Titus Livius (Livy), Ab urbe condita, Benjamin Oliver Foster, Ph.D. (Editor), Frank Gardener Moore (Editor), Evan T. Sage, Ph.D. (Editor), Alfred C. Schlesinger, Ph.D. (Editor), 31.7

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[1] The consul therefore, at the meeting in the Campus Martius,¹ calling an informal meeting²before he put the question to the centuries,

[2] spoke³ thus:

It seems to me, citizens, that you do not realize that the question before you is not whether you will have peace or war — for Philip will not leave that matter open for your decision, seeing that he is preparing a mighty war on land and sea — but whether you are to send your legions across to Macedonia or meet the enemy

[3]

in Italy. What a difference that makes, if you never knew before, you found out at least in the recent Punic war. For who doubts that if, when the Saguntines were besieged and were invoking our protection, we had promptly sent aid to them, as our fathers did to the Mamertines,⁴ we should have diverted the whole war to Spain, whereas by our delay we admitted it to Italy, with infinite losses

[4]

to ourselves? Nor is there any doubt in the case of this same Philip, when he had already bargained with Hannibal, through ambassadors and by means of letters, to invade Italy, that when we sent Laevinus with a fleet to begin an offensive campaign against him, we kept him

[5]

in Macedonia. And that which we did then, when we had Hannibal fighting in Italy, do we hesitate to do now, when Hannibal has been driven out and the

[6]

Carthaginians conquered? Let us permit the king by the capture of Athens, as we permitted Hannibal by the capture of Saguntum, to see how slow we are

[7]

to act: not in five months, as when Hannibal came from Saguntum, but in five days after he sets sail from Corinth, Philip will arrive

[8]

in Italy! You need not compare Philip with Hannibal nor the Macedonians with the Carthaginians; you will compare him at least with Pyrrhus.⁵ Compare, did I say? How great is the superiority, man to man or nation

[9]

to nation! Epirus⁶ has always⁷ been and is to-day a mere appendage to the Macedonian empire. Philip has under his control the whole of the Peloponnesus and Argos itself, famed not so much in ancient story as for the death

[10]

of Pyrrhus.⁸ Now compare our situation: How much more prosperous was Italy, how much greater her resources; her leaders alive, so many armies intact, which the Punic war later destroyed. Yet when Pyrrhus attacked he shattered her at a blow and came a conqueror almost to the gates

[11]

of Rome!⁹ Not only the Tarentines and that part of the Italian coast which men call' Greater Greece,' so that one would expect them to have followed the Greek language and name, but the Lucanian, the Bruttian, the Samnite revolted

[12]

from us. Do you think that these peoples will remain quiet and steadfast if Philip invades Italy? 'Yes,' you say, ' for they did in the later Punic war.' Never will these peoples fail to revolt unless there is no enemy at hand for them

[13]

to join. If you had been reluctant to invade Africa, you would have Hannibal and the Carthaginians fighting in Italy to-day. Let Macedonia, not Italy, have war; let it be the enemy's farms and cities that are laid waste with fire and sword. We have already learned from experience that our arms are more fortunate and powerful abroad than

[14]

at home. Go to vote, then, with the blessing of the gods, and ratify what the senate

[15]

has proposed. It is not the consul alone who supports this opinion before you: the immortal gods themselves favour it, for when I offered sacrifice and prayer that this war should turn out successfully for me, the senate and for you, for the allies and the¹⁰ Latin confederacy, and for our fleets and armies, they gave all favourable and propitious signs.

Ab urbe condita. Titus Livius (Livy). Benjamin Oliver Foster, Ph.D. (Editor), Frank Gardener Moore (Editor), Evan T. Sage, Ph.D. (Editor), Alfred C. Schlesinger, Ph.D. (Editor). Medford, MA. .

Sponsored by Perseus Project, Tufts University.

Funding provided by The National Endowment for the Humanities.

Current edition Perseus

History of Rome (English) (Foster, Benjamin Oliver; Moore, Frank Gardener; Sage, Evan T.; Schlesinger, Alfred C., translators. Cambridge, Mass.; London: Harvard University Press; William Heinemann, Ltd., 1919-1959. (Loeb Classical Library))

Editions (3)

Ab urbe condita Perseus (Pars I-IV, Libri I-XL. Editio Stereotypica. Weissenborn, Wilhelm; Mueller, Moritz, editors. Leipzig: Teubner, 1884-1911.) — 31.7 focus

[1] consul in campo Martio comitiis, priusquam centurias in suffragium mitteret,

[2] contione advocata “ignorare” inquit “mihi videmini, Quirites, non, utrum bellum an pacem habeatis, vos consuli — neque enim liberum id vobis Philippus permittet, qui terra marique ingens bellum molitur — , sed, utrum in Macedoniam legiones transportetis, an hostes in Italiam accipiatis.

[3] hoc quantum intersit, si numquam alias, Punico proximo certe bello experti estis. quis enim dubitat, quin, si Saguntinis obsessis fidemque nostram inplorantil)us inplorantibus inpigre tulissemus opem, sicut patres nostri Mamertinis tulerant, totum in Hispaniam aversuri bellum fuerimus, quod cunctando cum summa clade nostra in Italiam accepimus?

[4] ne illud quidem dubium est, quin hunc ipsum Philippum, pactum iam per legatos litterasque cum Hannibale, ut in Italiam traiceret, misso cum classe Laevino, qui ultro ei bellum inferret, in Macedonia continuterimus. continuerimus.

[5] et quod tunc fecimus, cum hostem Hannibalem in Italia haberemus, id nunc pulso Italia Hannibale, devictis Carthaginiensibus cunctamur facere?

[6] patiamur expugnandis Athenis, sicut Sagunto expugnando Hannibalem passi sumus, segnitiam nostram experiri regem:

[7] non qllinto quinto inde mense, quem ad modum ab Sagunto Hannibal, sed quillto quinto inde die, quam ab Corintho solverit naves, in Italiam perveniet.

[8] ne aequaveritis Hannibali Philippum nec Carthaginiensibus Macedonas; Pyrrho certe aequabitis. aequabitis dico? quantum vel vir viro vel gens genti praestat!

[9] minima accessio semper Epirus regno Macedoniae fuit et hodie est. Peloponnesum totam in dicione Philippus habet Argosque ipsos, non vetere fama magis quam morte Pyrrhi nobilitatos.

[10] nostra nunc compara. quanto magis florentem Italiam, quanto magis integras res, salvis ducibus, salvis tot exercitibus, quos Punicum postea bellum absumpsit, adgressus Pyrrhus tamen concussit et victor prope ad ipsam urbem Romanam venit!

[11] nec Tarentini modo oraque illa Italiae, quam maiorem Graeclam Graeciam vocant, ut linguam, ut nomen secutos crederes, sed Lucanus et Bruttius et Samnis ab nobis defecerunt.

[12] haec vos, si Philippus in Italiam transmiserit, quietura aut mansura in fide creditis? manserunt enim Punico postea bello. numquam isti populi, nisi cum deerit,

[13] ad quem desciscant, ab nobis non deficient. si piguisset vos in Africam traicere, hodie in Italia Hannibalem et Carthaginiensis hostis haberetis. Macedonia potius quam Italia bellum habeat; hostium urbes agrique ferro atque igni vastentur;

[14] experti iam sumus foris nobis quam domi feliciora potentioraque arma esse. ite in suffragium bene iuvantibus divis et, quae patres censuerunt, vos iubete.

[15] huius vobis sententiae non consul modo auctor est sed etiam dii immortales, qui mihi sacrificanti precantique, ut hoc bellum mihi, senatui vobisque, sociis ac nomini Latino, classibus exercitibusque nostris bene ac feliciter eveniret, laeta omnia prosperaque portendere.”

Ab urbe condita Perseus (Livy in Fourteen Volumes. Foster, Benjamin Oliver; Moore, Frank Gardener; Schlesinger, Alfred C., editors. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press; London: William Heinemann, Ltd., 1919-1959 (printing).) — 30.7 focus

[1]

Hasdrubal ex fuga cum paucis Afrorum urbem proximam petierat, eoque omnes qui supererant vestigia ducis sequentes se contulerant; metu deinde ne dederetur Scipioni urbe excessit.

[2] mox eodem patentibus portis Romani accepti, nec quicquam hostile, quia voluntate concesserant in dicionem, factum. duae subinde urbes captae direptaeque. ea praeda et quae castris incensis ex igne rapta erat militi concessa est.

[3] Syphax octo milium ferme inde spatio ¹ loco munito ² consedit; Hasdrubal Carthaginem contendit, ne quid per metum ex recenti clade mollius consuleretur.

[4] quo tantus primo terror est adlatus ut omissa Utica Carthaginem crederent extemplo Scipionem obsessurum. ³

[5] senatum itaque sufetes, quod velut consulare imperium apud eos erat, vocaverunt.

[6] Ibi tribus sententiis certatum ⁴ ; una de pace legatos ad Scipionem decernebat, altera Hannibalem ad tuendam ab exitiabili bello patriam revocabat, tertia Romanae in adversis rebus constantiae erat;

[7] reparandum exercitum Syphacemque hortandum ne bello absisteret censebat. haec sententia, quia Hasdrubal praesens Barcinaeque omnes factionis bellum malebant, vicit.

[8] inde dilectus in urbe agrisque haberi coeptus, et ad Syphacem legati missi, summa ope et ipsum reparantem bellum, cum uxor non iam ut ante blanditiis, satis potentibus ad animum amantis,

[9] sed precibus et misericordia valuisset, plena lacrimarum obtestans ne patrem suum patriamque proderet isdemque flammis Carthaginem quibus castra conflagrassent absumi sineret.

[10] spem quoque opportune oblatam adferebant legati: quattuor milia Celtiberorum circa urbem nomine Obbam, ab conquisitoribus suis ⁵ conducta in Hispania, egregiae iuventutis, sibi occurrisse; et Hasdrubalem propediem adfore cum manu haudquaquam contemnenda.

[11] igitur non benigne modo legatis respondit, sed ostendit etiam ⁶ multitudinem agrestium Numidarum, quibus per eosdem ⁷ dies arma equosque dedisset, et omnem iuventutem adfirmat ex regno exciturum;

[12] scire incendio, non proelio cladem acceptam; eum bello inferiorem esse qui armis vincatur.

[13] haec legatis responsa, et post dies paucos rursus Hasdrubal et Syphax copias iunxerunt. is omnis exercitus fuit triginta ferme milium ⁸ armatorum.

Ab urbe condita libri, erklärt von M. Weissenborn Perseus (Weissenborn, W.; Müller, H. J., editors. Berlin: Weidmannsche Buchhandlung, 1873-1883.) — 31.7 focus

[1]

consul in campo Martio comitiis, priusquam centurias in suffragium mitteret, contione advocata ‘

[2] ignorare’ inquit ‘mihi videmini, Quirites, non, utrum bellum an pacem habeatis, vos consuli—neque enim liberum id vobis Philippus permittet, qui terra marique ingens bellum molitur—, sed, utrum in Macedoniam legiones transportetis, an hostes in Italiam accipiatis.

[3] hoc quantum intersit, si numquam alias, [Punico] proximo certe bello experti estis. quis enim dubitat, quin, si Saguntinis obsessis fidemque nostram inplorantibus inpigre tulissemus opem, sicut patres nostri Mamertinis tulerant, totum in Hispaniam aversuri bellum fuerimus, quod cunctando cum summa clade nostra in Italiam accepimus?

[5] et quod tunc fecimus, cum hostem Hannibalem in Italia haberemus, id nunc pulso Italia Hannibale, devictis ¹ Carthaginiensibus cunctamur facere?

[6] patiamur expugnandis Athenis, sicut Sagunto expugnando Hannibalem passi sumus, segnitiam nostram experiri regem:

[7] non quinto inde mense, quem ad modum ab Sagunto Hannibal, sed quinto [inde] die, quam ab Corintho solverit naves, in Italiam perveniet.

[8] ne aequaveritis Hannibali Philippum nec Carthaginiensibus Macedonas; Pyrrho certe aequabitis. aequabitis dico? quantum vel vir viro vel gens genti praestat! minima accessio semper Epirus regno Macedoniae fuit et hodie est.

[9] Peloponnesum totam in dicione Philippus habet Argosque ipsos, non vetere fama magis quam morte Pyrrhi nobilitatos.

[10] nostra nunc compara. quanto magis florentem Italiam, quanto magis integras res, salvis ducibus, salvis tot exercitibus, ² quos Punicum postea bellum absumpsit, adgressus Pyrrhus tamen

[11] concussit et victor prope ad ipsam urbem Romanam venit! nec Tarentini modo oraque illa Italiae, quam maiorem Graeciam vocant, ut linguam, ut nomen secutos crederes, sed Lucanus et Bruttius et Samnis ab nobis defecerunt.

[12] haec vos, si Philippus in Italiam transmiserit, quietura aut mansura in fide creditis? manserunt enim Punico postea bello. numquam isti populi, nisi cum deerit, ad quem desciscant, ab nobis non deficient.

[13] si piguisset vos in Africam traicere, hodie in Italia Hannibalem et Carthaginiensis hostis haberetis. Macedonia potius quam Italia bellum habeat;

[14] hostium urbes agrique ferro atque igni vastentur; experti iam sumus foris nobis quam domi feliciora potentioraque arma esse. ite in suffragium bene iuvantibus divis et, quae patres censuerunt, sed etiam dii immortales,

[15] qui mihi sacrificanti precantique, ut hoc ³ bellum mihi, senatui vobisque, sociis ac nomini Latino, classibus exercitibusque nostris bene ac feliciter eveniret, laeta omnia prosperaque portendere.

Translations (2)

History of Rome Perseus (Spillan, D.; Edmonds, Cyrus; McDevitte, William A., translators. London: Henry G. Bohn, 1849-1868. (Bohn's Classical Library)) — 31.7 focus

[1]

The consul, having assembled the people in the field of Mars, before he dismissed the centuries to the vote, required their attention, and addressed them thus:

[2]

Citizens, you seem to me not to understand that the question before you is not whether you choose to have peace or war: for Philip, having already commenced hostilities with a formidable force, both on land and sea, allows you not that option. The question is, Whether you must transport your legions to Macedonia, or admit the enemy into Italy?

[3]

How important the difference is, if you never experienced it before, you certainly did in the late Punic war. For who entertains a doubt, but if, when the Saguntines were besieged, and implored our protection, we had assisted them with vigour, as our fathers did the Mamertines, we should have averted the whole weight of the war upon Spain; which, by our dilatory proceedings, we suffered to our extreme loss to fall upon Italy?

[4]

Nor does it admit a doubt, that we confined this same Philip in Mace- donia, (after he had entered into an engagement with Hannibal, by ambassadors and letters, to cross over into Italy,) by sending Laevinus with a fleet to make war aggressively upon him.

[5]

And what we did at that time, when we had Hannibal to contend with in Italy, do we hesitate to do now, after Hannibal has been expelled Italy, and the Carthaginians subdued?

[6]

Suppose that we allow the king to experience the same inactivity on our part, while he is taking Athens, as we suffered Hannibal to experience while he was taking Saguntum:

[7]

it will not be in the fifth month, as Hannibal came from Saguntum, but on the fifth day after he sets sail from Corinth, that he will arrive in Italy. Perhaps you may not consider Philip as equal to Hannibal; or the Macedonians to the Carthaginians: certainly, however, you will allow him equal to Pyrrhus.

[8]

Equal, do I say? what a vast superiority has the one man over the other, the one nation over the other!

[9]

Epirus ever was, and is at this day, deemed but an inconsiderable accession to the kingdom of Macedonia. Philip has the entire Peloponnesus under his dominion; even Argos itself, not more celebrated for its ancient glory than for the death of Pyrrhus.

[10]

Now compare our situation. How much more flourishing was Italy, how much greater its strength, with so many commanders, so many armies unimpaired, which the Punic war afterwards consumed, when Pyrrhus attacked and shook it, and advanced victorious almost to the Roman capital!

[11]

and not the Tarentines only, and the inhabitants of that tract of Italy which they call the greater Greece, whom you may suppose to have been led by the similarity of language and name, but the Lucanian, the Bruttian, and the Samnite revolted from us. Do you believe that these would continue quiet and faithful, if Philip should come over to Italy?

[12]

They subsequently continued faithful, forsooth, during the Punic war! Be assured those states will never fail to revolt from us, except when there is no one to whom they can go over.

[13]

If you had been annoyed at passing into Africa, you would this day have had Hannibal and the Carthaginians to contend with in Italy. Let Macedonia, rather than Italy, be the seat of war. Let the cities and lands of the enemy be wasted with fire and sword. We have already found by experience, that our arms are more powerful and more successful abroad than at home.

[14]

Go to the vote with the blessing of the gods; and what the senate have voted, do you ratify by your order.

[15]

This resolution is recommended to you, not only by your consul, but even by the immortal gods themselves; who, when I offered sacrifice, and prayed that the issue of this war might be happy and prosperous to me and to the senate, to you and the allies and Latin confederates, to our fleets and armies, portended all joyful and prosperous results.

History of Rome Perseus (Volumes 1-2. Roberts, Canon, Rev, translator. London, New York: J. M. Dent and Sons; E. P. Dutton and Co., 1912.) — 31.7 focus

[1]

The Assembly was duly convened in the Campus Martius, and before the question was put to the vote, the consul addressed the centuries in the following terms:

[2] "You seem to be unaware, Quirites, that what you have to decide is not whether you will have peace or war; Philip will not leave you any option as to that, he is preparing war on an enormous scale both by land and sea. The only question is whether you will transport the legions into Macedonia or wait for the enemy in Italy.

[3] You have learnt by experience, if not before, at all events in the late Punic War, what a difference it makes which you decide upon. When Saguntum was beseiged and our allies were imploring us for help, who doubts that if we had sent prompt assistance, as our fathers did to the Mamertines, we should have confined within the borders of Spain that war which, most disastrously for ourselves, we allowed through procrastination to enter Italy.

[4] Why, this very Philip had entered into an agreement with Hannibal through his agents and in his despatches that he would invade Italy, and there is not the smallest doubt that we kept him in Macedonia by sending Laevinus with a fleet to take the offensive against him.

[5] Are we hesitating to do now what we did then, when we had Hannibal for our enemy in Italy-now that Hannibal has been driven out of Italy and out of Carthage, and Carthage itself is completely vanquished?

[6] If we allow the king to make proof of our slackness by storming Athens as we allowed Hannibal to do by storming Saguntum, it will not be in

[7] five months-the time Hannibal took from Saguntum-but in five days after he sails from Corinth that he will set foot in Italy.

"Perhaps you do not put Philip on a par with Hannibal or consider the Macedonians equal to the Carthaginians.

[8] At all events you will consider him the equal of Pyrrhus. Equal, do I say? How greatly the one man surpasses the other, how superior is the one nation to the other!

[9] Epirus always has been and is today a very small accession to the kingdom of Macedonia. The whole of the Peloponnese is under the sway of Philip, not excepting even Argos, famous for the death of Pyrrhus, quite as much as for its ancient glory.

[10] Now compare our position. Consider the flourishing state of Italy when all those generals and armies were safe and sound which have been since swept away by the Punic War. And yet when Pyrrhus attacked it, he shook it to its foundations and all but reached Rome itself in his victorious career!

[11] Not only did the Tarentines revolt from us and the whole of that coastal district of Italy called Magna Graecia, which you would naturally suppose would follow a leader of the same language and nationality as themselves, but the Lucanians, the Bruttians and the Samnites did the same.

[12] Do you suppose that if Philip landed in Italy, these nations would remain quiet and true to us? They showed their loyalty, I suppose, in the Punic War. No, those nations will never fall to revolt from us, unless there is no longer any one to whom they can revolt.

[13] If you had thought it too much to go to Africa you would have had Hannibal and his Carthaginians in Italy today. Let Macedonia rather than Italy be the seat of war, let it be the enemy's cities and fields that are devastated with fire and sword. We have learnt by this time that our arms are more potent and more successful abroad than they are at home.

[14] Go to the poll with the help of the gods, and confirm the decision of the senate.

[15] It is not your consul only who urges you to take this course, the immortal gods also bid you do it, for when I was offering up the sacrifices and praying that this war might end happily for the senate, for myself, for you, for our allies and Latin confederates, for our fleets and armies, the gods vouchsafed every cheering and happy omen."

Notes on the current edition

Ab Urbe Condita With An English Translation, books 1-10, 21-45, with periochae 11-20

1. The comitia centuriata had once been practically identical with the army, and since the holding of the imperium (cf. the note on iii. 2) was forbidden within the pomerium, or religious limits of the city, this assembly met outside those limits, in the plain formed by the swing of the Tiber river to the right.

2. The comitia voted, but did not debate. If there was to be discussion — in any case only those spoke who were invited to do so by the presiding officer — it took place in an informal contio held prior to the meeting of the formal comitia. The membership and place of meeting of a contio were identical with those of the comitia which it preceded.

3. B.C. 200

4. These Italian mercenaries in Sicily appealed for aid to Rome against Syracuse and her Carthaginian supporters. The First Punic War was the result of Rome's decision to assist them (Per. XVI; Polyb. I. vii. ff.).

5. Cf. the notes on i. 6 and iii. 6 above.

6. Epirus, in north-western Greece and adjacent to Macedonia, was the home of Pyrrhus.

7. B.C. 200

8. The ancient city of Argos is less important, to Sulpicius, for the traditions that gathered around it than for the reason that Pyrrhus met his death in a street-fight there about 272 B.C.

9. For rhetorical effect Sulpicius magnifies somewhat the importance of Pyrrhus's early victories and neglects to mention the final Roman victory. Pyrrhus did defeat the Romans in several battles and did win the support of the Greek south of Italy.

10. B.C. 200

Titus Livius (Livy) Ab urbe condita 31.7

Benjamin Oliver Foster, Ph.D. (Editor), Frank Gardener Moore (Editor), Evan T. Sage, Ph.D. (Editor), Alfred C. Schlesinger, Ph.D. (Editor)

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