and garrison of the Aetolians. Cius also, a city belonging to their government, he razed from the foundation.

[16]

With the same injustice he held possession of Thebes in Phthiotis, of Echinus, Larissa, and Pharsalus.

[1]

Philip, provoked by this discourse of

[2] Alexander, pushed his ship nearer to the land, that he might be the better heard, and began to speak with much violence, particularly against the Aetolians. But Phaeneas, interrupting him, said that

the business depended not upon words; he must either conquer in war, or submit to his superiors.

[3]

That, indeed, is evident,

said Philip,

even to the blind,

reflecting on Phaeneas, who had a disorder in his eyes: for he was naturally fonder of such pleasantries than became a king; and even in the midst of serious business, did not sufficiently restrain himself from ridicule.

[4] He then began to express great indignation at the

Aetolians assuming as much importance as the Romans, and insisting on his evacuating Greece; people who could not even tell what were its boundaries. For, of Aetolia itself, a large proportion, consisting of the Agraeans, Apodeotians, and Amphilochians, was no part of Greece.

[5]

Have they just ground of complaint against me for not refraining from war with their allies, when themselves, from the earliest period, follow, as an established rule, the practice of suffering their young men to carry arms against those allies, withholding only the public authority of the state; while very frequently contending armies have Aetolian auxiliaries on both sides?

[6]

I did not seize on Cius by force, but assisted my friend and ally, Prussias, who was besieging it, and Lysimachia I rescued from the Thracians. But since necessity diverted my attention from the guarding of it to this present war, the Thracians have possession of it. So much for the Aetolians.

[7]

To Attalus and the Rhodians I in justice owe nothing; for not to me, but to themselves, is the commencement of hostilities to be attributed. However, out of respect to the Romans, I will restore Peraea to the Rhodians, and to Attalus his ships, and such prisoners as can be found.

[8]

As to what concerns Nicephorium, and the temple of Venus, what other answer can I make to those

[9]

who require their restoration, than that I will take on myself the trouble and expense of replanting them —the

[10]

only way in which woods and groves which have been cut down can be restored, —since it is thought fit that, between kings, such kinds of demands should be made and answered.

[11] The last part of his speech was directed to the Achaeans, wherein he enumerated, first, the kindnesses of Antigonus; then, his own towards their nation, desiring them to consider the decrees themselves had passed concerning him, which comprehended every kind of honour, divine and human; and to these he added their late decree, by which they had confirmed the resolution of deserting him.

[12] He inveighed bitterly against their perfidy, but told them, that nevertheless he would give them back Argos.

With regard to Corinth, he would consult with the Roman general;

[13]

and would, at the same time, inquire from him, whether he thought it right, that he (Philip) should evacuate only those cities which, being captured by himself, were held by the right of war; or those, also, which he had received from his ancestors.

[1]

The Achaeans and Aetolians were preparing to answer, but, as the sun was near setting, the conference was adjourned to the next day; and Philip returned to his station whence he came, the Romans and allies to their camp.

[2] On the following day, Quinctius repaired to Nicaea, which was the place agreed on, at the appointed time; but neither Philip, nor any messenger from him, came for several hours. At length, when they began to despair of his coming, his ships suddenly appeared. He said, that

the terms enjoined were so severe and humiliating, that, not knowing what to determine, he had spent the day in deliberation.

[3] But the general opinion was, that he had purposely delayed the business until late, that the Achaeans and Aetolians might not have time to answer him:

[4] and this opinion he himself confirmed, by desiring that time might not be consumed in altercation, and, to bring the affair to some conclusion, that the others should retire, and leave him to converse with the Roman general.

[5] For some time this was not admitted, lest the allies should appear to be excluded from the conference.

[6] Afterwards, on his persisting in his desire, the Roman general, with the consent of all, taking with him Appius Claudius, a military tribune, advanced to the brink of the coast, and the rest retired.

[7] The king, with the two persons whom he had brought the day before, came on shore, where they conversed a considerable time in private.

[8] What account of their proceedings Philip gave to his people is not well known: what Quinctius told the allies was, that

Philip was willing to cede to the Romans the whole coast of Illyricum, and to give up the deserters and prisoners, if there were any.

[9]

That he consented to restore to Attalus his ships, and the seamen taken with them; and to the Rhodians the tract which they call Peraea. That he refused to evacuate Iassus and Bargylii.

[10]

To the Aetolians he was ready to restore Pharsalus and Larissa; Thebes he would not restore: and that he would give back to the Achaeans the possession, not only of Argos, but of Corinth also.

[11] This arrangement pleased none of the parties; neither those to whom the concessions were to be made, nor those to whom they were refused;

[12]

for on that plan,

they said,

more would be lost than gained; nor could the grounds of contention ever be removed, but by his withdrawing his forces from every part of Greece.

[1]

These expressions, delivered with eagerness and vehemence by every one in the assembly, reached the ears of Philip, though he stood at a distance.

[2] He therefore requested of Quinctius, that the whole business might be deferred until the next day; and then he would, positively, either prevail on the allies, or suffer himself to be prevailed on by them.

[3] The shore at Thronium was appointed for their meeting, and there they assembled early. Philip began with entreating Quinctius, and all who were present, not to harbour such sentiments as must embarrass a negotiation of peace;

[4] and then desired time, while he could send ambassadors to Rome, to the senate, declaring, that

he would either obtain a peace on the terms mentioned, or would accept whatever terms the senate should prescribe.

None by any means approved of this; they said, he only sought a delay, and leisure to collect his strength.

[5] But Quinctius observed,

that such an objection would have been well founded, if it were then summer and a season fit for action;

[6]

as matters stood, and the winter being just at hand, nothing would be lost by allowing him time to send ambassadors.

[7]

For, without the authority of the senate, no agreement which they might conclude with the king would be valid; and besides, they would by this means have an opportunity, while the winter itself would necessarily cause a suspension of arms, to learn the authoritative decision of the senate.

The other chiefs of the allies came over to this opinion:

[8] and a cessation of hostilities for two months being granted, they resolved that each of their states should send an ambassador with the necessary information to the senate, and in order that it should not be deceived by the misrepresentations of Philip.

[9] To the above agreement for a truce, was added an article, that all the king's troops should be immediately withdrawn from Phocis and Locris.

[10] With the ambassadors of the allies, Quinctius sent Amynander, king of Athamania; and, to add a degree of splendour to the embassy, a deputation from himself, composed of Quintus Fabius, the son of his wife's sister, Quintus Fulvius, and Appius Claudius.

[1]

On their arrival at Rome, the ambassadors of the allies were admitted to audience before those of the king. Their discourse, in general, was filled up with invectives against Philip.

[2] What produced the greatest effect on the minds of the senate was, that, by pointing out the relative situations of the lands and

[3] seas in that part of the world, they made it manifest to every one, that if the king held Demetrias in Thessaly, Chalcis in Eubœa, and Corinth in Achaia, Greece could not be free;

[4] and they added, that Philip himself, with not more insolence than truth, used to call these the fetters of Greece.

[5] The king's ambassadors were then introduced, and when they were beginning a long harangue, a short question cut short their discourse: —Whether he was willing to yield up the three above-mentioned cities? They answered, that they had received no specific instructions on that head: on which they were dismissed, the negotiation being left unsettled. Full authority was given to Quinctius to determine every thing relative to war and peace.

[6] As this demonstrated clearly that the senate were not weary of the war, so he, who was more earnestly desirous of conquest than of peace, never afterwards consented to a conference with Philip; and even gave him notice that he would not admit any embassy from him, unless it came with information that he was retiring from the whole of Greece.

[1]

Philip now perceived that he must decide the matter in the field, and collect his strength about him from all quarters.

[2] Being particularly uneasy in respect to the cities of Achaia, a country so distant from him, and also of Argos, even more, indeed, than of Corinth, he resolved, as the most advisable method, to put the former into the hands of Nabis, tyrant of Lacedaemon, in trust, as it were, on the terms, that if he should prove successful in the war, Nabis should redeliver it to him; if any misfortune should happen, he should keep it himself. Accordingly, he wrote to Philocles, who had the command in Corinth and Argos, to have a meeting with the tyrant.

[3] Philocles, besides coming with a valuable present, added to that pledge of future friendship between the king and the tyrant, that it was Philip's wish to unite his daughters in marriage to the sons of Nabis.

[4] The tyrant, at first, refused to receive the city on any other conditions than that of being invited to its protection by a decree of the Argives themselves: but afterwards.

[5] hearing that in a full assembly they had treated the name of the tyrant not only with scorn, but even with abhorrence, he thought he had now a sufficient excuse for plundering them, and he accordingly desired Philocles to give him possession of the place as soon as he pleased.

[6] Nabis was admitted into the city in the night, without the privity of any of the inhabitants, and, at the first light, seized on the higher parts of it, and shut the gates.

[7] A few of the principal people having made their escape, during the first confusion, the properties of all who were absent were seized as booty: those who were present were stripped of their gold and silver, and loaded with exorbitant contributions.

[8] Such as paid these readily were discharged, without personal insult and laceration of their bodies; but such as were suspected of hiding or reserving any of their effects, were mangled and tortured like slaves.

[9] He then summoned an assembly, in which he promulgated two measures; one for an abolition of debts, the other for a distribution of the land, in shares, to each man —two firebrands in the hands of those who were desirous of revolution, for inflaming the populace against the higher ranks.

[1]

The tyrant, when he had the city of Argos in his power, never considering from whom or on what conditions he had received it, sent ambassadors to Elatia, to Quinctius, and to Attalus, in his winter quarters at Aegina, to tell them, that

he was in possession of Argos;

[2]

and that if Quinctius would come hither, and consult with him, he had no doubt but that every thing might be adjusted between them.

[3] Quinctius, in order that he might deprive Philip of that strong-hold, along with the rest, consented to come;

[4] accordingly, sending a message to Attalus, to leave Aegina, and meet him at Sicyon, he set sail from Anticyra with ten quinqueremes, which his brother, Lucius Quinctius, happened to have brought a little before from his winter station at Corcyra, and passed over to Sicyon.

[5] Attalus was there before him, who, representing that the tyrant ought to come to the Roman general, not the general to the tyrant, brought Quinctius over to his opinion, which was, that he should not enter the city of Argos.

[6] Not far from it, however, was a place called Mycenica; and there the parties agreed to meet.

[7] Quinctius came, with his brother and a few military tribunes; Attalus, with his royal retinue; and Nicostratus, the praetor of the Achaeans, with a few of the auxiliary officers: and they there found Nabis waiting with his whole army.

[8] He advanced, armed, and attended by his armed guards, almost to the middle of the interjacent plain; Quinctius unarmed, with his brother and two military tribunes; the king was accompanied by one of his nobles, and the praetor of the Achaeans, unarmed likewise.

[9] The tyrant, when he saw the king and the Roman general unarmed, opened the conference, with apologizing for having come to the meeting armed himself, and surrounded with armed men.

He had no apprehensions,

he said,

from them; but only from the Argive exiles.

[10] When they then began to treat of the conditions of their friendship, the Roman made two demands: one, that the war with the Achaeans should be put an end to; the other, that he should send him aid against Philip. He promised the aid required; but, instead of a peace with the Achaeans, a cessation of hostilities was obtained, to last until the war with Philip should be concluded.

[1]

A debate concerning the Argives, also, was set on foot by king Attalus, who charged Nabis with holding their city by force, which was put into his hands by the treachery of Philocles; while Nabis insisted, that he had been invited by the Argives themselves to afford them protection.

[2] The king required a general assembly of the Argives to be convened, that the truth of that matter might be known. To this the tyrant did not object; but the king alleged, that the Lacedaemonian troops ought to be withdrawn from the city, in order to render the assembly free;

[3] and that the people should be left at liberty to declare their real sentiments.

[4] The tyrant refused to withdraw them, and the debate produced no effect. To the Roman general, six hundred Cretans were given by Nabis, who agreed with the praetor of the Achaeans to a cessation of arms for four months, and thus they departed from the conference.

[5] Quinctius proceeded to Corinth, advancing to the gates with the cohort of Cretans, in order that it might be evident to Philocles, the governor of the city, that the tyrant had deserted the cause of Philip.

[6] Philocles himself came out to confer with the Roman general; and, on the latter exhorting him to change sides immediately, and surrender the city, he answered in such a manner as showed an inclination rather to defer than to refuse the matter.

[7] From Corinth, Quinctius sailed over to Anticyra, and sent his brother thence, to sound the disposition of the people of Acarnania.

[8] Attalus went from Argos to Sicyon. Here, on one side, the state added new honours to those formerly paid to the king;

[9] and, on the other, the king, besides having on a former occasion redeemed for them, at a vast expense, a piece of land sacred to Apollo, unwilling to pass by the city of his friends and allies without a token of munificence, made them a present of ten talents of silver, ⁷ and ten thousand bushels of corn, and then returned to Cenchreae to his fleet.

[10] Nabis, leaving a strong garrison at Argos, returned to Lacedaemon; and, as he himself had pillaged the men, he sent his wife to Argos to pillage the women.

[11] She invited the females to her house, sometimes singly, and sometimes several together, who were united by family connexion; and partly by fair speeches, partly by threats, stripped them, not only of their gold, but, at last, even of their garments, and every article of female attire.

History of Rome Perseus (Volumes 1-2. Roberts, Canon, Rev, translator. London, New York: J. M. Dent and Sons; E. P. Dutton and Co., 1912.) — 32.1 focus

[1]

The consuls and praetors went into office on March 15 and at once balloted for their commands.

[2] Italy fell to L. Lentulus and Macedonia to P. Villius. The praetors were distributed as follows: L. Quinctius received the City jurisdiction; Cn. Baebius, Ariminum; L. Valerius, Sicily; L. Villius, Sardinia.

[3] The consul Lentulus received instructions to raise fresh legions; Villius took over the army from P. Sulpicius and it was left to him to bring it up to whatever strength he thought necessary.

[4] The legions which C. Aurelius had commanded as consul were assigned to Baebius on the understanding that he was to retain them until the consul relieved him with his new army, and on his arrival all the time-expired soldiers were to be sent home.

[5] Out of the allied contingent only 5000 men were kept on active service, a sufficient number, it was thought, to hold the country round Ariminum.

[6] Two of the former praetors had their commands extended-C. Sergius, for the purpose of allotting the land to the soldiers who had been serving for many years in Spain, and Q. Minucius in order that he might complete the investigation of the conspiracies in Bruttium which he had been hitherto conducting so carefully and impartially.

[7] Those who had been convicted of the sacrilege and sent in chains to Rome he was to send to Locri

[8] for execution, and he was also to see that what had been abstracted from Proserpine's shrine was replaced with the due expiatory rites.

[9] In consequence of complaints made by representatives from Ardea that the customary portions of the victims sacrificed on the Alban Mount had not been given to that city, the pontiffs decreed that the Latin Festival should be held afresh. Reports came from Suessa that two of the city gates and the wall between them had been struck by lightning.

[10] Messengers from Formiae announced that the same thing had happened to the temple of Jupiter there, others from Ostia reported that the temple of Jupiter there also had been struck, others again from Velitrae brought word that the temples of Apollo and Sancus had been struck, and that hair had appeared on the statue in the temple of Hercules.

[11] Q. Minucius, the propraetor in Bruttium, wrote to say that a foal had been born with five feet, and three chickens with three feet each.

[12] A despatch was received from P. Sulpicius, the proconsul in Macedonia, in which among other things he stated that laurel leaves had shot forth on the stern of a warship.

[13] In the case of the other portents the senate decided that the consuls should sacrifice full-grown victims to those deities who they thought ought to receive them, but with regard to the last-mentioned portent the haruspices were called into the senate to advise.

[14] In accordance with their directions a day of special intercessions was ordered and prayers and sacrifices were offered at all the shrines.

[1]

This year the Carthaginians conveyed to Rome the first instalment of the war indemnity.

[2] It was paid in silver and the quaestors reported that it was not up to standard value, and on assaying it found that one-fourth was alloy. The Carthaginians made up the deficiency by borrowing money in Rome.

[3] They petitioned the senate to allow their hostages to be restored, and a hundred were given back to them. Hopes were held out of the restoration of the remainder if Carthage was true to her obligations.

[4] A further request which they put

[5] forward was that the hostages who were still detained might be moved from Norba where they were very uncomfortable, and placed elsewhere. It was agreed that they should be removed to Signia and Ferentinum.

[6] A deputation from Gades came with a request that no prefect might be sent there, as this would be in contravention of the agreement made with L. Marcius Septimus when they placed themselves under the protection of Rome. Their request was granted. Delegates also came from Narnia who stated that their colony was short of its proper number and that some of inferior status had found their way amongst them, and were giving themselves out to be colonists. The consul L. Cornelius was instructed to appoint three commissioners to deal with the case.

[7] Those appointed were the two Aelii-Publius and Sextus, both of whom had the cognomen of Paetus-and Cn. Cornelius Lentulus. The colonists at Cosa also requested an augmentation of their number, but their request was refused.

[1]

After despatching the necessary business in Rome the consuls left for their respective provinces.

[2] On his arrival in Macedonia, P. Villius was confronted by a serious mutiny amongst the troops, which had not been checked at the beginning, though they had for some time been seething with irritation.

[3] These were the 2000 who, after Hannibal's final defeat had been transferred from Africa to Sicily and then in less than a year to Macedonia. They were regarded as volunteers but they maintained that they had been taken there without their consent, they had been placed on board by the tribunes in spite of their protests.

[4] But in any case, whether their service was compulsory or voluntary they claimed that they had served their time and that it was only right that they should be discharged.

[5] They had not seen Italy for many years, they had spent the best years of their life under arms in Sicily and Africa and Macedonia, and now they were worn out with their toils and hardships, their many wounds had drained their blood.

[6] The consul told them that if they asked for their release in a proper way there was reasonable ground for granting it, but that did not justify them nor would anything else justify them in breaking out into mutiny.

[7] If therefore they were willing to remain with the standards and obey orders he would write to the senate about disbanding them. They would be much more likely to attain their object by moderation than by contumacy.

[1]

At this time Philip was pressing the siege of Thaumaci with the utmost energy.

[2] His mounds were completed and his vineae in full working order and he was on the point of bringing his battering-rams up to the walls when the sudden arrival of a body of Aetolians compelled him to desist. Under the leadership of Archidamus they made their way through the Macedonian guard and entered the town. Day and night they made constant sorties, at one time attacking the outposts, at another, the siege-works of the Macedonians.

[3] The nature of the country helped them. To one approaching Thaumaci from the south by Thermopylae and round the Malian Gulf and through the country of Lamia, the place stands out on a height overlooking what they call Thessalia Coele.

[4] When you have made your way by winding paths over the broken ground and come up to the city itself, the whole plain of Thessaly suddenly stretches out before you like a vast sea beyond the limits of vision.

[5] From the wonderful view which it affords comes its name of Thaumaci. The city was protected not only by its elevated position but also by the precipitous sides of the height on which it stood.

[6] In the face of these difficulties Philip did not think its capture worth all the toil and danger involved and accordingly gave up the task.

[7] The winter had already begun when he withdrew from the place and returned to his winter quarters.

[1]

Everybody else made the most of the short rest allowed in seeking relaxation for mind

[2] and body, but the respite which Philip gained from the ceaseless strain of marches and battles only left him the more free for anxious thought as he contemplated the issues of the war as a whole.

[3] He viewed with alarm the enemy who was pressing on him by land and sea, and he felt grave misgivings as to the intentions of his allies and even of his own subjects, lest the former should prove false to him in the hope of gaining the friendship of Rome and the latter break out in insurrection against his rule.

[4] To make sure of the Achaeans he sent envoys to require them to renew the oath of fidelity which they had undertaken to renew annually, and also to announce his intention of restoring to the Achaeans the

[5] cities of Orchomenos and Heraea and the district of Triphylia and to the Megalopolitans the city of Aliphera, as they maintained that it had never belonged to Triphylia, but was one of the places from which by direction of the council of the Arcadians the population had been drawn

[6] to found Megalopolis, and therefore it ought to be restored to them.

[7] By adopting this course he sought to consolidate his alliance with the Achaeans. His hold upon his own subjects was strengthened by the action he took in the case of Heraclides.

[8] He had made a friend of this man, but when he saw that he was making himself intensely disliked, and that many charges had been brought against him, he threw him into prison to the great joy of the Macedonians.

[9] His preparations for war were as carefully and thoroughly made as any he had ever made before. He constantly exercised the Macedonians and mercenary troops and at the commencement of the spring he sent Athenagoras with all the foreign auxiliaries and light infantry through Epirus into Chaonia to seize the pass at Antigonea, which the Greeks call Stena.

[10] A few days later he followed with the heavy troops, and after surveying all the positions in the country he considered that the most suitable place for an entrenched camp was one before the river Aous.

[11] This runs through a narrow ravine between two mountains which bear the local names of Meropus and Asnaus, and affords a very narrow path along its bank. He gave orders to Athenagoras to occupy Asnaus with his light infantry and intrench himself; and he himself fixed his camp on Meropus.

[12] Where there were precipitous cliffs, small outposts mounted guard, the more accessible parts he fortified with fosse or rampart or towers.

[13] A large quantity of artillery was disposed in suitable places to keep the enemy at a distance by missiles. The king's tent was pitched on a most conspicuous height in front of the lines to overawe the enemy and to give his own men confidence.

[1]

.The consul had wintered in Corcyra, and on receiving intelligence through Charops, an Epirote, as to the pass which the king and his army had occupied, he sailed across to the mainland at the opening of the spring and at once marched towards the enemy.

[2] When he was about five miles from the king's camp he left the legions in an entrenched position and went forward with some light troops to reconnoitre.

[3] The following day he held a council of war to decide whether he should attempt to force the pass in spite of the immense difficulty and danger to be faced,

[4] or whether he should lead his force round by the same route which Sulpicius had taken the year before, when he invaded Macedonia. This question had been debated for several days when a messenger came to report the election of T. Quinctius to the consulship and

[5] the assignment to him of Macedonia as his province, and the fact that he was hastening to take possession of his province and had already reached Corcyra.

[6] According to Valerius Antias, Villius, finding a frontal attack impossible as every approach was blocked by the king's troops, entered the ravine and marched along the river.

[7] Hastily throwing a bridge across to the other side where the king's troops lay, he crossed over and attacked; the king's army were routed and put to flight and despoiled of their camp. 12,000 of the enemy were killed in the battle, 2200 prisoners taken, 132 standards and 230 horses captured.

[8] All the Greek and Latin writers, so far as I have consulted them, say that nothing noteworthy was done by Villius and that the consul who succeeded him took over the whole war from the outset.

[1]

.During these occurrences in Macedonia the other consul, L. Lentulus, who had remained in Rome, conducted the election of censors.

[2] Amidst several candidates of distinction the choice of the electors fell upon P. Cornelius Scipio Africanus and P. Aelius Paetus.

[3] They worked together in perfect harmony, and revised the roll of the senate without disqualifying a single member. They also leased out to contractors the customs dues at Capua and Puteoli and the harbour dues at the Castra Hannibalis, where a town now stands. Here they sent 300 colonists-the number fixed by the senate-and also sold the land belonging to Capua which lay at the foot of Mount Tifata.

[4] L. Manlius Acidinus, who left Spain about this time, was prevented by P. Porcius, a tribune of the plebs, from enjoying an ovation on his return, though the senate had granted it to him. He entered the City in an unofficial capacity, and brought into the treasury 1200 pounds' weight of silver and 30 pounds of gold.

[5] During the year Cn. Baebius Tamphilus, who had succeeded C. Aurelius in the command in Gaul, invaded the country of the Insubrian Gauls, but owing to his want of caution he was surprised, and very nearly lost the whole of his army. His actual losses amounted to 6700 men, and this great defeat occurred in a quarter which was no longer a cause of apprehension.

[6] This incident called L. Lentulus out of the City. As soon as he reached the province, which was filled with disturbance, he took over the command

[7] of the demoralised army and after severely censuring the praetor ordered him to quit the province and go back to Rome. The consul himself, however, did nothing of any importance, as he was recalled to Rome to conduct the elections.

[8] These were delayed by two of the tribunes of the plebs, M. Fulvius and Manius Curius, who would not allow T. Quinctius Flamininus to be

[9] a candidate for the consulship as he was only quaestor at the time.

[10] They alleged that the offices of aedile and praetor were now looked down upon, the nobility did not rise through the successive posts of honour before trying for the consulship and so give proof of their efficiency, but passing over the intermediate steps made the highest immediately follow the lowest.

[11] The question passed from the Campus Martius to the senate, who passed a resolution to the effect that when any one was a candidate for an office of dignity which he might lawfully hold, it

[12] was right in such a case that the people should have the power to elect whom they would. The tribunes deferred to the authority of the senate.

[13] The consuls elected were Sex. Aelius Paetus and T. Quinctius Flamininus. At the subsequent election of praetors the following were returned: L. Cornelius Merula, M. Claudius Marcellus, M. Porcius Cato and C. Helvius. These had been plebeian aediles, and exhibited the Plebeian Games and celebrated the festival of Jupiter.

[14] The curule aediles-C. Valerius Flaccus, one of the Flamens of Jupiter, and C. Cornelius Cethegus-celebrated the Roman Games with great splendour.

[15] Two pontiffs-both members of the house of the Sulpicii, Servius and Caius-died this year. Their places were filled up by M. Aemilius Lepidus and Cnaeus Cornelius Scipio.

[1]

.On assuming office the new consuls convened the senate in the Capitol, and it was decreed that the consuls might either arrange between themselves about the two provinces of Macedonia and Italy, or they might ballot for them.

[2] The one to whom Macedonia fell was to raise 3000 Roman infantry and 300 cavalry in order to bring the legions up to their proper strength, and also 5000 men from the Latins and the allies and 500 cavalry.

[3] The army for the other consul was to be an entirely new one. L. Lentulus, the consul of the previous year, had his command extended and he received orders not to leave his province or bring away his veteran army until the consul arrived with the new legions.

[4] The result of the balloting was that Italy fell to Aelius and Macedonia to Quinctius.

[5] Amongst the praetors, L. Cornelius Merula received the jurisdiction in the City; M. Claudius, Sicily; M. Porcius, Sardinia, and C. Helvius, Gaul.

[6] The enrolment of troops followed, for in addition to the consular armies the praetors were required to levy forces.

[7] Marcellus enlisted 4000 Latin and allied infantry and 300 cavalry for service in Sicily, Cato raised 2000 foot and 200 horse of the same class for Sardinia, so that both these praetors on reaching their provinces might disband the old cavalry and infantry.

[8] When these dispositions were completed, the consuls introduced a mission from Attalus to the senate. They announced that the king was assisting Rome with the whole of

[9] his military and naval strength and had up to that day done his utmost to carry out faithfully the behests of the Roman consuls, but he feared that he would not be at liberty to do this any longer; Antiochus had invaded his kingdom while it was left defenceless both by sea and land.

[10] He therefore requested the senate, if they wished to avail themselves of his fleet and his services in the Macedonian war, that either they themselves would send a force to protect his kingdom, or if they did not wish to do so, that they would allow him to return home and defend his dominions with his fleet and the rest of his forces.

[11] The senate instructed the consuls to convey the following reply to the delegates: "The assistance which King Attalus has given the Roman commanders with his fleet and other forces has been very gratifying to the senate.

[12] They will not themselves send assistance to Attalus against Antiochus since he is on terms of alliance and friendship with Rome, nor will they detain the auxiliaries which Attalus is furnishing longer than suits the king's convenience.

[13] When the Romans have made use of the resources of others they have always left liberty of action to others.

[14] If any wish to render active assistance to the Romans, it rests with them to take the first step as it does to take the last.

[15] The senate will send envoys to Antiochus to inform him that the Roman people are making use of Attalus' ships and men against their common enemy, Philip, and Antiochus will give gratification to the senate if he desists from hostilities and leaves Attalus' dominions alone.

[16] It is only just and right that monarchs who are allies and friends of Rome should also keep the peace towards each other."

[1]

The consul T. Quinctius, in raising troops, took care to choose mainly those who had done good service in Spain or in Africa and who were men of tried courage. Anxious as he was to go to his province, he was delayed in Rome by the announcement of portents and the necessity of expiating them.

[2] Several places had been struck by lightning-the high road at Veii, the forum and the temple of Jupiter at Lanuvium, the temple of Hercules at Ardea, and at Capua walls and towers and the temple called Alba. At Arretium the sky appeared to be on fire.

[3] At Velitrae the earth subsided over a space of three jugera, leaving a huge chasm. At Suessa it was reported that a lamb had been born with two heads, and at Sinuessa a pig with a human head. In consequence of these portents a day of special intercessions was proclaimed and the consuls arranged for the prayers and sacrifices.

[4] After thus placating the gods the consuls left for their respective provinces. Aelius took the praetor Helvius with him into Gaul and handed over to him the army which he had received from L. Lentulus, to be disbanded, whilst he himself prepared to continue the war with the legions he brought with him.

[5] He did not however do anything worth recording. The other consul, T. Quinctius, left Brundisium earlier than his predecessors had been in the habit of doing and sailed for Corcyra with an army of 8000 infantry and 800 cavalry.

[6] From there he crossed over in a quinquereme to the nearest part of the coast of Epirus, and proceeded by forced marches to the Roman camp.

[7] He sent Villius home and then waited a few days until his troops which were following him from Corcyra joined him. Meanwhile he held a council of war on the question whether he should march straight

[8] to the enemy's lines and force them, or whether, without attempting a task of such difficulty and danger, it would not be better to make a safe circuit through the Dessaretii and the country of Lyncus and enter Macedonia from that side.

[9] The latter proposal would have been adopted had not Quinctius feared that if he moved further from the sea his enemy might slip out of his hands, and seek safety as he had done before in forests and deserts, in which case the summer would be gone without any decisive result being arrived at.

[10] It was decided, therefore, in any case to attack the enemy where he was, in spite of the unfavourable ground over which the attack had to be made.

[11] But it was easier to decide that an attack should be made than to form a clear idea of how it should be made. For forty days they remained inactive in full view of the enemy.

[1]

This led Philip to hope that he might arrange a peace through the mediation of the Epirotes.

[2] A national council was held at which Pausanias, their captain-general, and Alexander, the commander of their cavalry, were chosen to undertake the task, and they arranged a conference between the king and the consul at a point where the Aous contracts to its narrowest width.

[3] The sum and substance of the consul's demands were that the king should withdraw his garrisons from the various States, that he should restore to those of them whose cities and fields he had plundered all that they could recover, and make compensation for the rest upon a fair valuation.

[4] In reply Philip asserted that the cities were differently circumstanced. Those which he had himself taken he would liberate, but as to those which had been bequeathed to him by his predecessors he would not give up what he had inherited as his lawful possession.

[5] If any of the States with whom he had been at war made complaint of the losses they had sustained he would submit the question to arbitration before any neutral nation whom they chose.

[6] To this the consul replied that in this matter at all events there was no need whatever for any arbitration, for who could fail to see that the responsibility for all wrongs lay with the aggressor, and in every case Philip had been the aggressor without having received any provocation?

[7] The discussion then turned upon the question, which communities were to be liberated. The consul mentioned the Thessalians to begin with. Philip was so furious at this suggestion that he exclaimed, "What heavier condition, T. Quinctius, could you impose upon a defeated foe?"

[8] and with these words hastily left the conference. It was with difficulty that the two armies were prevented from fighting with missiles, separated as they were by the breadth of the river.

[9] The next day the patrols on either side engaged in numerous skirmishes over the broad plain between the camps. Then the king's troops retired and the Romans in their eagerness for battle followed them on to confined and broken ground.

[10] They had the advantage in their order and discipline and in the nature of their armour which afforded protection to the whole person;

[11] the Macedonians were helped by the strength of their position, which enabled catapults and ballistae to be posted on almost every rock as though on a city wall.

[12] After many on both sides had been wounded and some had even fallen as in a regular battle, night put an end to the fighting.

[1]

At this juncture a shepherd was brought to the consul who had been sent by Charopus, the leading man in Epirus.

[2] He said that he had been in the habit of pasturing his flock in the defile which was then occupied by the king's camp, and knew every track and turn on the mountains.

[3] If the consul cared to send a party with him he would lead them by a route which was not difficult or dangerous to a place where they would be over the enemy's head.

[4] On hearing this the consul sent to Charopus to find out whether he thought that the rustic was to be trusted in a matter of such importance. Charopus sent back word that he might trust him so far as to keep everything in his own hands, and not be at the mercy of his guide.

[5] Whilst wishing rather than daring to trust the man, and with mingled feelings of joy and fear, he was so far swayed by the authority of Charopus as to try the chance which offered.

[6] In order to dispel all suspicion of his intended movement, he kept up continuously, for two days, attacks upon every part of the enemy's position, bringing up fresh forces to relieve those who were worn out with fighting.

[7] In the meantime he selected 4000 infantry and 300 cavalry and placed this picked force in charge of a military tribune with orders to take the cavalry as far as the ground allowed, and when it became impassable for mounted men he was to post them somewhere on level ground; the infantry were to follow the path indicated by the guide.

[8] When, as he promised, they reached a position above the enemy they were to give a signal by smoke and not raise the battle-shout until the consul had received the signal and could judge that the battle had begun. The consul ordered them to march by night-it happened to be moonlight all night-and to take their food and rest in the daytime.

[9] The guide was promised a very large reward if he proved faithful, he was, however, bound before being handed over to the tribune.

[10] After despatching this force the Roman commander subjected the Macedonian outposts to more vigorous pressure on all sides.

[1]

The detached force reached the height which was their objective on the third day, and signalled by a column of smoke that they had seized and were holding it. Thereupon the consul, having formed his army into three divisions, advanced up the bottom of the ravine with his main strength and sent his right and left wings against the camp.

[2] The enemy showed no less alertness in meeting the attack. Eager to come to blows they moved out of their lines, and as long as they fought in the open, the Romans were vastly superior in courage and training and arms.

[3] But after losing many men in killed and wounded the king's troops retired upon positions strongly fortified or naturally secure, and then it was the turn of the Romans to be in difficulties, as they were advancing over dangerous ground where the narrow space made retreat almost impossible.

[4] Nor would they have been able to retire without paying heavily for their rashness had not the Macedonians heard shouts and found that a battle had begun in their rear.

[5] This unforeseen danger drove them frantic with terror, some fled in disorder, others who stood their ground, not so much because they had the courage to fight, as because there was no place for escape, were surrounded by the enemy who were pressing on in front and rear.

[6] The whole army might have been annihilated had the victors been able to keep up the pursuit, but the cavalry were hampered by the rough and confined ground and the infantry by the weight of their armour.

[7] The king galloped off the field without looking behind him. After he had ridden some five miles, and rightly suspected from the

[8] nature of the country that the enemy would find it impossible to follow him, he came to a halt on some rising ground and sent his escort in all directions over hill and dale to rally his scattered troops. Out of the whole force his losses did not amount to more than 2000, and all the rest, as if in obedience to a signal, collected together and marched off in a strong column for Thessaly.

[9] After continuing the pursuit as far as they could with safety, cutting down the fugitives and despoiling the dead, they plundered the king's camp which even in the absence of defenders was difficult to approach.

[10] During the night they remained in camp, and the next day the consul followed the enemy through the gorge at the bottom of which the river wound its way.

[1]

On the first day of his retreat the king reached a place called Pyrrhus' Camp in Molossian Triphylia.

[2] The next day he gained the Lycnon range, a tremendous march for his army, but their fears urged them on. This range is in Epirus and divides it from Macedonia on the north and Thessaly on the east.

[3] The mountain sides are clothed with dense forests and the summits form a wide table-land with perennial streams. Here the king remained encamped for several days, unable to make up his mind whether to go straight back to his kingdom or whether it would be possible for him first to make an incursion into Thessaly.

[4] He decided to march his army down into Thessaly and proceeded by the nearest route to Tricca, from which place he visited the surrounding cities in rapid succession.

[5] The men who were able to follow him were compelled to quit their homes and the towns were burnt.

[6] All the property they could carry with them they were allowed to take away, the rest became the booty of the soldiers. There was no cruelty that they could have suffered from an enemy greater than that which they experienced from their allies.

[7] These measures were extremely distasteful to Philip, but as the country would soon be in possession of the

[8] enemy he was determined to keep the persons, at all events, of his allies out of their hands. The towns which were thus devastated were Phacium, Iresiae, Euhydrium, Eretria and Palaepharsalus.

[9] At Pherae the gates were closed against him, and as a siege would have caused considerable delay and he had no time to lose, he gave up the attempt and marched into Macedonia.

[10] His retreat was hastened by the news of the approach of the Aetolians. When they heard of the battle which had taken place near the Aous, the Aetolians ravaged the country nearest to them round Sperchiae, and Macra Come, as it is called, and then crossing the frontiers of Thessaly they gained possession of Cymene and Angea at the first assault.

[11] Whilst they were devastating the fields round Metropolis the townsmen who had mustered in force to defend their walls inflicted a repulse upon them.

[12] In an attack upon Callithera they met with similar resistance, but after an obstinate struggle they drove the defenders back within their walls. As there was no hope whatever of their effecting the capture of the place, they had

[13] to content themselves with this success.

[14] They next attacked the villages of Theuma and Celathara, which they plundered. Acharrae they gained by surrender; at Xyniae the terrified peasants fled and after thus abandoning their homes fell in with a detachment of Aetolians who were marching to Thaumaci to protect their foragers. The unarmed and helpless crowd were slaughtered by the armed soldiery and the abandoned Xyniae was sacked. Then the Aetolians took Cyphaera, a stronghold commanding Dolopia.

[15] These successful operations were rapidly carried out in a few days.

[1]

Amynander and the Athamanians, on hearing of the Roman victory, did not remain inactive. As he felt little confidence in his soldiers Amynander begged the consul to lend him a small detachment with which to attack Gomphi. He began by seizing Phaeca, a place lying between Gomphi and the pass over Pindus which divides Athamania from Thessaly.

[2] Then he marched to the attack on Gomphi. For several days the inhabitants defended their city most vigorously, but when the scaling-ladders were at last placed against the walls their fears drove them to surrender.

[3] The fall of Gomphi created the liveliest alarm throughout Thessaly. The garrisons of Argenta, Pherinium, Timarum, Ligynae, Stimo and Lampsus surrendered in rapid succession together with other unimportant fortified posts in the neighbourhood.

[4] Whilst the Athamanians and the Aetolians, delivered from the Macedonian peril, were thus making their gain out of the victory which others had won, and Thessaly, doubtful whom to count as friend or foe, was being devastated by three armies at once, the consul marched through the defile which the flight of the enemy had left open to him and entered the country of Epirus.

[5] He knew perfectly well which side the Epirotes, with the exception of Charopas, had favoured, but as he saw that

[6] they were anxious to repair their past mistakes by doing their utmost to carry out his commands, he measured them by their present rather than their former attitude, and through his clemency and readiness to forgive he secured their attachment for the future.

[7] After despatching instructions to Corcyra for the transports to come into the Ambracian Gulf he advanced by easy stages for four days and fixed his camp at the foot of the Cercetian range of mountains.

[8] Amynander was requested to bring up his troops to the same place, not so much because his assistance was required as because the consul wished to have them as his guides into Thessaly. Most of the Epirotes were allowed to volunteer for service also.

[1]

The first Thessalian city to be attacked was Phalorium. It was garrisoned by 2000 Macedonians, and as far as arms and fortifications could protect them they offered a most determined resistance.

[2] The consul believed that failure to withstand the Roman arms in this first instance would decide the attitude of the Thessalians generally, and he pressed the attack day and night without intermission. At last the resolution of the Macedonians was overcome and Phalorium was taken.

[3] On this envoys came from Metropolis and Cierium to surrender their cities and to ask that their offence might be condoned. Their request was granted, but Phalorium was sacked and burnt.

[4] He then advanced against Aeginium, but when he saw that the place was practically impregnable even with a small force to defend it, he contented himself with discharging a few missiles on the nearest outpost and diverted his march toward, Gomphi.

[5] As he had spared the fields of the Epirotes his army was now without the necessaries of life, and on his descent into the plain of Thessaly he sent to find out whether the transports had reached Leucas or the Ambracian Gulf, and then despatched

[6] bodies of troops one after another in turn to Ambracia to procure corn.

[7] Though the route from Gomphi to Ambracia is a difficult and awkward one, it is very short, and in a few days the camp was replenished with stores of all kinds which had been brought up from the coast.

[8] His next objective was Atrax. This city lies on the Peneus about ten miles from Larissa and was founded by emigrants from Perrhaebia.

[9] The Thessalians felt no alarm at the appearance of the Romans, and Philip himself did not venture to advance into Thessaly but remained encamped in Tempe, so that he could send help as occasion required to any place attempted by the Romans.

[1]

Just about the time when the consul began his campaign against Philip by fixing his camp in the pass leading from

[2] Epirus, his brother L. Quinctius, to whom the senate had entrusted the charge of the fleet and the command of the coast-line, sailed to Corcyra with two quinqueremes.

[3] When he heard that the fleet had left, he decided to lose no time and followed it up to the island of Zama.

[4] Here he sent back Lucius Apustius, whom he had succeeded, and went on to Malea. The voyage was a slow one, the vessels which were accompanying him, laden with provisions, having mostly to be taken in tow.

[5] From Malea he proceeded with three swift quinqueremes to the Piraeus, leaving orders for the rest of the fleet to follow him as quickly as they could, and here he took over the ships which had been left by L. Apustius for the protection of Athens.

[6] At the same time two fleets sailed from Asia, one of twenty-three quinqueremes with Attalus, the other a Rhodian fleet of twenty decked ships, under Agesimbrotus.

[7] These fleets united off Andros and from there sailed to Euboea, which is only separated by a narrow strait.

[8] They began by laving waste the fields of the Carystians, but when Carystus was strengthened by reinforcements which were hurried up they sailed away to Eretria.

[9] On hearing that Attalus had arrived there, L. Quinctius proceeded thither with the squadron in the Piraeus after leaving orders for the rest of his fleet as they arrived to sail for Euboea.

[10] A very fierce attack on Eretria now commenced. The vessels in the three fleets carried all kinds of siege engines and artillery, and the country around afforded an abundant supply of timber for the construction of fresh works.

[11] At first the townsmen defended themselves with considerable energy, but they gradually became worn out and many were wounded, and when they saw a portion of the walls levelled by the enemy's machines, they began to think about surrendering.

[12] But the garrison consisted of Macedonians and the townsmen were as much afraid of these as they were of the Romans. Philocles, Philip's lieutenant, also sent word that he would come to their assistance in time if they would hold out.

[13] Thus their hopes and fears constrained them to lengthen out the time beyond either their wishes or their strength.

[14] At last they heard that Philocles had been defeated and was in hasty flight to Chalcis, and they at once sent spokesmen to Attalus to ask for mercy and protection.

[15] Hoping for peace they slackened their defence and contented themselves with guarding that part where the wall had been levelled. Quinctius, however, delivered an assault by night in the quarter where they least expected it and captured the city.

[16] The whole of the townsmen with their wives and children took refuge in the citadel and finally surrendered. There was not much gold and silver, but the statues and pictures by old-time artists and similar objects were discovered in greater quantities than might have been

[17] expected from the size and wealth of the city.

[1]

Carystus was the next place to be attacked. Here before the troops were landed the entire population abandoned the city and took refuge in the citadel.

[2] Then they sent envoys to make terms with the Roman general. The townsmen were at once granted life and liberty; the Macedonians were allowed to depart after giving up their arms and paying a sum equivalent to 300 drachmae per man.

[3] After ransoming themselves at this sum they departed for Boeotia. After thus, within a few days, capturing two important cities in Euboea, the fleets rounded Sunium, a promontory in Attica, and brought up at Cenchreae, the commercial port of Corinth.

[4] Meanwhile the consul had on his hands a siege which proved to be more tedious and costly than any one anticipated, and the defence was conducted in a way he was quite unprepared for.

[5] He took it for granted that all his efforts would be devoted to the demolition of the walls and when once he had opened the way into the city the flight and slaughter of the enemy would follow as they usually do when cities are taken by assault.

[6] But after a portion of the wall had been battered down by the rams and the soldiers began to march over the debris into the city

[7] they found themselves at the beginning of a fresh task.

[8] The Macedonian garrison, a large body of picked men, considered it a special distinction to defend the city by their arms and courage rather than by walls, and they formed in close order, their front resting on a column of unusual depth. As soon as they saw the Romans clambering over the ruins of the wall they drove them back over ground covered with obstacles and ill-adapted for retirement.

[9] The consul was intensely mortified, for he looked upon this humiliating repulse as not only helping to prolong the siege of one solitary city, but also as likely to influence the future course of the war which, in his opinion, depended to a great extent upon unimportant incidents.

[10] After clearing the ground where the shattered wall lay in heaps he brought up a movable tower of immense height carrying a large number

[11] of men on its numerous stages, and sent on cohort after cohort to break through, if possible, the massed body of Macedonians, which they call the phalanx.

[12] But in the narrow space-for the breach in the wall was by no means a wide one-the kind of weapon he used and his style of fighting gave the enemy an advantage.

[13] When the serried Macedonian ranks presented their enormously long spears it was like a shield-wall, and when the Romans after fruitlessly hurling their javelins, drew their swords they could not get to close quarters, nor could they hack off the spear-heads;

[14] if they did succeed in cutting or breaking any off, the splintered shafts kept their places amongst the points of the uninjured ones and the palisade remained unbroken.

[15] Another thing which helped the enemy was the protection of their flanks by that part of the wall which was sound; they had not to attack or retire over a wide stretch of ground, which generally disorders the ranks. An accident which happened to the tower gave them still greater confidence.

[16] As it was being moved over ground not thoroughly beaten down, one of the wheels sank in and gave the tower such a list

[17] that it seemed to the enemy to be falling over.

[1]

Though he was making no progress, what vexed the consul most was that he was allowing a comparison to be made between the tactics and weapons of the contending armies;

[2] he recognised that there was no near prospect of a successful assault, and no means of wintering so far from the sea in a country utterly wasted by the ravages of war, and under these circumstances he raised the siege.

[3] There was no harbour on the whole of the Acarnanian and Aetolian coast-line which would admit all the transports employed in provisioning the troops and at the same time furnish covered winter-quarters for the legionaries.

[4] Anticyra in Phocis, facing the Corinthian Gulf, seemed the most suitable place, as it was

[5] not far from Thessaly and the positions held by the enemy, and only separated from the Peloponnese by a narrow strip of sea. There he would have Aetolia and Acarnania behind him, and Locris and Boeotia on either side of him.

[6] Phanotea in Phocis was taken without any fighting; Anticyra only made a brief resistance; the captures of Ambrysus and Hyampolis speedily followed.

[7] Owing to the position of Daulis on a lofty hill, its capture could not be effected by escalade or direct assault.

[8] By harassing the defending garrison with missiles and, when they made sorties, skirmishing against them, alternately advancing and retiring without attempting anything decisive, he brought them to such a pitch of carelessness and contempt for their opponents that when they retired within their gates the Romans rushed in with them and took the place by storm. Other unimportant strongholds fell into Roman hands more through fear than through force of arms.

[9] Elatea closed its gates against him and there seemed little probability of its admitting either a Roman general or a Roman army unless it were compelled to do so by force.

[1]

While the consul was engaged in the siege of Elatea, the hope of achieving a greater success brightened before him, namely, of inducing the Achaeans to abandon their alliance with Philip and enter into friendly relations with Rome.

[2] Cycliadas, the leader of the Macedonian party, had been expelled, and Aristaenus, a favourer of the Roman alliance, was chief magistrate.

[3] The Roman fleet in conjunction with those of Attalus and Rhodes were anchored at Cenchreae, preparing to make a joint attack on Corinth.

[4] The consul thought that, before commencing operations, it would be better to send an embassy to the Achaeans and give an undertaking that if they would abandon the king and go over to the Romans, Corinth should be incorporated in the Achaean league.

[5] At the consul's suggestion, envoys were accordingly sent by his brother Lucius, and by Attalus, the Rhodians and the Athenians. A meeting of the council was convened at Sicyon.

[6] The Achaeans, however, were far from clear as to what course they ought to pursue. They were in fear of Nabis the Lacedaemonian, their dangerous and relentless enemy, they dreaded the arms of Rome, and they were under many obligations to the Macedonians for their kind services both in bygone years and recently.

[7] But the king himself they viewed with suspicion on account of his faithlessness and cruelty;

[8] his action at the time they attached no importance to, and saw clearly that after the war he would be more of a tyrant than ever.

[9] They were quite at a loss what view to express, either in the senates of their respective States or in the general council of the League; even when thinking the matter over by themselves, they could not make up their minds as to what it was they really wanted or what was best for them.

[10] Whilst the councillors were in this state of indecision the envoys were introduced and requested to state their case.

[11] The Roman envoy, L. Calpurnius, was the first to speak. He was followed by the representatives of King Attalus, and then came the delegates from Rhodes.

[12] The emissaries of Philip were the next to speak, and the Athenians came last of all, that they might reply to the Macedonians. These last attacked the king with almost greater bitterness than any of the others, for none had suffered more or undergone such harsh treatment.

[13] The whole day was taken up with the continuous speeches of all these deputations, and at sunset the council broke up.

[1]

The next day they were called together again. When, in accordance with Greek usage, the usher announced that the magistrates gave permission to speak to any one who wished to lay his views before the council, there was a long silence, each looking for some one else to speak.

[2] Nor was this surprising, when men who had been turning over in their minds proposals flatly opposed to each other until their brains had come to a standstill, were still further bewildered by speeches lasting the whole day through, in which the difficulties on both sides were set forth in tones of warning.

[3] At last, Aristaenus, the president, determined not to adjourn the council without discussion, said: "Where, Achaeans, are those lively disputes which go on at your dinner-tables and at the street corners, in which whenever Philip or the Romans are mentioned you can scarcely keep your hands off each other?

[4] Now, in a council convened for this special purpose, when you have heard the representatives of both sides, when the magistrates submit the question to discussion, when the usher invites you to express your views, you have become dumb.

[5] If care for the common safety fails to do so, cannot the party spirit which makes you take one side or the other, extort a word from any one?

[6] especially as no one is so dense as not to see that this is the moment, before any decree is passed, for speaking and advocating the course which commends itself to any one as the best. When a decree has once been made, every one will have to uphold it as a good and salutary measure, even those who previously opposed it."

[7] This appeal from the president not only failed to induce a single speaker to come forward, it did not even call forth a single cheer or murmur in that great assembly, where so many States were represented.

[1]

Then Aristaenus resumed: "Leaders of the Achaeans, you are not lacking in counsel any more than you are in the power of speech, but each of you is unwilling to endanger his own safety in consulting for the safety of all.

[2] Possibly I, too, should keep silence, were I only a private citizen, but as it is, I see that either the president ought not to have introduced the envoys into the council, or after he had introduced them they ought not to be dismissed without some reply being made to them. But how can I give them any reply except in accordance with the decree which you make?

[3] And since none of you who have been summoned to this council is willing or has the courage to express his opinion, let us examine the speeches which the envoys delivered yesterday as though they were made by members of this council, let us regard them

[4] not as making selfish demands in their own interest, but as recommending a policy which they believe to be advantageous to us.

[5] The Romans, the Rhodians and Attalus all ask for our alliance and friendship and consider that it is only just and right that we should give them assistance in the war they are waging against Philip.

[6] Philip, on the other hand, reminds us of the fact that we are his allies and have pledged our oath to him. At one time he demands our active support, at another he assures us that he is content for us to remain neutral. Has it not occurred to any one why those who are not yet our allies ask more from us than those who are our allies?

[7] This is not due to excess of modesty in Philip or to the lack of it in the Romans. It is the fortune of war which imparts confidence to the demands of one side and takes it away from those of the other. As far as Philip is concerned we see nothing belonging to him except his envoy.

[8] As for the Romans, their fleet lies at Cenchreae, laden with the spoils of the cities of Euboea, and we see the consul with his legions overrunning Phocis and Locris which are only separated from us by a narrow strip of sea.

[9] Do you wonder why Philip's envoy, Cleomedon, spoke in so diffident a tone when he urged us to take up arms against the Romans on behalf of his king?

[10] He impressed upon us the sanctity of the same treaty and oath, but if we were to ask of him, by virtue of the same treaty and oath, that Philip should defend us from Nabis and the Lacedaemonians, he would not be able to find a force adequate for our protection or even an answer to our request, any more than Philip himself could have done last year.

[11] For when he attempted to draw our fighting-men away into Euboea by promising that he would make war on Nabis, and saw that we would not sanction such an employment of our soldiers or allow

[12] ourselves to be involved in a war with Rome, he forgot all about the treaty which he is now making so much of, and left us to be despoiled and wasted by Nabis and the Lacedaemonians.

[13] To me, indeed, the arguments that Cleomedon used appeared inconsistent with each other. He made light of a war with Rome and said that the issue would be the same as that of the former war. If so, then why does Philip keep away and ask for our assistance instead of coming in person and protecting us from Nabis and the Romans? 'Us,' do I say? Why, if this be so, did he allow Eretria and Carystus to be taken? why, all those cities in Thessaly?

[14] why, Locris and Phocis? Why is he allowing Elatea to be attacked now? Why did he evacuate the passes leading into Epirus and the unsurmountable barriers commanding the river Aous? And when he had abandoned them, why did he march off into the heart of his kingdom?

[15] If he deliberately left his allies to the mercies of their enemies how can he object to these allies taking measures for their own safety? If his action was dictated by fear he must pardon us for our fears. If he retreated because he was worsted shall we Achaeans, Cleomedon, withstand the arms of Rome when you Macedonians could not withstand them?

[16] You tell us that the Romans are not in greater strength or employing greater forces in this war than in the last one; are we to take your word for it, rather than look at the actual facts?

[17] On that occasion they only sent their fleet to help the Aetolians; they did not put a consul in command nor did they employ a consular army. The maritime cities belonging to Philip's allies were in a state of consternation and alarm, but the inland districts were so safe from the arms of Rome that Philip laid waste the land of the Aetolians while they were vainly imploring the Romans for help.

[18] Now, however, the Romans have brought the war with Carthage to a close, that war which for sixteen years they have had to endure, whilst it preyed, so to speak, on the vitals of Italy, and

[19] they have not simply sent a detachment to aid the Aetolians, they have themselves assumed command of the war and are attacking Macedonia by land and sea. Their third consul is now conducting operations with the utmost energy.

[20] Sulpicius met the king in Macedonia itself, routed him, put him to flight, and ravaged the richest part of his realm, and now, when he was holding the passes which form the key of Epirus, secured as he thought by his positions, his fortified lines and his army,

[21] Quinctius has deprived him of his camp, pursued him as he fled into Thessaly, stormed the cities of his allies and driven out his garrisons almost within sight of Philip himself.

[22] Suppose there is no truth in what the Athenian delegate has said about the king's brutality and greed and lust, suppose that the crimes committed in Attica against all the gods, supernal and infernal, do not concern us, still less the sufferings of Chios and Abydos, which are a long way off;

[23] let us forget our own wounds, the robberies and murders at Messene in the heart of the Peloponnesus, the king's assassination of his host almost at the banquet-table, the deaths of the two Arati of Sicyon, father and son-the king was in the habit of speaking of the hapless old man as though he were his father-the abduction of the son's wife into Macedonia as a victim to Philip's lusts, and

[24] all the other outrages on matrons and maids-let all these be consigned to oblivion.

[25] Let us even imagine that we have not to do with Philip whose cruelty has struck you dumb (for what other reason can there be for you who have been summoned to the council keeping silence?), but with Antigonus, a gentle and just-minded monarch who has been the greatest benefactor to us all. Do you suppose that he would demand of us that we should do what cannot possibly be done?

[26] The Peloponnesus, remember, is a peninsula connected with the mainland by the narrow strip of land called the Isthmus, open and exposed above all to a naval attack.

[27] If a fleet of 100 decked ships and 50 undecked ships with lighter draught, and 30 Isaean cutters should begin to ravage our coast and attack the cities which stand exposed almost on the shore, we should, I suppose, withdraw into the inland cities just as if we were not caught by the flames of a war within our frontiers which is fastening upon our vitals. When Nabis and the Lacedaemonians are pressing us by land and the Roman fleet by sea, from what quarter am I to appeal to our alliance with the king and implore the Macedonians to help us?

[28] Shall we protect with our own arms the threatened cities against the Romans? How splendidly we protected Dymae in the last war! The disasters of others afford ample warning to us, let us not seek how we may become a warning to others.

[29] Because the Romans are asking for your friendship voluntarily, take care that you do not disdain what you ought to have desired and done your best to obtain.

[30] Do you imagine that they are entrapped in a strange land and driven by their fears into wishing to lurk under the

[31] shadow of your assistance and seek the refuge of an alliance with you in order that they may have the entry of your harbours and make use of your supplies? The sea is under their control, whatever shores they visit they at once bring under their dominion, what they deign to ask for they can obtain by force.

[32] It is because they wish to spare you that they do not allow you to take a step which would destroy you.

[33] As to the middle course which Cleomedon pointed out as the safest, namely, that you should keep quiet and abstain from hostilities, that is not a middle course, it is no course at all.

[34] We have either to accept or reject the proferred alliance with Rome; otherwise we shall win the gratitude of neither side, but like men who wait upon the event, leave our policy at the mercy of Fortune, and what is this but to become a prey of the conqueror? What you ought to have sought with the utmost solicitude is now spontaneously offered; beware lest you scorn the offer.

[35] Either alternative is open to you today, it will not be open always. The opportunity will not long remain, nor will it often recur. For a long time you have wished rather than ventured to free yourselves from Philip. The men who would win your liberty for you without any risk or effort on your part have crossed the seas with mighty fleets and armies.

[36] If you reject their alliance you are hardly in your right senses, but you will be compelled to have them as either friends or enemies."

[1]

At the close of the president's speech a hum of voices ran through the assembly, some approving, others fiercely attacking those who approved.

[2] Soon not only individual members but the collective representatives of each State were engaged in mutual altercations, and at last the chief magistrates of the League, the damiurgi as they are called, ten in number, were disputing with quite as much heat as the rest of the assembly.

[3] Five of them declared that they would submit a proposal for alliance with Rome and take the votes on it; the other five protested that it was forbidden by law for the magistrates to propose or for the council to adopt any resolution adverse to the existing alliance with Philip. So the second day was wasted in wrangling.

[4] Only one day now remained for the legal session of the council, for the law required its decree to be made on the third day. As the time approached, party feeling ran so high that fathers could hardly keep their hands off their children.

[5] Risias, a delegate from Pallene, had a son called Memnon who was one of the damiurgi who were opposed to the resolution being moved and voted upon.

[6] For a long time he appealed to his son to permit the Achaeans to take measures for their common safety and not by his obstinacy bring ruin on the whole nation.

[7] When he found that his appeal had no effect he swore that he would count him not as a son but as an enemy and would put him to death with his own hand.

[8] The threat proved effectual and the next day Memnon joined those who were in favour of the resolution. As they were now in a majority they put the resolution amidst the unmistakable approval of almost all the States, a clear indication of what the final decision would be.

[9] Before it was actually carried, the representatives of Dymae and Megalopolis and some of those from Argos rose and left the council. This did not occasion surprise or disapproval considering the position in which they were placed.

[10] The Megalopolitans after being expelled by the Lacedaemonians in the days of their grandfathers had been reinstated by Antigonus. Dymae had been taken and sacked by the Romans and the inhabitants sold into slavery, and Philip had issued orders for them to be ransomed wherever they could be found, and had restored them to liberty and to their city.

[11] The Argives, who believed that the kings of Macedonia had sprung from them, had, most of them, been long attached to Philip by ties of personal friendship. For these reasons they withdrew from the council when it showed itself in favour of making an alliance with Rome,

[12] and their secession was considered excusable in view of the great obligations they were under for the kindness recently shown to them.

[1]

On being called upon to vote, the remaining Achaean States desired the immediate conclusion of an alliance with Attalus and the Rhodians.

[2] As an alliance with Rome could not be made without a resolution of the Roman people the question was adjourned until envoys could be sent there.

[3] Meantime it was decided that three representatives should be sent to L. Quinctius and that the whole of the Achaean army should be brought up to Corinth as Quinctius had already begun to attack the city, now that he had taken Cenchreae.

[4] The Achaeans fixed their camp in the direction of the gate which leads to Sicyon, the Romans on the other side of the city which looks towards Cenetreae, Attalus brought his army through the Isthmus and attacked the city on the side of Lechaeum, the port on the Gulf of Corinth. At first the attack did not show much spirit, as hopes were entertained of internal discord between the townsmen and Philip's garrison.

[5] When however it was seen that all were at one in meeting the assault, the Macedonians as energetic as though they were defending their native soil, the Corinthians obeying the orders of Androsthenes, the commandant, as loyally as though he were a fellow-citizen, placed in command by themselves, then the assailants placed all their hopes in their arms and their siege-works.

[6] In spite of the difficulties of approach, mounds were built up against the walls on all side.

[7] On the side where the Romans were working, the battering-rams had destroyed some part of the wall and the Macedonians came up in force to defend the breach. A furious conflict began and the Romans were easily driven out by the overwhelming numbers of the defenders. Then the Achaeans and Attalus came up in support and made the contest a more equal one.

[8] and it seemed pretty certain that they would not have much difficulty in forcing the Macedonians and the Greeks to give way.

[9] There was a large body of Italian deserters, consisting partly of those from Hannibal's army who had entered Philip's service to escape punishment at the hands of the Romans and partly of seamen who had left the fleet for the prospect of the more respectable military life. These men, despairing of their lives in case the Romans conquered, were inflamed with madness more than with courage.

[10] Opposite Sicyon lies the promontory of Acraean Juno, as she is called, which juts out into the sea; the distance across from Corinth is about seven miles. To this point Philocles, one of the king's generals, brought a force of 1500 men through Boeotia.

[11] Vessels from Corinth were in readiness to carry this detachment to Lechaeum. Attalus advised that the siege should be raised at once and the siege-works burnt, but the Roman commander showed great resolution and was for persisting in the attempt.

[12] When however he saw Philip's troops strongly posted in front of all the gates and realised that it would be difficult to withstand their attacks in case they made sorties, he fell in with Attalus' view. The operation was accordingly abandoned and the Achaeans were sent home.

[13] The rest of the troops re-embarked, Attalus sailed for the Piraeus and the Romans for Corcyra.

[1]

While the naval forces were thus engaged, the consul encamped before Elatea in Phocis. He began by inviting the leading citizens to a conference and tried to induce them to

[2] surrender, but they told him that matters were not in their hands, the king's troops were stronger and more numerous than the townsmen. On this he proceeded to attack the city on all sides with arms and siege artillery.

[3] After the battering-rams had been brought up, a length of wall between two towers was thrown down with a terrific crash and roar, leaving the city exposed.

[4] A Roman cohort at once advanced through the opening thus made, and the defenders leaving their different posts rushed from all parts of the city to the threatened spot. Whilst the Romans were clambering over the ruins of the

[5] wall others were fixing their scaling-ladders against the walls which were still standing, and the attention of the enemy being diverted in one direction, walls in other parts were successfully scaled and the assailants descended into the city. The noise of the tumult so terrified the enemy that they left the place which they had been so vigorously defending and fled every one to the citadel, followed by crowds of non-combatants.

[6] Having thus gained possession of the city, the consul gave it up to plunder.

[7] He then sent a message to those in the citadel promising to spare the lives of Philip's troops if they gave up their arms, and also to restore to the Elateans their freedom. When the necessary guarantees had been given, he secured the citadel after a few days.

[1]

The appearance of Philocles in Achaia not only raised the siege of Corinth but brought about the loss of Argos, which was betrayed by the leaders of the city acting with the full concurrence of the population.

[2] It was customary with them on the day of the elections for the presiding magistrates, as an omen of good fortunes, to commence the proceedings by uttering the names of Jupiter, Apollo and Hercules, and a law had been made ordering Philip's name to be added.

[3] After the alliance with Rome had been made the usher did not add his name and the people broke out into angry murmurs, and soon shouts were heard demanding

[4] the restoration of Philip's name and the honours which were his by law, till at last the name was uttered amidst tremendous cheers.

[5] Replying upon this proof of his popularity, Philip's partisans invited Philocles, and during the night he seized a hill which commanded the city; the stronghold was called Larissa.. Posting a detachment there, he marched down in order of battle to the forum which lay at the foot of the hill. Here he found a body of troops drawn up to dispute his progress.

[6] It was an Achaean force which had recently been thrown into the city, consisting of 500 men selected from all the cities under the command of Aenesidemus of Dymae.

[7] Philocles sent a spokesman to them, bidding them evacuate the place, since they were no match even for the Macedonian supporters in the town, still less so now that they had the Macedonians with them, those Macedonians against whom even the Romans could not make a stand at Corinth.

[8] At first his warning made no impression on either the commander or his men, but soon afterwards when they saw a large body of Argives in arms marching against them from another side, they saw that their fate was sealed, though had their commander persisted in his defence of the place they were evidently prepared to fight to the death.

[9] Aenesidemus, however, was unwilling that the flower of the Achaean soldiery should be lost together with the city, and he came to an understanding with Philocles that they should be allowed to depart. He himself, however, remained standing under arms together with a few of his personal followers.

[10] Philocles sent to ask him what his intention was, and without moving a step and holding his shield in front of him he replied that he would die fighting in defence of the city entrusted to him. The general then ordered the Thracians to shower their darts upon them, and the whole party were killed.

[11] Thus, even after the alliance between the Achaeans and the Romans had been cemented two of the most important cities, Argos and Corinth, were in the king's hands.

[12] Such were the operations of the naval and military forces of Rome, during this summer, in Greece.

[1]

In Gaul nothing of any importance was accomplished by the consul Sex.

[2] Aelius, though he had two armies in the province. He retained the one which L. Cornelius had commanded and which ought to have been disbanded, and placed C. Helvius in command of it, the other army he brought with him into the province.

[3] Almost the whole of his year of office was spent in compelling the former inhabitants of Cremona and Placentia to return to the homes from which they had been dispersed by the accidents of war.

[4] While things were unexpectedly quiet in Gaul this year, the districts round the City very nearly became the scene of a rising among the slaves.

[5] The Carthaginian hostages were under guard at Setia. As children of the nobility they were attended by a large body of

[6] slaves whose numbers had been swelled by many whom the Setians themselves had purchased from among the prisoners taken in the recent war in Africa.

[7] When they had set their conspiracy on foot they sent some of their number to gain over the slaves in the country round Setia and then in the districts of Norba and Cerceii. Their preparations being now sufficiently advanced they arranged to seize the opportunity of the Games which were shortly to take place at Setia and attack the people while their attention was absorbed in the spectacle.

[8] Then in the midst of the excitement and bloodshed the slaves were to seize Setia and then secure Norba and Cerceii.

Information of this monstrous affair was brought to Rome and laid before L. Cornelius, the City praetor. Two slaves came to him before daybreak and gave him a full account of what had been done and what was contemplated.

[9] After issuing instructions for them to be detained in his house he convened the senate and communicated the intelligence which the informers had brought.

[10] He received instructions to start off at once to investigate and crush the conspiracy.

[11] Accompanied by five assessors he compelled all whom he found in the fields to take the military oath, arm themselves and follow him. In this informal levy he collected an armed force of about 2000 men

[12] with which he reached Setia, all of them being perfectly ignorant of his destination. Here he promptly seized the ringleaders, and this led to a general flight of slaves from the town.

[13] Parties were sent through the fields to hunt them down. . . . . The service rendered by the two slaves who gave the information and by one who was a freeman was of the utmost value.

[14] To the latter the senate ordered a gratuity of 100,000 ases, to each of the slaves 5000 ases and their liberty, the owners being compensated out of the public treasury.

[15] Not long afterwards news arrived that some slaves, the remains of that conspiracy, were intending to seize Praeneste. L. Cornelius proceeded thither and inflicted punishment on nearly 2000 who had been involved in the plot.

[16] Fears were entertained by the citizens lest the Carthaginian hostages and prisoners of war should have been prime movers in the affair. Strict watch was accordingly kept in Rome in all the different wards, the subordinate magistrates were required to visit the posts and

[17] the superintendents of gaols were to see that the public prison at the quarries was more strictly guarded.

[18] Instructions were also sent by the praetor to the Latin communities for the hostages to be kept in privacy and not allowed to appear in public; the prisoners were to be manacled with fetters not less than ten pounds in weight, and not to be confined in custody anywhere but in the State prisons.

[1]

During the year a delegation from King Attalus deposited in the Capitol a golden crown weighing 246 pounds. They also tendered his thanks to the senate for the intervention of the Roman envoys, as owing to their representations Antiochus had withdrawn his army from Attalus' territories.

[2] In the course of the summer 200 mounted men, 10 elephants and 200,000 modii of wheat were sent by Masinissa to the army in Greece. From Sicily and Sardinia also a large quantity of provisions and clothing were despatched for the army.

[3] M. Marcellus was administering Sicily; M. Porcius Cato, Sardinia. The latter was a man of integrity and blameless life, but was considered somewhat too severe in his repression of usury.

[4] The moneylenders were banished from the island, and the sums which the inhabitants had contributed towards keeping up the state and dignity of the praetors were either cut down or totally abolished.

[5] The consul Sex. Aelius came back from Gaul to conduct the elections; C. Cornelius Cethegus and Q. Minucius Rufus were the new consuls.

[6] Two days later followed the election of praetors. In consequence of the increase in the provinces and the extension of the dominion of Rome, six praetors were elected this year for the first time, viz.,

[7] L. Manlius Volso, C. Sempronius Tuditanus, M. Sergius Silus, M. Helvius, M. Minucius Rufus and L. Atilius. Amongst these Sempronius and Helvius were the plebeian aediles; the curule aediles were Q. Minucius Thermus and Tiberius Sempronius Longus.

[8] The Roman Games were celebrated four times during the year.

[1]

The first business before the new consuls was the settlement of the provinces both praetorian and consular.

[2] As the praetors' spheres of administration could be determined by ballot they were the first to be dealt with. The City jurisdiction fell to Sergius, the alien jurisdiction to Minucius; Atilius drew Sardinia; Manlius, Sicily; Sempronius, Hither Spain; and Helvius, Further Spain.

[3] Whilst the consuls were arranging to ballot for Italy and Macedonia, two of the tribunes of the plebs, L. Oppius and Q. Fulvius, objected to their doing so.

[4] Macedonia, they alleged, was a distant province, and nothing up to that time had stood in the way of a successful war more than the fact that when operations had hardly commenced the former consul was always recalled just as he was opening his campaign. This was the fourth year since war had been declared against Macedonia.

[5] Sempronius had spent most of the year in trying to find the king and his army. Villius had actually come into touch with the enemy but was recalled before any decisive action had been fought.

[6] Quinctius had been detained in Rome for the greater part of the year by matters connected with religion, but had he reached his province earlier or had the winter begun later his conduct of affairs showed that he could have brought the war to a close.

[7] He had now almost gone into winter quarters, but it was asserted that he had given such a complexion to the war that if his successor did not interfere with him he would finish it in the summer.

[8] By using language of this kind they so far succeeded that the consuls promised to accept the decision of the senate if the tribunes would do the same.

[9] As both parties left the senate free to act, a decree was made that Italy should be administered by both consuls and T. Quinctius confirmed in his command until such time as the senate should appoint his successor. Each of the consuls had two legions assigned to him, and with these they were to carry on the war against the Cis-Alpine Gauls who had revolted from Rome.

[10] Reinforcements were also voted for Quinctius to be employed against Macedonia, comprising 6000 foot and 300 horse and also 3000 seamen. L. Q. Flamininus retained his place as commander of the fleet.

[11] Each of the praetors who were to act in Spain received 8000 infantry furnished by the Latins and allies and 400 cavalry; these were to take the place of the old army which was to be sent home. They were also to determine the boundaries of the two provinces of Hither and Further Spain.

[12] P. Sulpicius and P. Villius who had formerly been in Macedonia as consuls were appointed to Quinctius' staff.

[1]

Before the consuls and praetors left for their respective provinces steps were taken to expiate various portents which had been announced.

[2] The temples of Vulcan and Summanus in Rome and one of the gates with a portion of the wall at Fregellae were struck by lightning; at Frusino the sky became lit up during the night; at Aesula a two-headed lamb with five feet was born; at Formiae two wolves entered the town and mauled several people who fell in their way; at Rome a wolf entered the City and even made his way into the Capitol.

[3] C. Atinius, one of the tribunes of the plebs, carried a proposal for founding five colonies on the coast, two at the mouths of the Volturnus and Liternus, one at Puteoli, one at the Castrum Salerni, and finally Buxentum.

[4] It was decided that each colony should consist of 300 households, and three commissioners were appointed to supervise the settlement. They were to hold office for three years. The commissioners were M. Servilius Geminus, Q. Minucius Thermus and Tiberius Sempronius Longus.

[5] When they had raised the required force and completed all the necessary business, both sacred and secular, both the consuls left for Gaul.

[6] Cornelius took the direct road to the Insubres, who in conjunction with the Cenomani were in arms; Q. Minucius bent his course to the left side of Italy towards the Adriatic, and marching his army to Genua began operations in the direction of Liguria.

[7] Two fortified towns, Clastidium and Litubium, both belonging to the Ligurians, and two of their communities, the Celeiates and the Cerdiciates, surrendered. All the tribes on this side the Po were now reduced except the Boii in Gaul and the Ilvates in Liguria.

[8] It was stated that 15 fortified towns and 20,000 men surrendered.

[1]

From there he led his legions into the country of the Boii, whose army had not long before crossed

[2] the Po. They had heard that the consuls intended to attack with their united legions, and in order that they too might consolidate their strength by union they had formed a junction with the Insubres and Cenomani.

[3] When a report reached them that one of the consuls was firing the fields of the Boii, a sharp difference of opinion arose;

[4] the Boii demanded that all should render assistance to those who were hard pressed, the Insubres declared that they would not leave their own country defenceless.

[5] Their forces were accordingly divided; the Boii went off to protect their country, the Insubres and Cenomani took up a position on the bank of the Mincius.

[6] On the same river, two miles lower down, Cornelius fixed his camp. From there he sent to make enquiries in Brixia, their capital. and in their villages, and from what he learnt he was quite satisfied that it was not with the sanction of their elders that the younger men

[7] had taken up arms, nor had the national council authorised any assistance being given to the revolted Insubrians. On learning this he invited their chiefs to a conference and tried to induce them to break with the Insubres and either return home or go over to the Romans.

[8] He was unable to gain their consent to the latter proposal, but they gave him assurances that they would take no part in the fighting, unless occasion should arise, in which case they would assist the Romans.

[9] The Insubres were kept in ignorance of this compact, but they felt somewhat suspicious as to the intentions of their allies, and in forming their line they did not venture to entrust them with a position on either wing lest they should abandon their ground through treachery and involve the whole army in disaster.

[10] They were accordingly stationed in the rear as a reserve. At the outset of the battle the consul vowed a temple to Juno Sospita in case the enemy were routed that day, and the shouts of the soldiers assured their commander that they would enable him to fulfil his vow.

[11] Then they charged, and the Insubres did not stand against the first shock. Some authors say that the Cenomani attacked them from behind while the battle was going on and that the twofold attack threw them into

[12] complete disorder, 35,000 men being killed and 5200 made prisoners, including the Carthaginian general Hamilcar, the prime instigator of the war. 130 standards were taken and numerous wagons.

[13] Those of the Gauls who had followed the Insubres in their revolt surrendered to the Romans.

[1]

The consul Minucius had carried his plundering expeditions throughout the country of the Boii, but when he heard that they had deserted the Insubres and returned to defend their country, he kept within his camp, intending to meet them in a general engagement.

[2] The Boii would not have declined battle if the news of the defeat of the Insubrians had not broken their spirit. They abandoned their leader and their camp and dispersed to their villages, each man prepared to defend his own property.

[3] This made their antagonist change his plans, for as there was no longer any hope of forcing decision in a single action he resumed the plundering of their fields, and burnt their villages and farms.

[4] It was at this time that Clastidium was burnt. The Ilvates were now the only Ligurian tribe which had not submitted, and he led the legion against them.

[5] They too, however, surrendered when the had learnt the defeat of the Insubrians and also that the Boii were so discouraged that they would not venture to hazard an engagement.

[6] The despatches from the two consuls announcing their successes reached Rome about the same time. The City praetor, M. Sergius, read them in the senate and was authorised by that body to read them in the Assembly. A four days' thanksgiving was ordered.

[1]

Winter had now set in and T. Quinctius, after the capture of Elatea, had quartered his troops in Phocis and Locris.

[2] Political dissensions broke out in Opus, the one party summoned the Aetolians, who were the nearer, to their aid, the other party called in the Romans.

[3] The Aetolians were the first to arrive on the scene, but the other party, the wealthier and more influential one, refused them admittance and after despatching a message to the Roman general held the city pending his arrival.

[4] The citadel was garrisoned by Philip's troops and neither the threats of the Opuntians nor the authoritative tone of the Roman commander availed to turn them out.

[5] The place would have been attacked at once had not a herald arrived from the king asking for a place and time to be appointed for an interview.

[6] After considerable hesitation the request was granted. Quinctius' reluctance was not due to his not wishing to have the credit of bringing the war to a close by arms and

[7] by negotiations, for he did not yet know whether one of the new consuls might not be sent out as his successor or whether he would be continued in his command, a decision which he had charged his friends and relations to do their utmost to secure.

[8] He thought, however, that a conference would suit his purpose and leave him at liberty to turn it in favour of war if he remained in command, or of peace if he had to leave.

[9] They selected a spot on the shore of the Maliac Gulf near Nicaea. The king proceeded thither from Demetrias in a war-vessel escorted by five swift barques.

[10] He was accompanied by some of the Macedonian magnates and also by a distinguished Aetolian refugee, named Cycliadas.

[11] With the Roman commander were King Amynander. Dionysodorus, one of Attalus' staff, Agesimbrotus, commandant of the Rhodian fleet, Phaeneas, the chief magistrate of the Aetolians, and two Achaeans, Aristaenus and Xenophon.

[12] Surrounded by this group of notables the Roman general advanced to the edge of the beach, and on the king coming forward to the head of his ship, which was lying at anchor, he called out to him, "If you would step ashore we should both address and hear one another more comfortably."

[13] The king refused to do this, on which Quinctius asked, "What on earth are you afraid of?

[14] "In a proud and kingly tone Philip replied, "I fear no one but the immortal gods; but I do not trust all those I see about, and least of all the Aetolians."

[15] "That," answered Quinctius, "is a danger to which all who go into conference with an enemy are equally exposed, if, that is, no faith is kept." "Yes, T. Quinctius," was Philip's rejoinder "but the rewards of treachery, should any be meditated, are not the same for both sides; Philip and Phaeneas are not equal in value.

[16] The Aetolians would not find it so difficult to substitute another magistrate, as the Macedonians would to replace their king." After this no more was said.

[1]

The Roman commander thought it only right that the one who had asked for the conference should begin the conversation, the king considered that the discussion should be opened by the men who proposed terms of peace, not by the one who was to accept them.

[2] Thereupon the Roman observed that what he had to say would be quite simple and straightforward; he should merely state those conditions without which peace would be impossible.

[3] "The king must withdraw his garrisons from all the cities in Greece; the prisoners and deserters must be handed back to the allies of Rome; those places in Illyria which he had seized after the conclusion of peace in Epirus must be restored to Rome;

[4] the cities which he had taken forcible possession of after the death of Ptolemy Philopator must be given back to Ptolemy, the king of Egypt. These," he said, "are my conditions and those of the people of Rome, but it is right and proper that the demands of our allies should also be heard."

[5] The representative of King Attalus demanded the restoration of the ships and prisoners that had been taken in the sea-fight off Chius, and also that the Nicephorium and the temple of Venus which the king had plundered and desolated should be restored to their former condition.

[6] The Rhodians demanded the cession of Peraea, a district on the mainland opposite their island and formerly under their sway, and insisted upon the withdrawal of Philip's garrisons

[7] from Iasos, Bargyliae and Euromus, as well as from Sestos and Abydos on the Hellespont, the restoration of

[8] Perinthus to the Byzantines with the re-establishment of their old political relations and the freedom of all the markets and ports in Asia. Phaeneas, as representing the Aetolians, demanded, almost in the same terms as the Romans, the evacuation of Greece and the restoration of the cities which had formerly been under the rule of the Aetolians.

[9] He was followed by a leading Aetolian, named Alexander, who was, for an Aetolian, an eloquent speaker.

[10] He had long remained silent, he said, not because he thought that the conference would lead to any result, but simply because he did not want to interrupt any of the speakers who represented his allies. "Philip," he continued, "is not straightforward in discussing terms of peace nor has he shown true courage in the way he has conducted war.

[11] In negotiation he is deceitful and tricky, in war he does not encounter his enemy on fair ground or fight a set battle. He keeps out of his adversary's way, plunders and burns his cities, and when vanquished destroys what should be the prizes of the victors.

[12] The former kings of Macedonia did not behave in this way; they trusted to their battle-line, and spared the cities as far as possible that their dominions might be all the richer.

[13] What sort of policy is that of destroying the very things which a man is fighting to secure, and leaving nothing for himself but the mere war?

[14] Last year Philip laid waste more cities in Thessaly, though they belonged to his allies, than any enemy that Thessaly ever had. Even from us Aetolians he has taken more cities since he became our ally than he did while he was our enemy.

[15] He seized Lysimachia after expelling the Aetolian garrison and its commandant; in the same way he completely destroyed Cius, a member of our league.

[16] By similar treachery he is now master of Thebes, Phthiae, Echinus. Larisa and Pharsalus."

[1]

Stung by Alexander's speech, Philip moved his ship nearer to the land in order that he might be better heard, and commenced a speech mainly directed against the Aetolians.

[2] He was, however, hotly interrupted at the outset by Phaeneas, who exclaimed: "Matters are not to be settled by words.

[3] Either you must conquer in war or you must obey those who are better than you." "That," replied Philip, "is obvious, even to a blind man"-a mocking allusion to Phaeneas' defective vision. He was by nature more given to jesting than a king ought to be, and even in the midst of serious business did not sufficiently restrain his laughter.

[4] He went on to express his indignation at the Aetolians ordering him, just as if they were Romans, to evacuate Greece, when they could not tell within what boundaries Greece lies. Even in Aetolia itself the Agraei, the Apodoti and the Amphilochi, who form a considerable part of its population, are not included in Greece.

[5] "Have they," he continued, "any right to complain of my not leaving their allies alone, when they themselves keep up the ancient custom, as though it were a legal obligation, of allowing their younger men to bear arms against their own allies, the sanction of their government alone wanting? Thus it very frequently happens that opposing armies have contingents drawn from Aetolia on both sides.

[6] As to Cius, I did not actually storm it, but I lent assistance to Prusias, my ally and friend, in his attack on the place. Lysimachia I claimed from the Thracians, but as I had to give my whole attention to this war and was unable to guard it, the Thracians still hold it.

[7] So much for the Aetolians. With regard to Attalus and the Rhodians, in strict justice I owe them nothing, for the war was started not by me but by them.

[8] Still, to show my esteem for the Romans, I will restore Peraea to the Rhodians and the. ships to Attalus with all the prisoners that can be found.

[9] Touching the restoration of the Nicephorium and the temple of Venus, what reply can I give to this demand

[10] further than to say that I will undertake the care and expense of replanting-the only way in which woods and groves that have been cut down can be restored-since such demands it is the pleasure of kings to make and grant to each other?" The close of his speech was a reply to the Achaeans.

[11] After enumerating the services rendered to that nation, first by Antigonus and then by himself, he ordered the decrees to be read, which they had passed in his favour, showering upon him all honours human and divine, and then confronted them with the one they had lately passed in which they resolved to break with him.

[12] Whilst bitterly reproaching them for their faithlessness, he nevertheless promised to restore Argos to them. The position of Corinth he should discuss with the Roman general, and he should at

[13] the same time ask him whether he thought it fair that he should renounce all claim to the cities which he had himself captured and held by the rights of war, and even to those which he had inherited from his ancestors.

[1]

The Achaeans and the Aetolians were preparing to reply, but as it was almost sunset the conference was adjourned to the morrow. Philip returned to his anchorage and the Romans and allies to their camps.

[2] Nicaea had been fixed upon for the next meeting and Quinctius arrived there punctually on the following day, but there was no Philip anywhere, nor did any message arrive from him for several hours. At last, when they had given up all hope of his coming, his ships suddenly appeared.

[3] He explained that as such heavy and humiliating demands were made upon him and he was at a loss how to act, he had spent the day in deliberation.

[4] It was generally believed that he had purposely delayed the proceedings till late in the day in order that no time might be left for the Achaeans and Aetolians to make their reply.

[5] This suspicion was confirmed when he requested that, in order to avoid waste of time in recriminations and bring the matter to a final issue, the others might be allowed to withdraw, and he and the Roman general left to confer together.

[6] At first this was demurred to, as it would look as if the allies were shut out from the conference, but as he

[7] persisted in his demand, it was agreed to by all that the others should withdraw and the Roman commander accompanied by a military tribune, Appius Claudius, should go forward to the edge of the beach whilst the king attended by two of his suite came ashore.

[8] There they conversed for some time in private. It is not known what report of the interview Philip gave to his people, but the statement which Quinctius made

[9] to the allies was to the effect that Philip was prepared to cede to the Romans the whole of the Illyrian coast and deliver up the refugees and any prisoners there might be;

[10] to return to Attalus his ships and their captured crews; to restore to the Rhodians the district they call Peraea, but he would not evacuate Iasos and Bargyliae;

[11] to the Aetolians he would restore Pharsalus and Larisa but not Thebes; to the Achaeans he would cede not only Argos but Corinth as well.

[12] Not one of the parties concerned was satisfied with these proposals, for they said that they were losing more than they were gaining, and unless Philip withdrew his garrisons from the whole of Greece, grounds of quarrel would never be wanting.

[1]

All the members of the council were loud in their protests and remonstrances, and the noise reached Philip who was standing at some distance.

[2] He asked Quinctius to postpone the whole business till the next day; he was quite certain that either he would bring them over to his view, or fall in with theirs.

[3] The sea-shore at Thronium was fixed upon for the conference and they assembled there at an early hour. Philip began by urging Quinctius and all who were present not to insist upon destroying all hopes of peace.

[4] He then asked for time to enable him to send ambassadors to the Roman senate, he would either obtain peace on the terms he proposed or accept whatever conditions the senate offered.

[5] This suggestion met with no acceptance whatever, they said that his only object was to gain time to collect his forces.

[6] Quinctius observed that this might have been true it if had been summer, and the season suitable for a campaign, but as winter was now closing in nothing would be lost by allowing him sufficient time to send his ambassadors.

[7] No agreement that he might have made with the king would be valid without the ratification of the senate, and whilst the winter necessarily put a stop to military operations, it would be possible to find what conditions of peace the senate would sanction. The rest of the negotiators fell in with this view and a two months' armistice was arranged.

[8] The different States decided to send each one envoy to lay the facts before the senate so that they might not be misled by Philip's false statements.

[9] It was further agreed that before the armistice could come into force, the king's garrisons must be withdrawn from Phocis and Locris.

[10] To give greater importance to the mission Quinctius sent in company with them Amynander, king of the Athamanians, Q. Fabius, his sister-in-law's son, Q. Fulvius and Appius Claudius.

[1]

On their arrival in Rome the delegates of the allies were received in audience before those from Philip.

[2] Their address to the senate was mainly taken up with personal attacks on the king, but what weighed most with the senate was their description of that part of the world and the distribution of sea and land.

[3] From this they showed clearly that as long as Philip held Demetrias in Thessaly, Chalcis in Euboea, and Corinth in Achaia Greece could not be free;

[4] Philip himself with as much truth as insolence called these the fetters of Greece.

[5] The king's envoys were then introduced and had commenced a somewhat lengthy address when they were interrupted by the pointed question: "Is he prepared to evacuate those three cities?" They replied that they were not mentioned in their instructions. On this they were dismissed and the negotiations broken off, the question of peace or war being left entirely to Quinctius.

[6] As it was quite evident that the senate were not averse from war, and as Quinctius himself was more anxious for victory than for peace, he refused any further interview with Philip, and said that he would not admit any envoys from him unless they came to announce that he was withdrawing entirely from Greece.

[1]

When Philip saw that matters must be decided on the battlefield, he called in his forces from all quarters.

[2] His main anxiety was about the cities in Achaia, which were so far away, and he was more uneasy about Argos than about Corinth. He thought the best course would be to place it in the hands of Nabis, the tyrant of Lacedaemon, as a deposit to be restored to him should he be victorious, or should he meet with reverses to remain under the tyrant's rule. He wrote to Philocles, who was governor of Corinth and Argos, bidding him discuss the matter with Nabis.

[3] Philocles took a present with him, and as a further pledge of future friendship between the king and the tyrant he informed Nabis that Philip wished to form a matrimonial alliance between his daughters and Nabis' sons.

[4] At first the tyrant refused to accept the city unless the Argives themselves, by a formal decree, summoned him to their assistance.

[5] When, however, he heard that at a crowded meeting of their Assembly the Argives were pouring contempt and even execration on his name, he considered that he had got a sufficient justification for plundering them and he told Philocles that he might deliver up the city whenever he chose.

[6] The tyrant was admitted into the place in the night without arousing any suspicion; at daybreak all the commanding positions were occupied and the gates closed.

[7] A few of the principal citizens had escaped at the beginning of the tumult and their property was seized; those who still remained had all their gold and silver taken away and very heavy fines were imposed upon them.

[8] Those who paid up promptly were dismissed without insult or injury, those who were suspected of concealing or withholding anything were flogged and tortured like slaves.

[9] A meeting of their Assembly was then summoned in which he promulgated two measures, one for the cancelling of debts and another for the division of land-two firebrands with which the revolutionaries were to inflame the lower classes against the aristocracy.

[1]

When the city of the Argives was once in his power, the tyrant no longer troubled himself about the man who had made it over to him or the conditions on which he had accepted it.

[2] He despatched emissaries to Quinctius in Elatea and to Attalus who was wintering in Aegina, to inform them that he was master of Argos. They were also to intimate to Quinctius that if he would come to Argos, Nabis felt confident that a complete understanding would be arrived at.

[3] Quinctius' policy was to deprive Philip of all support, and he consented to visit Nabis, and at the same time sent word to Attalus to meet him in Sicyon.

[4] Just at this time his brother Lucius happened to bring up ten triremes from his winter quarters at Corcyra, and with these Quinctius sailed from Anticyra to Sicyon.

[5] Attalus was already there, and when they met he remarked that the tyrant ought to go to the Roman commander and not the Roman commander to the tyrant. Quinctius agreed with him, and declined to enter Argos.

[6] Not far from that city is a place called Mycenica, and this was decided upon as the scene of the conference.

[7] Quinctius went with his brother and a few military tribunes, Attalus was attended by his suite, Nicostratus the chief magistrate of the Achaeans was also present with representatives of the allied States.

[8] They found Nabis waiting for them with the whole of his force. He marched almost to the middle of the space separating the two camps, fully armed and escorted by an armed bodyguard; Quinctius unarmed, and the king also unarmed and accompanied by Nicostratus and one of his suite, came forward to meet him.

[9] Nabis began by apologising for having come to the conference in arms and with an armed escort, though he saw that the king and the Roman commander were unarmed. He was not afraid, he said, of them, but of the refugees from Argos.

[10] Then they began to discuss the terms on which friendly relations might be established. The Romans made two demands: first, that Nabis should put a stop to hostilities against the Achaeans and, secondly, that he should furnish assistance against Philip. This he promised to furnish; instead of a definite peace, an armistice was arranged with the Achaeans, to remain in force until the war with Philip was over.

[1]

Attalus then opened a discussion on the question of Argos, which he contended had been treacherously betrayed by Philocles and was now forcibly retained by Nabis. Nabis replied that he had been invited by the Argives to go to their defence.

[2] Attalus insisted upon a meeting of the Argive Assembly being summoned in order that the truth might be ascertained. The tyrant raised no objection to this, but when the king declared that the troops ought to be withdrawn from the city and the Assembly left at liberty, without any Lacedaemonian being

[3] present, to state what the Argives really wanted, Nabis refused to withdraw his men.

[4] The discussion led to no result. A force of 600 Cretans was furnished by the tyrant to the Romans, and an armistice for four months arranged between Nicostratus the Achaean president and the tyrant of the Lacedaemonians, after which the conference broke up.

[5] From there Quinctius proceeded to Corinth and marched up to the gate with the Cretan cohort in order that Philocles, the commandant, might see that Nabis had broken with Philip.

[6] Philocles had an interview with the Roman general who pressed him to change sides at once and surrender the city, and in his reply he gave the impression of postponing rather than refusing compliance.

[7] From Corinth Quinctius went on to Anticyra and sent his brother to learn the attitude of the Acarnanians.

[8] From Argos Attalus proceeded to Sicyon, and this city paid him still greater honour than they had done before, whilst he on his part determined not to pass by his allies and friends without some token of his generosity.

[9] He had previously secured for them at considerable cost some land which was consecrated to Apollo, and now he made them a gift of ten talents of silver and a thousand medimni of corn. He then resumed to his ships at Cenchreae. Nabis, too, went back to Lacedaemon, after leaving a strong garrison at Argos.

[10] He had despoiled the men and now he sent his wife there to despoil the women.

[11] She invited the ladies of rank to her house, sometimes alone, sometimes in family parties, and in this way succeeded by blandishments and threats in getting from them not only their gold but even their wardrobes and all their finery.

Titus Livius (Livy) Ab urbe condita 32s

Benjamin Oliver Foster, Ph.D. (Editor), Frank Gardener Moore (Editor), Evan T. Sage, Ph.D. (Editor), Alfred C. Schlesinger, Ph.D. (Editor)

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